To his honoured friend, Col. Henric

AS Bordage and Liberty are two contraries, so you cannot truly consider the one, but you must reflect your eye upon the other: For, though one be so destructive to the Being of the other, that, where the one is, the other cannot be; yet, each by other is more eminently distinguished: And looke how much the one is exceeding the other, by so much the other is deficient, & loseth of its property: for, quorum unum altero latins est, non sunt re unum.

Therefore, I humbly conceive, that, to the consideration of the Commoners Liberties, the usurpations, encroachments, & destructions thereof, fall inavoydably into like consideration, even so, as the one cannot be truly considered without the other: If you will cast your eye upon the glory and beauty of the one, your eare must be open to the cry and complaint of the other; And therefore, answerably, as you are by the Soveraign power of the Land ordained and deputed for the due and grave consideration of the Commoners Liberties, you are by the same Authority also impowred for the reception of all Petitions, Informations, and Complaints of the Afflicted Commoners, touching their Birth-right, Liberties, and Freedomes, and thereof to judge, and accordingly to make Report unto the House.

Wherefore Sir, I shall presume to present this honourable Committee, with the late most barbarous inhumanities, and Turkish Cruelties, by the most Arbytrary Tyrannicall House of Lords, and their Prerogative-Butchers perpetrated upon my self, upon my wife, my three smal children, upon my brother, and the rest of my family, in all, consisting of 8 persons, all committed and acted since the late legall consideration and tryal of my cause before you, yet still depending upon the Report of this honourable Committee: As for their former illegal usuapations over me, I shal omit their repetition, they being already made publike unto the world, & only acquaint you with the latter.

See the defiance, & the Arrow against tyrannie. But first, I shal present you with those their illegal cruelties which concern my self (they falling first in order) together with the mutual passages concerning the same, betwixt their Instruments and me, then answerably I shal descend to their barbarous unheard of inhumanities (such as never were acted by their Norman Progenitors, since the Prerogative-Foundation of that Norman house was ever laid, or ever since they bore the name of an House of Peers) now lately upon the 6. and 8. of this instant Ian. 1646, most villainously perpetrated upon my wife, children, and the rest of my family, and commit the mutual passages on both sides (faithfully pend and presented) unto your grave and judicious consideration, to judge impartially betwixt us: And all that I in the behalf of my self, & of mine, shall crave from this honourable Committee, is but the Benefit of what the Lord himself hath commanded, Lev. 19. 15. Ye shall do no unrighteousnesse in judgment, thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honour the person of the mighty, but in righteousnesse shalt thou judge thy neighbour.

If I be found a transgressour, then let me speedily suffer my doome; but if I be found none, then let me have speedy reliefe: I crane no favour, nor boon at your hands; it is onely justice which I desire, and thats but a reasonable suit; a suit, which of Pagans, Turks, & Infidels would not be condemned, and therefore justly may be expected from you.

Thus, then Sir, give me leave to acquaint you, that after my last departure from you in the Palace yard (Novemb. 3. 1646.) and that I was cleared from your presence, and the presence of my friends, and was only left in the hands of my Gaolers, my indignation and detestation (fore-uttered in your presence in the inward Court of Wards) against the Arbytrary tyrannie and usurpation of the house of Lords over the Commoners natural & legal Freedomes and Rights, and over mine in particular burst out afresh; and upon consideration, whether I should be so base to my Country, and to my self in particular, as to yeeld these Arbytrary Lords, so much Villain-service, as to become their Lordships Prerogative-Porter, to carry my self to the stinking, lowsie, barbarous Goal of Newgate again or no; I resolved in my self, that as in heart I defied all injustice, cruelty, tyrannie, and oppression, all arbitrary usurpation and usurpers whatsoever, so in person (come life, come death, come what come would) I would not be so treacherous to my own selfe, to my wife and children, and especially to this Nation (the Land of my Nativity) in general, as personally to yeeld my active submission of any limbe that was mine (either in substance, or in shew) in the least, to any Arbitrary Vipers or Pests, Egyptian Grashoppers, Norman Invaders and Destroyers of the Commoners legal inheritance and birth-right, their liberties and freedoms confirmed to them, both by divine, naturall, and humane Right: or once to set one leg before another in subjection or attendance to any of their Canibal, Canker-worm, Arbytrary Orders Warrants, Significations of their pleasures (so flatly contrary to all good laws, justice, and equity) being as so many Mothes in the Royall Roave of the State, or rather as so many Wild-Bores out of the Forrest, to root up, devour, disfranchise and destroy this Nation of all her antient legall immunities and freedoms, root and branch; yea, and of those tender Plants and Seeds of the Commoners Rights & Liberties, which, in the dreadfull face of so many ate turbulent, tempestuous, impetuous Gifts of opposition rage, bloud-shed, and fury have been implanted and sown in the oppressed Common-field of the state, the which for want of their own naturall Dew and Rain from the Superiour Orbe of Authority, but with-held by some Luciferean Angels of State, Regal, Parliament art, Sinodian, Sottish and Scottish; the natural, free-Commoners of England have been forced to wet, moysten, and mature the same with their bloud, their flesh, and their bones, &c. that those tender Plants of freedome, equity and justice, might take root, be preserved, spring up, flourish, and bring forth fruit, if not for themselves, yet for their Posterities.

And upon these or the like considerations, I told my Jaylors, that if they had no other Order or Warant for the remanding back of my person to the Goal of New gate I would not set one leg before another in subjection thereto; but was fully resolved, that if they would have me back to the Goale, they should carry me.

But (Sir) least the rarity and strangenesse of this Act should incurre yours and the Committees unjust censure and condemnation, like as of the inconsiderate multitude, whose judgments are guided by custome, more then by reason; be pleased to consider, that,

All State-Deprivation of life, limbe, goods, liberty or freedome, either is, or should be, all and every particle thereof, the just execution of the Law executing: For in Equity, the Action executing is indivisible from the Law, and only & precisely proper thereto and not at all to the party executed: yea, though a man legally guilty of death should be condemned by the same legall Authority (or rather by persons therein intrusted) to cut his own throat; yet were he in equity not bound thereunto, but in so doing should be guilty of his own blood. And the Law of our Land makes no man his own Executioner, but hath provided Ministers and Executioners, as Majors, Sheriffes, Constable, Goalers, Hangmen, &c. for that very end and purpose: And the Law of God leaves it as a matter out of all doubt and dispute, and nature itselfe teaches, that no man shall be his own Butcher or Executioner, for in so doing, he should sin against his own flesh, which is a thing most unnaturall and inhumane.

But my rejection of carrying my own Body to the Goale, was no other but the refusall to be my own Executioner therein: for though it were not of that degree of cruelty and inhumanity to my own flesh, as to cut my own throat; yet was it of the same nature and kind. And therefore if the one must be condemned as unjust, illegall and unnaturall, so must the other in its kind, so that as I was not bound, with my hands to cut my own throat, so with my feete, I was not bound to carry my selfe to prison.

And from hence is it (as I conceive) that the Law hath provided Portage with Carts, Sledges, or the like, for Malefactors to the place of Execution, that they might not any wayes (either actually or apparently) be guilty of their own Execution, a thing abhominated and abhorred of nature.

But if it be objected, it is onely in Capitall matters, as of death, and the like, I answer, that from the equity whereon that is founded, the other is necessarily implyed, one equity being relative and essentiall unto both, and so need not be expressed in the lesse: for by the equity and authority for the greater, the like is justified and commanded to be for the lesse, for omne majus includit minus the lesse is included in the greater, so that the equity in the greater cannot be denyed to the lesse.

Therefore, in case I were legally a prisoner, yet were I not bound therby to set one leg before another in my own executiõ although there were no precise prescript therfore in the letter of the law to discharge me therof, which needs no further probation; yet for exemplary illustration, be pleased to consider, that in the case of a Generalls Commission, it is needlesse to enjoyn him by litterall expression, not to turne the mouthes of his Cannons against his own Souldiers, for that is so necessarily and naturally implyed, that it is needlesse to be expressed: & as it is in the millitary, even so & much more is it in the pollitick capacity, the millitary being but thereto subservient.

Yet further, though the letter of the Law should enjoyn its Condemnants to be their own executioners, yet were that by its own equity condemned, nuld, and made voyd, for the letter must be subject to the equity: and look how much the letter transgresseth the equity, even so much it is unequall, and is of no validity or force, for the Law taken from its originall reason and end is made a shell without a kernel, a shaddow without a substance, a Carkesse without life: for the equity and reason thereof is that which gives it a legall being and life, and makes it authoritative and binding, if this be not granted, injustice may be a Law, tyranny may be a Law, lust, will, pride, covetousnesse, and what no? may be Lawes; for if equity be not the bounder of the Law, over the corrupt nature of man, all will fall into confusion, and one man will devoure another.

Besides, as no man by Law may be his own Judge, so by the same reason no man may be his own Executioner, for as in equity it appropriateth sole Judgement to it self, so to it selfe it maketh sole Challenge to its execution: for the contraction and unity of reason betwixt them may not be divided. So that in reason as it is bound to the one, in reason it is bound to provide for the other, & the guilty be suspended from both, and to the Law wholly made passive, both for Judgment and execution.

But, if any, for want of president, shall condemn this Act of mine; to such its proved rationally will answer, that reason hath no president; for, reason is the fountain of all just presidents, and so used, granted and applyed by this very Parliament. 1 Book. declar. fol. 264. 298. 709. 726.

And from this accustomary pedant vassalage formerly the pursevants (and such like catchpole devouring vermine) have made use for argument sake against those which have complained of their Imprisonment to the Parliament, saying, they did not carry them to prison, but, that they went into prison; But I think I have prevented the use of that objection against me.

Thus Sir, if the Law impose no such obligation upon its Subjects, then can that which is contradictory thereto so vassalage any? if the Law fetch not that within its compasse and bounds, then much lesse may that which is coutrary thereto, which was my then present condition, for I was not in their hands, then under any legall warrant of the Law of the Land, but under an arbitrary order of the House of Lords, directly contrary to the very Being of the Law of the Land: Therefore for me to be my own Executioner or its Executioner upon my selfe (for going or carrying cannot be denyed to be in a great measure its Execution) were to prefers the Law of Lust, or Will, before the Law of the Land: to do more for that Power which is contrary to the very being of the Law, then the very Law it selfe doth require in its own behalfe, and if that were not to make the Law of none effect, judge ye. To do that homage to such a power which is not due to the Law (for no more is due to the Law then the Law doth require, and the Law doth require no more then its due) is to make Lust and Will predominant thereto, to make Wall to take the Wall of the Law, to abrogate Law, and in the roome thereof to introduce an arbitrary power.

And therefore as their Lordships in that their arbitrary capacity found Warrants, so should their Lordships find Leggs to obey them, for I was resolved, mine should not be enslaved to that their usurpation to do their Arbitrary Drudgery, I would rather loose my life, then in that kind to do them that vassalage: My Leggs were borne as free as the rest of my Body, and therefore I seorne that Leggs, or Armes, or hands of mine should do them any &illegible; for as I am a Freeman by Birth, so I am resolved to live and dye, both in heart word and deed, in substance and in shew, maugre the Arbitrary mallice of the House of Lords: yea if ought else I can devise to shew my actuall enmity and defiance against their arbitrary power, i’ll do it, though it cost the life of me, and myne, and therefore I care not who lets them know, that, that Act of mine was done in despite and defiance of their Warrant.

But in case you object, that I knew well enough, that if I would not go, they would carrie me, therefore it had been better for me to have gone, then to have exposed my selfe to their cruelty.

I Answer.

1. If I had known they would have hanged me, must I therefore have hanged my selfe?

2. A good conscience had rather run the hazard of cruelty then to abite an haires bredth of contestation and opposition against illegality, injustice, and tyranny.

3. If they had had any legall jurisdiction over my leggs, then at their Commands my leggs were bound to obey: And then (in that case) I confesse it had been better to obey, then to have exposed my person to the cruelty of threatning mercilesse Goalers: But being free from their Jurisdiction from the Crowne of my head to the Soale of my foote, I know no reason, why I should foote it for them, or in the least dance any attendance to their Arbitrary Warrants; their Lordships may put up their pipes, except they will play to the good old tune of the Law of the Land, otherwise their Orders and Warrants are never like to have the Service of my leggs or feet, for they were never bred to tread in their Arbitrary Steps, but I shall leave their Orders and their execution to themselves. And therefore, Sir, concerning that action of mine, I shall continue in the said esteeme thereof, till my defence be made voide, and it be legally proved, that by the Law of the Land, I was bound to set one legge before another in attendance to that Order.

And further touching this matter, I desire you to remember, that in the inward Court of Wards, when I discovered those resolutions, in the Audience of divers Gentlemen there present, unto you, I told you, that J was no longer under the Arbitrary power of that illegall warrant of the Lords, but under the power of the House of Commons, from which I was resolved not to depart, which in some measure you seemed to oppose, whereat I demanded of you, How then I came there? And if I were not brought thither &illegible; vertue of an Order from that Committee? So that though being formerly Commanded by the Lords Order to be kept in the Custody of Newgate till their pleasures should be further signifyed, whereof to that time there had been no further signification at all, yet notwithstanding I was brought from thence by vertue of an Order from that Committee, contrary to the end and intent of that Order of the Lords, so that I conceived, & still do conceive that though that Warrant were not void of it selfe, yet were it made voide by that Order of their own, under the power and protection of which Order I was, so that being there, I would not depart from the roofe & verge of your Authority, and this you know was the substance of my words, and thereupon indeed, I sate me downe in the window, and told my Goaler, (but one at that time being present) that if he would have me to prison, he should carry me: no withstanding you would give him no further charge of me, for conceiving from the equity of the Law (which though contradicted by the letter is absolutely binding and valid) that I could not be remanded back unto prison without a new Commitment, I demanded of you, if you would commit me? and I told you, that is you would, I then would goe, but that you plainly denied with an absolute No, then I asked you if you would command me to go and I would, but that you also denyed, then I told you, that if you would but intreate me for formallity sake, (without any relation to that Order of the Lords) to go, I would go, but if you would neither commit, command, nor intreat me, then I would not go, nothing then being against me for my imprisonment, but that Order of the Lords, And as I was resolved I told you, that I would not obey it to set one leg before another after its humour. Therefore Sir, how you can blame me, either of illegality or so much as of disrespect unto you, or this Honourable Committee I cannot see, for no Law did I break, and to prevent all misconstructions I offered you more, then by Law I needed to have done.

But (Sir) there was neither letter nor equity of the Law against me, but that which was directly contrary to both: for the Lords warrant was directly oppugnant and destructive both to the legall letter and equity.

Therefore (Sir) I conceive that I was in no measure bound thereunto, but was as free legally, as in case that warrant of the Lords never had been. So that I had good cause, in case you would have had me part with my liberty, to demand, if that you would commit me, command me, or entreate me, and upon your denyall of all these to tell you, that then I would not go: For do you think that I am such a foole to part with my liberty, for nothing? Sir, our liberties have been bought at a dearer grace, then so to be trifled and slighted away, especially to captivate the same to the exhorbitant wills of the Lords, and to cast my selfe in prison during their boundlesse pleasures.

Had you committed me, commanded me, or entreated me; and thereupon I had gone, and been caught in my own net, yet had I been delivered from a worse, and of two evills the lesse is to be chosen, for thereby the pretended power of the House of Lords over me (even in its very formality) had been utterly routed; and my selfe absolutely cleared from their prerogative Bondage. But at that time you were not aminded to do it, but left me to their Lordships Arbytrary power.

But now Sir, I would not have you think from these demands of mine, that I would be subject to an arbitrary power more in you then in the other, for truly in those demands there was tacitly couched a supposition of that which I knew could not be granted, and therefore I was the freer in my proposall thereof, having an assurance that they would never be granted, yet I thought I would make try all, but and if I had been imprisoned thereon, after I had given their Lordships that Fob, you should have heard from me with a witnesse; for I cannot suffer oppression and be silent.

Sir excuse my prelixity about this matter, for by reason of the rarity and the common condemnation thereof, I have therefore the more enlarged my selfe, for the better removall of all scruple thereon. Now Sir I shall further acquaint you with the mutuall proceedings betwixt the Goalers and me, and judge indifferently and impartially betwixt us.

Thus Sir, as I have told you, having declared my set resolution to my attendant Goalers, away I was borne to the Boate, and when I was landed at Black-Fryers, they would have forced me along up the hill on my feete, yea, they intreated me, but at that time I was not minded to be their DRVDG, or to make use of my feet to carry the rest of my body to the Goale, therefore I let them hang as if they had been none of my own, or like a couple of far thin Candles dangling at my knees, and after they had dragged me in that admire-able posture a while, the one took me very reverently by the head, and the other as reverently by the feete, as if he had intended to have done Homage to His Holinesses great Toe, and so they carried me: but truly Sir, I laughed at the conceit in my sleeve. But this their reverend usage did not continue long, for they grew verie irreverend and deboyst of a sudden, for ever when they were a little wearie, they let my bodie fall upon the stones, and then againe most vallarrouslie like men well appointed for the Cause, they tooke me by the head and shouldiers, and just as if I had been a dead Dog, they drag’d and trayl’d my body upon the stones, and without all reverence to my cloth, drew me through the dirt and mire, and plucked me by the hair of the head, just as if the Iohn of all Sir Johns had got little Martin by the feathers, notwithstanding the peoples severall exclamations against their inhumane incivility and tyrannie towards me, and their severall desires to carrie me in a Chaire: And indeed in case I had been legallie their prisoner, yet had they no authoritie, to keepe me in evill custodie, incivilie or innumanely to use me, but were bound onely to keep me in safe custody, and therein to use me like a man, and therefore in case they would not have so honoured me, as to have made me a Chairman, they might have carried me in a Porters Basket, or in a Cart, (provided it had not been Westward) or in some other such decent necessary Toole, And in this like unheard of barbarous manner they brought me into the lower roome in Newgate; called the Lodge, and there they threw me down upon the Bords, and having Sir Edward Cookes 2. part instit. upon Magna Charta the Mr. Briscoe offered to wrest it out of my hands: Then I demanded of him if he intended to rob me, and he told me he would have it from me whether I would or no.

To whom I replyed, that he should not, if to the utmost of my power I could preserve it from him, and I would do my utmost, where upon I clapped it in my Armes, and I laid my selfe upon my belly, but by force, they violently turned me upon my back then Briscoe (just as if he had been staving off a Dog from the Beare) smote me with his fist, to make me let go my hold, whereupon as loud as I could, I cryed out, murther, murther, murther. And thus by assault they got the great Charter of Englands Liberties and Freedoms from me; which I laboured to the utmost of power in my to preserve and defend, and ever to the death shall maintain, and forthwith without any warrant poore Magna Charta was clapt up close prisoner in Newgate, and my poore fellow prisoner derived of the comfortable visitation of friends: And thus being stript of my armour of proofe, the Charter of my legall Rights, Freedoms, and Liberties, after the aforesaid barbarous manner they hurried me up into the common Goale, and as they carried me up staires, as their custome is, when they bring in a fellon, they gave 3. knocks at the door, and so they cast me in o that Goale as a fellon, and then because they would be sure I should have a paire of prerogative fetters, they clapt 2. great Irons with a Chaine betwixt them upon my leggs, and Ile assure you, Sir, me thought they were the comlyest gingling Spurres that ever I wore in my life, and if your worship will be but pleased to travell with me to the Land of Liberty, come but and take horse at Newgate, and you shall be furnished Ile warrant you, after the gallan est manner, and if need be for the conduct, we caraise up the Trained Bands of Newgate, even thousands, and ten thousands of lice to guard you: which indeed and in truth may too soone be the generall portion of all the best Members in the House, if you be not active, rigulant, and faithful to your friends.

And in those Irons I continued that night and till the next day at evening, and then Woleston the vice Master Goaler of Newgate sent to me by one of his substitute Goalers, the Turn-key, to speake with me below, to whom I returned this answer, go tell your master that I do not owe him so much service, as to come downe to him to speak with him in Irons, he knowes well enough where I am, if he have any businesse with me let him come and speak with me, and he came againe, and againe, with the like message; and I returned the same answer: in the meane time one of his underling Goalers asked me if I would pay for my Irons, and then they should be knocked off, but I told him, I neither set him a work to knock them on, neither would I set him a work to knock them off, and he that sets you a work let him pay you your wages, for you shall not have a far then of me, then departing and as I conceive, acquainting Woelston there with, he returned againe with his hammer in his hand, and told me, he must knock them off, and so he did: And when I came down to Woleston, he would needs have made me believe, that I sent to speake with him, and to desire him to take off my Irons, and to be removed to the Masters side againe; but I told him no such matters, for indeed that was farre from me, in thought, word, or deed: for I scorne to crouen or debase my Spirits to the lawlesse cruelty of any mercilesse tyrants or Goalers whatsoever: they may devoure my Carkase, and make that bend and break with their cruelty, but I trust in God, that in heart and action to the umost of my power in the pursuance of justice and truth, I shall bid defiance to the last gaspe of breath to all their oppressions and tyrannies whatsoever.

Now Sir, having discovered their oppressions and grievances against me, I shall now make bold to present this honorable Committee with the salvage and barbarous inhumanity exercised upon my Wife, and upon the rest of my Family: Thus then be pleased further to consider, that those Norman Prerogative-Invaders, have not been here with content thus to rob me in particular of my just liberty and freedome, and for these six moneths to incarcerate and corrode myperson in their prerogative-devouring-jawes of Newgate, but to fil up the measure of their iniquity against me, they send forth their Blood-hounds, the Bishops old Catch-poles, the Master and Wardens of the Company of Stationers, to surprize my wife and my brother, and to bring them up to their Prerogative-Barre, who for refusing to be intangled and enslaved to their High-Commission Star-chamber-bondage of catching Interrogatories, were both upon the sixth of this instant January 1646. committed by them to Mayden-lane-prison. But being not therewith content, the next day, without all remorse or compassion over my helplesse children, just as if they had intended to destroy me root and branch, they send forth their Catch-poles again to my house to fetch away my Brother-in-law, and my sister (his wife) which, for their present necessity, were forced to live with me, and onely remained for the over-sight, ordering and tendance of my three children in the absence of their Father and Mother. But he being out of the way; & she, by the great mercy of God, escaping their hands, (through their ignorance of her face) fled, & hid her selfe and some adjacent neighbours (touched with compassion and pitty over the poore, afflicted, destitute, helplesse children) took them, for the present, into their houses; and so, Father, Mother, Children, and All, being driven out of House and home, the Doores were shut up; and I, and mine, exposed to utter ruine and confusion by those insulting, domineering, mercilesse Usurpers and Tyrants, The House of Lords.

But here, their most inhumane, tyrannicall desires not ceasing, out of the boundlesse limits of their arbitrary domination, they issue forth yet another prerogative-order against my wife, not counting it miserable and dishonourable enough, that she should lye in the Goale at Mayden-lane, but, as much as in them lyes, for ever to obliterate the honour of her modesty, civility, and chastily; they order, that she shall be cast into the most infamous Goale of Bride-well, that common Centre and receptacle of bauds, whores, and strumpets, more fit for their wanton retrograde Ladies, then for one, who never yet could be taxed of immodesty, either in countenance, gesture, woras, or action.

Now, this order being brought to her by the City Marshall to command her away to Bride-well, she thereupon refused (as by Law she was bound, as hath been proved before this Honourable Committee in the case of Lieut: Coll. Iohn Lilburne, and of mine) to yeeld in the least manner any subjection or obedience thereto, but to the utmost testimony of her weake power made opposition and resistance against it, for in plain down-right termes (like a true bred Englishwoman brought up at the feet of &illegible;) she told the Marshall that she would not obey it, neither would she stir after it, so much as to set one legg before another in attendance thereto: yet, Sir, this rejection and contempt here of the Lords usurped jurisdiction was not uttered without all due respect and acknowledgment of your indubitable Authority, for she told him, that if he brought any Order or Warrant from the House of Commons, she would freely and willingly yeeld all humble obedience and subjection thereto, which was as absolute an evidence of her acknowledgment and submission unto Englands legitimate lawfull authority as the other was of defiance and contempt to all arbitrary usurpation whatsoever.

Now the Gentleman Goaler hearing her resolution and honest intentions for the freedoms of her Country, that rather then she would yeeld any subjection or connivence to the arbitrary usurpations of any, how great or powerfull soever, she would expose her selfe to the mercilesse cruelty of the whole House of Norman-prerogative tyrants, I say no sooner had this Turky-cock Marshall heard of her uprightnesse to the Commons of England, but up he brisled his feathers and looked as bigg and as bugg as a Lord, and in the height and scorne of derision (just as if he had been Speaker to the House of Peers protempore) out he belched his fury and told her, that if she would not go, then she should be carried in a Porters Basket, or else draged at a Carts Arse.

But she modestly reply’d that he might do as it seemed good unto him, for she was resolved on her course, but thereat his worship being put into a prerogative chase; out he struts in his Arbitrary Fury, as if he would have forthwith leavied whole Armies, and Droves of Porters and Carr-men, to advance the poore little harmlesse innocent woman and her tender Babe to Bridewell:

But going (as I conceive to consult with their Lordships what was best to be one) he upon his returne finding her constant to her honest and just resolutions, out againe he slings in his wonted fury, and finding some of her friends attending to see the event of the businesse, he shut them out of the doores and abused them with infamous scurrilous reproaches, nicknames, and derisions, with severall menacies to imprison them, threatning them to fetch a warrant to bring them before the now (present pretended illegall) Lord Mayor of London; but departing in that insolent turbulent chase, he sent fora couple of Porters, but when they came to her, like honest & disereet men, they told him, that they would not meddle with a woman that was with child, and had a young sucking Insant in her Armes, least in so doing they might doe that to day which they might answer for to morrow.

Then the Marshall thinking to bugbear them with the cracking sound of the House of Lords told them, that the Lords had ordered that she should be carried to Bridewell: but one of the Porters wisely answered, that their Lordships Order was for Goalers, and nor for Porters to carry her, and for their parts, they would carry no quick flesh, if he had any dead flesh they would carry it, and so they departed and left their Lordships prerogative drudgery to their prerogative vassals.

Then forth againe goes this their Lordship; furious Champion with his prerogative Commission of Array, to raise up new Forces to encounter this weak woman, and her tender Babe on her breast, and having leavied a Cart for the prerogative Warres of the House of Peers, which being brought under the conduct of that most puissant Marshall of London to the prison Gate, the Car-man hearing what this beleagred woman was, wisely refused to lay any hands on her, and departed in peace.

Then this grim Phylistin of the House of Peers, being thus deserred of his forraigne forces, mustered up his Life Guard of Goalers servants, or hangmen Deputies, and therewith resolved to storme her, and advancing to her Chamber doore, first he attempted to circumvent her by his pollicy with fair, hypocriticall, specious promises of his and their Lordships favour and grace, in case she should open the doore and submit her selfe, but she slighted his proffers, & contemned all favour flowing from that most bitter and corrupt prerogative Fountaine.

Whereupon he caused his men to break open the doore, and entring her Chamber, struts towards her like a Crow in a gutter, and with his valiant lookes like a man of mettle assailes her and her Babe, and by violence attempt to pluck the tender Babe out of her Armes, but she forcibly defended it, and kept it in despite of his Man-hood: then he and Christopher Marshall his brother Sam: Tolson, and divers of his servants by the Marshalls Command example & Authority laid violent hands upon her, and drag’d her down the staires, and in that infamous barbarons manner, drew her headlong upon the stones in all the dirt and the mire of the streetes, with the poore Infant still crying and mourning in her Armes, whose life they spared not to hazard by that inhumain barbarous usage, and all the way as they went, utterly to defame and render her infamous in the streets, the fellowes which dragged and carried her on two Cudgels, calling her Strumpet and vild whore, thereby to possesse the people, that she was no woman of honest & godly Conversation, whom they so barbarously abused, but a vile strumpet or whore, and were dragging to Bridewell that common short & sinke of Bauds & Whores, &c.

For no man could reasonably imagin that any modest civill woman should be so shamefully used, especially in her way to Bridewell; which dishonourable infamous usage was a sufficient matter to blast her reputation for ever, and to beget such a perpetuall odium upon her, that for the future (if ever delivered from her bondage) she should not passe the streetes upon her necessary occasions any more without contumely and derision, scoffing, hissing, and poynting at her, with such or the like sayings, as, see, see, there goes a Strumpet that was dragged through the streetes to Bridewell, and this is the honour that their Lordships are pleased to conferre on the free Commoners wives who stand for their Freedoms and Liberties.

A Charg against the house of Lords Now Sir, I humbly desire this Honourable Committee to consider, whether it be reasonable or sufferable, or any wise sutable to the freedoms of the Commons of England, or to the great trust reposed in you, either for you to suffer, or for them to usurpe such an unlimited prerogative jurisdiction, to deprive husbands of their wives, and wives of their husbands; Fathers and Mothers of their Children, and Children of their Fathers and Mothers; cast them into severall infamous tormenting prisons, hale and drag in most barbarous manner, the Commoners wives and their tender Infants upon the stones of the streetes through all the dirt, and the mire, as if the Commoners, their wives and Children were but as dirt and mire under their Lordships feet, to be trod and trampled upon at their pleasure; also to reproach, revile, and dishonour modest, chaste, and civill women with the imputation and scandall of whores, strumpets, &c. expose whole families to ruine, about them out of house and home, and instead of pitty and compassion over such tender Infants whom they have made Orphants to their Arbitrary pleasures to turne them (without all remorse and compunction of heart) to the mercy of the wide world, and not in the least to looke after them, take any charge or care over them, or to send them or their imprisoned Parents so much as a crum of bread, or a drop of pottage for their comfort or reliefe; but as much as in them lyes, to expose such tender innocent babes with their parents to famin for want of sustenance and reliefe, as also to send forth their armed men in an hostile manner, with musquets, swords, pistols, &c. to besert and assault the Commoners Houses; forcibly to enter their Bed-Chambers with drawn swords, and pistols ready cocked, even while such persons are in their beds also dayly to commit Burglary, flat fellony, break in proces the Commoners doores, burst open their locks, their Trunks, Chests, &illegible; &c. pick their pockets, ransacke their, houses, plunder, rob, steale, and felloniousl, beare away their proper goods and livelyhood, as also to shutt up such as are most faithfull for the freedoms of the Commons of England, close prisoners, deprive them of the benefit of pen, ink, and paper, of the comfortable countenance and visitation of friends, tumble and tosse them from Goale unto Goale, lay most unreasonable fines upon them, as of 2000.l. or the like, ten times beyond the estate of persons so fined, censure them to seven yeare imprisonment, endeavour to enforce the Commoners wives, to dip their hands to the blood of their husbands, and to betray their friend and faithfull lovers of their Country into their mercilesse hands, impose oathes upon servants to betray their Masters Councels, and secrets, imprison, fine, censure, and molest the Commoners of England, for their vindication and defence of the great Charter of their Liberties, and freedoms, for appealing from their usurped jurisdiction to the House of Com: and for refusing to be againe entangled in the Star-Chamber High-Commission abolished Bondage of Interrogatories and the like; as also for those Lords to overturne the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdom, both for liberty, property, and freedome, endeavouring the Introduction of an Arbitrary Government, and to crush and destroy all such as shall adventure the discoverie of their oppressions or shall (a legally they are bound) resist their arbitrary proceedings, stop all free progresse in the Law, commit the Compter Serjeants, and such Ministers of the Law unto prison for arresting their sons or kindred for debt, and that by the authority of that House, as a contempt offered thereto. All which insufferable oppressions, and cruelties with manifold others, I can and will (God permitting) justifie and prove to their faces, if I shall be called thereto. And I do hereby, before this honourable Committee, and consequently before the whole Commons of England, both represented and representative, Charge the House of Lords (which usually assemble at Westminster and which do arrogate unto themselves a Parliamentarie title, and power without the free election and common consent of the free borne people of England) with those forementioned usurpations and devastations of the Commoners Liberties and Freedoms: Which Charge I am ready everyday upon the paril of my vital blood to make good against them, for the case of Lieutenant Col. Iohn Lilburn of Mr. Learner, of mine, & of some others, if but duly considered, is sufficient to evidence and confirme the truth thereof to every common capacity, as also to their Pregogative Lordships everlasting shame & confusion of face, if not to the utter extirpation of that their unlimited Arbitrary Domination and power: the which I shall faithfully endeavour to the utmost of my power for the freedome and weale of the rest of my Nationall Brethren the free borne Commons of England, though in that hot and desperate service I, and mine, wife, children and all be devoured by their unreasonable cruelty.

Thus Sir having made my complaint unto you, and in mine, to this Honourable Committee, the complaint of the whole Commons of England, all being equally interrested with me in this contest betwixt the Lords and the Commoners both in life, limb, liberty, and estate; I present my cause, and in mine, the cause of the whole Commons of England to your grave and judicious consideration: for, looke what is done unto me or to any other (though never so meane or of inferiour degree) for mine or their vindication and maintenance of the just Rights and freedoms of the Commons of England, is as done unto the whole Commons of England, for by chose their insultings all as well as one, are made lyable to the unlimited cruelty and oppression of their prerogative jurisdiction. And if they may rule by prerogative, then farwell all liberty and property!, all Lawes, justice, and equity; and if it must be so, I pray you beare us no longerin suspence and expection of redresse, but forthwith let our Doom be proclaimed to the whole world, that the Commons of England may know what to trust to; that we may loose our labour no longer in petitioning, appealing, complaining, and seeking for reliefe at your hands, that such as will may sit down as contented slaves with halters about their necks to be hanged up till the pleasure of that House (forsooth) shall be further signified.

Now Sir, I shall use no other provocations, incitations or Arguments to this Honourable Committee, to the discharge of their duty, but shall altogether leave the whole matter hereof to your consciences, whether for justice or injustice, mercy or cruelty; for my part I care not though you and all men forsake me, so long as I know the Lord liveth, who will once judge every man according to his deeds, whether good or evel, and then I am sure I shall have righteous judgment, without respect of persons; and against that, to deprive me thereof, neither the gates of Hell nor the powers of Earth are able to prevaile; that is my comfort, my hope and support, against all afflictions tryalls, and troubles: And therefore in that sure confidence though &illegible; thus enthralled & encompassed on every sidewith Bands & Afflictions, I am resolved not to yeeld an haires-bredth of subjection, no, not so much, as the appearance of subjection either in word or deed to any arbitrary power, orders, significations of their pleasures, &c. maugre their Prisons, Irons, Hilters, &c. either for me or mine: And this I pronounce to this Honourable Committee and to the whole Commons of England in open defyance and contempt of the Arbitrary Domination of the House of Peers, their usurpation and incroachments over the Rights and freedoms of the Commons of England; come what come will, or what the utmost of their usurped might and power can inflict upon me for it,

I scorne their mercy, and dare them to do their worst: let them find Prisons, Dungeons, Irons, Halters, &c. Ile find Carkesse Neck, and Heeles, for one in contempt to their usurped jurisdiction; &illegible; resolved I am to break before I bend to their oppressions, &c. Sir I am

To the Right Honourable and Supreme Authority of this Nation, the Commons in Parliament assembled. The humble Petition of many thousands, earnestly desiring the glory of God, the freedome of the Commonwealth, and the peace of all men. [n.p.].

That as no Civill Government is more just in the constitution, then that of Parliaments, having its foundation in the free choice of the people; and as the end of all Government is the safetie and freedome of the governed, even so the people of this Nation in all times have manifested most heartie affections unto Parliaments as the most proper remedie of their grievances; yet such hath been the wicked policies of those who from time to time have endeavoured to bring this Nation into bondage; that they have in all times either by the disuse or abuse of Parliaments deprived the people of their hopes: For testimony whereof the late times foregoing this Parliament will sadly witnesse, when it was not onely made a crime to mention a Parliament, but either the pretended negative voice, (the most destructive to freedome) or a speedie dissolution, blasted the fruit and benefit thereof, whilst the whole Land was overspread with all kinds of oppressions and tyranny, extending both to soule and body, and that in so rooted and setled a way, that the complaints of the people in generall witnessed, that they would have given any thing in the world for one six moneths freedome of Parliament. Which hath been since evidenced in their instant &: constant readinesse of assistance to this present Parliament, exceeding the Records of former ages, and wherein God hath blessed them with their first desires, making this Parliament the most absolute and free of any Parliament that ever was, and enabling it with power sufficient to deliver the whole Nation from all kinds of oppressions and grievances, though of very long continuance, and to make it the most absolute and free Nation in the world.

And it is most thankfully acknowledged that ye have in order to the freedome of the people suppressed the high Commission, Star-Chamber, and Councell-Table, called home the banished, delivered such as were imprisoned for matters of conscience, and brought some Delinquents to deserved punishment. That ye have suppressed the Bishops and Popish Lords, abolished Episcopacy, and that kind of Prelatick persecuting government. That ye have taken away Ship-money and all the new illegall Patents, whereby the hearts of all the well-affected were enlarged and filled with a confident hope, that they should have seen long ere this a compleat removall of all grievances, and the whole people delivered from all oppressions over soule or body: But such is our miserie that after the expence of so much precious time, of blood and treasure, and the ruine of so many thousands of honest families in recovering our Liberties, we still find this Nation oppressed with grievances of the same destructive nature as formerly, though under other notions; and which are so much the more grievous unto us, because they are inflicted in the very time of this present Parliament, under God the hope of the oppressed. For, as then all the men and women in England were made liable to the summons, attachments, sentences, and imprisonments of the Lords of the Councell-boord, so we find by wofull experience and sufferings of many particular persons, that the present Lords doe assume and exercise the same power, then which nothing is, or can be more repugnant and destructive to the Commons just liberties.

As then the unjust power of Star-Chamber was exercised in compelling of men and women to answer to Interrogatories tending to accuse themselves and others; so is the same now frequently practiced upon divers persons, even your cordiall friends that have been, and still are punished for refusing to answer to questions against themselves, and nearest relations. As then the great oppression of the high Commission was most evident in molesting of godly peaceable people, for non-conformity, or different opinion and practice in Religion, judging all who were contraryminded to themselves, to bee Hereticks, Sectaries, Schismaticks, seditious, factious, enemies to the State, and the like; and under great penalties forbidding all persons, not licenced by them, to preach or publish the Gospel: Even so now at this day, the very same, if not greater molestations, are set on foot, and violently prosecuted by the instigation of a Clergy no more infallible then the former, to the extreame discouragement and affliction of many thousands of your faithfull adherents, who are not satisfied that controversies in Religion, can be trusted to the compulsive regulation of any: And after the Bishops were suppressed, did hope never to have seen such a power assumed by any in this Nation any more.

And although all new illegall Patents are by you abolished, yet the oppressive Monopoly of Merchant-adventurers, and others, do still remain to the great abridgement of the liberties of the people, and to the extreme prejudice of all such industrious people as depend on cloathing, or other woollen manufacture, (it being the Staple commodity of this Nation,) and to the great discouragement and disadvantage of all sorts of Tradesmen, Sea-faring-men, and hindrance of Shipping and Navigation. Also the old tedious and chargable way of deciding controversies, or suits in Law, is continued to this day, to the extreame vexation and utter undoing of multiudes of Families; a grievance as great and as palpable as any in the world. Likewise, that old, but most unequall punishment of malefactors, is still Continued, whereby mens lives and liberties are as liable to the law, and corporall pains as much inflicted for small as for great offences, and that most unjustly upon the testimony of one witnesse, contrary both to the law of God, and common equity, a grievance very great, but litle regarded. Also tythes, and other enforced maintenance are still continued, though there be no ground for either under the Gospel; and though the same have occasioned multitudes of suites, quarrels and debates, both in former and latter times. In like maner, multitudes of poore distressed prisoners for debt, ly still unregarded, in a most miserable and wofull condition throughout the Land, to the great reproach of this Nation. Likewise PrisonKeepers, or Coalers, are as presumptuous as ever they were, both in receiving and detaining of Prisoners illegally committed, as cruell and inhumane to all, especially to such as are well-affected, as oppressive and extorting in their Fees, and are attended with under-officers, of such vile and unchristian demeanour, as is most abominable. Also thousands of men and women are still (as formerly) permitted to live in beggery and wickednesse all their life long, and to breed their children to the same idle and vitious course of life, and no effectual meanes used to reclaim either, or to reduce them to any vertue or industry.

And last, as those who found themselves aggrieved formerly at the burdens & oppressions of those times, that did not conform to the Church-government then established, refused to pay Shipmoney, or yeeld obedience to unjust Patents, were reviled and reproached with nicknames of Puritans, Hereticks, Schismaticks, Sectaries, or were teartned factious or seditious, men of turbulent spirits, despisers of government, and disturbers of the publike peace; even so is it at this day in all respects, with those who shew any sensibility of the fore-recited grievances, or move in any manner or measure for remedy thereof, all the reproaches, evills, and mischiefs that can be devised, are thought too few or too little to bee laid upon them, as Roundheads, Sectaries, Independents, Hereticks, Schismaticks, factious, seditious, rebellious disturbers of the publike peace, destroyers of all civill relation, and subordinations; yea, and beyond what was formerly, nonconformity is now judged a sufficient cause to disable any person though of known fidelity, from bearing any Office of trust in the Commonwealth, whilest Neuters, Malignants, and dis-affected are admitted and continued. And though it be not now made a crime to mention a Parliament, yet is it little lesse to mention the supreme power of this honourable House. So that in all these respects, this Nation remaineth in a very sad and disconsolate condition; and the more, because it is thus with us after so long a session of so powerfull and so free a Parliament, and which hath been so made and maintained, by the aboundant love and liberall effusion of the blood of the people. And therefore knowing no danger nor thraldome like unto our being left in this most sad condition by this Parliament, and observing that ye are now drawing the great and weighty affaires of this Nation to some kind of conclusion, and fearing that ye may ere long bee obstructed by somthing equally evill to a negative voice, and that ye may be induced to lay by that strength, which (under God) hath hitherto made you powerfull to all good workes: whilest we have yet time to hope, and yee power to help, and least by our silence we might be guilty of that ruine and slavery, which without your speedy help is like to fall upon us, your selves and the whole Nation; we have presumed to spread our cause thus plainely and largely before you: And do most earnestly entreat, that ye will stir up your affections to a zealous love and tender regard of the people, who have chosen and trusted you, and that ye will seriously consider, that the end of their trust, was freedome and deliverance from all kind of temporall grievances and oppressions.

1. And that therefore in the first place, ye will bee exceeding carefull to preserve your just authority from all prejudices of a negative voice in any person or persons whomsoever, which may disable you from making that happy return unto the people which they justly expect, and that ye will not be induced to lay by your strength, untill ye have satisfied your understandings in the undoubted security of your selves, and of those who have voluntarily and faithfully adhered unto you in all your extremities; and untill yee have secured and setled the Common-wealth in solid peace and true freedome, which is the end of the primitive institution of all governments.

2. That ye will take off all Sentences, Fines and Imprisonments imposed on Commoners, by any whomsoever, without due course of Law, or judgement of their equalls: and to give due reparations to all those who have been so injuriously dealt withall, and for preventing the like for the time to come, that yee will enact all such Arbitrary proceedings to bee capitall crimes.

3. That ye will permit no authority whatsoever, to compell any person or persons to answer to questions against themselves, or nearest relations, except in cases of private interest between party and party in a legall way, and to release all such as suffer by imprisonment, or otherwise for refusing to answer to such Interrogatories.

4. That all Statutes, Oathes and Covenants may be repealed so farre as they tend, or may be construed to the molestation and ensnaring of religious, peaceable, well-affected people, for non-conformity, or different opinion or practice in Religion.

5. That no man for preaching or publishing his opinion in Religion in a peaceable way, may be punished or persecuted as hereticall, by Judges that are not infallible, but may be mistaken (as well as other men) in their judgements, least upon pretence of suppressing Errors, Sects or Schisms, the most necessary truths, and sincere professors thereof may besuppressed, as upon the like pretence it hath been in all ages.

6. That ye will, for the encouragement of industrious people, dissolve that old oppressive Company of Merchant-Adventurers, and the like, and prevent all such others by great penalties for ever.

7. That yee will settle a just, speedy, plaine and unburthensome way, for deciding of controversies and suits in Law, and reduce all Lawes to the nearest agreement with Christianity, and publish them in the English Tongue, and that all processes and proceedings therein may be true and also in English, and in the most usuall Character of writing, without any abreviations, that each one who can read, may the better understand their owne affaires; and that the duty of all Judges, Officers, and practicers in the Law, and of all Magistrates and Officers in the Commonwealth may be prescribed, and their fees limited under strict penalties, and published in print to the view and knowledge of all men: by which just and equitable meanes, this Nation shall be for ever freed of an oppression more burthensome and troublesome then all the oppressions hitherto by this Parliament removed.

8. That the life of no person may be taken away, under the testimony of two witnesses at least, of honest conversation; and that in an equitable way ye will proportion punishments to offences, that so no mans life may be taken, his body punished, nor his estate forfeited, but upon such weighty and considerable causes as justly deserve such punishments; and that all prisoners may have a speedy tryall, that they be neither starved, nor their families ruined, by long and lingring imprisonment; and that imprisonment may be used onely for safe custody untill time of triall, and not as a punishment for offences.

9. That tythes and all other enforced maintenance, may be for ever abolished, and nothing in place thereof imposed; but that all Ministers may be paid onely by those who voluntarily contribute to them, or chuse them, and contract with them for their labours.

10. That ye will take some speedy and effectuall course to relieve all such prisoners for debt, as are altogether unable to pay, that they may not perish in prison through the hard-heartednesse of their Creditors; and that all such as have any estates, may bee inforced to make paiment accordingly, and not to shelter themselves in prison to defraud their Creditors.

11. That none may be Prison-keepers, but such as are of approved honestie, and that they may be prohibited under great penalties to receive or detaine any person or persons without lawfull warrant: That their usage of prisoners may be with gentlenesse and civility, their fees moderate and certain, and that they may give security for the good behaviour of their under-Officers.

12. That ye will provide some powerfull meanes to keep men, women, and children from begging and wickednesse, that this Nation may be no longer a shame to Christianity therein.

13. That ye will restraine and discountenance the malice and impudency of impious persons, in their reviling and reproaching the well-affected, with the ignominious titles of Round-heads, factious, seditious and the like, whereby your reall friends have been a long time, and still are exceedingly wronged, discouraged, and made obnoxious to rude and prophane people, and that ye wil not exclude any of approved fidelity from bearing office of trust in the Common-wealth for non-conformity; but rather Neuters and such as manifest dis-affection or opposition to common freedome, the admission and continuation of such being the chief cause of all these pur grievances.

These remedies, or what other shall seem more effectuall to your grave wisdomes, we humbly pray may be speedily applied, and that in doing thereof, ye will be confident of the assistance of your Petitioners, and of all considerate well-minded people, to the uttermost of their best abilities, against all opposition whatsoever, looking upon our selves as more concerned now at last to make a good end, then at the first to have made a good beginning: For what shall it profit us, or what remedy can we expect, if now after so great troubles and miseries this Nation should be left by this Parliament in so great a thraldome, both of body, mind, and estate?

We beseech you therefore, that with all your might whilest he have time, freedome and power, so effectually to fulfill the true end of Parliaments in delivering this Nation from these and all other grievances, that none may presume or dare to introduce the like for ever.

And we trust, the God of your good successe, will manifest the integrity of our intentions herein, and that our humble desires are such, as tend not onely to our owne particular, but to the generall good of the Common-wealth, and proper for this Honourable House to grant, without which this Nation cannot be safe, or happy: And that he will blesse you with true Christian fortitude, suitable to the trust and greatnesse of the worke yee have undertaken, and make the memory of this Parliament blessed to all succeeding Generations.

Shall ever be the fervent desire of your humble Petitioners.

A Still and Soft Voice.

As he who is arrived to the full age of a man, and seriously considers, the severall passages and progresse of his fore past life: what he did or understood, when he was a child, a youth, a young man; a meere man, or before he came to be advised, and to consider all things by true rules of reason: is best able to deale with every one in every age and condition, to shew them their vanity, ignorance and mistakings: and to point them out the path of vertue. Experience making the best Schoole-master in things naturall and morall.

Even so is it in Religion, he only can best judge, advise and counsell others, who hath observed and most seriously considered the severall passages and progresse of his owne knowledge in things divine: yet who are so forward to judge and comptrole therein, as meere smatterers and such as have least experience.

I suppose it will be acknowledged, by all experienced Christians, that the greatest number of men and women in the world, are drawne into the consideration and Practice of Religion, by education, and custome of the place where they are bred: and that many never have any other foundation, nor motive to continue therein, then the reputation it brings them: all other religions or wayes of worship being discountenanced and out of credit, such as these are Champions for whats in fashion: ever running with the streame, and crying downe all contrary minded; Vox populi, Vox dei, the Major voice (then which nothing is more uncertain in Religion) is to these as the voice of God: and when they are zealous for vulgar opinions they thinke they are zealous for God and his truth: when they revile, abuse, and hale men before the Magistrates, and even kill and destroy them, they think they doe God good service: being zealous of the traditions of the times: for though truth should be publickly professed: yet to such as hold it only by education and custome: it is in them traditionall, and they are not truly religious; but meere morrall Christians: utterly ignorrant of the cleare Heavenly brightnesse, inherent, in pure and undefiled Religion.

But though it be evident, that there are too too many, who hold their religion, on this fraile foundation, yet it is very comfortable to behold, the sincerity of multitudes of good people in our dayes: who; not content to possesse their knowledg in a traditionall way: doe accustome themselves to try and examine all things.

Yet as it is a hard thing unto men, bred so vainly as most men are, to keepe the golden meane, in naturall or morrall Reformations: so is it difficult to preserve from extreames, in matters of religion, the reason is, because in our tryalls and examinations, we have not that heedfull care, which is absolutely necessary, to free our Judgments from absurdityes or improper things: common and vulgar arguments catching fast hold upon us too suddenly; and so we engage over violently, averring and maintayning without giving due time to our consideration to worke and debate itseife into necessary conclusions.

The first sort of these religious persons: are deadly enemies to examination and tryall of things, we (say they) are not fit to Judge of these matters ne sutor ultra crepidam, is commonly in their mouthes: the Cobier ought not to goe beyond his last: what are the learned for, if these high things fall within the compasse of our capacities, why chuse wee wise and juditious men, more able then our selves, but to reforme, and settle Religion: if you draw them into any discourse, and endeavour to shew them their weakenesse, their only aime is how to entrap you, in your words, and if it be possible to make you obnoctious to authority.

If their ignorance and superstition appeare so grosse and palpable, that (in loving tearmes, and for their better information,) you demand how they come to know there is a God, or that the scriptures are the word of God: their common answer is, doe you deny them: it seems you doe? otherwise why doe you aske such questions? if they offer to proove by some common received argument: and you shew the weaknesse thereof: they’le goe nigh to tell you to your face, and report for certaine behind your back, to all they know, or can know, that you are an Athiest, that you deny there is a God, and deny the Scriptures to be the word of God: nor doe they hate any sort of men so much, as those who are inquisitive after knowledge, judgeing them as busie bodyes, men of unquiet spirits, that know not when they are well, or when they have sufficient: for their parts, they are constant in one, for the substance; their principles are not of yesterday but of many yeares standing: and the most learned and wise are of their way, and why should not others be as well content as they, is it fit (say they) that every one should follow his owne understanding in the worship of God, wee see what comes of it; when men once forsake the beaten Road (the Kings high way) in Religion, into how many by-pathes, doe they runne, nay, whether would they not runne, if our care were not to hedg and keepe them in.

And thus ignorance becomes many times Judge of knowledge: and the most grosse and slothfull; comptroler of the most active in Religion.

Of this sort of men there are very many; and they are made very much use of by worldly Pollititians, who have found by constant experience, that superstition is the easiest meanes to lead a multitude, this way, or that way as their occasions and purposes may require, and on the contrary, that true Religion is in it selfe as oppsite to their unjust ends, as it is to superstition and therefore if they observe any man who out of the principles of true Religion opposeth their ends; at him they let loose these ignorant and morrall Christians, furnish them with reproachfull tales, and falshoods, against him, call him Athiest Infidell, Heritick, Scismatick, any thing: which is as eagerly effected, as wickedly devised: and how to stop these mens mouthes is in my apprehention no lesse a worke then to make white a Blackamore.

Those others who are startled in their consciences, and roused by the word of God, out of this worldly way of religion, or running with the streame, it is a hard matter to hold them to a due pace, in the persute of necessary knowledge or to keepe them to a propper Method, or to obtaine this of them, that they receive nothing as a truth, which they see admiteth of an obsurdity.

But having broke loose from the bands of educated and customary religion, through necessity of conscience, and being anew to begin, they are apt hastily to take in, that which is first offered with any resemblance of truth, and so in an instant, fall into new entanglements.

For if hast, make wast in any thing, it is in pursute after knowledge: and though every considerate mans experience findeth this a truth: though it be contest by all, that there is nothing of greater concernment to man, then the truth of his Divine knowledge: though nothing doth more disturb the minde of man, then error and mistakeing in religion.

Yet is there not any thing wherein men: proceed more irregularly, or more impatiently: either they are over rash and sudden or over fearfull, and irresolute: they approach all discourse with prejudice, and a mind distempered, searching nothing throughly or orderly, but content themselves with an overly examination, and (in my apprehention) are not so disingenious in any thing, as in religion: willingly resigning and forfeiting their understandings, and Judgments, at a cheap rate then Esau did his Birthright: and so continue very long (not truly religious, but) superstitious men, alwayes amazed: neither remembring what themselves or others speake: he that once opposeth them, hath a Wolfe by the cares, hee can neither speake, nor hold his peace, without damage, they take allthings in the worst sence sigh, lament, pitty, or censure, all that sutes not with their opinion or practice: and talk or report of, any man, any thing that comes in their imaginations; those that come behind them in knowledge; are carnall: those before them desperate And therefore it may be very profitable; that the differences betwene true Religion and superstition, be made knowne to these times, more fully than it is, the one being commonly taken for the other.

Now both are best knowne by their effects: for true Religion setleth a man in peace and rest: makes him like unto the Angels, alwayes praising God and saying Glory to God on High, in earth peace, Good will towards men, it is ever provided with good intentions and good desires, maketh the best construction in doubtfull cases, see how true Christian love is described by the Apostle in the 13. to the Corinths. and that is the true Religious mans Character.

On the contrary, superstition troubleth and makes a man wilde, a superstitious man suffereth neither God nor man to live in peace, (as one well observeth from experience) he aprehendeth God, as one anxious, spiteful, hardly contented easily moved, with difficulty appeased, examining our actions after the human fashion of a severe Judge, that watcheth our steps, which hee prooveth true by his manner of serving him, hee trembleth for feare is never secure, fearing he never doth well, and that he hath left some thing undone, by omission whereof, all is worth nothing that he hath done.

But generally now a dayes, (contrary to former tymes) the superstitious mans devotion costs him litle, he hath somuch worldly wit in his zeale, as to save his purse, hot and fiery against heresie and blasphemy, (which are titles he freely bestowes on all opinions, contrary to his own, true or false), he will course his poor neighbour out of all he hath, yea out of the Nation, if he can not course him into his opinion: and all upon pretence of doing God service and for the good of his soule.

As for his body, or estate, thats no part of his care, hee is not so hasty to runn into his poore neighbours house, to see what is wanting there, hee may ly upon a bed, or no bed, covering or no covering, be starved through cold and hunger, over burthened with labour, be sick, lame or diseased: and all this troubles not the superstitious mans (nor the morall Christians) Conscience: he may through want and necessity goe into what prison he will, and ly and rott and starve there: and these kind of Religious people are not halfe so much moved at it, as if he goe to another Church or congregation, then what they approove: if hee doe so, upstarts their zeale; and after him, watch, spy, accuse and informe: and all for the good of his soule: and for the Glory of God.

One would not think it were possible man could be so blind, or so inconsiderate as to immagin, that God would be thus modked, thus madly served, contrary to the whole tenor of the Scriptures, but such are the effects of educated, customary or superstitious Religion.

Whilst the effects of pure and undefiled Religion, are another thing: as Feeding the hungry, Cloathing the naked, Visiting the sick, the Fatherlesse, the Widdowes and Prisoners: and in all things walking as becometh the Gospell of Christ: it will empty the fullest Baggs: and pluck downe the highest plumes.

And whoever serveth God sincerely in this Religion, shall be knowne by his fruites: his light shall so shine before men, that they seeing his good Workes, shall Glorify our Father which is in heaven.

But of these there are few to bee found; and as few that truly labour, to reclaime those many thousands of miserable people that are drencht all their life long in grosse ignorance, and notorious loathsome wickednesse: Yet there is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more then for ninety nine just persons that need no repentance: Why taike wee so much of Christianity, holinesse, and saintship, whilst wee neglect the lost sheep, or the recovery of our brethren from those Errors of their wayes.

The plain truth is, this grosse neglect of known duty herein, and the generall eagernesse in the lesse necessary parts of zeale and devotion, manifesteth the world is not subdued; that there is little selfe-deniall, little of pure and undefiled Religion as yet in the world: men content themselves with forms of godlinesse, but are regardlesse of the power thereof.

And therefore I have been the lesse troubled in my selfe; for the hard measure I have found: amidst so great a mixture of worldlinesse, ignorance, and superstitious zeale, why should one looke for much ingenuity, these times have but cast an eye towards the materiall parts of true Christianity: It is not yet knowne what it is, in its excellency, the end and issue thereof, is too good to bee deserved, or discerned, by a people that are not yet broad awake, they strike him that brings them more light; then they can well endure.

All the evill and reproach I have suffered, hath beene by occasion of my forwardnesse to do others good: my freenesse in discourse, though harmlesse in it selfe, and intended for good, hath been perverted, misconstrued, and made use of to my prejudice.

I accompt nothing more vain, then to discourse meerly for discourse sake, nay, it is painfull and ircksome to me, to heare a discourse that is not really necessary and usefull, nor doe I know, that I have ever purposely set my self to debate any serious matter, slightly or carelessely, though cheerefully.

And my manner is, whatever is in debate, to search it thorowly, being of an opinion, that, what is really true, stands the firmer, for being shaken: like a house that is built upon a rock.

I have been much troubled, to observe men earnestly engage to maintaine the strongest maximes and principles by weak arguments; the weaknesse whereof, I have endevoured to manifest, that I might discover the weaknesse of such practises, and to make it evident, that fundamentall truthes support all things, and need no supporters: Thou bearest not the root, but the root, thee.

But this my free dealing (with uncharitable or superstitious people) hath found this evill retume, they have reported me, to deny that there is a God, when I have only denyed the validity of a weak argument, produced to prove that there is a God; it being too too common to insist upon meere notionall indigested arguments: so also have I been most uncharitably slandered to deny the Scriptures to bee the word of God, because I have opposed insufficient arguments produced to prove them such: and because at the same time I have refused to shew the grounds inducing me to beleeve them.

Now it hath been my lot to be drawne into discourses of this nature for the most part by timorous, scrupulous, people, in whom, I have discovered so much impatience, and discontent, at the shaking of their arguments, that I have not discerned any reason to open my selfe at that time; yet I never parted with any of them, but I alwayes professed that I did believe, both that there is a God, & that the Scriptures are the Word of God, though I judged their grounds not good; and withall, that if they would be so ingenious as to acknowledge the weaknesse of their arguments, I would then shew them my ground of faith; or if at any time they stood in need, I would not be wanting to the uttermost of my power to supply them, but I have seldome found any, who in the heat of contest and prosecution of dispute, have been qualified, to receive, what I had to say, touching this matter, their apprehension and mine being at too great a distance therein.

But I blesse God it is not so ill with me, as some bad minded men desire, nor as some weak and scrupulous men imagin.

And there are some ingenious men, with whom I have daily converst, that know I doe acknowledge and beleeve there is a God, and that the Scriptures are the Word of God.

Yet the testimony of men in this case to mee is little; my owne conscience being as a thousand witnesses.

That there is a God: I did never beleeve through any convincing power I have ever discerned by my utmost consideration of any natural argument or reason I ever heard or read: But it is an unexpressible power, that in a forcible manner constraines my understanding to acknowledge and beleeve that there is a God, and so to beleeve that I am fully perswaded there is no considerat man in the world but doth believe there is a God.

And, That the Scriptures are the Word of God, I shall clearly make the same profession. That I have not beleeved them so to be, by force of any argument I have ever heard or read, I rather find by experience, most, if not all arguments, produced in prejudice thereof: (Art, argument, and compulsive power, in this case holding resemblance with the mighty strong wind, the Earth quake and fire, distracting, terrifying and scorching the minds of men) but I beleeve them through an irresistible perswasive power that from within them (like unto the soft still voyce wherein God was) hath pierced my judgment and affection in such sort, that with aboundance of joy and gladnesse I beleeve, and in beleeving have that Peace which passeth all utterance or expression; and which hath appeared unto me after so many sad conflicts of a distracted conscience, and wounded spirit, that it is to me a heaven upon earth: It being now long since, I blesse God, that I can truly say, My heart is fixed, O God, my heart is fixed, I will sing and give praise: In other respects, I conceive the most holy upon earth, if they give impartiall care to this voyce, will finde no cause to boast or to finde fault with others, but as Eliah to cover their faces with a mantle.

And truly were it not that too too many pretenders to Religion, are over apt to receive false reports (which is a most uncharitable disposition) and over prone to make the worse construction, which is altogether unchristian, it had beene impossible for any to have abused me in these or any other respects.

But it will be needfull for all such, seriously to lay to heart, that they ought to do as they would be done unto in all things, that he who seemeth to bee religious and bridles not his tongue, that mans religion is vaine.

That he who boasteth to beleeve a God, and the Scriptures to be the Word of God, and glorieth in his ability of exposition thereof: yet applieth it to the discovery of a mote in his brothers eye, rather then a beame in his own: he whose expressions and actions do demonstrate him to say within himselfe, Lord I thank thee, I am not as other men, extortioners, unjust adulterers, nor as this Publican: This man who ever he be, is not yet got through the lesson of the Pharisies; that were wise in their owne eyes, and despised others.

But it would be much more profitable to society and good neighbourhood that there were a more exact accompt taken by every man of his owne wayes; it is verily thought most men neede not goe abroad for want of work, if either pride, covetousnesse, backbiting, unreasonable jealosy, vanity of minde, dotage upon superfluities: with hard heartedness to the poore: were thought worthy of Reformation.

To be zealous in lipp service, or to expresse our devotion, in censuring of others, yeelds neither honour to God, nor good to man.

Who were more blinde, then those who said are wee blind, also? the Angell of the Church of Laodicea, boasted that he was rich, and increased with goods and had neede of nothing: and knew not that he was wretched, and misserable and poor and blind and naked.

Wee have many now a dayes, who are doubly unjust and thinke not of it; they are partiall and favourable in examining and corecting of themselves: and severe towards others, when as they ought to be severe towards themselves: and favourable towards others.

And it is a fault not easily mended: it requires a greater power of true religion to doe it, then the most have as yet attained, if one may judge by the Fruites: and therefore it will be good for every one to neglect that which is behinde, and to presse forward to the marke, for the price of the high Calling of God which is in Jesus Christ: either renounce the Name, or let your practice demonstrate, that you are a Christian.

Hee who greedily receiveth a hard report of his neighbour, is not provided of charitable and loving thoughts as he ought; and if he report any evill, before he be certaine of the truth thereof, hee is a slanderer; and when hee is certaine it is true, if he report it with delight, it argues him of malice.

He who is glad of his neighbours defamation, would not be sory at his ruine: a slanderer would be a murderer but for feare: and therefore, every honest vertuous religious man should shun a slanderer, as he would shun a Serpent.

And thus having said enough to free my self from this slander (if religious people will but study ingenuity, which hath been too much wanting amongst them) the whole course of my actions, writings and discourses, evidencing the contrary to all that throughly know me: and this my profession being added to, satisfie those that know me but by hearsay: I have done: judging it a small thing to be judged of any, or of mans judgement; Who art thou that judgest another mans servant, to his owne master, hee standeth or falleth.

The liberty of my native Country, and the freedome of all consciencious people hath been, and still is pretious in my esteeme: nor shall I be discouraged (by any the unworthy slanders cast upon me) from a just and due prosecution of both, according to my place and calling: I shall make bold to deceive the deceiver and his instruments therein: I should be glad to see the Educated and customary morall Christians become Christians indeed, and cease to persecute: I should exceedingly rejoyce to see the superstitious, become really religious, and to see babes; become strong men in Christ, and all bend their endevours to deliver the captive, and set the oppressed free, to reclaime the vicious, and to labour the saving of the lost sheep of the house of England: To see Charity abound, and all envy, malice, and worldly mindednesse to cease for ever, and not to be named amongst us, as becommeth Saints indeed: to see all men ingenious, loving, friendly and tender-hearted one towards another: but I must neither be silent, nor slothfull till I see it, nor sorow as one without hope of seeing it: but through evill report, and good report, do my duty? patiently expecting a good issue? laboring in all estates to be content; knowing there is no temptation hath taken hold upon others, but may befall unto me. In the mean time, knowing all terrestriall things to be but vain and transitory, my chiefest comfort is, that I desire to know Nothing save Jesus Christ and him crucified: accounting all things as losse and dung, that I may be found in Christ, not having my own righteousnesse which is of the Law, but the righteousnesse which is of God in him.

I have no quarrell to any man, either for unbeleefe or misbeleefe, because I judge no man beleeveth any thing, but what he cannot choose but beleeve; it is misery enough to want the comfort of true beleeving, and I judge the most convincing argument that any man can hold forth unto another, to prove himselfe a true sincere beleever, is to practice to the uttermost that which his faith binds him unto: more of the deeds of Christians, and fewer of the arguments would doe a great deale more good to the establishing of those that stagger: It being not the leaves but the fruit that nourisheth and carrieth the seed with it. Shew me thy faith by thy workes; If I have all faith and have not love, I am as sounding brasse, or as a tinckling cymball, if faith worke, it workes by love: Let us all therefore hence-forth walk in love, even as Christ hath loved, and hath given himseife an offering and a sacrifice for us: to whom bee glory and dominion for ever.

TRue friend, after my reall respect presented unto &illegible; &c. I desire to informe &illegible; that I am told, you are very much troubled &illegible; proceedings with the Committee of the House of Commons, upon Munday, the 8. of Feb. 1646. That after I had stood so stisly at the beginning with them, upon the Lawes, Rights and priviledges every free man of the Kingdome, that I should undoe all, and let my sit me hold goe, by answering at last to their Interrogatories, by which you say, I undid all I had done, and &illegible; against me owne declared principles, and not only so but by owning my book, have exposed my selfe to a great deale of hazard and danger, which I might easily have avoyded, if I had not answered their Interiogatory.

Vpon serious consideration hereof, I judge my selfe bound in duty to my selfe, to write these lints unto you, for your satisfaction, and my own vindication, and therefore J shall begin to give you so true and reall a Narrative of my whole proceedings with them, as the utmost of my &illegible; will inable me, part of which you your selfe were an eye and eare witnesse unto, and it was in this manner. About 9. o clock upon the foresaid Munday, Lewis a servant to the Sergeant at &illegible; came to my lodging in the Tower, and shewed me a Warrant he had to take my wife into safe custody, for dispersing some of my last bookes, and I told him it was very hard, for any Committee of Parliament, to send forth a warrant to make my wife a Prisoner, before they had heard her &illegible; for her selfe, or so much as summoned her to appeare before them, and I plainly told him it &illegible; was more then by law they could justifie, but however, I bore so much honourable respect &illegible; the House of Commons, and all its Committees, that I would not perswade my wife to contempt their warrants, but if he pleased to take my word for her appearance, I would ingage my life for her, that she should be punctually at the houre appointed, to waite upon the Committee to know their pleasure: which ingagement he was pleased to take, but with all told me, he had broughts warrant to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to carriemt before the Committee at two a clock in the afternoon, but I told him, unlesse I see and read the warrant, I should not goe, but by force &illegible; compulsion, and &illegible; if he pleased to goe with me to the Lieutenant, and get him to let me read the warrant, I should readily obey it, which he did accordingly, but time being very short, I considered with my selfe what was most fit for me to doe, for I assured my selfe I was to goe before those, divers of which, would bend all their insensed mallice and indignation against me, and make use of all their power and wits, to intrap and insnare me, and therefore, I listed up my soule to my old and faithfull Counceller, the Lord &illegible; and in my ejaculations, pressed my &illegible; and master, with a great deale of grounded confidence and &illegible; of spirit, to declare and manifest his faithfullnesse, in being present with me, to counsell, direct, incourage and stand by me, according to his promise of old (made unto me) in the tenth of Matthew, and to his praise and glory I desire to speake it, he presently came into my soule with a mighty power, and raised me high above my selfe, and gave me that present resolution that was able to lead me, with a great deale of assured confidence to grapple with an whole host of men; But in my owne spirit I was led presently to take care, to doe something for my wife as the weaker vessell, that so she might not be to seek in case she were called before them, and for that end, I drew her presently up a few lines, which I read unto her, and gave her instructions, that upon the very first question they should aske her, she should give them her paper, as her absolute answer to their question: unto which she readily a &illegible; and set her name to it, which verbarum thus followeth.

And having finished hers, and taken care to get a copy of it, I begun to thinke what to doe &illegible; selfe, and being very confidently perswaded, that they would shew me my book, and aske me if I would owne it for mine, because this was their method the last yeare with me, as you may fully &illegible; in a printed Epistle I writ to you last yeare, when I was a prisoner under the &illegible; at Arms of the house of Commons, which Epistle is dated July 14. 1645.

And in my answer to William Prinus notorious lyes and falshoods, *called Innocency and truth justified, pag. 6. 13, 14. 15. 16.

And therefore &illegible; sell to my pen and thinks but before I had writ a &illegible; of that I intended, my selfe to give into the Committee, my keeper came, and told me it was past one a clock, and therefore full time for us to be gone, being we were to be there by two, and in regard it was so very cold, we marched all the way by land, and comming to the outward Court of of wards before the Committee &illegible; I self to perfect what I had begun, and as I was at worke, out came to me a Citizen and cold me there &illegible; a young Gentleman in a &illegible; &illegible; who looked something &illegible; pressed with a great deale of &illegible; and indignation, that I might be imediately called in to answer for my notorious crime, &illegible; writing the Oppressed mans appressions declared, which I say &illegible; a book of truth and honesty, and &illegible; as I had done, I was called in before the Committee, whose I found (as I conceived them) &illegible; great many of the little better then &illegible; catch-poule Stationers, whose trade it is for divers of them illegally and little better then felloniously, to breake open honest mens houses and I &illegible; Theeves and Rogues, carry away their true and proper goods,* and a very large company of Parliament men, as ever I see at a Committee to my remembrance before, and looking well about me, the most of them were to me men of new faces, and one of them appeared to me, to be one of Pryus infants or Minors, not above 18. yeares old as I conceived, but amongst them all I see not the face of one of my old acquaintance. And after I had rendered my respects to Mr. Corbet, the Chair-man thereof, he took a little book and read the title of it, The Oppressed mans Oppressions declared, &c. and also turned to the last end of it, and read the conclusion, which was subscribed Iohn Lilburn &illegible;, and told me he was commanded by the Committee, to ask me this question, whether I would own that book for mine or no? unto which I answered. Sir, with the favour of this honourable Committee, I shall humbly desire to speake a few words, well said Mr. Corbet, answer to the question.

Sir, said I, if you please to give me leave to speak, well and good, if not, if you please to command me silence I shall obey you. Saith he the question is but short therefore answer to it, either I or no, Sir said I, I am now past a schole boy, and have long since learned to say my A, B, C, after my master, but have now attained to a more ripe understanding, so that I am now able to speak without being dictated unto what I should say, and therefore if you please to give me leave to speak my own words in my owne manner and forme, well and good, if not, I have no more to say unto you: Sir saith he, the question is but short, therefore you are commanded to give a possitive answer to it, unto which I replyed, Sir if you will not let me speak my owne words, in my owne way, I will neither tell you, whether I will owne it or disavow it, and with that he took his pen and writ part of what I said, and read it to me. Sir said I, what you have writ, is not full what I said, and therefore if you please to give me pen, inke and paper, I shall write what I said my selfe, and see my hand unto it, which he refused, but divers of the Parliament men, pressed him to keep me to the question. Vnto which I said, Gentlemen, if you please to give me leave to speak, well and good, if not less come to an &illegible; and command me out of doores, for I will not answer you till I have free liberty to speak, upon which one or two of the Committee said, let him speak, but saith Mr. Corbet, if after you have liberty for to speake, will you &illegible; a possitive answer to the question? yea, Sir said I, that I will, well then speak said he speak. Sir said I what I have to say, is in the first place; in reference to the house of Commons, for apprehending with my selfe, that my &illegible; and speeches this day before the Committee, may be represented to the honourable House of Commons, to my &illegible; and dammage, I therefore judge it convenient for me to fortifie my self as wel as I can, and therfore I desire humbly to declare, that I own the constitution of the honorable house of Commons, as the greatest, best, and legallest interest, that the Commons of England have for the preservation of their Rights and Liberties, and I doe not only owne their constitution but also I honour their authority and power, and the power and authority of all Committees, legally deriving their power therefrom, and shall readily and cheerfully, yeeld obedience to all their commands, provided they act according to the rules of justice, and to the good knowne lawes of the hand, but not otherwise.

And in the second place, I desire to speake a few words of my thoughts of this Committee, but I was exceedingly interrupted, not only by the Chairman, but also by other Members of the House, and very much pressed to give an answer to the question, which made me say, Mr. Corbet, if you &illegible; to let me goe on in my own way, well and good, if not I have no more to say to you, for I came not hither of my owne head, to make a complaint unto you of my own, but I was sent for by you, (as I conceive) in a criminall way, so answer something before you, in which regard, it behoves me to stand upon the best guard that either law, reason, or judgement can furnish me with, and being that I apprehend, I am so much concerned in my present appearance before you, it exceeding much concernes me, to be very considerate and wise, in managing my business before you, therefore &illegible; you please, let me goe on to speak out what I have to say, and I thinke in conclusion, I shall give you as possitive an answer to the question as you desire.

So up stepped a welth Gentleman, one Mr. Harbert, as I remember his name, & desired Mr. Corbet to let me speak on, for saith he, you heat him promise to give you a possitive answer to your question.

Well then saith Mr Corbet, but will you as soone as you have spoken give a possitive answer to the question? Yea, Sir said I, (and clapt my hand upon my breast) upon my credit and reputation will I, then goe one saith he.

Well then Sir said I, two words concerning this Committee, and that at present I have to say is this, that I looke upon this Committee, as a branch deriving its power from the House of Commons, and therefore honour it, and I looke upon you in the capacitie you sit here, as a Court of justice, and I conceive you look upon your selves in the very selfe same capacity, but in case you do not, I have no more to say unto you, neither if ye be not a Court of Justice, doe I conceive have you in law, any power at all to examine me. But none of them replying upon me, made me take it for granted, they took themselves for a Court of justice, and therefore I went one and said, if you so doe, that is own your selves for a Court of justice, then I desire you to deale with me as it doth become a Court of Justice, and as by law you are bound, which is to let me have a free, open, and publique hearing. For Gentlemen, you have all of you taken the Covenant, in which you have lifted up your hands to the most high God, and sworne to maintaine the lawes of the Land. And it is the law of the land, that all Courts of Justice ever have been, are, and ought to be held openly and publiquely, (not dose like a Cabinet Counsell) from whence no Auditers are, or ought to be excluded,* and therefore as you would not give cause to me to Judge you a company of forswarne men, I desire you to command your doore to be opened that so all the people, that have a mind to heare and see you, and beare witnesse, that you proceed with justice and righteousnesse, may without check or comptrole, have free accesse to behold you, they behaving themselves like civill men. But here arose a mighty stir by some Parliament men, who declared, fiery indignation in their very countenances against me, but especially, a Gentleman that fate on the left hand of the forementioned Gentleman in the fur jacket, who pressed vehemently to hold me close to the question, and keep to their Committee proceedings, but truly I conceived the Gentleman to be but a very young Parliament man, and one that neither had read, not understood the lawes of England, and therefore Sir said I to him, to stop your mouth, I tell you, I blesse God, I am not now before a Spanish Inquisition, but a Committee of an English Parliament, that have sworne to maintaine and preserve the lawes of the Kingdome, and therefore Mr. Corbet, I know you are a Lawyer, and know and understand the lawes of the Kingdome, and I appeale to your very conscience, whether my desire of an open and publique hearing, be any otherwise then according to Law, sure I am Sir, it was the constant practise of this very Parliament at the beginning thereof that in all their Committees whatever, where they sat to heare and examine criminall causes, that they alwayes sate open, and I speake it out of my own knowledge, that you were then angry with any man amongst your selves, that did presse or move that you might sit in a cabinit and clandestine way, and truly Mr. Corbet, I thinke this Committee would take it very ill at my hands, if I should affirm you are more unjust & unrighteous now, then you were at the beginning for I my self, had about shalfe a score publique hearings at a Committee about my Star-Chamber businesse, and therefore being now before you, upon a businesse in my thoughts, of as much concernment to me as that was: I beseech you, let me have the same fare and just play now, that then I had, and give not &illegible; &illegible; cause to me and others, to say your actions and proceedings are unrighteous and &illegible; and therefore you sit in holes and corners, and dare not abide the publique view of your &illegible; which will be too clear a demonstration to all the world, that your deeds are evill, Iohn &illegible; 10, 21. Well Sir said Mr. &illegible; here is company enough to heare you, therefore you may goe on, true it is Sir, here is enough or my &illegible; but I see never a one of my friends: therefore if you please to command the &illegible; to be not wide open, well and good, if not I will not say one word more unto you, so I was commanded to withdraw, which I did. And being called in againe, Mr. Corbet told me, he was commanded by the Committee to aske me the question againe, whether I would owne the book &illegible; no? But I told him I was the same man now, that I was when I withdrew, and therefore I said &illegible; they would command and order the doore to be openned, that every man that had a mind to &illegible; in, might come in without &illegible; or molestation, I would returne as answer it all.

With that one of the Gentlemen said, the doore is open, and so it was, and whether they had given a private Order to the doore keeper so to doe I know not. Well Mr. Corbet said I, it is not an accidentall or casuall openning of the doore will serve &illegible; turn, but an orderly and legall openning of it, as that which ought to be done of &illegible; and justice, and therefore Mr. Corbet, it you please as you are Chair-man of this Committee, to command the &illegible; to be set and stand wide open, I shall goe on, it not, I shall be silent.

Well then doore keeper (saith he) set open the doore, now Sir said I, with your favour, I shall expresse my selfe a little further to this Committee, whereupon I openned a written paper I had in my hand, and began to looke upon it, but Mr. Corbet told me, the question was so &illegible; that it needed no long answer to it, and therefore I might spare the labour of using my paper Good Sir &illegible; &illegible; beseech you, afford me but so much priviledge as you doe every &illegible; Lawyer, that pleads his Clients cause for a see before you, to whom you never deny the benefit of pleading by also help of his notes or papers, and I know no reason why I should be denyed the same priviledge in my own case, and therefore I humbly intreat you, to afford me the benefit of looking upon my own paper, but said Mr. Corbet, how came you to write these paper? did you know before hand what we would say to you? O Sir said I, you may remember I was severall times before you in this manner the last year, and I very well remember the method of your illegall proceedings with me then,* and being by you summoned now again to come before you, I did very strongly conjecture, that you would tread in the method of your old steps of Interrogatories, and therefore I judged it but wisedome and foresight in me, to sit my selfe for you, and accordingly I have writ down the substance of what I haue to say to you in this paper, saith Mr. Corbet, give me the paper and we will consider of it, no Sir said I, I beseech you excuse me, for you have been so hasty with me, that I had no time to copy it over, and I doe not love to part with my papers in this nature, without keeping copies of them, but if you please to let me goe on, either to read it to you, on to say it by heart to you, now and then looking upon it I shall very willingly give you a true copy of it under my band. I &illegible; you Mr. Corbet, said the aforementioned, Mr. Harbert &illegible; him goe on, which he assented unto, and I purposely past over the preamble of it, having already us I told them touched upon it, and begun in that place, where mention is made of the Star-Chamber. With which Sir William &illegible; interrupted me, and said Mr. Corbet, I doe not like nor approve of raiking up these things, much lesse in comparing us to the Star Chamber, therefore I wish Mr. Lilburne would be perswaded to for beare these dishonourable expressions, for they are not handsome. Good Mr. Corbet I beseech you heare me a little, for under Sir Williams favour, I doe not compare you to the Star Chamber, but if you would not be compared unto it, then you must not walk in its unjust, &illegible; illegall ways, but Sir said I, for Sir Williams further satisfaction, I desire to let him know, I doe &illegible; the true and just power of the House of Commons, as much as himselfe, and have &illegible; my life and blood, for the preservation thereof, &illegible; really and heartily, in the singlenesse and uprightnesse of my soule, as any man that at this day sits within the Walls of that house, whatever he be, and I have still the same love and affections, to the just interest of that house, and &illegible; same zeale to maintaine it that ever I had, and it doth not in the least repent me of what J have formerly done or suffered for it, though I thinke by their late dealings with me, I have as true and &illegible; cause administred unto me by them, to &illegible; at any man in England either hath or ever &illegible; & therefore Sir, under your favour, although I be very unwilling like a simple man, to part with &illegible; just & legal rights to this Committee, a branch of the Honourable House of Commons, it doth &illegible; in the least therefore follow, that I am disaffected or disrespective of the just interest & power of &illegible; House of Commons, but rather it doth follow, that I am the same man now that ever I was &illegible; & Sir under your favour I tell you, it is neither for the honour, interest nor benefit of the house &illegible; Commons, for any of its Committees, to swallow, down or destroy, the publique interest and liberties of the people, the preservation of which, (by their owne Declarations*) being the principall end wherefore the people chuse and trusted them to sit where they doe, and therefore Sir, I pray you, let me goe on, which was granted, but before I could get through my paper, there was a &illegible; hutly burly amongst the Parliament men, being extreamly &illegible; at &illegible; per which many of them expressed in their speeches to Mr. Corbet, and desired him to silence me in the way I then was in, and hold me to the question-Gentlemen said I this is very strange proceedings, that you will neither let, &illegible; alone, nor let me speake. Be it knowne unto you, that I conceive J stand in need neither of &illegible; nor favour from you, but only what reason, Law and justice affords me, neither doe I crave any &illegible; priviledge at your hands, but what the Earle of Strafford injoyed from you, (although you &illegible; &illegible; judged him the greatest of offenders) which was a free and uninterrupted liberty to &illegible; for himselfe, in the best manner he could, and to make the best defence for himselfe, that &illegible; all the &illegible; and parts he had, would inable him to doe, and sure I am this is a priviledge due by law to every &illegible; Rogue, & Theese,* which I am sure the arrantest &illegible; that is &illegible; at Newgate Sessions (for the notorioust of crimes) injoyes this priviledge as his right by law, to speake his owne words, in his owne manner, for the best advantage of himselfe, to his own understanding, and it is very strange to me, that I who am a free man of England, and am not conscious to the committing of us crime against the Law, shall not be suffered by a &illegible; of Parlament, that have solemnly &illegible; to maintaine the lawes, to injoy that legall &illegible; to speak my owne word; in my owne manner, for my most advantage and best defence, that is &illegible; nor legally, nor cannot be denyed, at any &illegible; or Sessions, to the most capitall, bloody, and &illegible; Rogue in England. Truly Gentlemen, I must plainly tell you, I never was convicted of any crime &illegible; that did in the least disfranchise me of my hereditary and legall Rights and Liberties, nor &illegible; was legally in the least made uncapable of injoying the utmost benefit and priviledge that the &illegible; of England will afford or hand out to any legall man of England, But have at your command, &illegible; times and often adventured my life and all that I had in the world, &illegible; the maintenance and &illegible; of the lawes and liberties of England, with as much uprightnesse of &illegible; and as much man &illegible; &illegible; and resolution, as any member of the House of Commons what ever he be, and therefore I tell &illegible; before this Committee, or any power in England, what ever it be, shall rob me of my just &illegible; recompence of reward for all my labours, travels and hazards (which recompence of reward is the injoyment of the just priviledges and benefits of the good lawes of the Kingdome, I will spend my heart blood against you, yea, if I had a million of lives, I would sacrifice them all &illegible; you, and therefore seeing you have all of you solemnly listed up your hands to the most high God: and sworne to maintaine the Lawes of the Kingdome, I desire you for your owne credits &illegible; to deale with me so, as not to give me to just cause, to &illegible; your faces, you are a company of forsworne men, and so to publish & declare you to the whole Kingdome. VVith this Mr Wever, Burgesse for Stamford spoke, “Mr Corbet, I conceive such reproachfull and dishonourable expressions as Mr. Lilburn gives us to our faces, is not to be induced or suffered, and therefore I beseech you, let us be sensible of the honour due to our Authority, and the house whereof we are Members.

Good Mr. Corbet, I intreat you heare me, for J desire to let that Gentleman know; J am very consident I have not you said any thing that is dishonourable to the legall and lust interest and power either of this Committee, or the house of Commons whereof you are Members, and Sir if I should, I conceive you are enough to beare witnesse against me, and I thinke you judge your selves sufficiently indowed with power to punish &illegible; if I should doe as that Gentleman pretends, I have done, and truly Mr. Corbet, J must againe aver it before you, that I am no contemner nor despiser of the just and legall authority of the house of Commons, neither doe I desire to affront or reproach this Committee, but I pray consider, I am but a man, and a prisoner under many provocations, and to be so &illegible; &illegible; upon as I am, by halfe a dozen of you at a time, and interrupted in making my legall defence, and not suffered to speake my own words, is very hard and it is possible hereby, I may be provoked to heat, and in heat say that that is not convenient and sitting, the which if J should doe I hope you Mr. Corbet, have understanding enough to iudge, and to reprove me for it, and truly Sir upon your reproofe, if I can possibly apprehend and see I have done &illegible; I shall presently &illegible; you &illegible;

But here abouts, my wise seeing Mr. Wever so furious upon me as he was, burst out with aloud voice & said, “I told thee often enough long since, that thou would serve the Parliament, and venter thy life so long for them, &illegible; they would hang thee for thy paines, and give thee Tyburn for thy &illegible; and I told thee besides, thou shouldst in conclusion find them a company of unjust, and untighteous judge’s, that more sought themselves, and their owne ends, then the publique good of the Kingdome, or any of those that faithfully adventured their lives therefore.

But J desired Mr. Corbet, to passe by what in the bitternesse of her heart being a woman she had said unto them, and desired him to let me conclude my paper, and then J would give him a possitive answer to their question, which was granted, and I read out my paper, the true copy of which at large thus followeth.

To the Honourable Committee of the Honourable House of Commons, for suppressing of scandalous Pamphlets.

And having concluded my paper, now Mr. Corbet said I, if you please lets goe to the question, well then said he will you renounce this booke or no? Sir said I, I had rather give you leave to heugh me in ten thousand peeces, then renounce any act of mine, done by me upon grounded, mature and deliberate consideration, and therefore Sir, somethings before hand premised, J shall give you a possitive and satisfactory answer to the question.

And therefore in the first place, I desire you and all here present to take notice, that I doe not return you an answer to your question out of any opinion that J am bound in duty or conscience unto your Authority to doe it, because you command me to doe it, for I know J am (actively) only to obey you in lawfull things, which this is not in the least, for by law no man what ever is bound to betray himselfe.

Nor secondly, J doe not return you an answer to it, as though I were bound by any law in England there to; for I have before punctually proved it to your faces out of my paper, that it is altogether unlawfull by the law of the land, to presse or force me to answer to interrogatories. Neither lastly, doe I answer your interrogation, out of any base tymerousnesse to &illegible; the liberties & priveledges of the lawes of England, or to save my from selfe your insenced indignation, and therefore protesting that my answering your question, neither is, shall or justly can be drawn into president in future time, to compell me or any other free men of England, to answer to interrogatories, and therefore having (premised these things) affirmatively, I re-return you an answer to your question out of this consideration, that when I pend that book, I was inwardly exceedingly pricked forward to it, and framed it, with a resolution to lay down my life in the justification of it. And secondly, J return you an answer to the question out of this consideration, that upon your summons, I came before you with an absolute resolution to owne and avow that booke, (though I have been much by some of my friends perswaded to the contrary) alwayes provided I could get somethings effected before I did owne it, which I have already done, (that so I might set it in a way to come to a legall justification.) For first J have got the doore openned, that so I might have a publique hearing as my right by law. And secondly, J have obtained liberty (though with much a doe) to declare before you, in the presence and hearing of all these people, the illegallity of all yours, and all other Committees proceedings, inforcing the free men of England, (against the known and fundamentall lawes, of the land, and your own oather,) to answer to selfe accusing interrogatories, and now having fully effected what I desired and thirsted after, I come now with as much willingnesse and readinesse to answer to your question, as you are to have me answer to it, and avowedly I tell you, I invented, compiled and writ that booke, and caused it to be printed and dispersed, and every word in it I will own and avouch to the death, saving the Printers Erratas, which if you please to give me the booke, and liberty of pen and inke. I will correct and amend them under my own hand, and return you the booke again, with my name annexed, under my own hand at the conclusion of it. Well then said Mr. Corbet, take the book and pen and inke, and goe mend it, truly Sir, said I, I have but one good eye to see with, and yet for that, I am forced to use the helpe of spectacles, and I have very much this day wrained the strength of my eyes, with reading and writing, and besides the booke is five sheets of paper, so that it is almost impossible for me seriously and carefully (with my weak eyes) to read it over this night, but if you please to give me but any reasonable time, I will be very punctuall in returning it to you againe; so I had tell Wednesday in the afternoone given me, and accordingly I amended the faults under my own hand, which principally were litterall and yet ball faults, and at the conclusion of the booke. I writ, examined and avowed by me John Lilburn, 10. Feb. 1646.

And upon Wednesday, I inclosed the book with a copy of my forceited paper that I read at the Committee) in a letter sealed to Mr. Corbet the Chairman of the foresaid Committee, the true copy of which letter thus followeth.

But after this little digression, J return to the rest of that which followed at the Committee, which was to this effect, as soone as I had ownd the book, and received the book from Mr. Corbet, I said Gentlemen, you having as I perceive done with me, I shall humbly crave liberty to make one motion to this Committee, for the discharge of my wife, for by vertue of your warrant she is a prisoner, for dispersing some of my bookes, and truly gentlemen she is my wife, and set at worke to doe what she did at the earnest desire of me her (unjust imprisoned) husband, and truly I appeale to every one of your own consciences, whether you would not have taken it very ill at the hands of any of your wives? if you were in my case, and she should refuse, at your earnest desire to doe that for you that she by my perswasions hath done for me, therefore I intreat you to set her at liberty, and set the punishment of that her action upon my score, so with one consent she was discharged, for which I thanked them. Now Gentlemen with your favour and patience I humbly intreat you to heare me but one word more, which is this, I was the other day &illegible; or at least plundered, and had my house violently, forceably, & without any colour of law or conscience entred, & an Iron latch drawn, as I am informed by one whittaker a book-seller, who dwels in Pauls Church-yard, who with others &illegible; high &illegible; and violaters of the law, loaded away, as I am informed three &illegible; with my &illegible; and proper goods, that I bought with my owne proper monie, and he pretended he did it by vertue of a warrant from this Committee, therefore I humbly desire to know, whether &illegible; Committee will avow his action, and &illegible; him out in what he hath so done? No saith Mr. Corbet, he had no such power from this Committee, as forceably to enter your house, nor to meddle with any of your goods or bookes, but only at randome to seize upon all of this booke where he could find them. Well gentlemen, then here is a high act of violence and contempt &illegible; the law committed, for here is my house by violence entered, and so many of my goods as they pleased to seize upon carried away, none belonging to me being present to see what they did, and my doores by them left wide open, for any that had a mind to goe in and take away, and rob me of all the rest of my goods that they left, for which actions I hope I shall obtaine justice in time, but in regard you say your warrant did not authorize him to take any of my bookes, but The Oppressed mans Oppressions declared, and yet he tooke away abundance of severall other bookes besides that, which I bought with my monie I hope this honourable Committee will be so just as to command him faithfully to restore me them all again, or at least all but the hundred of the present bookes in controversie, and I was fairely promised I should have them, but as yet I have found no performance at all, though truly I doe conceive there was as many books carried away by him as stood me in about twenty or thirty pounds, for there was the greatest part of a thousand of my bookes, called London Charters, the printing of &illegible; with the paying for the copies of the originall Charters, &c. (which I had out of the Record office in the Tower) cost me almost twenty pounds, besides a great many of severall &illegible; And at my withdrawing, the people &illegible; out, they never would answer to close Committees any more, being the doores by law ought to be open, which they never knew before. Now friend, I know you are acquainted very well with some able and honest Lawyers, and therefore I pray doe me the favour as inquire of them, whether all these things laid together, it be not an act of Fellony in the forementioned whittaker, &c. thus forceably to enter my house, and without any reall or pretended warrant to take away my goods; but if it be not fellony, I desire to know of them, what effectuall course, I may take in law, to obtaine my just and legall satisfaction for this illegall wrong, and making these catch-poule Knaves (who are as bad if not worse then the Bishops Rookes and Catch-poules) examples to all their fellow Knaves and Catch-poules.

Thirdly, I desire to know, whether by law, any free mans house in England can be broken open, or forceably entered under any pretence whatever? unlesse if be for fellony and treason, or a strong and grounded suspition of fellony or treason, or to serve an execution after judgement for the King?

Fourthly, if any person or persons whatever, shall indeavour to break open, or &illegible; enter my house, or any other free mens of England, upon any pretence what ever, but the forementioned, or some other that is expresly warrantable by the known law, whether according to Law or no, I may not stand upon my owne defence in my owne house being my Castle and Sanctuary, and kill any or all of those that so illegally (though under specious authoritive pretences) shall assault me.

Fiftly, whether in law it be not as great a crime in the foresaid whittaker, &c. &illegible; to enter my house, and carrie away my own goods lawfully &illegible; by, under a pretence of a warrant signed by a single Member of the House of Commons, commonly called a Chair-man of a Committee. As for Sir William Beacher &illegible; of his Majesties Privie Counsell, Old Sir Henry Vame a Privie Counceller, and (if I mistake not then) Secretary of State, and Mr. Laurance Whittaker that old corrupt Monopolizer, now Member of the House of Commons; by vertue of Regall, or Councell-Board authoritie, to &illegible; the pockets, or break open the study doors of the Earle of Warwick, the Lord Say, Mr. Hambden, Mr. Pym, Mr. &illegible; or any other of those that was so served after the breaking up of the short Parliament, for which by this present Parliament (as I am credibly informed from knowing and &illegible; hands) Sir William Beacher was committed to the Fleet, Mr. Laurance Whittaker to the Tower, and old Sir Henry Vame, who as it is credibly said was this principall actor in this businesse, and was in this present House of Commons, strongly moved against, againe, and againe, and in all probability had &illegible; soundly for it, if it had not been for the interest that his Son young Sir Henry had in Mr. &illegible; Pym, and the rest of his bosome associates, who as it plainly (now appeares, for ends besides the publique, had use to make of him against me Earle of Strafford, who was one of the &illegible; men that stood in their way, and &illegible; them from possessing themselves of those high and mighty places of honour and profit that is now too much apparent they then aspired unto, and therefore truly when I seriously cast my eye upon their continued serious of actions, (especially of late) my conscience is overcome, and J am forced to thinke that there is a great deale of more truth in many of the charges fixed upon them, in those two notable Declarations of the Kings, (then at the first reading of them, I conceive there was) the first of which is the 12. of August, 1642. and begins book &illegible; 1. part pag. 514. some notable passages of which Mr. Richard Overton and my selfe have published in the 6 pag. of out late discourse, called The &illegible; of Oppressed &illegible; unto which I shall desire &illegible; one more, and that is of their partiallity in judgement, which the King chargeth them with (ibim) page 516 “That they threw out of their house some Monopolizers, as unfit to be Law-makers, because their principles was not fit for the present turns of the powerfull party there, and kept in other as great Monopolizers as those they threw out, because they did comply with them in their ends, and the King instances Sir Henry Mildmer, and Mr. Laurance Whittaker, both of whom, for all their transgressions, still sit in the &illegible; And if it be an act of treason to exercise an Arbitrary and tyrannicall power (for so it was charged upon the Earle of Strafford, &c.) then I will maintain it, Mr. Laurance Whittaker is guilty of it, for he hath severall times done it unto the free men of England, &illegible; upon me in particular, as at large you may read in my book called Innocency and Truth, justified, to the apparent hazard of my life and being, for which I will never forgive him, tell he hath acknowledged his fault, and made me &illegible; and just satisfaction, the which if he do not the speedier, seeing by his unreasonable priviledge, as he is a Parliament man, that by law I cannot meddle either with his body or goods, I will by Gods assistance (seeing I have no other &illegible;) pay him with my pen, as well as ever he &illegible; paid since his eyes was open, cost it what it will and therefore I now advise him, if he love his owne reputation, without any more &illegible; to acknowledge his &illegible; by giving me legall satisfaction.

The King second Declaration, is an answer to the two &illegible; Declaration of the proceeding of the Treaty at &illegible; 1643. and in the second part book &illegible; pag. &illegible; printed Anno 1646. where in pag. 101. he chargeth them possitively, “that the maintenance and advancement of Religion, justice, liberty, propriety and peace, are really but their stalking &illegible; and neither the ground of their &illegible; nor of their demands, and I for my part must ingeniously protest and declare unto you, that the dealings of both houses with me, and others of the Kingdome: best friends is such, that as sure as the Lord lives, I should &illegible; against my own soule, if I should not really beleeve this particular charge of his Majesties to be most undeniable true and just, and to my understanding he there gives notable demonstrations to evince and cleare the forementioned charge, I shall only instance that in pag. 112. 113. VVhere his Majestie framing an answer to something they say in their Declaration about the Iudges, and Members of Parliament, he saith. “That by never having appeared at all in the favour, excuse or extenuation, of the fault of those Iudges (who are to answer for any unjust judgement, in all which his Majesty lest them wholly to their consciences, and whensoever they offended against that, they wronged his Majesty no lesse then his people.) And by his being yet so carefull of those Lords and Gentlemen, it may appeare that his Majestie conceires, that those only adhere to him, who adhere to him according to law. And whether the remaining part of the Houses be not more apt to repealt their own impeachments and proceedings against those Iudges, (if they conceive they may be made use of and brought to adhere to them) then his Majestie is to require they should, may appear by their requiring in their 14 propositions, that Sir John Bramston (&illegible; by then selves of so great misdemeanors) may be made chiefe Iustice, and by their freeing and returning Iustice Barkly, (accused by themselves of high Treason) to sit upon the bench, rather then free and imploy Iustice Mallet, who was not legally committed at first, but &illegible; from the bench to prison by a troop of Horse, and who after so many &illegible; imiprisonment, remaines not truly &illegible; but wholly without any knowledge of what crime he is suspected.

And indeed their partiallity in doing justice and judgement, &illegible; no one man in England (I thinke more, then in old Sir Henry Vame, who by all men that I can talke with that knowes him and his practises, renders him a man as full of guilt (in the highest nature) and court basenesse, as any man what ever that was there. For I have credably been told by one that sate in the short Parliament, “that he was the maine and principall man, that instrumentally brok up that Parliament, for in the House in the Kings name he strongly moved for twelve Subsidies, when he had no such Commission from his Majestie, but did it of purpose to set the Parliament in a heat, and make them fly high against the King, of which heat he took advantage, and then went to the King, and incensed him against them, and thereby provoked him to break it up, on set purpose to save himselfe from being questioned about his dangerous and desparate Monopoly of Gun-powder, and other of his illegall Knaveries, in which he was deep enough even over both boots and shooes. For Sir Iohn Eveling was the old powder master, and then Sir Henry Vaine stept in, and justled him out, and got in one Mr. Samuel Cordwell one of his own servants that waited upon him in his Chamber, who had the sole Monopoly of making all the powder in England, and furnished power for &illegible; into the Tower, which powder was sold out commonly for 18. per. l. at the first hand, besides the charge of getting first a warrant from the Counsell board, to the Lord Newport, then master of the Ordinance, to sell such and such so much powder, which warrant besides the losse of time and trouble, cost deare enough, then there was a second warrant from the Lord Newport, to be obtained to the officers of the Ordnance to deliver the powder out, according to the warrant of the Counsell board, and then there was a third warrant to be got from the officers of the Ordnance to the particular Clarke that kept the powder, all which besides trouble, cost, money, besides a fee of a mark which was paid by the buyer to the officers of the Ordnance, for every last of powder they delivered, and the forementioned Cordwell, Sir Henry Vaines Gun-powder Agent, constantly ingaged to bring in every moneth to the Tower 20. last, there being 24. barrells in every last, and 100.l in every barrell, and besides he (as the principall instrument of setting this dangerous Monopoly on foot) forced the Marchants, and sea men, many times for divers dayes together, to stop their viages to their great and extraordinary detriment, till they would give large bribes, or were forced to use some other indirect means, to obtaine his warrant, &c. to get powder out of his unjust Monopolizing hands to furnish their ships, for which notwithstanding they were forced to pay above double the price for it, (nay almost trible) according to the rate it was sold at before his Monopoly.

Yea, and by this meanes, he wickedly and illegally disfurnished all the Countryes in the Kingdome, as is notoriously known to all the Deputy Lieutenants, by meanes of which he laid the King some open to the invasion and over-running of a forraign enemy, which did create, nourish and foment, strange and strong jealoufies in the people, that there was some strange and desparate designe upon them to inslave and invasolize them, which was no little occasion of our present warres, by blowing of coales to the fomenting and increasing of devisions betwixt the King and the people.

Yea, and besides all this, he was not one of the least of Canterburies Creatures, being not a little active in the Star-Chamber, to serve his ends, the smart of which with a witnesse, I am sure my shoulders selt. For upon the 13. of Feb. 1617. in the 13. yeare of the present King, the Lord Coventry, Earle of Manchester, Lord Newburgh, old Sir Henry Vaine, Judge Bramstone, and Judge Jones, in the Star-Chamber sentenced me for refusing to take an illegall oath to answer to their Interrogatories to pay to the King 500.l to be bound to my good behaviour to be whipt through the street to Westminster, and there to be set upon the Pillory, and then to remaine in prison tell I conformd to their tyrannicall commands. Which decree or sentence you may at large read in the 1, 2, 3. pages of my printed relation of my Star-Chamber sufferings, as they were presented by my Counsell, Mr. Bradshare, and Mr. Iohn Cook, before the Lords at there Bar, and proved by witnesses, the 13. Feb. 1645. the barbarous execution of which you may read not only in that relation, but also in a large relation of it, made and printed by me, that yeare I suffered, called the Christian mans tryall, and lately reprinted by Mr. William Larnar in Bishops-gate street, and in my bookes also then made, called, Come out of her my people, the afflicted mans Complaint, A cry for justice, my Epistle to the Aprentizes of London, and my Epistle to the Wardens of the fleet, which foresaid sentence the House of Commons after a long and judicious examination and debaite, thus voted.

Die Martis, May 4. 1641.

Mr. Rouse this day reported Iohn Lilburn his cause, it was thereupon ordered and resolved upon the question as followeth.

Resolved upon the question,

That the sentence of the Star-Chamber given against Iohn Lilburn is illegall and against the liberty of the Subject, and also bloody, wicked, cruell, barbarous and tyrannicall.

Resolved upon the question.

That reparations ought to be given to Mr. Lilburne for his imprisonment, sufferings, and losses sustained by that illegall sentence.

Ordered that the Committee shall prepare this case of Mr. Lilburnes to be transmitted to the Lords, with those other of Dector Bastwicks, Doctor Leighton, Master Burton, and Mr. Pryu.

Hen. Elsing Cler. Dom. Com.

And though it was a matter of foure yeares before I could get this my ease transmitted to the Lords, the obstructing of which I cannot attribute to any, but principally to that old crafty Fox, Sir Henry Vaine, (who I am confident of it hath long since deserved the Ax or Halter) and and his powerfull interest and influence, especially by his sonne, young Sir Henry, though (Mathiavel like) he faces and lookes another way, who for all his religious pretences, I for my part thinke to be as crasty (though not so guilty a) Colt as his Father, which I beleeve I could easily and visibly demonstrate, which I groundedly apprehend I have sufficient cause administred unto me to doe, especially for some suttle, cunning, but mischievous late &illegible; by as guilded instruments as himselfe, but at present for my own interest sake I will spare him, though (my fingers itches,) yet I must tell him, I am very confident for all his disguises, he will shortly be known to consciencious, men, to be but at the best (if he be no more) then one of the prerogative quench coales, to keep the people in silence, from acting and &illegible; &illegible; deliver themselves from slavery and bondage.

And when, came amongst the Lords, they the 13, Feb, 1645 decreed, that that sentence, and all proceedings thereupon shall forth with before ever totally vacuated, obliterated, and taken of the file in all &illegible; where they are yet remaining, as illegall, and most unjust, against the liberty of the Subject, and law of the land, and Magna Charta, and unfit to continue upon &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; said Lilburn shall be forever absolutely freed, and totally discharged from the said &illegible; and all proceeding, thereupon, as fully and ample as though never any such thin, had &illegible; &c.

Which &illegible; you may at large read in the foresaid relation, yea, and by an other decree, ordered &illegible; &illegible; And down into the House of Common, they send my Ordinance for their concurrance, &illegible; is there again bluckt up, as I may too justly conceive by the powerfull and unjust &illegible; of the forementioned old, tyrannicall Monopolizer, Sir Henry Vaine, for which by Gods &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; I have no other remedy, nor meane: left me, to obtain my right, and the I, &illegible; of the Kingdome, &illegible; am resolved to pay him, (and all that I can groundedly know and heare joynes and concur, with him to destroy me, and hinder me of justice and my right which should preserve me and keep me and mine alive) cost it hanging, burning, drowning, strangling, poysoning, starving, cutting to peices, or whatever it will or &illegible; yea, though it &illegible; me all the interest I have in the world, in any or all the great ones there of, put Lien. Gen. Cromwell into the number.

And therefore J desire not only your selfe, (but all impartiall Readers that reads these lines) to judge whether it be not the hight of partiallity and injustice in the House of Commons, to &illegible; him to sit and vote there, especially they having throwne out divers others, for ten times lesse faults then he is publiquely known to be guilty of, and I desire you to satisfie me, whether or no the people for their owne wellfare are not bound, and may not groundedly petition the House of Commons to throw out him, who is so great a transgressor and violater of the Lawes of England, and therefore altogether unfit to be one of those that maketh and gives lawes unto the free men of England, for in my apprehension if there were no more to be laid unto his Charge, but to have been so unjust and unrighteous a Iudge, as to have had a finger in inflicting a sentence that is voted by the house of Comons in the dayes of their verginity, purity and uncorruptnesse, (to what it is visibly now, yea, himselfe sitting as a Member there) to be not only illegall, and against the liberty of the Subject, but also bloody, wicked, cruell, barbarous, and tyrannicall, it alone were legally and justly cause enough for ever to eject him. O England, England! woe unto thee! when thy chosen preservers turne to be thy grand destroyers, and in stead of easing thee of thy grievances, with a high hand of violence protect from justice those that commit them, and thou seest it and knowest it, and yet art like a silly Dove without heart, and dates not open thy month wide to reprove it, and indeavour by petition or otherwise the amending of it, surely and undeniably that body, who, or what ever it be that is not able to evacuate its exerements, is nigh unto the giving up the Ghost, or bursting out into such botches and ulcers, that it shall be an eye sore to all that behold it, and stinke in the lostrels of all men, that have their senses.

But with your patience, I will trace this old Fox a little further, and see how he hath plaid his cards since this Parliament fare, and to let &illegible; his unfaithfull dealings with his master the King, whose Secretary of State he was, and yet could not, or would not keep his secrets, (which is an act base enough in itselfe) although as J have been told by one very neare and &illegible; unto him, his places he injoyed under the King, were worth to him, 8 100 l. per annum, but having as before as truly observed, before this Parliament (by acts of basinesse done, as he was a &illegible; and a Courties Counseller) can himselfe over boots and &illegible; and seeing that it was impossible for him and all his confederates, to break of this Parliament, as they did the late short Parliament, therefore it behoved him for the safety of his own head, to lay his designes so, as that he might by the swaying party merit preservation to himselfe, which to doe, being as he was a Secretary, &illegible; to all the King and Courts principall secrets, though he was under an Oath, and the strictest obligation of secrecie that could be, yet they must all out, and out they went, as in the case of the Earle of Strafford, of which I have, heard some great ones say, it was scrued to the highest pin, if it were not higher then in honestly &illegible; justice it should, but all this was done, that he might not only save himselfe, but gaine an esteeme in the present Parliament, and so be in a possibillity, by the interest of his son, Sir Henry, (although to men that were halfe blind, there was, and I thinke still is a seeming enmity betwixt him and his Father) in time to make himselfe amonds, for his 8000.l a yeare by his places, which by disserting of the King (to save himselfe) he was &illegible; to loose, (and indeed it is commonly reported, that in his place as one of the Committee of the King revenue, he hath learned to &illegible; his own Engers well) and the first or grand step of honour he attained to, by the Parliament, was to be made Lord Lieutenant of the County of Durham, and the wars comming one &illegible; the King and Parliament, to indeare himselfe againe &illegible; the King (knowing that the chance of warre was &illegible;) he sent his second son, Sir George Vaine to &illegible; upon &illegible; serve the King, who in person was a &illegible; &illegible; in the battell of Edge-Hill, with the rest of his fellow Courtiers, but to make up his case the more with the King, though himselfe &illegible; with the Parliament, where as a seeming friend to them, he was able to doe the King truer service, yea, and did it then if he had been with him, for instead of protecting, preserving, securing and defending the County of Durham, (of which he was Lieutenant) according to the duty of his place, and those many importunare desires expressed into him by the well affected Gentlemen of the Country, which were all in vaine, for in stead of preserving the Country, he sent his Magazine of Atmes from his Castle at Raby, (by his &illegible; principall servants, Mr. William Conyers Steward of his land, and Mr. Henry Dingly his Soliciter at law) as a present for the King, to the Earle of New-Castle, then in Atmes at New Castle against the Parliament, who might then have been easily suppress at his comming to New Castle, if old Sir Henry Vaine had been true to his trust the Parliament &illegible; in him.

And that he sent them is visible enough, for they carried them openly and avowedly in the day time through the Country, boasting of their act both in their going and comming, and at New Castle from the hand of one of the Earles servants or Officers, received, a note for the receipt of those armes, that so when time should serve, Sir Henry Vaine might have it to justifie his good service done for his Majestie in being the &illegible; instrument of raising the Earle of New Castles Army, and giving the King so great a sooting in the North as there he had, for his &illegible; being sent to the Kings Generall so openly, publiquely and avowedly as they were, though his person were with the Parliament, yet it made all people there to conclude that he was himselfe absolutely for the King against the Parliament, which presently (his influence in those parts being great) got the Earle of New Castle a mighty repute and credit, and made those that were really for him to be impudent and bold in their attempts, and made abundance of Newters then to declare, (all or most of whom might at the first have been made serviceable to the Parliament, if they had been looke to be times) and the most of those few of cordiall, well affected Gentlemen, were immediately forced to &illegible; and leave all they had behind them, and the &illegible; that stayed, were immediately taken prisoners and destroyed, (as well as the other) in their estates, for which Sir Henry Vaines land and estate, ought in justice and conscience to goe to the last penny of it, to make them satisfaction, being the &illegible; instrumentall cause of all their losses, woe and misery, and of all the woe and misery of the whole North, occasioned by the Earle of New-Castles forces, and those that were &illegible; to be raised to destroy them, which if they had never had a being, there had never been no need of the Scots comming into this Kingdome to our deare bought ayde, the evill consequences of whose comming, I am afraid England this twise seaven yeares will not &illegible; of without a great deale of blood shed and misery, the yoak of Presbyterian bondage alone, (besides then co-operations, if not co sharing in the Civill government of England, to the unspeakable prejudice to the freemen thereof) which they brought with them over &illegible; this Kingdome, which is likely to prove 100. times worse then the tyranny and Lordlinesse of the Bishops. One thing more about Sir Henry Vaine I desire you to take notice of, and that is further to demonstrate, that his servants carried the Armes, not of their owne heads, but by his command, or at least good liking, is this, that he never complained to the Parliament of it, nor never indeavoured to have them punished for it, but rather protected and defended them, so that those that complained of them, as well as of himselfe, by reason of his greatnesse, could never be heard nor obtaine justice, though it was with some zeale followed by my Father, & my Vnkle Mr. George Lilburn, with other Gentlemen of the same Country, as you may partly read in Englands Birth Right pag. 19. 20. 21.

All this while, if the King lost the day and the Parliament prevailed, here was himselfe and his son, young Sir Henry to make good his interest here, so that of which side soever the &illegible; went, the old crafty Fox was sure in his owne thoughts co stand upon his leggs, and be no looser, but perceiving the King likely to goe down the weather, by the Scots comming in, he whistles away his son Sir George Vaine from the Kings Army. And though the Parliament had upon the 20 May 1642 voted. That when soever the King in &illegible; war upon the Parliament, it is &illegible; of the trust reposed in him by his people, contrary to his oath, and tendeth to the dissolution of this Government. And that whosoever shall serve or assist him in such warres, are &illegible; by the fundamentall lawes of this Kingdome, and have been so adjudged by two Acts of Parliament, viz. 11. &illegible; 2. and 1 ll. 4:

And yet notwithstanding, though Sir George Vaine did both serve and assist the King actually at the battell at Edge-Hill, yet as soone as any footing by the Parliament is gotten in the County of Durbam, he is by his Father, (and I thinke I might say brother too) for it is impossible if young Sir Henry were honest and true to the publique interest of his Country, according to what he seemingly prosesses, and would be thought to be, that his father and brother should doe such actions as they have done and dayly doe, and escape scot free, and no man to be heard that complains of them, but rather crushed and destroyed, which could not be, if he and his interest did not support them in all their basenesse) I say Sit George is by his Father sent down into the Country, as the only fit man to govern it, by deserving well at the hands of the Parliament for being with the King at the battell of Edge-hill, and therefore his made the receiver of the Kings sequestered revenue there, worth to his particular a great many hundreds pounds per annum, and is also made chiefe Deputy Lieutenant, yea, as it were Deputy Lord Lieutenant, Iustice of peace and quorum, Committee man and Chair-man of the Committee, and hath also the Posse commitatis of the whole County put into his hands, as being the fittest man to be High Sheriffe there, yea, and now &illegible; that County, whatever a King is in his Kingdome, that saying of &illegible; chap. 5, 19. concerning the power of &illegible; &illegible; being too truly verified of him and his father, in &illegible; to their acted and executed power in that &illegible; County, that whom they will they set up, (yea, even as arch blades as Sir George himselfo) and whom they will they pull down, and all the people there in a manner trimble and feare before them.

But this is not all, for the Parliament upon the clearing of the Country, sent a Magazine of Ammunition and &illegible; downe, which was landed and laid up at Sunderland in the possession of my Vnkle, Mr. George Lilburn, one of the Deputy Lieutenants, and Iustices of Peace, &c. of the County, which Sir George Vaine by his supreame prerogative sent for away, and put into his Fathers Castle of &illegible; and laid in store of Provisions there, but I will not say he sent for some scores of Cavieliers from a Castle in Yorkshire to come and take possession of it so soone as he had so done, but this I will say, that they did come and take possession of it with a great deale of case, and it cost the Country some thousands of pounds before they could take it againe. So here you have at present a briefe relation of the game that Sir Henry Vaine hath plaid this many yeares together, by meanes of which he hath got a great estate, but I may say an ill estate, to leave to his son Sir Henry principally, a man for all the experience I have had of him, (and I have had not a little) no whit inferior in my apprehension to his Father in Mathiavels principles, for all his guilded professions, and truly it is very strange to &illegible; what the Family of the Vaines hath deserved of this Kingdome, that they must have so many thousands pounds a yeare out of the Kingdomes Revenue, in its present great and extraordinary poverty, as they have, never any of which ever &illegible; the shedding of one drop of blood for the Parliament or Kingdome. And besides the two sonnes before mentioned, there is a third lately come out of Holland that was a Captain there, and though he hath not one foot of Land in the County of Durbam, yet he is as I am informed lately made a Iustice of peace, and hath besides profitable and gainefull Offices there. I pray Sir, what doe you thinke such doings as this (of which the Parliament is full, as I could easily declare) doth portend to the whole Kingdome, doe you thinke that it portends lesse then &illegible; vassolage and slavery to the whole Kingdome, by a company of base and unworthy men, setup by the people, whom they may if they please pull downe by calling them home, and chuse &illegible; men in their places, in a new Parliament to call them to a strict accompt, without doing of which the lawes and liberties of England are destroyed, and our proprieties utterly overthrow, that doe and will tyrannise ten times worse &illegible; us, then ever our prerogative task-masters of old did.

Sir, sure I am by the antient, good, just and unrepealed laws of England, it is inacted, that a Parliament should be &illegible; every yeare once or more oftner &illegible; &illegible; for the maintenance of the lawes, and the redresse of &illegible; mischiefes and &illegible; which dayly happen, 4. E. 3. 14. and 36. E. 3. 10. And by the act made this present Parliament in the 16. yeare of the King, called an Act for the preventing of inconveniences hapning by the long intermission of Parliaments, there it is provided, in case the King doe not performe his duty to the Kingdome, in summoning of Parliaments as he ought; that then we shall have a Parliament once in 3. yeare whether he will or no, as appeares by the Act itselfe, which most excellent. Act is altogether &illegible; to the Kingdome, if we must have a perpetuall Parliament, and therefore an everlasting Parliament is the greatest abridgement and detrustion to our lawes, liberties, and proprieties that possibly can be imposed upon us, the present Parliament men being in their owne principles unpuestionable, lawlesse, & uncontrowleable (and so art a kind of Monsters, &illegible; of the Divells creation then Gods, for he never created and made any man lawlesse) during all whose sitting as they by their actions order the matter, we have no propriety in our lives, liberties, estates or trades, for all of them are subject to be destroyed by a Vote, and &illegible; sometimes it may be carried but by the Vote of one of Dr. &illegible; &illegible; or &illegible; &illegible; Prynt Minors or Infants, it may be but of 18. yeares old, &illegible; year as younger &illegible; &illegible; to be by law that can sit in that House, nay to such a hight of &illegible; are these &illegible; &illegible; grown, that they by Vote (without law or reason) take our liberties from us, upon my &illegible; and false report of any of their Members, or any of their &illegible; Catch &illegible; &illegible; either the hearing us speak for ourselves, or so much as telling us the cause wherefore &illegible; imprisonned, and this the last yeare in every particular was my portion, by the &illegible; of &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; Speaker of the House of Commons, Dr. &illegible; and that base and &illegible; &illegible; fellow, Col. Edward King, who divers yeares agoe deserved to be hanged for &illegible; &illegible; trust reposed in him by the Parliament, &illegible; this was lately the portion of Major &illegible; by the means of M Hollis, Sir Walter &illegible; Sir Phillip &illegible; Sir Sam. Luke & the rest of there &illegible; trusty and doubty Associates. O brave Parliament! Which by its constitution and &illegible; practises, was a Bulwarke to secure the Commons of England from being &illegible; up and destroyed, by the prerogative and wills of the Kings of England, but having now &illegible; first station, destroyes us with unknown, unlimited and arbitrary priviledges, more then &illegible; the prerogatives of any King of England, since the first day of Magna Chartas &illegible; and are unaccomptable for any thing they say and doe, yea, and doe not only act the Parliamentary power, but also a regall power, yea, and though they count themselves the &illegible; Iudges in the Kingdome, yet contrary to law, justice, reason, and conscience, take upon them for fees, (which I may call bribes), to plead causes before Iudges of their own making, who dare as well eate their fingers ends, as displease them, and then in conclusion it may be the &illegible; same causes by way of appeale comes before themselves as supreme Iudges, and judge you how those causes must goe in which they have been, and it may be are Hackney Counsellers, which they ought not in the least to be, it being not only contrary to law, but the &illegible; of Iudges that any Iudge should give Counsell or be a Counseller.

Yea, Parliaments in former times used to be so carefull in the discharge of their &illegible; for the welfare of the people that did chuse and be trust them, that they would &illegible; nothing upon the people that might be a burthen to them, without &illegible; them first &illegible; &illegible; Sir Edward Cooke that learned Lawyer in the 4. part of his &illegible; Chap. of the high Court of Parliament, fol. 14 declares his words are as followith, which is printed by the present Parliaments Speciall order.

It is also the law of the Parliament, that when any new device is &illegible; on the Kings &illegible; in Parliament, for his aid or the like, the Commons way answer that they &illegible; the Kings &illegible; and are ready to aid the same, only in this new device they dare not agree, without &illegible; with their Countryer, whereby (saith he) it appeareth that such conferences is warrantable by the law &illegible; of Parliament. And folio 34. (he saith) that at the Parliament bolden in the 9 &illegible; &illegible; a &illegible; was made for a subsidy to be granted of a new kind, the Commons answered, that they would &illegible; conference with those of their severall &illegible; and places, who had put &illegible; a trust, before they treated of any such matter. See my booke called Innocency and truth justified, pag. 60.

But now things by the present Parliament are so carried, as if they were absolute Lords overal the estates of &illegible; & every individuall in the Kindom, that chuse and trusted them, and as though they might leavie upon them at their wills what they pleased, and dispose of it how they pleased, even to their own particular pockets to the inrichment of their particular selves. See the Opressed mans Oppressions declared, pag. 22, 35. Regall &illegible; p. 101, 104, 105, 106. and Londons account.

So that the People now, are without a &illegible; to preserve them from being followed up by unlimited prerogative & unknown priviledges &illegible; by them &illegible; by their own &illegible; if they vote to set up &illegible; on the turkish &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; it because they vote and declare it, and if they vote into their owne &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; (we must give) them unto them, or if they vote to &illegible; unto themselves, all our &illegible; and children &illegible; must part with them to them, because, they vote it, and have no remedy in helpe ourselves, because we have trusted them, (O brave Parliament &illegible;) though we never intended them in the least any power at all to doe what they list, nor any other power, but only &illegible; to the best of their understandings. (according to justice &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible;) &illegible; provide for our greater &illegible; and better well being, which they &illegible; before they &illegible; got the King and his party downe, did honestly confesse, book &illegible; &illegible; pag. &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; the Iudges to an account, and to punish them if they should &illegible; the law and justice of the Kingdome, either by the King &illegible; letters, commands or threats, which the law &illegible; saith, they are not in the least to regard, in the administration of justice, 9. &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; E. 5. &illegible; &illegible; E. 3. 9. 14 E. 3. 14. 11., &illegible; &illegible; And if they see cause to call the &illegible; &illegible; &c. to account, to know and see, if the publique Treasure of the &illegible; be &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; according to the &illegible; and uses that it is assigned &illegible; &illegible; for the good preservation, &illegible; &illegible; protection of the Kingdome and not to be &illegible; or &illegible; in ends or uses not warrantable not justifiable.

But they were never in the least be trusted with a power to protect and &illegible; &illegible; their own Members in all manner of treachery and basenesse &illegible; by them against the Kingdome, (as I could easily instance they have, done to divers) and to cheat and &illegible; them of great and vast sums, of their, money, and yet not to be liable to be called to any account for it. See Mr. Andrew Burrells, &illegible; to the Parliament of England, and the state of Irish affaires presented to the Parliament by the Committee of adventures in London, for Ireland, and Regall &illegible; Pag. 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106 in which pages &illegible; declared, that a right &illegible; Gentleman of the House of Commons, Sir &illegible; &illegible; and his agent Mr. Davis, have put in their particular pockets, &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of the money &illegible; for the relief of Ireland, and I have heard that the foresaid Committee of &illegible; had &illegible; Sir &illegible; &illegible; to the purpose in the House of Commons, about &illegible; l. that they possitively say he hath in his hands, if as I am informed, he had not by a great &illegible; of industry found some very great Citizens &illegible; (contrary to the law,) in transporting beyond the Seas, Silver and Gold, who improved all their interest to keep him from complaining, and it is thought prevailed on purpose with the said Committee to &illegible; prosecuting, Sir &illegible; &illegible; that so he might &illegible; &illegible; them, for their transportations, nay it is &illegible; though some &illegible; their fingers soundly about this businesse, for I have from very good hands heard, there are some notable blades about London, that can easily discover so many great men about London capitally &illegible; with transporting of the Kingdome treasure beyond the Seas, that if there were any that would doe &illegible; justlee &illegible; &illegible; the penalty of the lawes, divers hundreds of thousands of pounds might &illegible; be raised to be put into the publique purse, only it were worth the Commons of Englands serious &illegible; to &illegible; that three quarters of it were not put into particular Parliament mens pockets. Oh for a new chosen Parliament to find out that almost &illegible; &illegible; that &illegible; amongst divers of this Parliament, about mighty sums of the publiques money, &illegible; &illegible; holdly &illegible; it, that all the businesse against Strafford, &illegible; Lord Keeper Finch, Lord Chief Iustice &illegible; &illegible; Iudge &illegible; Barron Trever, Sir George &illegible; The Farmers of the Custome-house, Alderman Abell, Mr. &illegible; and the rest of their Cater-piller &illegible; &illegible; was never when they were openned, more odious to the people, then the villanny and &illegible; of divers of the present Parliament men would evidently appeare, if there were any uncorrupted and impartiall &illegible; &illegible; it open, which &illegible; they are, is impossible to be found or had, they being generally and &illegible; (in a manner) so corrupted with &illegible; the States money, that for my part I am very &illegible; of it, they dare not rip &illegible; one anothers knavery, for reare he that first begins gets a &illegible; himselfe before he hath done. Yea, I have observed it for divers moneths together, that it is a common practice in the House of Commons, that as soone as a Soldier is chosen a Parliament man, of whose honesty, &illegible; and boldnesse, many people had high thoughts of, &illegible; &illegible; him, and &illegible; up his lips, which gifts doe &illegible; 23. 8. Deut. 16. 19 &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; within a moneth or six weekes very commonly, order that he shall have his Arrears can up and paid him, or else a Vote for &illegible; or 5000, l. for one losse or another, so that for my part &illegible; though a man be never so gallant when he is in the field, yet such bewitching baites of money &c. is in the House of Commons, that as soone as he comes to sit there, he is in my thoughts three quarters spoyled, yea, and it may be in a very little time will be an enemy to that &illegible; and down right honesty, he in the field professed so that for my part, of all the late Commanders that have been chosen to sit in the House, (they are so taken with the Silver &illegible; of that House) that I &illegible; my part? wis? not give a groat a dozen for them, (to doe the Common wealth service in their present place) unlesse it be one or two at most amongst them, therefore say I, let us earnestly comtest for the inioyment of our iust, nationall liberties and the long and antient just laws of England to have every yeare a fresh and new Parliament, to call this to in &illegible; for all our money they have had, and all the iniustice they have done us without which we are destroyed, both in our lawer, liberties and proprieties, but if any shall &illegible; the Kingdome in generall will &illegible; great hazards by a new choise, I say no, for it never &illegible; base men be chosen, if we have a fresh Parliament every yeare, to sit three or four score dayes &illegible; most, it will be as a rod kept over their heads to awe them, that they shall not dare to doe the Kingdome one thousand part of that iniustice that this Parliament hath done, for feare the next Parliament they shall be questioned, and then loose their heads or estates. Therefore in the Kingdomes good In generall, it is worth the indeavouring to get the same &illegible; in an annuall act, that now is in the &illegible; made the 16. yeare of the King, & to settle the government of the Kingdome, either by the King againe, or some other way that the Parliament shall think sit, by chusing out a Committee amongst themselves to manage the great affaires of the Kingdome, till the next free and new chosen Parliament, for now we are under a Law, when Parliament men please to destroy us, and when the Law will not reach us, then their wills shall, tell which &illegible; done, England shall never inioy iustice, impartiallity, but be in the absolute condition of at perfect vassolage and slaverie, as either the Turks in Turky, or the &illegible; France, or the &illegible; in &illegible; having neither the inioyment of liberty nor propriety now; it being I wil maintain it, the greatest act of breach of trust that ever the King did in his life when he passed the Act called the Act to prevent inconveniencies, by untimely dissolving the Parliament, made 1641. to let both houses sit as long as they pleased, and so make sitting in Parliament a Monopoly and heriditary to them and their heires for ever, which is such a palpable and visible violation of our essentiall and fundamentall liberties, that it is lesse to be indured by the honest free men of England, then any act of iniustice, or violence that ever he did to us in his life; for this is to universall that it absolutely destroyes both our lawes, liberties, trades, and proprieties, and makes us all perfect and absolute slaves, but Parliament men and their new made and created creatures, there being nothing wanting but the Kings consent to the twelfth Proposition, that both houses by law may levit upon the People, what money they please, and doe with it what they please, and never be accountable, and therefore I will add a fist thing, to those things of greatest evill mentioned by &illegible; in &illegible; &illegible; dedicatory, before my booke called &illegible; Charters of London, and pray from the Popes &illegible; &illegible; Kings unlimitted Prerogatives, Parliaments unknown priviledges, the Lord Major, Court of Aldermen, and the rest of the prerogative Common-Counsell men of London, &illegible; saith, but especially from an everlasting Parliament, Good Lord deliver honest John Lilburne.

Now Sir, I come to speak a few words unto the state that &illegible; are in by reason of the &illegible; I have brought upon my selfe, (a you thinke) by owning of my booke, to which I answer.

Alasse! I professe it seriously, death it selfe is more acceptable to me, then to live, and be without cause destroyed in a Gaole, what should I be affraid of? For &illegible; know God in Iesus Christ, is my reconciled father, in the strength of which I have walked stedfastly above &illegible; ten yeares, so that I without doubt know he hath instore for me a crown of eternall glory in the Kingdome of glory, And cursed &illegible; that is afraid of &illegible; that shall die, and of the &illegible; of man which shall be made as grasse, and forget test the Lord his make, that stretcheth forth the heavens, and laid the foundations of the Earth, Esay 11. 12, 13. And truly to extraordinary large experience have I had of God, unsadomable loving kindnesse and truth, that there is nothing out sinne can make me afraid, (For the Lord is on my side, I will not feare what man can doe unto me, Psal. 118. 6. and 56, 4. 11. Heb. 13. 6) which I am principally tyed from by that overdowing, bounty, & goodnesse, that I have taisted in God.

And for my wife and children which most troubles me, unto whom I ought, and I hope have and doe beare a husband and fatherly affection unto, yet alasse, shall I for love of them sin against my owne soule, and be silent, when my conscience from sound grounds tells me God would have me to speake, to reprove the perversnesse and stiffe neckednesse of an Hypotriticall, uncircumcised, in heart generation of men, that under specious pretences goe about to inslave their native Country, and so by consequences strongly endeavour to destroy my wife and Children as well as my selfe, who must undeniably perish, if I should live with them, if the law and justice of the Kingdome be overthrowne, which cannot in likelyhood be avoyded, it God should not open the mouthes of some to speake, reprove and informe, and God having &illegible; me with a Talent, yea, and by my unjust imprisonment, put on opportunity into my hand to improve it for his advantage and glory, accursed should J be in my own apprehension, if I should tye it up in a Napkin and hide it.

And besides when all ordinary meanes failes, to contest for my right (without the injoyment of which, my wife and children in the eye of reason must perish and be destroyed) In my understanding is the only way to obtaine it, but if in the persuit of my present contest I should loose my life, I can lay it downe with a great deale of comfort, and commit my wife and children with a great deale of confidence, in the faithfullnesse and care of God, who hath manifested so much unto me in all the straites and extremities that ever I was in, for the faithfull discharge of my duty to him in endeavouring to keep my consolence unspotted before him, I pray read my Epistle dated 11. Nov. 1638 and printed at the latter end of my answer to Pryn, called Innocency and truth justified.

Besides, in my present imprisonment, I am strips of all industrious meanes to provide for my wife and children, and am much more in the rode way by expences to destroy them, then to lay up six pence for their future subsistance, and which it long continued, in the eye of reason, I must either cat them, or they me. And therefore being in many straights in my owne spirit, and under many capitall oppressions, contrary to the law and justice of the Kingdome, I looked up to God, and plucktup my resolution, and put pen to Paper on purpose if it were possible to give them a provocation to bring the forth to a publique tryall, that so it possible I could I might know what to must to, and yet so carrying my businesse; that I would in my own &illegible; have the law of the land of my side, and advantages sufficient to tender my &illegible; &illegible; and &illegible; for their unjust proceedings &illegible; and therefore it was that I &illegible; &illegible; before &illegible; forementioned Committee owned my book &illegible; at manner that I did, which &illegible; had nor, the credit of the &illegible; &illegible; been blasted, and &illegible; other great inconveniences to me would have followed.

And &illegible; &illegible; well, that though divers in the house of Commons were &illegible; the book! yet by law they themselves in their Arbitrary way, could not try me for it, the &illegible; if they should or had attempted, I should have shewed them their owne &illegible; and Declarations, where they sweare and declare to maintain the lawes and liberty of the land, and should, &illegible; shall say &illegible; as Tamer said to &illegible; after he had in his unadvised rashnesse &illegible; to &illegible; for being with child by what &illegible; but when &illegible; was &illegible; &illegible; sint to &illegible; Father on &illegible; saying, &illegible; be man who &illegible; are, am I with child, &illegible; I pray thee, &illegible; these, the &illegible; and &illegible; and &illegible; And &illegible; acknowledged them and said, &illegible; &illegible; more righteous their I &illegible; because I gave her not to &illegible; my &illegible; and he &illegible; her &illegible; more &illegible; 38, 14, 15, 16 &c.

Even so should I have said, if they should have &illegible; upon me with fury to have &illegible; me (&illegible; &illegible; booke) In their Arbitrary and Parliamentary ways (and &illegible; upon me &illegible; as much heat for standing upon my legall priviledge, as &illegible; did upon &illegible;, when he &illegible; her to be burnt) whose &illegible; whose Covenants? whose Declaration and Protestations &illegible; &illegible; In all of which you have solemnly ingaged before the presence of the great God of &illegible; at &illegible; and all the world, that you will &illegible; the lawes and liberties of the land. Yes, the House of Commons in their most excellent Declaration of the 19. April; 1646. book &illegible; part folio, &illegible; expresly say, &illegible; &illegible; the &illegible; of the &illegible; given some &illegible; &illegible; proceedings, stopped the usuall &illegible; of &illegible; inforced the Parliament, &illegible; the &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; to impose and require many great and unusuall payments from the good subjects of the Kingdome, and to take extraordinary &illegible; for &illegible; of moneys for their many pressing &illegible; it having pleased God to reduce our &illegible; &illegible; a more hopefull condition then heretofore &illegible; declare, (marke this well) That we &illegible; &illegible; nor any by colour of any &illegible; derived &illegible; us, shall &illegible; the &illegible; &illegible; of justice &illegible; the severall Courts and Iudicatories of &illegible; Kingdome, not inter meddle in cases of Private interest of &illegible; where &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; case of male administration of &illegible; &illegible; we shall &illegible; and provide, that &illegible; be done, &illegible; inflicted as those shall be &illegible;, according to the laws of the Kingdome, and the trust reposed in us, which else where they say, is to provide for the peoples weale, but not for their &illegible; and in other of their Declarations they declare, That the &illegible;, and the ordinary course of justices is the common &illegible; of every subject of England, and that the Law is in case of tryall, they declare it to be &illegible; and the same with that expressed in &illegible; forementioned &illegible; &illegible; 1. &illegible; book &illegible; pag. &illegible; 7. 38. 39. 77. 278. 458. 459. 660. 845. see also The &illegible; of the &illegible; pag. 8, 9, 10. The Out-tryes of Oppressid Commons, pag. 7, 8. and Vex Plobis, pag. &illegible; &illegible; 15. &illegible; &c.

And therefore if I be in an error, or have committed an evill in the judgement of the Parliament, for standing upon my legall priviledges against them, verily by the men whose are these, am I seduced, deluded, and led into error, discerne I pray you, whose are these, these &illegible; Declarations, Protestations, Oathes, Vowes, and Covenants, the benefit of which! ought to &illegible; the which if they let me, I shall let you know I was not, nor am not altogether &illegible; to know my owne priviledges at the Common Law, for I know it they indict me, (tell they have wholly &illegible; government) it must be in the Kings name, and for committing a crime against him, & this is expresly the form of their &illegible; & I am sure I can be found guilty of no crime committed against him, unless it be at their command, for drawing &illegible; sword & fighting against him &illegible; his Army, & in this &illegible; &illegible; their own Ordinances and Declarations, where they promise to beare me &illegible; for so doing, and I am sure this is a good and sufficient plea before one of their owne Iudges, who hath no other power but what he derives from one of their owne Ordinances, which if he shall hang or destroy me, or any man, for actions done expresly in obedience to their Ordinances, for any thing I know he ought to be hanged as a wilfull must &illegible; for destroying &illegible; for doing actions in obedience to that &illegible; (and expresly commanded by them) from which he hath all his power, and hath no other power to sit as a Iudge, but by vertue of an Ordinance of the two Houses.

But if they should condemne me for this action, what doe they else but condemne in &illegible; the whole Parliament, and all that have in these warres adhered to them.

But if they should happen to indict me, for acting, committing, or indeavouring to act, or commit treason, rebellion, or insurrection against the Parliament &illegible; very much question according to Law, and the present constitution of the Kingdome, whether any such indictment can be made or no, but if it can? I wonder then the Parliament doth not then try the &illegible; in the severall prisons of London, that &illegible; and professedly have drawn their swords against them to destroy them, yea, and glory in it as their duty so to doe, and truly it is the greatest injustice in the world, to let those goe &illegible; free that are guilty in the highest nature, and to punish him or them that is not in the hundred degree so guilty, and yet this is my case, where if here I could not &illegible; myselfe, (although believe I should be able to give them good store of strong and &illegible; reasons, which now I will not &illegible; to you) but yet they would goe one and presse me to plead to the indictment, I should desire to see and know, whether or no, my Iury of twelve men of my &illegible; were all legall men or no, yea, and something more besides.

And in the first place, if I were indicted for treason, I might by law, except against 35. Jury men without rendering any reason for it, set the &illegible; H. 6. folis. 26. &illegible; H. &illegible; folio &illegible; Stam. Pleas Crowne, folio &illegible; &illegible; 3. part Institutes, folio 24. and 27. and then I might except against so many as I could declare bore me a particular &illegible; for pre-judgement is a good challenge by the law, for the common law of the land &illegible; that a Iury men must be in different and impartiall before he be sworne, &illegible; Stamfords Pleas of the Crowne, lib. 3. &illegible; 158. and pritten in his discourse of the lawes of the Land, folio 12. and 25. &illegible; 3. chap. 3, 12. Ass. plea. &illegible; pre-Challenge 42. 101. 120. 142. &illegible;.*

And so within the compasse of malicions men against me would come all the Presbyterians, that have taken the League and Covenant, in the second Article of which &illegible; part fol. 4. 2. 5. they have illegally and unjustly sworne to destroy and extirpate all Here &illegible; one of which they judge me to be, because I will not take that ilegall Oath, nor be conformable to &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; Presbytery, and so have sworne to destroy me, before I be legally convicted, which in wicked and unlawfull.

For a man bound by an Oath before, to doe that which he is to doe upon the indictment; evidence and proofe thereof, is partiall, and not in different, see &illegible; 1. part institutes libr. 1. chap. 12. sect. 234. pag. 156. who saith expresly, &illegible; must be men without all &illegible;.

And by the Statutes of 1. H. 5. 3. and &illegible; &illegible; 6. 19, It is inacted, that no parson shall be &illegible; to passe in any inquest (or Iury) upon tryall of the &illegible; of a &illegible; or &illegible; inquest betwixt &illegible; party in plea it all nor in plea personall, whereof the debt or &illegible; dammage declared, amount to forty makes, if the same person, (or Jurer) &illegible; not lands or tenements of the yearly value of forty shillings, alwayes provided that the party to betryed doe make his challenge. And by the Statute of 17. Eliz chap. 6. It is inacted, that in all cases where any &illegible; to be returned for try &illegible; of any issue, or issues ioyned in the Kings &illegible; Common pleas, and the &illegible; or before &illegible; of assize, shall every one of them have estate of free hold in lands, &illegible; or &illegible; to the yearly value of 4. l. as the least, and the Sheriffe or other Ministers, unto whom the &illegible; of the &illegible; shall appertaine, shall not returne in any such pannell, any person, unlesse &illegible; &illegible; dispend foure pound by the yeare at the least, of free hold out of &illegible; &illegible;, within the &illegible; where the issue is to betryad, upon paine to forseit for every person so returned in any such &illegible; that cannot dispend 4. l. free hold, 20s.

It is true that by the Statute of the 33. H 8. 13. it is inacted. That every person and persons being the Kings naturall Subject borne, which either by the name of a Citizen, or of a &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; any other name, doth injoy and use the liberties and priviledge, of any City, Burrough, or &illegible; where be dwelleth, and &illegible; his abode, being worth in moveable goods and substance to the cleare value of 40 l, be from henceforth admitted in try all of &illegible; and selon is in every &illegible; and Gaole delivery kept and &illegible; in and for the liberty of such Cities, Burroughs and &illegible; are, albeit they have no freehold, provided alway, that this act doe not extendin any &illegible; of wise, to any Knight, or Esquire, dwelling, abiding, or resorting in, or to any &illegible; City, &c. And &illegible; by vertue of having been a Lieutenant Colonel, am an Esquire, as may easily be proved &illegible; of the Herauld of Aimes Office, and therefore in what place soever I am or shall be &illegible; &illegible; lawfully make my exceptions against every man of my &illegible; that is not worth in free &illegible; &illegible; per annum.

And besides, if none of these will doe me good, I have this last remedy that I am confident, I shall legally and fully prove any charge whatever, that in that booke I lay upon the Parliament in generall, or any member of it in particular, if I may from them injoy the benefit of the law, and then I pray what doe they &illegible; or I loose by owning and avowing the &illegible; booke.

But if you thinke &illegible; by owning of my booke, they are there by so exasperated, that &illegible; the hazard of being destroyed by them by an act of power and will, to which I answer, by that law neither you nor any man in England is safe, but &illegible; to be destroyed at their pleasure, &illegible; the lesser part of themselves, are liable by that law every houre to be destroyed by the &illegible; of the Major part, and then the Major part are liable every &illegible; to be destroyed for a company of Tyrants and for sworns perjured men (for &illegible; king all their Oaths which they &illegible; taken is mantaine the law of the Kingdome, and like absolute &illegible; have made their will a law) by any company or multitude of men stronger then themselves, which if they should goe this way to work they would every houre be justly in feare of, but if they should be so farre be &illegible; and &illegible; &illegible; to run the hazard of their owne deserved &illegible; by destroying me by an act of power in cold blood, by the law of their owne will, I for my owne particular should be no looser by my translation from an earthly death, to an eternall life, and therefore I feare not their malice, nor &illegible; not a straw for the worst they can doe to &illegible; being (notwithstanding the feare of your selfe, and other of my friends) resolved so to provoke them, that they shall either be &illegible; & forced out of meer fear or shame to do me justice & right, by making & hearing any report (&illegible; in the bands of sluggish Mr. Henry Martin, whose prisoner principally I &illegible; &illegible;) judging my case, and setting me free at liberty, and giving me legall reparations for my illegall and unjust sufferings, &illegible; out of meere madnesse, surie and revenge, to send me &illegible; to be rid of me, of which I am not in the least afraid, and doubt not but if God should so forsake them, and the Devil &illegible; &illegible; lead them as there to being me, but at and by my death, I should (Sampson like, Iudges 16. 18. 29. 30.) doe them &illegible; mischiefe then I did them all my life, by &illegible; away the two maine pillars, that &illegible; their &illegible; to &illegible; &illegible; in house of tyranny.

And therefore, if you would avoid the evill you feare to come upon me, I &illegible; you to proffe Mr. Martin (with whom I know you are acquainted) to make my report to the house, which he hath so unjustly &illegible; in his hands so many moneths, to my unspeakable prejudice, and the unconceiveable prejudice of the whole Kingdom, and if he should say, that their house are not in a temper to doe either me, or the Kingdome concerned in me, justice, or right, and therefore it is better for borne then made, left their house by Vote confirme what the Lords have done to me, to answer which I must tell you, I am as sure as that I am a man, that I have the Law of England on my side against the Lords, and which I thinke is unanswerably demonstrated in the foremen ioned books, and therefore let their house be in never so bad a temper, I most earnestly intreat you to presse him to endeavour to make in, and so quit his hands &illegible; &illegible; not what the issue be, so he doe but discharge his duty, by attempting and endeavouring to make it, and take some of his Comrades to be are witnesses &illegible; and send me the names of those that in that House stand up against me to hinder and pervert the justice of the Kingdome, in this particular case of mine, and I shall thinke him an honest man, and that he hath done his duty in endeavouring to obtaine justice and right for me, at the hands of those that ought impartially to hand it out to me, or the meanest Commoner and legall man of England, but this Sir I doe assure you, that if I &illegible; upon good grounds know the names of those that interpose their power & parts to hinder me of that justice &illegible; right which is &illegible; due in this particular, by the good, just and unrepealed law of the Kingdome, I will pay them with my pen upon the posts of London, and to the view of the whole kingdome, as well as all the wit, braines and parts I have will in able me to doe, cost it what it will, I pray Sir presse Mr. Martin but to indeavour the making of my report, for while it is in his hands, I am tyed in a manner by him hand and foor, and cannot as I would stir for my own good, till he hathrid his hands of it, one halfe of whose ill dealing with me, I should never beare not take from all the &illegible; &illegible; I have in the world, which I must be necessitated in a large Epistle shortly to signifie to him, and publish his dealing with me to the world.

In the next place, if you desire to prevent that evill that you &illegible; will be fall to me, then I pray you improve your utmost interest amongst the Commons of England in City and County, to petition to the House of Commons, either according to justice and right, to justifie or condemne me, and in case they will not receive, read and satisfactorily answer their Petitions, then I intreat you improve all your interest in them, to get them publiquely and avowedly to remonstrate and declare the Parliaments unjust dealings with them to all their fellow Commons of England, &illegible; I may not be necessitated to fun the hazard of making my single appeale against them to all my fellow Commons, as well in the Army, as City and Country, which before I will be destroyed in prison without cause, I both must and will doe, though I should loose my life the next day after for so doing.

But now before I conclude, in regard I intend to make this Epistle publique, I will communicate to your consideration, two things of &illegible; concernment to me, and the first is a peace of justice of the House of Lords in its kind, as excellent as theirs to me is, and it is the case of one Mrs. Elizabeth walter, the breviat of which as the her selfe gave it me in writing with her &illegible; subscribed to it, I shall recite here verbatum, saving some of the Marginall notes.

Now I pray you friend judge and consider, whether or no these Lords be not a company of brave and gallant conscionable men, fit to be our Law makers indeed, that can make a poore Gentlewoman dance above 6. yeares attendance for a little &illegible; to &illegible; her and her children alive, (for you see that when her husband left her, he left her &illegible; &illegible; and did not forsake her for any undutifullnesse or incontinancy but rather &illegible; he might have elbow &illegible; enough to live as incontinent as his lost pleased and yet in conclusion to expose the poore Gentle-woman and her three children in the eye of reason to a perishing and starving condition, after the hath spent above 400. l. to obtaine that at their &illegible; that in it selfe &illegible; as just, equitable and conscionable, as anything in the world can be, &illegible; they have made her order upon order, for the possessing of her just desire &illegible; full I thinke for I have read them all) as it is possible to be comprised in paper, and I desire not only you, but all the Ladyes and Gentlewomen in England, yea, all the Fathers of &illegible; creatured, to consider what a sad thing it is, that if they shall bring up their daughters wall, and bestow large portions upon them, and marrie them, and their husbands shall &illegible; them tell he hath got three or foure children upon them, and then at his pleasure without any just cause given him by his wife, (for the satisfying of his lust, upon a whore or &illegible;) shall leave his wife and children to the wide world, and not allow them fix &illegible; to live upon, and then (which is worst of all) to be In such a condition, that they have no legall way to compell him to doe it, (for it &illegible; by the gallant, but not unspotted justice of the House of Lords to this Gentle woman, there is none) and yet they can find some to commit Mr. Stavely to prison, for refusing to pay his wife ally-money, who I my selfe have heard him, &c. say, lives in the highest professed, and &illegible; incontinency that a woman can, I pray answer me this, whether these very Lords doe not by these two forementioned actions visibly declare, that they are greater friends to whores and Rogues then to honest & chastmen & women? & whether injustice & oppression be not more delightsome to them, then justice, right cousnesse and truth? and whether &illegible; no it is possible to be in a worse & a sadder condition, then when &illegible; men as these &illegible; at the Helon, and govern the stearn of it, not by true, just, rationall principled, but by the &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; principle of their owne crooked, partiall, and &illegible; wills. &illegible; England, England! woe, woe unto thee, in this thy present sad condition, which thou &illegible; &illegible; will not &illegible; and which thou feeleft, but wilt not feele, but stoop Isakar like, unto the burthen, and not &illegible; any rationall course for thy preservation, from being &illegible; &illegible; and a prey to every fortnight enemy, which &illegible; necssity thou must be in conclusion, in the way that is now &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; the Lords of Commons, or both of them put together, may doe unto thee what they please, without any controle, because they are thy Magistrates, and thou with all submission must &illegible; unto a, &illegible; of necessity thou art guilty as a wilfull &illegible; in &illegible; the blood of all the &illegible; for endeavouring to protect their King from thy violent and furious hands, who is a hundred times more secured and fortified, &illegible; the expressed and declared law of the Kingdome, &illegible; the Parliament is, who now doe what they list, yea, levie money upon us, and put it in that own pockets, and pretend we must not question them, and &illegible; them wherefore they &illegible; because, we have trusted them. Oh brave Parliament principles indeed! fitter for the &illegible; Turke, then for English Parliament men.

The second thing I shall declare to you, is the scandalous and base dealing of William &illegible; with me, a fellow to unworthy and base, and so fraught with malice and blood &illegible; and so habituated in telling lyes and falshoods, that a man of unspotted worth, honour and integritie, would scorne (as &illegible; saith chap. 30. &illegible;) to set him with the dogs of his flock, who &illegible; about this 3. yeares hath been an agent in the hands of the Divell, maliciously and &illegible; to indeavour (with all his might) the destruction of the generation of the righteous, &illegible; with the blood of the Lamb in this land and Kingdome, and either to have them &illegible; hanged, &illegible; or banished, of which when I as a &illegible; &illegible; advertised him, as you may read &illegible; printed Epistle to him, dated 7. Ianuary &illegible; and in my printed &illegible; delivered into the Committee of Examinations, dated 23. Iune, 1645, the man was &illegible; so full of fury as though he would &illegible; me up at a mouthfull, and tossed and &illegible; me at Committees, so as if &illegible; would have beat me to dust and powder, as you may partly read in my printed Epistles, &illegible; 25. Iuly, 1615. and December 1645. Yea, and one day in Westminster Hall laid violent &illegible; upon me, having any sword in my hand, to provoke me to strike him, that so I might loose my hand by striking in the face of the Judges, fitting in the Kings bench &illegible; Westminster hall, &illegible; afterwards his two great Comrades Dr. &illegible; and Col King, having &illegible; the &illegible; meanes, (&illegible; Patron) got me &illegible; &illegible; by the heeles, from the 19. of Iuly 1649. to the &illegible; of October. 1645. I was by the whole house of Commons honourably released, as &illegible; may read in the 34. pag. of &illegible; and truth justified, but yet in that unjust and &illegible; imprisonment, I was ordered by the House of Commons to be tryed at New-gate &illegible; for my life, by the powerfull influence of &illegible; Speaker and Mr. Gline, Recorder of London, in which businesse I have just cause to thinke that &illegible; had more than a finger, because &illegible; when he see I was likely honourably to be delivered as a spotlesse and innocent man, he frames a booke, and publisheth it &illegible; and dedicates it to Mr. Speaker, in which book called The Lyar confounded, he possitively &illegible; me of a most transcendent crime, viz. that I have &illegible; with other Separates and &illegible; to &illegible; &illegible; the Members of this Parliament by degrees, beginning with Mr. Speaker, &illegible; &illegible; they could &illegible; &illegible; (&illegible; &illegible;) all the &illegible; would easily follow: and if this &illegible; not, then to suppresse and &illegible; off this Parliament by force of Armes, and set up a new Parliament of our owne &illegible; and section, by this &illegible; &illegible; Piyn &illegible; himselfe a perfect Knave, and enemie to the Kingdome, in that he knew me guilty of such a thing, and never to this day &illegible; question me or prosecute me for it, and if it be but one of his false malicious suggestions, then he proves, and declares himselfe a lyar to &illegible; so notorious a falshood upon him that now, as well as formerly in this and all other things, &illegible; defiance to him, see my answer to this in the 25. page of my booke called Innocency and truth Justified, yea, and in the &illegible; false scandalous and transcendent lying booke of his, beside scores of lyes, he &illegible; &illegible; 13. or, 14. upon me in lesse then I, lines as I have truly declared in the 4, 5, 6. pages, of the last &illegible; &illegible; booke and there offered to his face, publiquely to prove what there I say against him, &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; and &illegible; fellow &illegible; never embrace my challenge there made to him, &illegible; &illegible; so much as in any of his late &illegible; lines, return one word of answer that ever I could see to what there I justly fix upon him, and therefore by his &illegible; in their particular, though he &illegible; printed scores of sheets since, have given me just cause now to proclaime him so notorious and base a lyar, that he is not ashamed &illegible; and publish above a dozen in &illegible; lines.

But the &illegible; unworthy fellow, like one of &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; was &illegible; from the beginning, John &illegible; 44. knowing that I was fast by the &illegible; under a great indignation of the house of Lords, and knowing that my businesse by way of appeale was depending in the house of Commons, and ready for a report, that he might blast my reputation and credit, and so by consequence destroy me and mine, some weekes agoe at the house of Commons but, (as I have been informed from many good hands) made amost false &illegible; and lying report of me, that I was in their debt above 2000. l. which I had little be &illegible; then not &illegible; them of and in his late booke published since, and dedicated to the House of Commons, called the Sword of Christian Magistracy supported, in the 10. 11. pages of his Epistle, he strongly endeavours to make me more odious and capitall, then the late be headed Arch Bishop of Canterbury, and there and else where in his base lying booke, press to them to punish me as semerely as they did him, although I am confident he is not able to fix any crime upon me, but that I am honester and juster then himselfe, and stands for the lawes and liberties of England, which he endeavours to destroy and overthrow, and set up a perfect &illegible; as by his late printed books is to evident, and though in this book as well as the Epistle, he hath so many bitter charges against me, yet in regard I have proved him so base and notorious a lyar already, which by his not vindicating of himselfe, he to my understanding &illegible; to be true, I shall only at the present &illegible; as briefe an answer as I can, to that most notorious lye of his laid do &illegible; in the &illegible; p. of his said Epistle, (after he hath expressed the Lords linity to me, in not murthering and destroying of me as he would have them, for no crime in the world, but for maintaining the just and good lawes of the Kingdome, which they have all often sworne to preserve,) he expresseth himselfe in these words.

“And yet this obstinate seditious ungratefull &illegible; in stead of a &illegible; pardon for his most insolent unfaint like &illegible;* contempts against the whole House of &illegible; and severall particular &illegible; of it, because your honourable House of Commons, will &illegible; him upon his Libelleus Petition, (against all Law and justice, &illegible; &illegible; of the Lords,* and their priviledges) in this his &illegible; &illegible; (viz. The Oppressed want oppressions declared) railes &illegible; upon your honours then the House of Peets, not only clamouring, upon you for arrears of pay, (when as there is not one &illegible; &illegible; to him, for ought he could make appeare upon the reference of his Petition to the Committee of Accounts, who gave him a charge of above &illegible; l. received from the Earle of Manchester and his &illegible; &illegible; besides free quarter which he tooke, of which he never yet gave it is account) but like a most &illegible; unworthy creature, &illegible; with some Malignants, in the Tower (who have furnished him &illegible; &illegible; law and Records, to drive on their designes,) he &illegible; &illegible; you, &c.

Now for answer to which charge of &illegible; l. that he falsely saith I received, for my owne &illegible; &illegible; the world, I shall give you this account, that by Commission under the hand and &illegible; of &illegible; &illegible; of &illegible; dated &illegible; 7 day of October, &illegible; I was made Major of a foot Regiment to Col. Edward King, and then the 16. of May, &illegible; I was made Lieutenant Colonel to the Earle of &illegible; Regiment of Dragoons, which listed till about or unto the last of Aprill, 1645 at which time I delivered the Troop and &illegible; up to Col. John &illegible; neare &illegible; By the first Commission there is due to &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; for 223. dayes service, at 24 &illegible; &illegible; and by the second Commission there is &illegible; to me 612. l. 10. &illegible; for 350. &illegible; service at 31. &illegible; per &illegible; both being &illegible; 2. s. of all which during my service under the Earle of &illegible; (I aver it) I never it &illegible; 200 l. as pay for all &illegible; lyes, &illegible; true, that &illegible; upon the 20. of December, &illegible; I &illegible; &illegible; Mr. Nesthrop, Col. Kings Treasurer, as Mr. Tilsons House in Boston, by the hands of &illegible; &illegible; then my Lieutenant, &illegible; &illegible; In Sir &illegible; &illegible; Regiment, the &illegible; &illegible; 5. 1. l. 1. s. 10. d. for &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; out for Col. King at London by his own order, &illegible; guilt Sword, a &illegible; Cost &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; Silver &illegible; 10. year as of &illegible; for his wives &illegible; &illegible; Cornet and rich banners, &illegible; part of Stockings, one Crimson velvet saddle, one his &illegible; &illegible; saddle, and one Scarlet saddle &illegible; furnitures &illegible; three pair of &illegible; sutable, and a &illegible; and padlock to &illegible; them in, and then also I laid out for him 25. l, 1. s. 6, d. and delivered &illegible; &illegible; a bill of particulars, and received my money of his man, for 7. year as of fine gray cloth, &illegible; &illegible; trimming, three paire of &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; Gloves, &illegible; &illegible; scale, a Part &illegible; &illegible; and forty paire of &illegible; &illegible; for partage &illegible; carriage from London to &illegible; of &illegible; l. &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; l. But I hope Col. King doth not &illegible; to make either me or the State to pay for all &illegible; his bravery.

After this I laid out for divers other particulars mentioned in a note, which I gave &illegible; him and his clarke, &illegible; 4. a. &illegible; &illegible; d. which money I received In February, 1643. and being &illegible; of the town of &illegible; under &illegible; &illegible; often &illegible; in lay out small &illegible; of money &illegible; &illegible; fall things to the value of above 50. l. the particulars of which I alwayes gave him &illegible; his clearke under my hand, and received my money in reference to such a &illegible; dated such &illegible; as by my notes and receites under my own hand with him and &illegible; Clarke willfully &illegible; I also the 13. Ianuary 1643. at &illegible; received of his Clarke 200. l. which was laid &illegible; is followeth. Paid to Captaine &illegible; for the Colonels company, and Lieutenant Cols. &illegible; and Capt. &illegible; as a little towne within little a mile of &illegible; upon the &illegible; &illegible; houseness the beath, &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; to &illegible; Durings Capt. 15. I, paid to Capt. Wrogs &illegible; I, paid to him that Commands Capt. Arers men as Quartermaster upon the be &illegible; of their Quarters neare &illegible; 4. l. that he is to be accountable for, and six pound for &illegible; by the Cols: &illegible; paid by his order to Iohn &illegible; and Iohn Hugger two of his Soldiers, &illegible; &illegible; them to Cambridge 2. l. laid out to my Soldiers as &illegible; my rowle of the 27. &illegible; appears &illegible; l. 3. &illegible; &illegible; d. paid for &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; paid for carrying &illegible; at severall times to &illegible; and &illegible; 11. &illegible; 4. d. and this note his Clearke &illegible; selfe did a little while after the said &illegible; Ianuary perfect, and he received particular &illegible; from the severall Officers upon their acknowledging they had received the above said &illegible; of me, and I dare &illegible; sayer, I was &illegible; exact in perfecting all such accounts as this with his &illegible; as an &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; England is &illegible; keeping his bookes, as by the notes of particulars in his hands &illegible; &illegible; a &illegible; and then for my Soldiers with him, they were so &illegible; mustered under the Collonels note by one of his owne creatures, that it was &illegible; &illegible; man had a mind &illegible; it, to have paid the &illegible; especially &illegible; I or any under my particular command, being in enmity with his Muster master, and besides I aver it, that if one &illegible; we made a muster, and the &illegible; &illegible; we &illegible; &illegible; her, if my one of the Soldiers that was in his muster &illegible; the week before, were absent by sicknesse the second time, although he lay, sicke in the very same Towne, and though we named the house where &illegible; was &illegible; and were ready to goe to shew him to the Muster Masten, yet so exact was Col. King. that I nor my Lieutenant was not trusted with the &illegible; of my particular &illegible; Soldiers, and as for the payment of them, their money was most commonly received and paid by my Lieutenant, yet I commonly &illegible; the &illegible; for it under my hand, in as exact a way as it was possible to make it, viz. received such a day, so much money, far so many dayes pay, for &illegible; &illegible; two &illegible; three Corperalls, and so many common Soldiers. My Lieutenant, himselfe usually received his owne money, and I received of Tho. &illegible; the Cols. man at three severall payments, about three score pound is, which in my receipts I mentioned as my owne particular pay.

Besides this in February and March, 1643. I received of the said &illegible; &illegible; and one Mr. Browne, by Col. Kings appointment, betwixt two and three hundred pounds, in part of payment for &illegible; things delivered at his earnest &illegible; in his straights, into his Magazine at Boston, at least by 20. l. in the hundred cheaper then he there paid at the same time for the like, the exact copy of which particulars, as I had them under the hand of his &illegible; Magazine keeper (the originall it selfe to my remembrance being delivered to Mr. &illegible; at &illegible;) thus followeth.

A note of all the Swords, Belts, and Holsters for Pistols, and Bandeliers That Major Liburne caused to be brought &illegible; the Magazine at Boston.

Received of Major Lilburn &illegible; pair of Holsters for Pistols, and three hundred &illegible; for Swords, received of Mr. Wood and Mr. Wind by Major Lilburnes appointment, &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of soldiers, all these Svvords, &illegible; for Pistols, Svvord &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; were received &illegible; the Magazine from Major Lilburn, &illegible; what &illegible; &illegible; paid &illegible; for &illegible; of the &illegible; I &illegible; not.

And comming before them, I desired to know their pleasure with me, and Mr. Pryn being in the Chair told me to this effect, Lieut. Col. you were some months agoe with us, by vertue of an order of the House of Commons about your accompts, and we gave you time ever since to state them, but we hearing nothing from you, according to our espectation about them, wee have sent for you to cleare your selfe of above two thousand pounds that is fixed upon you to be received of Mr, Goulsone the treasurer, Mr. Weaver, and Col. King, unto which I replyed to this effect, with the favour of this Committee, I by my owne seeking procured the Order from the House of Commons that gave you particular cognizence of my accounts, and accordingly I of my own accord brought it to you, being not compelled the &illegible; by any man, & according to that which J conceived just I &illegible; desired of you, that the parties concerned in my accounts might by you be &illegible; to come before you, & that face to face I might receive a charge of what monys they had paid me, that so I might either confess it or disprove it, and then &illegible; your certificate for that which is behind, as due to me, which I am very confident in &illegible; hundreds of pounds for any pay, for my &illegible; faithfull and industrious service, and truly Gentlemen, you refusing this unto me as you did, and would have had me upon my oath to &illegible; charged my selfe, which J for my part though you have an Ordinance of Parliament to authorise you so to doe, did, and still doe concerve it unjust, and therefore without hope from you departed to seeke my right, in a more legall and just way from those that sent me, &illegible; these was the tearmes upon which we then parted, and I am sure you neither desired not commanded me any more to come to you, neither did I promise to come to you, and besides &illegible; losse of time, &illegible; no losse to you nor the State, but to me, in which debt the State is, and &illegible; to them, and assure your selves, if I had not afluredly known that the State is in my debt, I would never have taken so much paines, to have run through so many difficulties to have got my accounts audited.

And set the 2000. l. and above, you say I am to account for, it is very strongs to me how it is possible to fix such a charge upon me, having never received I am confident 200. l. of the Earle of Manchester, or any under him, for all my service under his command* and for the money for my Soldiers, it was most commonly paid unto my officers, and besides it was so little, and so seldome, and so well knowne before we received it, to the Soldiers, how much it was, that it was impossible for me or any under me, to &illegible; them, much I esle of any such sums, to be compared to 2000. l. And therefore I make it my &illegible; desire unto this Committee, that I may receive a particular charge from you in writing, and that J may not be tyed up to a few dayes to answer it, but that I may have some comperent time allowed me, that so I may not be hindred &illegible; disinabled to perfect my businesse now depending before the Lords, which I have already made a good progresse into, and have got a decree for 2000. l. for my Star Chamber sufferings, and am dayly to waite upon them to perfect an ordinance they intend to make and send downt to the house of Commons, to inable me effectually to receive the full benefit of their decree, and J hope Gentlemen, you &illegible; not hinder me to follow my business, by comanding me to wait here upon you, when I must of necessity be waiting upon the Lords or the Commons, and if you should command me to waite here, and I not come, by reason of my &illegible; as Westminster, which J am sure some of you knowes of, you would got neare to take it for a contempt, yea, and for it, it may be clap me by the heels, by meanes of which my businesse with the houses would utterly be undon, and therfore I desire some competent &illegible; but as I remember it was possitively told me they could not give me such a particular charge as &illegible; before I had taken the oath, but yet divers of the Merchants said, God forbid they should hinder me from following my businesse at Westminster, especially seeing as one of them said, my businesse before the &illegible; obtained by my own solicitation, which they conceived I would not so earnestly have followed unlesse it had been for my owne advantage, and hoped for benefit, notwithstanding the &illegible; of 2000. l. &c. against me, but Mr. Pryn pressed that I might speedily come againe, that so the state might not suffer by reason of the moneys I had received, and &illegible; them stood charged with. Truly Gentlemen for all this charge, I am very &illegible; shall make it evident that I have been, and &illegible; as free from defrauding the State, or any of my officers or &illegible; of a penny as any man in England that ever the Parliament imployed, and I am sure that I am not in the Parliaments debt, but they in mine, and seeing that which J seeke from them is but some hundreds of pounds, and the businesse I am now of following of concernment to me, two thousand pounds thick, I pray give me leave for a time to lay the lesser concernment aside, that so J may not be disinabled to prosecute the obtaining of the greater, and Sir, if you Mr. Pryn thinke I am not responsible to answer the charge, you may either put in a barre to make stoppage of the money I expect to receive by my decree, or else I will put you in good securitie to answer this charge. With which the Committee was satisfied, and demanded of me what time I would demand, but I told them I conceived it not &illegible; for me to make my demand, before I heard how long time they were willing to give me, and they bid me take a &illegible; or six weeks, for which I thanked them, but with all to d them, I would be with them &illegible; if I got my businesse &illegible; but if I could not get it done, J told them I thought I should scarce be able to wait upon them, tell I had perfected that, so they left it indifferent. And this relation which here I have made for the substance of it, is a reall truth, I doe protest it in the &illegible; and presence of God, and therefore dear friend. I pray you judge and consider seriously of the bitter and implacable mallice of this lying and base follow Will am Pryn, for I doe assure you to &illegible; remembrance I failed not to be at Westminster every day the Parliament fate, to follow my &illegible; businesse, from the day of my being before he said &illegible; of accounts, to the day of my unjust imprisonment, in New gate by the Lords, which I am confident of, William Pryn by his secret and close &illegible; had a finger in, and that he laboured by all the &illegible; &illegible; he could to &illegible; me from obtaining my said two thousand pounds, for immediately upon my good successe in the Lords house, his brother in Evill Doctor Bastwick, put in his businesse of purpose to &illegible; so they all &illegible; still before I had likely without rub to obtaine my just desire, and being a &illegible; obtained quick dispatch there, and as I was informed &illegible; thousand pounds, for &illegible; &illegible; although I am confident of it, my bodily suffer in &illegible; was twenty time, more then his, and I am confident of it in the eye of reason there was twenty times more visible ground for his sufferings &illegible; mine, I having not writ a line against the Bishops, &c. not medled with them, tell they forced me to flye London, and hee had avowedly writ divers provoking, and invective bookes against them before his sentence in the Star-Chamber. And besides I am confidently &illegible; Pryn was the maine instrument to provoke his &illegible; Tyburne deserving comrad?, and extraordinary great associate, Colonel Edward King to arrest me upon he 14. of April 1646. in a false and fained action of two thousand pound, for calling him Trayron which I ever he is to the Parliament (if a man can commit &illegible; against them) having as will easily be proved, (if the Parliament would doe any justice upon knaves and Villains) betrayed his trust reposed in him derivitine from and by the Parliament at Crowland, &c. which said unjust arrest did not only disinable me to follow my businesse, but necessitate me to write that &illegible; Epistle to Judge Reeve, dated the 6, of Iune, &illegible; now in print, and called the Iust mans &illegible; in which I have so truly, and lively pictured, the said unworthy follow King, that I beleeve all the picture drawers in England cannot mend it, and being necessiiated by way of defence to touch the Lord of Manchesters exceeding guilty conscience for protecting Col. King from the &illegible; contrary to justice and right and the Law martiall established by ordidance of Parliament under which authority they both fought, though Jam apt to thinke neither of them ever &illegible; anything that had more danger in it then a Rat, yet I say forth at very Epistle the Earle of Manchester as to me is visibly caused me upon the to of Iune &illegible; to be summoned up to the Lords barre, who by law &illegible; of my Iudges* being not my Peers and Equalls, and there himselfe being Speaker, would contrary to &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; upon &illegible; for which &illegible; necessitated in writing to &illegible; against &illegible; which &illegible; you may read in the 5.6 &illegible; The &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; let which they unjustly committed me, and for which to this &illegible; I lye by the heeles, so not doubting but I have &illegible; &illegible; your objection, &illegible; &illegible; God, and rest, your faithfull and true friend ready to say downe his life for the liberties of his &illegible; John Lilburn.

Endnotes

 [* ] Which he was so &illegible; of, that he did print 13. or 14. in eight lines, as you there may read, pag. 4, 5, 6. see also pag. &illegible; ibim.

 [* ] As lately what &illegible; the Book-seller, &illegible; did mine the other day, loading away 3. Porters with my proper and truly come by goods, for which by Gods assistance I intend to arraign them as fellons, and hang them if Law will doe it.

 [* ] See Mr. Pryus relation of Colonell Fines his tryall, pag. 11, 12, 13. and Regall Tyranny discovered, pag. 81, 81, 83.

 [* ] Which you may fully read in the forementioned Epistle daited Iuly 25. 1645. and Innocencency and Truth justified.

 [* ] See the Out cryes &illegible; Oppressed Commons. pag. 4, 5, 6, &illegible; and Regall &illegible; pag. 33, 34, &illegible; 72, 73.

 [* ] See 1. H. 7. fol. &illegible; in Sir &illegible; Straffords case.

 [* ] Which the Parliament is.

 [* ] See 28. E. 3. 13. &illegible; H. 6. 29.

 [* ] Thought a calumnister for my books are no Libels having my name to them to justifie them.

 [* ] Who I say justly deserves it, for &illegible; under their &illegible; the fundamentall lawes and liberties of England, as in my case they have &illegible; which &illegible; will &illegible; against the &illegible; and all &illegible; &illegible; lying associates in England.

 [* ] See the Ordinance for the Earle of Manchesters Army of the 25. July 1642. b. d, 2. pt. f. 275, 276. 278. and of the 10. Aug. 1643. fol. 286. and of the 11. Oct. 1643. f. 360. and of the 20. Jan. 1643. f. 413. 414, 415. 416. and of the 15. May 1644. f. 492, 493. and of the 26. Sept. 1644. f. 451, 452. and compare them altogether and see if the Committee of accounts, or their selfe accusing oath be in any of them, and if not, why am I required to take it.

 [* ] It is true, when I was a prisoner in New gate by the House of Commons, they upon the petition of some of my friends in London, (which you may read in Innocency and Truth justified, pag, 29. &illegible; sent me 100. l. which I was told was in part of my arrears, though I did, and still doe loke upon it, as a gratitude of the house, for so unjustly imprisoning me, as then they did, or else of Mr. Speaker who was the principall instrument of clapping me by the heeles, without ever hearing me speake one word for my &illegible; or examining one witnesse against me, or ever to his day telling me wherefore I was so imprisonned.

 [* ] Se Magna Charta, Chap. 29. and the Petition of Right which confirmes it Cooke 2. part institutes fol. 27, 38, 46, 47, 48. Vox Plebis, pag. &illegible; 33, 39, 40, 41. Regall tyranny, page 43, 44, &illegible; 76. Londons Liberty in Chains discovered, pag. 68, 69, the Oppressed &illegible; oppressions declared, pag. 17, 18, in the &illegible; cryes of oppressed Commons, pag. 2, 3, 4, also the Anotomy of the Lords tyranny.

A

SOLEMNE ENGAGEMENT

of the Army under the Command

of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax;

with a Declaration of their Resolutions,

as to disbanding; and a briefe Vindication

of their principles and intentions in relation

to divers scandalous things suggested

against them.

Together with the representations of the dis-satisfactions of the Army, in relation to the late Resolutions for so sodain disbanding: shewing the particulars of their former grievances; wherein they did remains unsatisfied: and the reasons thereof, unanimously agreed upon, and subscribed by the Officers and Souldiers of the severall Regiments, at the Randezvous neare New-Market on fryday and saturday June 4. and 5.

Presented to the Generall, and by him to be humbly presented to the PARLIAMENT.

With his Excellency’s Letter to the Speaker June the 8. sent with the same.

London; Printed for George Whittington, at the Blew Anchor in Cornhill neare the Royall Exchange.

1647.

In my Last I promised to send you by the next an Account of the Proceedings and Resolutions of the Army at the Iate Randezvous: I have sent you the same in two Papers unanimously agreed upon there, by both Officers and Souldiers: I finde in one of them divers things which your later proceedings since the Resolution of disbanding may have given satisfaction unto: But the Army having then no knowledge thereof, it was thus passed and delivered to mee, and I cannot but send it to them: you may see what they then did remaine unsatisfied in.

Understanding, that his Majesty and your Conumssioners were much straitened and disacconimodated in the House at Childerley, I went thither yesterday to advise with your Commissioners about the disposal of his Majesty, for more conveniency to himselfe and them, then that place did afford: The Conunissioners were pleased wholly to refuse giving of any advice or opinion at all in the businesses and therefore the King declaring his Resolution not to goe Holdenby, unlesse he were forced, yet complaining much of the inconveniency he suffered where he was, and pressing for a remove to New-Market, and your Commissioners not Judging it inconvenient for him to be there: I ordered Col. Whalley this day to attend his Majesty, and the Commissioners thither, with a trusty and sufficient Guard of two Regiments of Horse, which accordingly was this day done, and his Majesty, with the Commissioners, gone to New-Market, but not through Cambridge. This businesse taking up the sole time yesterday, and it being necessary his Majesty should be disposed of Before the place of Randezvous could well be resolved on, this morning at a Councell of Warre, it was judged inconvenient, and scarce possible to draw to a Randezvous to morrow early enough to dispatch anything; Therefore it is appointed on Thirsday morning at nine of the Clock: and in regard of his Majesties going to New-Market, it was thought fit by the Councell of Warre, that the place of Randezvous might be altered from New-Market-Heath to Triploe- Heath, five miles from this Towne: I shall take care that your Commissioners if they come to New—Market, may have notice of this alteration from the former appointment.

I remaine

A SOLEMNE

ENGAGEMENT

OF THE

ARMY

Under

The Command of his Excellency

Sr. THOMAS FAIRFAX,

Read, assented unto, and subscribed by all

Officers, and Souldiers of the several Regiments,

at the generall Randezvous, neare

Newmarket, on the fifth of June,

1647.

Whereas upon the Petition intended and agreed upon in the Army, in March last, to have been presented to the Generall, for the obtaining of our due and necessary concemments as Souldiers; the Honourable House of Commons being unseasonably prepossessed with a Copie thereof, and (as by the sequell we suppose with some strange misrepresentations of the carriage and intentions of the same, was induced to send down an Order for suppressing the Petition, and Within two or three dayes after, upon further misinformation, and scandalous suggestions, of the like or worse nature, and by the indirect practice of some malitious and mischievous persons (as we suppose) surprizing or otherwise abusing the Parliament. A Declaration was published in the name of both Houses, highly censuring the said petition, and declaring the Petitioners, if they should proceed thereupon, no lesse then enemies to the State, and disturbers of the publick peace. And whereas at the same time and since, divers eminent Officers of the Army have been brought into question and trouble about the said Petition, whereby both they and the rest of the Officers were disabled, or discouraged for the time, from further acting or appearing therein on the souldiers behalfe; And whereas by the aforesaid proceedings and the effects thereof, the souldiers of this Army (finding themselves so stop’t in their due, and regular way of making knowne their just grievances, and desires to, and by their Officers were enforced to an unusuall (but in that case necessary) way of correspondence and agreement amongst themselves, to chose out of the severall Troops and Companies severall men, and those out of their whole number, to chose two or more for each Regiment, to act in the name and behalfe of the whole souldiery of the respective Regiments, Troops and Companies, in the prosecution of their rights and desires in the said Petition, as also of their Just vindication and writing in reference to the aforesaid proceedings upon and against the same, who have accordingly acted and done many things to those ends, all which the souldiers did then approve as their owne Acts. And whereas afterwards, upon the sending downe of Field-Marshall Skippon, and those other Officers of the Amiy that were Members of the House of Commons, to quiet distempers in the Army, fresh hopes being conceived of having our desires againe admitted to be made knowne, and considered in a regular way, and without such misrepresentations as formerly, the Officers and souldiers of the Army (except some few dissenting Officers) did againe Joyne in a representation of their common grievances, and the Officers (except as before) did agree upon a Narrative accompt of the grounds, rise, and growth of the discontents in the Army, and their proceedings in relation thereunto, with an overture of the best expedients, to remove or satisfie the same, both which were presented to the same Members of the House, and by them reported to the House, and whereas the Parliament having thereupon voted, and ordered some particulars, onely toward satisfaction of our grievances, hath since proceeded to certaine resolutions of sodaine, disbanding the Army by peeces, which resolutions being taken, and to be executed before full or equall satisfaction given to the whole Army, in any of the grievances, before effectuall performance of that satisfaction in part, which the preceeding Votes seem’d to promise, as to some of the grievances, and before any consideration at all of some others most materiall, (as by the result of a generall Councell of Warre on Satterday, May 29.) was in generall declared, and is now more fully demonstrated, in particular by a representation there upon, agreed unto by us: we all cannot but looke upon the same resolutions of disbanding us in such manner, as proceeding from the same malicious, and mischievous Principles and intentions, and from the like indirect practices of the same persons abusing the Parliament, and is as the former proceedings against us before mentioned did, and not without carnall and bloudie purposes (for some of them have not stuck to declare or intimate) after the body of the Army should bee disbanded, or the souldiers divided from their Officers: then to question proceed against, and execute their malicious intentions upon all such particular Officers, and souldiers in the Army, as had appeared to act in the Premisses in the behalfe of the Army; and whereas upon a late Petition to the Generall from the Agitants, in behalfe of the souldiers (grounded upon the preceeding considerations relating to the same resolutions of disbanding the same generall Councell of Warre to prevent the danger, and inconveniences of those disturbings, or tumultuous actings, or confluences which the dissatisfaction and Jealousie thereupon also grounded, were like sodainely to have produced in the Army to advise the Generall, first to contract the Quarters of the Army, and then to draw the same to an orderly Randezvous for satisfaction of all, and that his Excellencie would immediately send up to move and desire the Parliament to suspend any present proceeding upon the said Resolution of disbanding, to resume the Consideration of the grievances, and desires sent up from the Army, and not to disband it in pieeces before just and equall satisfaction given to the whole; And where as some of the Regiments appointed for disbanding, upon notice thereof withdrawing themselves from the Quarters adjacent to the appointed Randezvous, & drawing towards the Head Quarters; and the contracting the Quarters according to the said advice of the Councell of Warre.

Wee the Officers and Souldiers of severall Regiments hereafter named, are now met at a generall Randezvous, and the Regiments appointed us aforesaid to be disbanded, have not appeared, nor can appeare; but are resolved not to appeare at the severall and respective Randezvous, appointed as aforsaid for their disbanding; and divers other thing have bin done by severall other partyes, or Members of the Army, necessarily relating to the good & concernment of the whole in these affaires: Now for as much as wee know not how far the malice, Injustice, and Tiranicall Principells of our enemies, that have already prevailed so far to abuse the Parliament and the Army (as is afore mentioned) in the past proceedings against the Army may further prevaile to the danger and prejudice of our selves, or any officers, or Souldiers of the Army, or other persons that have appeared to act anything in behalfe of the Army, or how far the same may further prevaile to the danger or prejudice of the Kingdome in raising a new warte, or otherwise: Therefore for the better prevention of all such dangers, prejudices, or other inconveniences that may ensue; and withall for better satisfaction to the Parliament and Kingdome, concerning our desires of confering to the authority of the one, and providing the good and quiet of the other, in the present affaires of disbanding, and for a more assured way whereby, that affaires may come to a certaine issue, (to which purpose we herein humbly implore the present and continued assistance of God, the Righteous Judge of all) wee the Officers and Souldiers of the Army subscribing here unto; doe hereby declare, agree, and promise, to and with each other, and to, and with the Parliament and Kingdome as followeth.

1. That wee shall cheerfully and readily disband when thereunto required by the Parliament or else shall many of us be willing (if desired) to ingage in further Services either in England or Ireland, having first such satisfaction to the Army in relation to our Grievances and desires heretofore presented, and such security; That we of our selves (when disbanded, and in the condition of private men) or other the free-bome people of England (to whom the consequence of our Case doth equally extend) shall not remaine subject to the like oppression, injury or abuse, as in the premisses hath been attempted and put upon us while an Army by the same men’s continuance, in the same credit and power (especially if as our Judges) who have in these past proceedings against the An-ny so farre prevailed to abuse the Parliament and us, and to endanger the Kingdome; and also such security that we our selves, or any member of this Army or others, who have appeared to act any thing in behalfe of the Army in relation to the premisses before recited, shall not after disbanding be any way questioned, prosecuted, troubled, or prejudiced for any thing so acted, or for the entring into, or necessary prosecution of this necessary agreement: (we say) having first such satisfaction and security in these things as shall be agreed unto by a Councell to consist of those generall Officers of the Army (who have concurred with the Army in the premisses) with two Commission Officers, and two Souldiers to be chosen for each Regiment, who have concurred, and shall concur with us in the premisses and in this agreement. And by the major part of such of them who shall meet in Councell for that purpose when they shall be thereunto called by the Generall.

2. That without such satisfaction and security, as aforesaid, we shall not willingly disband, nor divide, nor suffer our selves to be disbanded or divided.

And whereas we finde many strange things suggested or suspected to our great prejudice concerning dangerous principles, interests and designes in this Army (as to the overthrow of Magistracy, the suppression or hindering of Presbytery, the establishment of Independent government, or upholding of a generall licentiousnesse in Religion under pretence of Liberty of Conscience, and many such things) we shall very shortly tender to the Parliament a Vindication of the Army from all such scandals to cleare our Principles in relation thereunto, and in the meane time we doe disavow and disclaims all purposes or designes in our late or present proceedings to advance or insist upon any such interest, neither would we (if we might and could) advance or set up any other particular party or interest in the Kingdome (tho imagined never so much our own) but shall much rather (as far as may be within our spheare or power) study to promote such an establishment of common and equall night and freedome to the whole, as all might equally partake of but those that doe by denying the same to others, or otherwise render themselves incapable thereof.

THAT we may no longer be the dis-satisfaction of our friends, the subject of our enemies malice (to worke jealousies and misrepresentations upon) and the suspition (if not astonishment) of many in the Kingdome, in our late or present transactions and conduct of businesse, we shal in all faithfulnesse and clearnesse professe, and declare unto you, those things which have of late protracted and hindred our disbanding, the present grievances which possesse our Army, and are yet unremedied, with our desires, as to the compleat settlement of the liberties, and peace of the kingdome, which is that blessing of God, then which (of all worldly things) nothing is more dear unto us, or more pretious in our thoughts, we having hitherto thought all our present enjoyments (whether of life or livelihood, or nearest relations) a price but sufficient to the purchase of so rich a blessing; that we, and all the free-born people of this Nation, may sit down in quiet under our Vines, under the glorious administration of Justice, and righteousnesse, and in the full possession of those Fundamentall Rights and Liberties, without which we can have little hopes (as to humane considerations) to enjoy either any comforts of life, or so much as life it selfe, but at the pleasures of some men, ruling meerly according to will, and power.

It cannot be unknown what hath passed betwixt the Parliament and the Army, as to the service of Ireland. By all Which, together with the late proceedings against the Army, in relation to their petition and grievances, all men may judge what hath hindred the Army from a ready engagement in that service, and without further account or Apologie as to that particular, then what passages and proceedings themselves (already made publicke), doe afford, we doe appeale to your selves, whether those courses, to which the Parliament hath (by the designes and practises of some) been drawne, have rationally tended to induce a cheerfull and unanimous undertaking of the Army to that service, or rather to break and pull the Army in pieces with discontent and dishonour, and to put such disobligations and provocations upon it, as might drive it into distemper, and indeed discourage both this Army and other Souldiers from any further engagement in the Parliaments service. And we wish all men would (with us) upon the whole carriage, seriously consider, whether (in the intentions of those who have by false informations, and misrepresentations put the Parliament upon such wayes) the timely and effectuall reliefe of Ireland, seem really to have been intended, or rather (with the breaking, or disbanding of this Army) to draw together, or raise such other forces, and of such a temper as might serve to some desperate and distructive designes in England. For which, (besides the probable suspitions from their carriage of the businesse) we have beforehand, in the transaction thereof, had more then hints of such a designe, by cleare expressions to that purpose, from many of the Officers of the Army, that have been perswaded, and appeared most forward, to engage as for Ireland, on the tearmes proposed. And, that such a designe hath all along been driven, seemes now too evident, by the present disposing of those Forces that have been engaged for Ireland, by the endevours of some, to gain a power from the Parliament of ordering those Forces for some service in England, and by the private listings of men for service there, without any publick authority of Parliament. And (all this) by the same persons, who have all along, appeared most active, and violent in the late proceedings against the Army.

As to the just discontents and dis-satisfactions of the Army, in relation to their grievances, and their non-compliance to the late orders for sudden disbanding by peece-meale (before more full and equall satisfaction were given to the whole) we desire you to look back to the Papers already published, of the grievances themselves, the Narrative of the Officers, and the late Papers from the generall Counsell of Warre at Bury, and late generall Randezvouz neare Newmarket: and (we thinke) your late resuming the consideration of these things (as to a further satisfaction) doth much justifie the desires and proceedings of the Army, in the past particulars, hitherto.

And though (had we (upon our first addresses) for our undoubted Rights and Dues) found a free, and candid reception, with a just consideration, and a reasonable satisfaction, or at least a free answer therein, we should have been easily perswaded to have abated or forborne much of our Dues, and not to have enquired into, or considered (so farre as we have) either the possibilities there are for more present satisfaction of Arreares, or the credit of future securities proposed, yet since upon these former addresses, we have found such hard dealing, as in the said Papers is set forth, and those additionall (though hitherto but partiall) satisfactions, comming so hardly as they have, we finde no obliging reasons in the least, to decline or recede from what is our due; but rather still to adhere unto our desires of full and equall satisfaction, in all the things mentioned in the aforesaid Papers, not onely in behalf of our selves, and the Army, but also the whole Souldiery throughout the whole Kingdome, who have concurred, or shall concurre with us in the same desires.

And to all our former desires, as Souldiers, we cannot but adde this (wherein we find our selves so nearly concerned in poynt of Justice and Reputation) that more care, and a stricter course may be taken for making good all Articles granted upon Surrenders, according to the true intent and meaning of them. As also for Remedy and Reparation in case of any breach; (and this) without those delayes which divers have found, as prejudicial to them or more, then if they had been totally denied the performance of them.

Nor will it now (wee hope) seeme strange or unseasonable to rationall and honest men, who consider the consequence of our present case, to their own, and the Kingdoms, (as well as our) future concernments in point of right, freedome, peace and safety, if (from a deepe sence of the high consequence of our present case, both to our selves (in future) and all other people) we shall, before disbanding, proceed, in our own and the Kingdoms behalf, to propound, and plead, for some provision, for our, and the Kingdoms satisfaction, and future security in relacion to those things, especially considering, that we were not a meere mercinary Army, hired to serve any Arbitrary power of a State, but called forth and conjured, by the severall Declarations of Parliament, to the defence of our owne and the peoples just rights, and liberties, And so we tooke up Armes, in judgement and conscience to those ends, and have so continued them, and are resolved according to your first just desires in your Declarations, and such principles as we have received from your frequent informations, and our own common sence concerning those our fundamentall Rights and Liberties, to assert and vindicate, the just power, and Rights of this Kingdome in Parliament for those common ends premised, against all arbitrary power, violence and oppression, and against all particular parties, or interests whatsoever. The said Declarations still directing us to the equitable sence of all Laws and constitutions as dispencing with the very Letter of the same, and being supreame to it, when the safety and preservation of all is concerned, and assuring us, that all authority is fundamentally seated, in the office, and but ministerially in the persons, neither doe or will these our proceedings (as we are fully and in conscience perswaded) amount to any thing, not warrantable before God and men, being thus far, much short of the common proceedings in other Nations, to things of an higher nature then we have yet appeared to. And we cannot but be sencible of the great complaints, that have been made generally to us of the Kingdome, from the people where we march, of arbitrarinesse and injustice, to their great and insupportable oppressions.

And truly such Kingdomes, as have according both to the law of Nature and Nations, appeared to the vindication and defence, of their just rights and liberties, have proceeded much higher, As our brethren of Scotland: who in the first beginning of these late differences, associated in Covenant, from the very same grounds and principles (having no vissible form, either of Parliament or King to countenance them) and as they were therein justified, and protected by their own, and this Kingdome also, so we justly shall expect to be.

We need not mention the States of the Netherlands, the Portugals, and others, all proceeding upon the same Principles of right and freedome, And accordingly the Parliament hath declared it no resistance of Magistracie, to side with the just Principles, and law of Nature and Nations, being that Law upon which we have assisted you. And that the Souldiery may lawfully hold the hands of that Generall, who will turne his Cannon against his Army on purpose to destroy them; the Sea-men the hands of that Pylot, who wilfully runnes the Ship upon a Rock, (as our brethren of Scotland argued.) And such were the proceedings of our Ancestors of famous memory, to the purchasing of such Rights and Liberties as they have enjoyed through the price of their blood, and we (both by that and the later blood of our deare friends and fellow Souldiers, with the hazard of our own) doe now lay claim unto.

Nor is that supreame end, (the glory of God) wanting in these cases, to set a price upon all such proceedings of Righteousnesse and Justice, it being one witnesse of God in the World to carry on a Testimony against the Injustice and unrighteousnesse of men, and against the miscarriages of Governments, when corrupted or declining from their primitive or originall glory.

These things we mention, but to compare proceedings, and to shew that we are so much the more justifiable, and warranted in what we do, by how much we come short of that height and measure of proceedings, which the people in free Kingdomes and Nations have formerly practiced.

Now having thus farre cleared our way in this businesse, we shall proceed to propound such things as we do humbly desire for the selling and securing of our own and the Kingdomes common right, freedome, peace, and safety, as followeth.

1. That the Houses may be speedily purged of such members, as for their Delinquency, or for Corruptions, or abuse to the State, or undue Elections, ought not to sit there: whereof the late elections in Cornwall, Wales and other parts of the Kingdome afford too many examples, to the great prejudice of the peoples freedome in the said elections.

2. That those persons, who have, in the unjust and high proceedings against the Army, appeared to have the will, the confidence, credit, and power, to abuse the Parliament, and the Army, and indanger the Kingdom in carrying on such things against us (while an Army) may be some way speedily disabled from doing the like or worse to us (when disbanded, and disperst, and in the condition of private men) or to other the free-born people of England in the same condition with us, and that for that purpose, the same persons may not continue in the same power (especially as our and the Kingdoms Judges in the highest trust) but may be made incapable thereof for future.

And if it be questioned who these are, we thought not fit particularly to name them in this our representation unto you, but shall very speedily give in their names, and before long shall offer what we have to say against them, to your Commissioners, wherein we hope so to carry our selves, as that the world shall see we aime at nothing of private revenge, and animossities, but that justice may have a free course and the Kingdome be eased, and secured by disenabling such men (at least) from places of Judicature who desiring to advantage, and set up themselves, and their party in a generall confusion have indeavoured to put the Kingdom into a new flame of warre, then which nothing is more abhorrent to us.

But because neither the granting of this alone, would be sufficient to secure our own, and the Kingdoms rights, liberties, and safety either for the present age or posterity, nor would our proposing of this singly be free from the scandal, and appearance of faction or designe onely to weaken one party, (under the notion of unjust or oppressive) that we may advance another (which may be imagined more our own) we there fore declare.

That indeed wee cannot but wish that such men, and such onely might be preferred to the great power and trust of the Commonwealth, as are approved, at least, for morall righteousnesse; And of such wee cannot but in our wishes preferre those, that appeare acted thereunto by a principle of Conscience and Religion in them. And accordingly we doe and ever shall blesse God for those many such Worthies, who, through his providence, have been chosen into this Parliament, And, to such mens endeavours (under God) wee cannot but attribute that Vindication, (in part) of the peoples Rights and Liberties, and those beginnings of a just Reformation, which the first proceedings of this Parliament appeared to have driven at, and tended to, though of late obstructed, or rather diverted to other ends and interest by the prevailing of other persons of other principles and conditions.

But yet wee are so farre from designing, or complying to have an absolute or arbitrary power fixed or settled for continuance, in any persons whatsoever, as that, (if we might be sure to obtaine it) wee cannot wish to have it so in the persons of any, whom wee could most confide in, or who should appeare most: of our own opinions or principles or whom wee might have most personall assurance of, or interest in, but wee doe, and shall much rather wish, that the Authoritie of this Kingdome in Parliaments (rightly constituted, that is, freely, equally and successively chosen, according to its originall intention) may ever stand and have its course. And therefore wee shall apply our desires, chiefly to such things, as (by having Parliaments setled in such a right Constitution) may give most hopes of Justice and Righteousnesse, to flow downe, equally to all, in that its ancient Channell, without any Overtures, tending either to overthrow, that foundation of Order and Government in this Kingdome, or to ingrosse that power for perpetuity into the hands of any particular persons, or party whatsoever.

And for that purpose, though (as wee have found it doubted by many men, minding sincerely the publique good, but not weighing so fully all consequences of things) it may and is not unlike to prove, that, upon the ending of this Parliament, and the Election of New, the Constitution of succeeding Parliaments, (as to the persons Elected) may prove for the worse many wayes, yet since neither in the present purging of this Parliament, nor in the Election of New, wee cannot promise to our selves, or the Kingdome, an assurance of Justice, or other positive good from the hands of men, but those who for present appeare most righteous and most for common good (having an unlimited power fixed in them during life or pleasure) in time, may become corrupt, or settle into parties, or factions, or, on the other side, in case of new Elections, those that should so succeed, may prove as bad or worse then the former. Wee therefore humbly conceive, that, (of two inconveniences the lesse being to be chosen) the maine thing to be intended in this case (and beyond which humane providence cannot reach, as to any assurance of positive good) seemes to be this, viz. to provide, that however unjust or corrupt the persons of Parliament-men, in present or future, may prove, or whatever ill they may doe to particular parties (or to the whole, in particular things,) during their respective termes, or periods, yet they shall not have the temptation or advantage of an unlimited power fixt in them during their own pleasures, whereby to perpetuate injustice and oppression upon any, (without end or remedy,) or to advance and uphold any one particular party, faction, or interest whatsoever, to the oppression or prejudice of the Communitie, and the enslaving of the Kingdome untol all posteritie, but that the people may have an equall hope, or possibilitie, if they have made an ill choice at one time, to mend it in another, and the members of the House themselves may be in a capacitie, to tast of subjection as well as rule, and may so be inclined to consider of other mens cases, as what may come to be their owne. This wee speake of, in relation to the House of Commons, as being entrusted, on the peoples behalf, for their interest in that great and supreame power of the Common-wealth, (viz. the Legislative power, with the power of finall judgement,) which being, in its own nature, so arbitrary, and in a manner unlimited (unlesse in point of time) is most unfit and dangerous (as to the peoples interest) to be fixt in the persons of the same men during life, or their own pleasures. Neither, by the originall Constitution of this State, was it, or ought it to continue so, nor does it (where-ever it is, and continues so) render that State any better then a meere Tyranny, or the people subjected to it, any better then Vassalls: But in all States, where there is any face of common freedome, and particularly in this State of England (as is most evident, both by many positive Lawes, and ancient constant custome) the people have a right to new and successive Elections unto that great and supreame trust, at certain periods of time, which is so essentiall and fundamentall to their freedome, as it is, cannot, or ought not, to be denied them, or withheld from them, and without which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England. Yet in this wee would not be mis-understood, in the least, to blame those Worthies of both Houses, whose zeale to vindicate the Liberties of this Nation, did procure that Act for continuance of this Parliament, whereby it was secured from being dissolved at the Kings pleasure, (as former Parliaments had been) or reduced to such a Certainty, as might enable them the better to assert and vindicate the liberties of this Nation, (immediately before so highly invaded, and then also so much endangered.) And these wee take to be the principall ends and grounds, for which, in that exigency of time and affaires, it was procured, and to which wee acknowledge it hath happily been made use of, but wee cannot thinke it was by those Worthies intended, or ought to be made use of, to the perpetuating of that supreame trust and power in the persons of any during their owne pleasures, or to the debarring of the people from their right of Elections (totally new) when those dangers or exigencies were past, and the affaires and safety of the Common-wealth would admit of such a change.

Having thus cleared our Grounds and Intentions (as wee hope) from all scruples and misunderstandings, in what followes we shall proceede further to propose what wee humbly desire for the selling and securing of our owne and the Kingdomes Rights and Liberties (through the blessing of God) to posterity, and therefore, upon all the Grounds premised, we further humbly desire as followeth,

3. That some determinate period of time may be set, for the continuance of this and future Parliaments, beyond which none shall continue, and upon which new Writs may of course issue out, and new Elections successively take place according to the intent of the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments.

And herein we would not be misunderstood to desire a present or suddain dissolution of this Parliament, but only (as is exprest before) that some certaine period may be set for the determining of it, so as it may not remaine (as now) continuable for ever, or during the pleasure of the present Members, And we should desire that the period to be now set for ending this Parliament, may be such as may give sufficient time for provision of what is wanting and necessary to be passed in point of just Reformation, and for further securing the Rights and Liberties, and selling the peace of the Kingdome. In order to which we further humbly offer.

4. That secure provisions may be made for the continuance of future Parliaments, so as they may not be adjournable or dissolveable at the Kings pleasure, or any other wayes then by their owne consent during their respective periods, but at those periods each Parliament to determine of course as before. This we desire may be now provided for (if it may be) so as to put it out of all dispute, for future, though we thinke of right, it ought not to have beene otherwise before.

[And because the present Distribution of Elections for Parliament Members is so very unequal, and the Multitude of Burgesses for decayed or inconsiderable Towns (whose Interest in the Kingdom would in many not exceed, or in others not equal, ordinary Villages) doth give too much and too evident Opportunity for Men of Power to frame Parties in Parliament to serve particular Interests, and thereby the Common Interest of the whole is not so minded, or not so equally provided for: We therefore further desire,

5. That some Provision may be now made for such Distribution of Elections for future Parliaments, as may stand with some Rule of Equality or Proportion, as near as may be, to render the Parliament a more equal Representative of the whole, as for Instance, That all Counties or Divisions and Parts of the Kingdom (involving inconsiderable Towns) may have a Number of Parliament-Men allowed to their Choice, proportionably to the respective Rates they bear in the Common Charges and Burdens of the Kingdom, and not to have more, or some other such like Rule.]

And thus a firme foundation being laid in the authority and constitution of Parliaments for the hopes, at least, of common and equall right and freedome to our selves and all the free-born people of this Land, we shall for our parts freely and cheerefully commit our stock or share of interest in this Kingdome, into this common bottome of Parliaments, and though it may (for our particulars) goe ill with us in one Voyage, yet we shall thus hope (if right be with us) to fare better in another.

These things we desire may be provided for by Bill or Ordinance of Parliament to which the Royall Assent may be desired: when his Majestic in these things, and what else shall be proposed by the Parliament, necessary for securing the Rights and Liberties of the people, and for selling the Militia and Peace of the Kingdome, shall have given his concurrence to put them past dispute. We shall then desire that the Rights of his Majestic and his posterity may be considered of, and setled in all things, so farre as may consist with the Right and Freedome of the Subject, and with the security of the same for future.

5. We desire, that the right and fredome of the people, to represent to the Parliament by way of humble Petition, their grievances (in such things as cannot otherwise be remedied then by Parliament) may be cleared and vindicated, That all such grievances of the people may be freely received & admitted into consideration, and put into an equitable and speedy way, to be heard, examined, and redressed (if they appeare reall) and that in such things for which men have remedy by law, they may be freely left to the benefit of law, and the regulated course of Justice, without interruption or checke from the Parliament, except in case of things done upon the exigency of Warre, or for the service and benefit of the Parliament and Kingdome in relation to the Warre, or otherwise, in due pursuance and execution of Ordinances or Orders of Parliament.

More particularly (under this head) we cannot but desire, that all such as are imprisoned, for any pretended misdemeanor, may be put into a speedy way for a just hearing and triall, and such as shall appeare to have beene unjustly and unduly imprisoned, may (with their liberty) have some reasonable reparation according to their sufferings and the demerit of their oppressors.

6. That the large powers, given to the Committees or Deputy Lieutenants during the late times of Warre and destraction, may be speedily taken into consideration, That such of these powers as appeare not necessary to be continued, may be taken away, and such of them as are necessary may be put into a regulated way, and left to as little Arbitrarinesse, as the nature and necessity of the things wherein they are conversant will beare.

7. We could wish that the Kingdome might both be righted & publikely satisfied in point of Accounts, for the vast summes that have been levyed and paid, as also in divers other things wherein the Common wealth may be conceived to have beene wronged or abused; But we are loath to presse any thing, that may tend to lengthen out further disputes or contestations, but rather such as may tend to a speedy and generall composure, and quieting of mens minds, in order to Peace, for which purpose we further propose.

8. That (publique Justice being first satisfied by some few examples to posterity out of the worst of excepted persons, and other Delinquents, having past their Compositions) some course may be taken (by a generall Act of oblivion or otherwise) whereby the seeds of future Warre, or fewds, either to the present age, or posterity, may the better be taken away, by easing that sence of present, and satisfying those feares, of future Ruine or Undoing, to persons or families, which may drive men into any desperate wayes for selfe preservation or remedy, and by taking away the private remembrances and distinction of parties, as farre as may stand with safety to the rights and Liberties wee have hitherto fought for.

There are (besides these) many particular things which wee could wish to be done, and some to be undone, all, in order still to the same ends, of common right, freedome, peace, and safety. But these proposalls aforegoing, being the principall things wee bottome and insist upon, wee shall (as wee have said before) for our parts acquiesce for other particulars in the Wisdome and Justice of Parliaments. And whereas it hath been suggested or suspected, that in our late, or present proceedings, our design is to overthrow Presbytery, or hinder the settlement thereof, and to have the Independent governement set up, we doe clearely disclaime, and disavow any such designe; We onely desire that according to the Declarations (promising a provision for tender consciences) there may some effectuall course be taken according to the intent thereof, And that such, who, upon conscientious grounds may differ from the established formes, may not (for that) be debarred from the common Rights, Liberties, or Benefits belonging equally to all, as men and Members of the Commonwealth, while they live soberly, honestly, and inoffensively towards others, and peacefully and faithfully towards the State.

We have thus freely and clearely declared the depth and bottome of our hearts and desires in order to the Rights, Liberties and Peace of the Kingdome, wherein we appeale to all men, whether we seeke any thing of advantage to our selves, or any particular partie whatever, to the prejudice of the whole, & whether the things we wish and seek, do not equally concern & conduce to the good of others in common with our selves, according to the sincerity of our desires and intentions wherein, (as we have already found the concurrent sence of the people in divers Counties by their Petitions to the Generall, expressing their deepe representment of these things, and pressing us to stand for the Interest of the Kingdome therein, so,) we shall wish and expect to finde the unanimous concurrence of all others, who are equally concerned with us in these things, and wish well to the Publique. And so trusting in the mercy and goodnesse of God to passe by and heipe any failings or infirmities of ours, in the carriage or proceedings hereupon, we shall humbly cast our selves and the businesse upon his good pleasure, depending onely on his presence and blessing for an happie issue to the peace and good of this poore Kingdome, in the accomplishment whereof, wee desire and hope, that God will make you blessed Instruments.

ALTHOUGH ye and your families, are they who in all publike calamities do suffer most, yet seem ye altogether insensible of your owne danger untill it be directly upon you, yee looke not into publike affaires your selves, but trust wholly unto others; and if they either through weaknesses wilfulnesse, corruption or treacherie faile in their trust or tume oppressors and tyrants, ye remaine liable to be deluded and betrayed by them into tumults, wars, miseries and bondage.

But believe it, yee have need to look about you, and that very quickly, to see into affaires your selves, and understand how things go, for ye are likely very speedily to be put upon the greatest triall of your wisdom and faithfulnesse that ever men were put upon; which if ye withstand or get cleare through with an upright mind, your peace, freedome, and happinesse will certainly be continued, but if ye yeeld yee will involve yourselves, your wives, children and servants into far greater miseries and extremities then those ye have already past through.

The case is briefly and truly thus, ye remember in what a languishing distracted condition ye were in, before the warre was betrusted to the present Army, then called, The new Modell, and with what faithfulnesse, diligence, expedition and courage thay have vanquished the enemy, restored you to your trades and livelihoods, which ye cannot with any conscience, but thankfully acknowledge and remember.

But what they by their fidelity and activity gained abroad, is through want of care utterly destroyed at home; for whilst they supplant the enemy in strength, he is supplyed with authority, and so in effect made Master of that strength by which he hath been vanquished.

Ye will wonder how it should be so, and yet if yee shall judge the tree by the fruits, which is so infallible a rule that it cannot deceive you, ye shall find nothing more evident.

For, what Authority now extant can ye name, that affords this Army any countenance or encouragement? nay, that hath not manifested a jealousle and hatred of them, and that most unjustly, seeing the Army is still the same it was, minding the safety, peace, freedome and happinesse of all peaceable people without any difference at all.

But herein it consisteth, Authority is changed and hath proposed other ends to it selfe now at last, then when this Army was first raised; those men that saw a necessity of their raising, which appeared from the languishing condition of the Kingdome under the former Forces, had then the major Vote and the opposite party were esteemed disaffected favourers of the enemy, Remon.’s to the honest proceedings of the House at that time, but are now become by the addition of divers ill affected men of knowne malignity out of the quarters redeemed from the enemy, the swaying party weigh down the ballance, and decree all.

From hence proceeds this different aspect upon the Army; the late bitter Declaration against them for endeavouring to petition their owne Generall in an orderly and peaceable way, for that which many by their losse of health, and all of them by induring the hardships and extremities of war, and hazarding their lives, have dearly earned; these are now judged enemies to the State, disturbers of the peace, even of purpose to turn the faces of honest men against them, and all to maintains the unjust cause, and work out the wicked designes of tyrants and oppressors.

Divers men by corruptions are growne rich, from small estates or nothing to be very wealthy; and finding that this Army and such as love them, because they love their Country, are inquisitive and unwilling to see the State abused, and the people defrauded, fearing that the mountaines of wealth they have raised, may yet be returned to their right owners, or the common stock, and that their unjust actions may undergo scrutiny and tryall, have for prevention thereof, desperatly resolved to embroyle us in a new warre, and bring all to the former confusion, if not utter desolation; finding by experience, that they can fish best in troubled waters and escape best in the presse; that corruption and injustice is no otherwise mantainable, but by might and force, and for that very end and purpose have contrived to engage you against the Army, and those that wish them well, by which policle they suppose all your thoughts wil be diverted from thinking upon them and their corruptions.

In order to this, the Army and their friends are made odious to you, as Sectaries, even as heretofore the well-affected party were rendered hateful to you as Puritans; they provoke the Army what they can, by declaring them disturbers of the peace, molesting divers of their Officers and Souldiers, sleighting petitions of many thousands of good and godly people, and burning some of them by the common Hang-man, and by many other signes giving them to see what they and their friends are like to suffer after disbanding, hoping hereby to put them upon extremities and enforce them to stand upon their guard, and capitulate for their safety, which they will interpret rebellion, and hold forth to you as a true ground of destroying them, inciting you from thence to take up Armes, and engage in their unjust quar-rell, even for the maintenance of their exorbitant wills, and ambitious ends, yea and defence of their lives and ill-gotten estates.

The heads of this designe are the corrupt men in the House of Commons, even such as have been fon-nerly of the enemies party abroad, and done him services here at home, by discovering our counsels (as appeareth by interception of some of their letters,) partaking with the conspirators in the City (as in Wallers plot) opposing the raising of this Army, (by which the worke hath been so speedily ended) appearing crosse in all debates of the House for redresse of grievances, or relief of the oppressed and much abused people, constantly manifesting, That they have proposed other ends to themselves, then the common good of the Nation.

Assistant to these is the Mayor of London, hitherto past over, (when the well-affected party had most sway in the City) as a man favouring the enemy, and never manifesting any affection to the Parliament, in their undertaking to make us a free people: also many of the Aldermen and great men of the Citle whose interest depends upon Prerogative, and is supported by the subjection of the plaine people.

The City Militia likewise in reference to this project was altered, because the former men who had shewed themselves faithfull to the Common-wealth and City, were not (it seems) judged fit instruments for this secret work; and yee the Commoners of London likewise, they hope, will by some deceitfull trick or other follow, though to the destruction of your selves, your wives and families.

This makes them so confidently give out, that if the Army will not disband, that ye the plaine men of this City, your sons and servants shall make a new Army to compell them; they verily thinke yee are not so well principled as to collect your thoughts (on such a sudden as they intend to surprize you) and consider what a dangerous businesse to the whole Kingdome ye go about, but that ye will doe it for no other reason, but because they bid you: that ye will forget the good services that the Army have done, the speedle overthrow of a powerfull enemy, the so sudden recovery of trading by the ending of a long and languishing warre, which if continued, had in probability utterly wasted your Traine Bands, and hazzarded the ruine both of City and Kingdome.

These benefits (they think) they can easily make you forget, with old tales of private mens preaching, Conventicles, rebaptizing; and now by clamours of rebellion, and contempt of authority, which both the present necessity, and the common safety of the People requireth as a duty, and is purposely procured by themselves, for the maintenance of their tyranny and corruptions.

But look back into what is past, and survey the actions of these men, their weekly donations of great sumines amongst themselves, their pride and Lordlinesse: Compare them with the Army; see if the Army have not made themselves poor, to make the Common-wealth rich, whil’st these men have made themselves rich and us poore.

Consider whether these men, and their Agents, who shall be most forward to egg you on, and cry an Alarme, have not made advantages of your troubles, swolne great by the losse of your Friends and Neighbours bloods, whil’st they that ingaged most heartily, are disrespected, the poor Souldiers unpaid, the widdow and fatherlesse by warre little regarded, so small recompence made, as there is scarce a livelihood afforded to them that have lost their limbs out of affection to their Countrey, whil’st those that shall appeare most earnest for a new warre, are such as know the way very well how to thrive by it, have gained thousands by the former, found the sweetnesse of having the Common-wealth money at their dispose: And as they have been liberall every week, in converting the Common-wealths Treasury to their owne particular coffers, so hope they (with all possible speed, and by all indirect means) to be yet more bountifull, and for every hundred, give one another a thousand.

Consider, that warres are easily and suddenly, and out of a heat begun, but very hardly and slowly ended: Let late experience make us wise, so to foresee evills, as we may prevent them. The Scots will be ingaged againe, and forraigne Forces called in, which is already attempted by private Agents, from the aforesaid conupt and ill-affected party in the Parliament.

This Citie may avoid all their malice, and crush all their wicked designes in the birth, before they come forth, if they will but abate their unjust and causelesse eagemesse against men of different opinions, and equally consider the just cause, desires and intentions of the Arrnie, and the peaceablenesse of those people in the Citie and Countrey, who did lately petition for libertie, and that their ends herein are evidently the good and peace of all men.

Take it to heart also, that we are in as much bondage as before this Parliament; all sorts of men are insensible of it, and full of complaints; the very oppressions cried out upon at the beginn’ g of this Parliament, and removed, are not onely now again practised, but many new ones brought upon us; besides that which alone amounts to all the rest, the EXCISE, which (upon pretence of paying publike debts, and supplying other to-be-invented necessities) is like to be a lasting burden upon us.

Customes are still as much inhanced as ever, without any convoy and protection of Merchants, which is the end of paying them, and the poore Seamen and Marriners wrack’d to the utmost point of extreamity: infinite sums have been dispended, and yet debts both unpaid, and the publike Treasury emptied.

Consider the grievances complained of in the late Petition which was burned, and collect from thence what usage ye are like to finde, unlesse ye resolve to sit downe under oppression, and expect no redresse of grievances, which those honest men petitioning for in a discreet, peaceable, and humble manner, were abused, reproached, some of them imprisoned, the rest threatned, all tenned seditious, and what not, even as men formerly were for moving against Ship-money, and the oppressions of those times.

In this lamentable condition, the honest and plaine people being still now, as they were then, in greatest danger, and wicked men most secure, and not only most countenanced by Authority, but endeavoured to be brought into all places thereof; judge, ye citizens of London, and other neighbour-places, whether the Army have not just cause, to stand upon their guard, and whether it be not high time for them again to appear for the defence and protection of the distressed people of this land; judge likewise what kind of enemies to the common wealth, peace, freedom, and safety of this Nation they are that shal oppose them herein, how inexcusable and evidently guilty of procuring their owne bondage, and maintaining abused authority, to their owne misery, if not destruction: yet this is the strong temptation wherewith ye are likely very suddenly to be assaulted.

The bait they will use will be the suppressing of Hereticks and Schismaticks, which henceforth ye shall find to be but nick-names for any that oppose Tyrants and Oppressors, by which they have ever endeavoured to make those odious to the rude multitude, whose honestie and conscience could not otherwise be blemished.

Looke therefore with a cleare eye upon the Army and those that love and affect them, whether in Parliament or elsewhere, and see if they be not the truest promoters of just freedome, least advancers of themselves; and when ye are tried, may ye prove like gold seven times fined in the fire; so shall your wisdome, faithfulnesse, thankfulnesse and integrity appeare in this sad day of Englands greatest extremity, when a major vote of Parliament must of necessity be disobeyed.

But this is an age of wonders: what greater wonder I pray, is there in this Nation, then a continuall Parliament, already drawing to the end of the seventh yeare; or that this Parliament should begin in suppressing the High-commission, Star-chamber, Bishops, Popish Lords and all oppressors, make a most bloody war against them, subdue them by a faithfull Army, and now act, tolerate, and Justifie the same oppressions, under other notions, hate none so much as those that abhor oppression, and likewise vex, molest, and suffer to be hanged those very Souldiers that preserved their own lives, even in their greatest extremities, and that for actions necessarily and warrantably performed in prosecution of their own services.

And because all admonitions are most acceptable when the causes thereof are cleared, and proved to be good and just, by true examples, and forcible reasons, I will give an instance for your better satisfaction, in the things whereof I forewame you, and so fore-arme you, Yee cannot but remember, that as those peaceable people who were at the beginning of this Parliament, called Round-heads, and afterwards Independents, and by such other Titles as best please the Clergy to devise, and the rude multitude to expresses did adventure their lives voluntarily day and night, in guarding and defending the Parliament against all their enemies, who were like to swallow them up, before they had either guard or Army to take their part; and did not this worthy Army the like unto them, when no other Army could doe the bus’inesse?

Did not yee your selves, and many thousands of others, bestow a great part of your estates freely and voluntarily to help, further, and assist the Parliament in all their publick affaires for the Common-weale, and safety of the people: and yet now, who are more despised, hated and persecuted by means or conivance of the Parliament, then both yee, they, and the Army, who have been their truest and best friends? And likewise, who have been more assessed and extorted in advancing more and more summes to fill their Coffers, then those who gave them most freely and liberally at the first; yea, and too many of them more then they could well spare.

Therefore, deare friends, remember this seasonable and loving premonition, while it is yet time, that when yee have done all yee can, and perhaps past the bounds of your abilities, yee may easily perceive both by former experience your selves, and infinite discontents, murmurings and out-cries of others, that if yee doe not persist both in fulfilling their wils in what they wil command concerning your bodies, and in yeelding what they will demand of your Estates, yea, or refuse them in any jot, or trifle they require, though never so unjust, ye will be subject to loose all ye have done, and their favour too.

These are wonders indeed, besides hundreds of others which might be expressed; but these if well weighed will put you upon examination how it is possible such things as these should be.

The Army doubtlesse doth highly esteme the authority of Parliament, being rightly constituted, and intending the well-fare and safety of the people, and such a Parliament both the Army and the well-affected of the Kingdome thought this would have proved; for which they have fought, as for their own and the peoples liberties.

But when through the policies, feastings, private letters, making use of interests and relations, with many other indirect practices, elections shall be corrupted, and not freely made by the people, but in effect the one part of the Parliament procure the election of the other when by meanes hereof the ill affected party is growne most potent, and the peoples faithfull friends are overpowred, when their courses shall tend idently to make themselves great, upon the peoples ruins, even to prevent the end for which a Parliament is called, is there any just cause to the contrary, but the same necessity and publike safety that justifieth the Parliament against the King, will also justifie the Army against them, by the same rule of right reason, and law of equity, as the souldiers of an Army may oppose the Generall, when he tumeth the mouth of his Cannon upon them.

And all this the Army do not against, but for Parliaments, as the onely orderly meanes for the peoples safety, and freedome now in such a high time of extreame danger, after the tryall of all other lawflill and possible faire and submissive meanes.

It is not to be imagined, that the Army meaneth in any wise to usurpe the government, or give lawes to their brethren; nothing can be more odious to their spirits, or further from their thoughts: their ayme is only to rescue and succour the people that are oppressed, and defend themselves from the malicious plots and practices of wicked men, untill such time as the night constitution of Parliaments be recovered, the Accompt of the Kingdomes Treasury required, and the Authors of our miseries according to justice punished.

The obstruction whereunto is a great number of tyrannicall and oppressive men in the House, against whom just execptions will be evidently made appeare to all the world; if upon offer of proofe, all these enormities should be set into a way of tryall, this great and much threatning designer may be prevented, without trouble, warre or bloodshed, wherein it rests in you at this time to do very much.

If ye forbeare to engage against the Army, whom God hath made his instruments to deliver you, and withall, second their just desires for purging out the corrupt Members of the Parliament, ye will not onely herein be an example of wisdome, fidelity and integrity to the whole Nation, but prevent a world of mischiefs and inconvenience, which otherwise might come to passe by your negligence, or rather slavish obedience.

Ye cannot but perceive, that in the great alteration which is made of the Committee of the Militia and the removall of your knowne Commanders in the forces of London, that they intend to engage you against the Army. Is not this evident to all judicious men? For what neede is there of any such change now at this time, and that onely of such persons as are affected to the Army?

Let not faire shewes or pretences of zeale, religion, or reformation of whatsoever kinde any longer delude you, but observe him for a traitor to his Countrey, that would now entangle you in any unjust warre against a most worthy Army, whom God hath so exceedingly blessed, yea and you also and all of us, by their faithfull meanes and effectuall endeavours.

Looke wisely and narrowly to your Officers of trust in all places, and see that they bring forth fruits suitable to your peace, preservation, and freedome, or else shun them as serpents, whose property is to destroy you.

Be not deluded into a groundlesse beliefe, that the Army do intend any kinde of prejudice to any just interests or propriety in the Common wealth, seeing they have manifested both by word and deed to the world, in despite of the mallice of all their treacherous enemies (though pretended friends) that the outmost extent of their desires, is onely to see equity and justice florish in all Estates, so that no man may be punished under the colour of law or otherwise, without a just cause.

Allow the Army to be as free Englishmen as any whosoever, and your worthy and beloved brethren; have not many of you fought, shed your blood, and adventured your lives in the very same just cause for which they most couragiously do yet (through Gods goodnesse) stand. And would yee now unjustly resigne both that good cause, and so renowned an Army, into the treacherous and bloody hands of such as maliciously hate both them and you, howsoever, they may flatter you at this time for their own base ends, but neither for your own nor the Kingdomes good.

God forbid that so just a cause which hitherto hath been so valiantly prosecuted, should escape so many and violent stortnes, and cruell tempests in the main Ocean, and yet perish in the Harbor, and that only for want of prudence and timely care.

But our hope is, that the same just and good God, who hath hitherto preserved you, the Army, Citie, Parliament, and just cause, will also in his due and appointed time, to his own everlasting praise, and the comfort of all that trust in him, perfect his great worke in justice and righteousness, if in the mean time yee will be so truly wise, as to be thankfull for mercies received, and not forgetfull of the worthy instruments he hath employed for your preservation, but doe them good to your utmost abilitiese in the day of their visitation.

So shall God crown all your labours of love with peace, and both your selves, the whole Nation and posterity with freedome.

Amen.

The Printer to the Reader.

I Desire thee to amend with thy pen, one fault escaped in the printing, by negligence, and the Authors absence, which is in the 3. page and 10. line, namely secretaries for sectaries: And if there be any more faults (as none liveth without some) I also desire that thou wilt shew thy patience by thy silence, and that thou may rather make a profitable use of the sence, then anywise strive about words; even as thou wouldest except the like favour of me or any other in thy absence, if thou be one that shewest thy selfe thus carefull and zealous for the publike: especially now in such extreeme need. Farewell.

Courteous Reader, I shall give thee a short Narative of some passages upon the following Petitions, first concerning-the large Petition: Divers printed coppies thereof being sent abroad to gaine subscriptions, one whereof was intercepted by an Informer, and so brought to the hands of Mr. Glyn Recorder of London, and a member of the Commons House; who was pleased to call it a scandalous, and seditious paper: Whereupon it was referred to Colonell Leighes Committee (it being that Committee appoynted to receive informations against those men who preached without licence from the Ordainers) to finde out the Authours of the said Petition; upon this a certificate being drawn up, and intended by the Petitioners, to have been delivered to the said Committee, for vindication of the said Petition, as will appeare by the certificate herewith printed; and notice being taken of one of the petitioners named Nicholas Tue, who red the said certificate in the Court of Request; for the Concurrence of friends who had not formerly seen nor subscribed the certificate: and for his so doing he was sent for presently before the said Committee, and for refusing to answer to Interrogatories, was presently by them Committed, and still remaineth in prison, it being at the least three Moneths since his first commitment.

Likewise Major Tuledah, was upon complaint of that Committee, the next day committed by the House, but since discharged upon baile, without any just cause shewn for either of their Commitments: and others of the Petitioners abused, and vilified by that Committee; some of them offering to draw their swords upon the Petitioners. All which, with more was ready to be proved to the whole House, but could by no meanes be obtained, though earnestly desired, by a Petition, presently delivered into the House, humbly desiring the examination of these miscarriages; but after eight weekes attendance, with much importunity; after many promises and dayes appointed to take their Petition into consideration, they obtained a very slight answer: which was that they could not like of their Petition.

Occasion being taken sodainely after to commit one of the Petitioners named Mr. Browne to the prison of Newgate; for his importunity in desiring an answer to that Petition, after many promises and delayes. Shortly after the slight answer obtained to the said Petition, the Petitioners thought good to deliver a second Petition to the House, to see if it were possible to obtain a better answer to their just desires; hoping that they would better consider of things, but after attendance and importunity, they obtained an answer in these words. That the Parliament had Voted it a breach of priviledge, scandalous, and seditious, and that Petition, and the large Petition, to be burned by the hand of the Hangman; which was accordingly done by Order of the House, in these words.

Resolved &c. That the Sheriffes of London and Middlesex, be required, to take care that the Petition and paper be burnt, which accordingly was done, before the Exchange, two dayes after the said Vote and Order of the House.

And shortly after this the Petitioners prepared a third Petition, which is the last Petition herewith printed: and after much importunity with the Members of the House; after almost two dayes attendance, obtained so much favour from one of the Members, as to present that Petition to the House, and after all this could obtaine no other answer to that Petition; but the House after long dispute thereupon passed this Vote.

Upon the 2d. of June 1647. That no answer shall be given to the Petition at the present: and two dayes after the Petitioners attended the House, for a further answer delivering copies of their Petition to the severall Members of the House, but could obtaine no further answer thereunto; but received many vilifying, and disgracefull speeches, from severall Members of the House: and so after a whole dayes attendance, departed without any hope, to receive any answer to their just desires in the said Petition.

And thus I have faithfully, and truly (though briefly) given ye an account of the proceedings upon the ensuing Petitions. Now let the judicious and considerate Reader judge whether the Petitioners have received equall and even dealing herein from this present Parliament: the Petitioners being such who have laid out themselves, both in their persons and purses, far above their abilities; who have not valued their lives, their childrens lives, nor their servants lives, nor estates, to deare for the service of the Parliament and Common-wealth.

And is this the reward they shall receive, after they have thus laid out themselves? Nay, they have just cause to feare that they and their friends are men appointed to utter ruine, and destruction; otherwise what meaneth all the rayling, reviling, and reproachfull speeches of their Ministers, and Agents, out of the pulpit and presse, to stirre up the rude multitude to fall upon them, and destroy them; is not this ingratitude in the highest degree, shall not the very Heathen rise up in judgement against such a generation, of degenerate men as these? Who could say, Si ingratum dixeris, omnia dixeris.

You cannot chuse but take notice of severall Remonstrances, and Petitions presented to the House from these men, who call themselves Lord Major, Aldermen and Commons, of the City of London in Common-councell assembled, what high affronts they have offered to the Parliament; yet they have in some measure by steps, and degrees, answered the Remonstrances, and granted their Petitions, and you may observe what answer they have given to their last Petition, for raising of Horse, &c. (The tendencie whereof may be of very dangerous consequence if well weighed) which is thus. Mr. Speaker by command of the House, exprest unto them the true sense the House hath of their constant good affections to this Parliament; and that no alterations whatsoever can work any change in their duty, and love; for which he is to give them the hartiest thanks of this House.

I could enlarge my selfe, but I affect brevitie, and the judicious and considerate Reader may enlarge himselfe in his own thoughts: well weighing the matter in the said Remonstrances, and Petitions; and upon due consideration may judge whether their Petitions, or the Petitions burnt, vilified, and disgraced, deserve most thanks, or tend most to the safetie of the Parliament, and Common-wealth.

And will henceforth conclude, that as there is little good to be hoped for from such Parliaments, as need to be Petitioned; so there is none at all to be expected from those that burn such Petitions as these.

If the endeavours of good Common-wealths-men in the House could have prevailed, these Petitions had not been burnt, nor the Petitioners abused; but the sons of Zeruiah were to strong for them, that is to say, the Malignants, and Delinquents, the Lawyers (some few excepted) the Monopolising merchants, the sons and servants of the Lords; all these joyning together, over Voted them about 16 Voyces; but God in time, will we trust, deliver the people of this Nation, from their deceipt, and malice; and therefore let us not sorrow as men without hope, nor be discouraged, but goe on and persist, for the just liberties of England, a word to the wise is sufficient. Farewell.

To the Right Honourable, and supreame Authority of this Nation, the COMMONS in PARLIAMENT Assembled.

That as no Government is more just in the constitution, then that of Parliaments, having its foundation in the free choyce of the people; and as the end of all Government is the safety and freedome of the governed, even so the people of this Nation in all times, have manifested most hearty affection, unto Parliaments as the most proper remedy of their grievances; yet such hath been the wicked policies of those who from time to time have endevoured to bring this Nation into bondage; that they have in all times either by the disuse or abuse of Parliaments deprived the people of their hopes: For testimony whereof the late times foregoing this Parliament will sadly witnesse, when it was not only made a crime to mention a Parliament, but either the pretended negative voyce, (the most destructive to freedome) or a speedy dissolution, blasted the fruite and benefit thereof, whilst the whole Land was overspread with all kinds of oppression and tyranny, extending both to Soule and Body, and that in so rooted and setled a way, that the complaints of the people in generall witnessed, that they would have given any thing in the world for one six moneths freedome of Parliament. Which hath been since evidenced in their instant and constant readinesse of assistance to this present Parliament, exceeding the records of all former ages, and wherein God hath blessed them with their first desires, making this Parliament the most absolute and free of any Parliament that ever was, and enabling it with power sufficient to deliver the whole Nation from all kinds of oppressions and grievances, though of never so long continuance, and to make it the most absolute and free Nation in the world.

And it is most thankefully acknowledged that yee have in order to the freedome of the people suppressed the High-Commission, Starr-Chamber, and Councel-Table, called home the banished, delivered such as were imprisoned for matters of conscience, and brought some Delinquents to deserved punishment. That yee have suppressed the Bishops and Popish Lords, abolished Episcopacy, and that kinde of Prelatick persecuting government. That ye have taken away Shipmoney, and all the new illegall Patents, whereby the hearts of all the wel-affected were enlarged and filled with a confident hope, that they should have seen long ere this a compleate removall of all grievances, and the whole people delivered from all oppressions over Soule or Body: But such is our misery, that after the expence of so much precious time, of blood, and treasure, and the ruine of so many thousands, of honest families in recovering our Liberties, wee still finde this Nation oppressed with grievances of the same destructive nature as formerly, though under other notions; and which are so much the more grievous unto us, because they are inflicted in the very time of this present Parliament, under God, the hope of the oppressed. For, as then all the men and women in England, were made lyable to the Sommons, Attatchments, Sentences, and Imprisonments of the Lords of the Councell-boord, so wee finde by wofull experience and sufferings of many particular persons, that the present Lords doe assume and exercise the same power, then which nothing is, or can be more repugnant and destructive to the Commons just liberties.

As the unjust power of Star-Chamber was exercised in compelling of men and women to answer to Interrogatories tending to accuse themselves and others; so is the same now frequently practized upon divers persons, even your cordiall friends, that have been, and still are, punished for refusing to Answer to questions against themselves and nearest relations. As then the great oppression of the High Commission was most evident in molesting of godly peaceable people, for nonconformity, or different opinion and practice in Religion, judging all who were contrary minded to themselves, to be Hereticks, Sectaries, Schismaticks, seditious, factious, enemies to the State, and the like; and under great penalties forbidding all persons, not licenced by them, to preach or publish the Gospel: Even so now at this day, the very same, if not greater molestations, are set on foot, and violently prosecuted by the instigation of a Clergie no more infallible then the former, to the extreame discouragement and affliction of many thousands of your faithfull adherents, who are not satisfyed that controversies in Religion can be trusted to the compulsive regulation of any: And after the Bishops were suppressed, did hope never to have seen such a power assumed by any in this Nation any more.

And although all new illegall patents are by you abolished, yet the oppressive Monopoly of Merchant-adventurers, and others, doe still remain to the great abridgement of the liberties of the people, and to the extreame prejudice of all such industrious people as depend on cloathing, or other woollen manufacture, (it being the Staple-commodity of this Nation,) and to the great discouragment & disadvantage of all sorts of Tradesmen, Sea-faring-men, and hinderance of Shipping and Navigation. Also the old tedious and chargeable way of deciding controversies, or suits in Law, is continued to this day, to the extream vexation and utter undoing of multitudes of Families; a grievance as great and as palpable as any in the world. Likewise, that old, but most unequall punishment of malefactors is still continued, whereby mens lives and liberties are as liable to the law, and corporall pains as much inflicted for small as for great offences, and that most unjustly upon the testimony of one witnesse, contrary both to the Law of God, and common equity, a grievance very great, but little regarded. Also tythes, and other inforced maintenance are still continued, though there be no ground for either under the Gospel; and though the same have occasioned multitudes of suits, quarrels, and debates, both in former and later times. In like manner, multitudes of poore distressed prisoners for debt, lye still unregarded, in a most miserable & wofull condition throughout the Land, to the great reproach of this Nation. Likewise Prison-Keepers, or Gaolers, are as presumptuous as ever they were, both in receiving and detaining of prisoners illegally committed, as cruell & inhumane to all, especially to such as are wel-affected, as oppressive & extorting in their Fees, & are attended with under-officers, of such vile & unchristian demeanour, as is most abominable. Also thousands of men & women, are still (as formerly) permitted to live in beggery and wickednesse all their life long, and to breed their children to the same idle and vitious course of life, and no effectuall means used to reclaime either, or to reduce them to any vertue or industry.

And last, as those who found themselves aggrieved formerly at the burthens & oppressions of those times, that did not conforme to the Church-government then established, refused to pay Ship-money, or yeeld obedience to unjust Patents, were reviled and reproached with nicknames of Puritans, Hereticks, Schismaticks, Sectaries, or were termed factious or seditious, men of turbulent spirits, despisers of government, & disturbers of the publick peace; even so is it at this day in al respects, with those who shew any sensibility of the fore-recited grievances, or move in any manner or measure for remedy thereof, all the reproaches, evils, and mischiefes that can be devised, are thought too few or too little to be laid upon them, as Round-heads, Sectaries, Independents, Hereticks, Schismaticks, factious, seditious, rebellious, disturbers of the publick peace, destroyers of all civill relation, & subordinations; yea, and beyond what was formerly. Nonconformity is now judged a sufficient cause to disable any person, though of known fidelity, from bearing any Office of trust in the Common-wealth, whiles Newters, Malignants, and disaffected are admitted and continued. And though it be not now made a crime to mention a Parliament, yet is it little lesse to mention the supreme power of this honourable House. So that in all these respects, this Nation remaineth in a very sad & disconsolate condition; & the more, because it is thus with us after so long a session of so powerfull & so free a Parliament, & which hath been so made and maintained, by the aboundant love and liberall effusion of the blood of the people. And therefore knowing no danger nor thraldome like unto our being left in this most sad condition by this Parliament, and observing that yee are now drawing the great and weighty affaires of this Nation to some kinde of conelusion and fearing that yee may ere long be obstructed by something equally evill to a negative voyce, and that yee may be induced to lay by that strength, which (under God) hath hitherto made you powerfull to all good works: whiles we have yet time to hope, and ye power to help, and least by our silence wee might be guilty of that ruine, and slavery which without your speedy help is like to fall upon us, your selves and the whole Nation; wee have presumed to spread our cause thus plainly and largely before you: And doe most earnestly intreat, that yee will stir up your affections to a zealous love and tender regard of the people, who have chosen and trusted you, and, that yee will seriously consider, that the end of their trust, was freedome and deliverance from all kinde of grievances and oppressions.

1. And that therefore in the first place, yee will be exceeding carefull to preserve your just authority from all prejudices of a negative voyce in any person or persons whomsoever, which may disable you from making that happy return unto the people which they justly expect, and that yee will not bee induced to lay by your strength, untill yee have satisfied your understandings in the undoubted security of your selves, and of those who have voluntarily and faithfully adhered unto you in all your extremities; and untill yee have secured and setled the Common-wealth in solid peace and true freedome, which is the end of the primitive institution of all governments.

2. That yee will take off all Sentences, Fines, and imprisonments imposed on Commoners, by any whomsoever, without due course of Law, or judgement of their equals; and to give due reparations to all those who have been so injuriously dealt withall, and for preventing the like for time to come, that ye will Enact all such Arbitrary proceedings, to bee capitall crimes.

3. That yee will permit no authority whatsoever, to compell any person or persons to answer to questions against themselves, or nearest relations, except in cases of private interest between party and party in a legall way, and to release all such as suffer by imprisonment, or otherwise for refusing to answer to such Interrogatories.

4. That all Statutes, Oaths, and Covenants may be repealed so farre as they tend, or may be construed to the molestation and ensnaring of religious, peaceable wel-affected people, for nonconformity, or different opinion or practice in religion.

5. That no man for preaching or publishing his opinion in Religion in a peaceable way, may be punished or persecuted as hereticall, by Judges that are not infallible, but may be mistaken (as well as other men) in their judgements, lest upon pretence of suppressing Errors, Sects, or Schismes, the most necessary truths, and sincere professors thereof, may bee suppressed, as upon the like pretence it hath been in all ages.

6. That yee will, for the incouragement of industrious people, dissolve that old oppressive Company of Merchant-Adventurers, and the like, and prevent all such others by great penalties, for ever.

7. That ye will settle a just speedy playn and unburthensome way, for deciding of controversies and suits in Law, and reduce all Lawes to the nearest agreement with Christianity, and publish them in the English Tongue, and that all processes and proceedings, therein may be true, and also in English, and in the most usuall Character of writing, without any abbreviations, that each one who can reade, may the better understand their own affaires; and that the duty of all Judges, Officers and practisers in the Law, and of all Magistrates and Officers in the Commonwealth may be prescribed, and their fees limitted, under strict penalties, and published in Print to the view and knowledge of all men: by which just and equitable means, this Nation shal be for ever freed of an oppression more burthensome, & troublesome then all the oppressions hitherto by this Parliament removed.

8. That the life of no person may bee taken away, under the testimony of two witnesses at least, of honest conversation; and that in an equitable way yee will proportion punishments to offences, that so no mans life may be taken, his body punished, nor his Estate forfeited, but upon such weighty and considerable causes as justly deserve such punishments; and that all prisoners may have a speedy tryall, that they bee neither starved, nor their families ruined, by long and lingering imprisonment; and that imprisonment may be used onely for safe custody, untill time of tryall, and not as a punishment for offences.

9. That tythes and all other enforced maintenance, may be for ever abolished, and nothing in place thereof imposed; but that all Ministers may be paid onely by those who voluntarily chuse them, and contract with them for their labours.

10. That yee will take some speedy and effectuall course to relieve all such prisoners for debt, as are altogether unable to pay, that they may not perish in prison through the hard-heartednesse of their Creditors; and that all such as have any estates, may be inforced to make payment accordingly, and not shelter themselves in Prison to defraud their Creditors.

11. That none may be Prison-keepers, but such as are of approved honesty, and that they may be prohibited under great penalties to receive or detain any person or persons without lawfull warrant; That their usage of prisoners, may be with gentlenesse and civility, their fees moderate and certain, and that they may give security for the good behaviour of their under-Officers.

12. That yee will provide some powerfull meanes to keep men, women, and children, from begging and wickednesse, that this Nation may bee no longer a shame to Christianity therein.

13. That yee will restrain and discountenance the malice and impudency of impious Persons, in their reviling and reproaching the wel-affected, with the ignominious titles of Round-heads, factious, seditious, and the like, whereby your real friends have been a long time, and still are exceedingly wronged, discouraged, and made obnoxious to rude and prophane people, and that yee will not exclude any of approved fidelity from bearing office of trust in the Commonwealth for non-conformity; rather neuters, and such as manifest disaffection or opposition to common-freedome, the admission, and continuation of such being the chiefe cause of all our grievances.

These remedies, or what other shall seeme more effectuall to your grave wisdomes, wee humbly pray may be speedily applyed and that in doing thereof, yee will bee confident of the assistance of your Petitioners, and of all considerate well-minded people, to the uttermost of their best abilities, against all opposition whatsoever, looking upon our selves as more concerned now at last to make a good end, then at the first to have made a good beginning: For what shall it profit us, or what remedy can we expect, if now after so great troubles and miseries this Nation should be left by this Parliament in so great a thraldome, both of body, minde, and estate?

We beseech you therefore, that with all your might whilest ye have time, freedome and power, so effectually to fulfill the true end of Parliaments in delivering this Nation from these and all other grievances, that none may presume, or dare to introduce the like for ever.

And wee trust, the God of your good successe, will manifest the sincerity of our intentions herein, and that our humble desires are such as tend not onely to our own particular, but to the generall good of the Common-wealth, and proper for this Honorable House to grant, without which this Nation cannot be safe or happy; And that he will blesse you with true Christian fortitude, suitable to the trust and greatnesse of the worke yee have undertaken, and make the memory of this Parliament blessed to all succeeding Generations.

To the Right Honourable, the Commons of England assembled in Parliament.

That as the oppressions of this Nation, in times fore-going this Parliament, were so numerous & burthensome, as will never be forgotten; so were the hopes of our deliverance by this Parliament, exceeding great and full of confidence, which as they were strengthened by many Acts of yours in the beginning, especially towards consciencious people, without respect unto their judgements or opinions; So did the gratitude of well-minded people exceed all president or example, sparing neither estates, limbs, liberties, or lives, to make good the authority of this Honorable House, as the foundation and root of all just freedome.

And although wee many times observed to our griefe, some proceedings holding resemblance rather with our former bondage, then with that just freedome wee expected: yet did wee impute the same to the troublesomnesse of the times of warre, patiently and silently passing them over, as undoubtedly hoping a perfect remedy so soon as the warrs were ended: but perceiving our expectations altogether frustrate, wee conceived our selves bound in conscience, and in duty to God, to set before you the generall grievances of the Commonwealth, and the earnest desires of ingenious well-minded people; and for that end did ingage in promoting the Petition in question, in the usuall and approved way of gathering subscriptions, with full intention to present the same to this Honourable House, so soon as it should bee in readinesse: but as it appeareth, a Copy thereof was unduly obtained, and tendred to this Honourable House, under the notion of a dangerous and seditious Paper: Whereupon this House was pleased to order the Petition to the Committee, whereof Col. Lee is Chair-man; and Mr. Lambe, at whose House it was said to be found, to be there examined concerning the same.

Whereupon your Petitioners conceived it their duty to own and avouch the said Petition, and for that end, in a peaceable manner attended that Committee with this humble Certificate hereunto annexed, to bee offered to their wisdomes as opportunity should be ministred: but through some small miscarriage of some few persons (for which your Petitioners were much grieved) your Committee took so sudain and high displeasure, as to command your Petitioners to withdraw, threatning to remove them with a guard, before they had time to turn themselves.

Whereupon your Petitioners caused the Certificate to bee publikely read in the Court of Requests, to take the sense and allowance of many persons, who had not before seen the same, with intent still to present it; which though endeavoured to the utmost, was absolutely refused to bee received. But to our astonishment, occasion was taken against our friend that read the same, so farre, as that hee stands a prisoner to that Committee, and much harsh language, with threatenings and provocations issued from some of the Committee, towards some other of our friends, purposely (as we verily beleeve) to get some advantage, to present us odious to this Honourable House, whose persons and authority hath been as deare in our esteeme as our very lives. And therefore, wee have just cause to complaine to this Honorable House.

1. Of unjust useage from those that indevoured to interupt the gathering of hands in a peaceable way, or to possesse this Honourable House with evill suggestions concerning the intention & purpose of the said Petition.

2. Of hard measure from your Committee in the particulars forementioned, contrary to what wee have deserved, or should have found in former times.

3. Neverthelesse, our liberties, to promote Petitions to this Honourable House, is so essentiall to our freedome, (our condition, without the same being absolute slavery) and our hope of justice from this Honourable House, [is so essentiall to our freedome, our condition, without the same being absolute slavery: and our hope of justice from this Honorable House,] so great in protecting us therein, that wee are not discouraged by what hath passed; but in confidence thereof, do humbly intreat, First, That ye will bee pleased to declare our freedome, to promote, and your readinesse to receive the said Petition, which wee cannot but still looke upon, as tending the generall good of this Nation.

Secondly, That our friends may bee inlarged, and that Yee will discountenance the officiousness of such over-busie informers, as have disturbed the just progresse of that Petition.

Wee are not ignorant, that wee have been, and are like to bee represented unto you, as Heretickes, Schismatikes, Sectaries, seditious persons and Enemies to Civill-government, and the like: but our said Petition is sufficient to stop the mouthes of such Calumniators, and declare us to bee not only sollicitors for our own particulars, but for the generall good of the Common-wealth, and will minister a just occasion to suspect the designes of those, that so frequently asperse us, though their pretences bee never so specious. And trust your wisdomes will timeously discover and prevent any evill intended against us.

And whereas Major Tuledah stands committed by Order of this Honourable House, for some conceived misbehaviour towards some Members of your said Committee; we humbly intreat, that he may be forthwith called to your Barre, and be permitted to answer for himselfe, and that witnesses also may bee heard on his behalfe, that so this Honourable House may bee rightly and fully informed, concerning his cause and demeanour of those Members, the suddain imprisonment of our friends being very grievous unto us.

To the Honourable Committee of Parliament, sitting in the Queenes Court at Westminister, Colonell Lee being Chair-man.

That the Petition (entituled, The humble Petition of many thousands, earnestly desiring the glory of God, the freedome of the Common-wealth, and the peace of all men, and directed to the Right Honourable, and supreame authority of this Nation, the Commons assembled in Parliament) is no scandalous or seditious Paper (as hath been unjustly suggested) but a reall Petition, subscribed, and to bee subscribed, by none but constant cordiall friends to Parliament and Common-Wealth, and to bee presented to that Honourable House with all possible speed, as an especiall meanes, to procure the universall good of this long inthralled, and distracted Nation; and wee trust this Honourable Committee will in no measure dishearten the people from presenting their humble considerations. Reasons, and Petitions, to those whom they have chosen (there being no other due and legall way wherein those that are aggrieved can find redresse) but that rather you will bee pleased to give all incouragement therein: In assured hope whereof, wee shall pray.

To the Right Honourable, the Commons of England assembled in PARLIAMENT.

That as the authority of this Honorable House is intrusted by the people for remedy of their grievances, so hath it been their accustomed and undoubted liberty in a peaceable manner to present unto this House whatsoever they deemed to be particular or generall grievances: And as yee gave encouragement unto others in the use of this just Liberty, reproving such as endeavoured to obstruct the peaceable promoting of Petitions, so did wee verily hope to have found the like Countenance and protection in promoting our large Petition: but no sooner was the promoting thereof discovered but Mr. Glin Recorder as is commonly reported, hastily & untimely brought it into this House, exclaiming against it, as a most dangerous and seditious Paper, and shortly after the Common-councell in like manner prejudged it, as guilty of danger and sedition, though both without any grounds or reasons affixed, that wee know of.

And as the worke of Mr. Recorder was the occasion (as wee conceive) of an enquirie after the promoters, so also of the hard measure we found at Col. Lieghs Committee, where occasion was suddenly taken to threaten our removal by a guard, to imprison Nicholas Tew, one of the Petitioners, the rest being reviled with odious titles of factious and seditious sectaries, & Major Tulidah another of the Petitioners, not onely reviled and reproached as the rest, but violently hauled, and most boysterously used by Sir Philip Stapleton, and Col. Hollis, who made offer as if they would draw their Swords upon the Petitioners, and Sir Walter Earle lifting up his Cane in a most threatening manner, tooke another by the Shoulder: all which is ready to be certified by sufficient witnesses, and which wee do verily beleeve was done purposely, out of their hatred to the matter of the Petition, to render us as a turbulent people to this Honourable House, to beget a dislike of our Petition, and to frustrate our endeavours in promoting thereof.

Unto which their misinformation of this honourable House, as wee have cause to suspect, may be imputed the occasion of the sudden imprisonment of Major Tulidah without hearing of him, and our so long and tedious attendance for answer to our last Petition, and Certificate, and the misapprehension of this honourable House of our desires in that Petition: For we did not desire (as your answer importeth) that this House should declare their liking or disliking of our large Petition, being not then promoted nor presented by us, but that you will bee pleased to vindicate our Liberty, to promote that Petition, notwithstanding the hard measure we had found, and the aspersions cast upon it, to release the party imprisoned by the Committee, meaning Nicholas Tew, to discountenance those that obstructed the gathering of subscriptions, to call Major Tuledah to your Barre, and to heare witnesses on his behalfe, that so ye might also be rightly informed, as of his cause, so of the demeanour of some Members of that Committee.

Now for as much as the more wee consider the generall grievances of the Common-wealth, the greater cause wee still finde of Promoting the Large Petition, as not discerning any thing of danger therein, except to some corruptions yet remaining, nor of sedition, except as before this Parliament it be in some mens esteems seditious to move, though in the most peaceable manner for remedy of the most palpable grievances: and for as much as wee are hopefull this Honourable House will in due time have good use thereof, for discovery of such as are engaged either directly or by Relations in those corruptions, for removall whereof the Petition is intended, and not knowing for what end so great an effusion of the blood of the people hath been made, except to procure at the least the Particulars desired in that Petition, and that we might know our selves so farre at least to be free men and not slaves, as to be at Liberty to promote Petitions in a peaceable way, to be Judges of the matter thereof, and for our time of presenting them to this Honorable House, without let or Circumvention.

We humbly intreat that you will bee pleased

1. To weigh in Equall ballance the carriage of Mr. Recorder, and-that of the Common-Councell in this weighty cause of prejudging Petitions; and to deale with them as the cause deserveth.

2. To consider of how evill consequence it is, for your Committees to assume a power of imprisoning mens persons, without your Commission, and that yee will not pass over this in this Committee.

3. To receive the Testimonies concerning Sir Philip Stapleton, Coll. Hollis, and Sir Walter Earle, and to deale with them according to the ill consequence of their violent demeanour, and misinformation of this honourable House, tending to no lesse then the obstruction of Petitions, the greatest mischiefe that can befall a people in time of Parliament.

4. That Nicholas Tew may be wholly enlarged, and that no man may henceforth bee committed by an arbitrary power, as hee at the first was, nor without cause shewed, though by lawfull authority.

5. That yee will as yet suspend your sense of our large Petition, untill such time as the Petitioners shall judge it fit to present the same as a Petition unto your wisdomes.

To the Right Honourable the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament.

That having seriously considered what an uncontroulled liberty hath generally been taken, publiquely to reproach, and make odious persons of eminent and constant good affection to Parfiament and common-wealth, how prevalent indeavours have been, to withhold such from being chosen into places of trust or Counsell, how easie to molest, or get them into prisons, how exceedingly liable to misconstruction, their motions and Petitions in behaife of the publique have lately been.

When we consider what grudgings and repinings, have sinistrously been begotten, against your most faithfull and successefull Army: what arts and devises, to provoke you against them, and to make you jealous of them; what hard measure some of them, both Officers and Souldiers have found in divers respects, in sundry places.

When we consider what change of late hath importunately (though causelessly) been procured of the Committee of Militia in the City of London, and how that new Committee hath already begun to remove from Command, in the Trained Bands and Auxiliaries, persons not to be suspected of disaffection or newtrality, but such as have been most zealous, in promoting the safety of Parliament and City.

When wee consider how full of Armies our neighbor Countries are round about us, and what threatnings of foraine forces, we are even astonished with griefe, as not able to free our selves from apprehensions of eminent danger but are strongly induced to feare some evill intentions of some desperate and willfull persons, yet powerfully working, to blast the just ends of this Parliament, and re-imbroile this late bleeding and much wasted Nation, in more violent wars, distempers and miseries.

And as our earnest desires of the quiet and safety of the Commonwealth, hath necessitated these our most sad observations: So are we constrained to beleeve, that so dangerous an alteration, could not so generally have appeared, but that there is some great alteration befalne, both in counsels and authorities throughout the Land: which we verily conceive ariseth from no other cause, but from the treacherous policy of Enemies, and weaknesse of friends, in chusing such thereinto, as having been unfit for those imployments, some whereof (as is credibly reported) having served the Enemy in Armes, some with moneys; horse, ammunition, or by intelligence, some in commissions of Array, some manifesting constant malignity in their actions, speeches, or standing Newters in times of greatest triall, some culpable of notorious crimes, others lying under heavie accusations, some but are under age, or such who are at present engaged in such courses as in the beginning of this Parliament were esteemed Monopolies.

Now may it please this honourable House, if such as these should remaine, or may have privily crept into your Councels of Authorities (as by the forecited considerations, we humbly conceive cannot but bee judged) what can possibly be expected, by those who have been most active and faithfull in your service, but utter ruine, or the worst of bondage.

For prevention whereof, and of those dangers, warres and troubles that are generally feared, we are constrained earnestly to intreat:

1. That you will be pleased instantly to appoint a Committee of such Worthy Members of this honourable House, as have manifested most sincere affections, to the Well affected, and to authorize them to make speedy and strict inquirie after all such as are possessed of places of Councell, trust, authority or command, who according to law. Ordinance, Reason, or Safety, ought not to be admitted, and that all persons without exception, may be permitted and encouraged to bring in accusations, witnesses, or testimonies for the more speedy perfecting of the Work: and that you will forthwith exclude all such out of all offices of Councell, Trust, Authority, or command, against whom sufficient cause shall bee proved, without which wee cannot see how it is possible for the well-affected to live either in peace or safety.

2. That you will countenance, protect, and succour the cordiall wel-affected in all places, according to their severall cases and conditions, especially in their addresses with Petitions.

3. That you will bee pleased to condesend unto all the just and reasonable desires of your Commanders, Officers & Souldiers, by whose courage and faithfullnesse, so great services have been performed, and severely to punish all such as have any way sought to alienate you from them.

4. That the Militia of London may bee returned to the custody and disposing of those persons of whose faithfullnesse and wisdome in managing thereof, you have had great experience, and that none may be put out of Command in the Trained bands or Auxiliaries, who have been and are of knowne good affection to the Common Wealth,

All which we humbly intreat may be speedily and effectualy accomplished, according to the great necessity and exigency of these distracted times, and as in duty bound, we shall pray, &c.

A Letter from the Army to all the honest Seamen of England.

THE great designe of our Enemies being to divide, (and so to destroy) we conceive it the maine businesse of friends to unite, and so to spoile that designe: Now the wayes that are at this day, taken to divide, are misrepresentations of persons and actions (especially of us and ours) to the Kingdome, which that we may prevent, we shall endeavour to informe you (our noble and faithfull friends) of the state of things as followeth: Some five yeares since we by Land and you by Sea, upon the apprehension of apparent danger to the Kingdome, were invited to put our selves into a posture of defence, for the preventing and suppressing of that power then rising, which threatned the Kingdomes ruine, for the avoyding of which (at present) and selling an establishment (for the future) of all the free-home people of England, in the enjoyment of their just Rights and Priviledges, (which was one of the ends of our taking up of Arms) we went with cheerfulnesse to the worke, and after many a sore encounter that you and we have had by Sea and Land, at last (by the blessing of God) came to the end of our worke, hoping now (after such a long and weary journey) to have taken up our rest, and have set down quietly under our vines, and with the rest of the Kingdome to have enjoyed the fruit of our sore travells, but contrary to our expectation and to the amazement and saddening of our spirits, we finde our selves in as bad or worse condition now, then formerly, being denied and deprived of that undoubted right and priviledge which the Subjects of England, in the worst of times, hardly ever were (viz.) petitioning, nay, not onely denied of, but declared against as enemies, for making use of those meanes we were directed to in case of grievances, and so we are now made compleatly miserable. When we see this, we knew whose hand was in it, namely, that here was the same persons and principles working our ruine as formerly, onely in another forme, before by power and open hostility, and now by craft, and policy; which caused us to draw up a Vindication of the afore-said intended Petition, yet nothwithstanding our Vindication we still lie under a sentence of condemnation as enemies to the State. Then we drew up a Letter to the Generall, the Lievtenant-Generall, and the Major-Generall, in which was laid open the sad condition how neere ruine and destruction we were, and the causes of it, as we apprehended, and this we did to incite them to improve all the interest they had in or with any, for us, to prevent the ensuing destruction, especially since we could not be heard in our Petition, but this Letter was conceived to be of dangerous consequence, and so presented to the House, where (after some debates) the results were to send downe Commissioners to the Army, to take a view of the distempers reported to bee in it, and to receive their grievances, and present them to the House.

This a little revived us, hoping we should have them heard and redressed, but suddenly after the receiving of them (without the full redressing of any one of them) we were voted to be disbanded piece-meale, apart, one Regiment from another, so as never any faithfull Army was, being marked out for destruction, wanting nothing but disbanding to hasten execution. Hearing of this we drew up a Petition to our Generall to have a Rendezvouz, at which we might advise what was best to be done (for our owne and the Kingdomes safety) in this case, and there entred into a Contract, a copie of which we have here sent you.

A solemne engagement of the Army, under the Command of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, read, assented unto, and subscribed by all Officers, and Souldiers of the severall Regiments, at the generall Rendezvouz neare Newmarket, on the fifth of June, 1647.

Whereas upon the Petition intended and agreed upon in the Army, in March last, to have been presented to the Generall, for the obtaining of our due and necessary concernments as Souldiers; the Honorable House of Commons being unseasonably prepossessed with a Copie thereof, and (as by the sequell we suppose) with some strange misrepresentations of the carriage and intentions of the same, was induced to send downe an Order for surpressing the Petition, and within two or three dayes after, upon further misinformation, and scandalous suggestions, of the like or worse nature, and by the indirect practice of some malitious and mischievous persons (as we suppose) surprizing or other wise abusing the Parliament. A Declaration was published in the name of both Houses, highly censuring the said Petition, and declaring the Petitioners, if they should proceed thereupon, no lesse then enemies to the State, and disturbers of the publick peace. And whereas at the same time and since, divers eminent Officers of the Army have been brought into question and trouble about the said Petition, whereby both they and the rest of the Officers were disabled, or discouraged, for the time, from further acting or appearing therein on the souldiers behalfe, And wheras by the aforesaid proceedings and the effects thereof, the souldiers of this Army (finding themselves so stopt in their due, and regular way of making knowne their just grievances, and desires to, and by their Officers) were enforced to an unusuall (but in that case necessary) way of correspondence and agreement amongst themselves, to chuse out of the severall Troops and Companies severall men, and those out of their whole number, to chuse two or more for each Regiment, to act in the name and behaife of the whole souldiery of the respective Regiments Troops and Companies, in the prosecution of their rights and desires in the said Petition, as also of their just vindication and writing in reference to the aforesaid proceedings upon and against the same, who have accordingly acted and done many things, to those ends, all which the souldiers did then approve as their owne acts.

And whereas afterwards (upon the sudden sending down of Field-Marshall Skippon, and those other Officers of the Army that were Members of the House of Commons, to quiet distempers in the Army, fresh hopes being conceived of having our desires again admitted to be made known, and considered in a regular way, and without such misrepresentations as formerly, the Officers and Souldiers of the Army (except some few dissenting Officers) did againe joyne in a representation of their common grievances, and the Officers (except as before) did agree upon a narrative Accompt of the grounds, rise and growth of the discontents in the Army, and their proceedings in relation thereunto, with an overture of the best expedients, to remove or satisfie the same; both which were presented to the same Members of the House, and by them reported to the House. And wheras the Parliament having thereupon voted, and ordered some particulars, onely towards satisfaction of our grievances, hath since proceeded to certain resolutions of sudden disbanding the Army by peeces; which resolution being taken, and to be executed, before full or equall satisfaction given to the whole Army in any of the grievances, before effectuall performance of that satisfaction in part, which the preceding Votes seem’d to promise, as to some of the grievances, and before any consideration at all of some others most materiall, as by the result of a generall Councell of Warre on Saturday May 29 was in generall declared, and is now more fully demonstrated in particular by a representation thereupon, agreed unto by us: we all cannot but look upon the same resolutions of disbanding us in such manner, as proceeding from the same malicious and mischievous principles and intentions, and from the like indirect practises of the same persons abusing the Parliament, and is as the former proceedings against us before mentioned did, and not without carnall and bloody purposes (for some of them have not stuck to declare or intimate) after the body of the Army should be disbanded, or the Souldiers divided from their Officers, then to question, proceed against, and execute their malicious intentions upon all such particular Officers and Souldiers in the Army, as had appeared to act in the Premises in the behalfe of the Army: And whereas upon a late Petition to the Generall from the Agitants, in behalfe of the Souldiers, grounded upon the preceding considerations, relating to the same resolutions of disbanding, the same generall Councell of Warre to prevent the danger and inconveniences of those disturbings, or tumultuous actings or confluences which the dis-satisfaction and jealousie thereupon also grounded, were like suddenly to have produced in the Army, to advise the Generall first to contract the Quarters of the Army, and then to draw the same to an orderly Rendezvouz for the satisfaction of all, and that his Excellency would immediately send up to move and desire the Parliament to suspend any present proceeding upon the said resolution of disbanding, to resume the consideration of the grievances, and desire, sent up from the Army, and not to disband it in pieces before just and equall satisfaction given to the whole; And whereas some of the Regiments appointed for disbanding, upon notice thereof withdrawing themselves from the Quarters adjacent to the appointed Rendezvouz, and drawing towards the HeadQuarters; and the contracting their Quarters, according to the said advice of the Councel of War.

We the Officers and Souldiers of severall Regiments here after-named, are now met at a generall Rendezvouz, and the Regiments appointed as aforesaid to be disbanded, have not appeared, nor can appeare; but are resolved not to appeare at the severall and respective Rendezvouz, appointed as aforesaid for their disbanding; and divers other things have been done by severall other parties or members of the Army, necessarily relating to the good and concernment of the whole in those affaires. Now for as much as wee know not how far the malice, Injustice, and Tiranicall Principles of our enemies, that have already prevailed so far to abuse the Parliament and the Army (as is afore mentionid) in the past proceedings against the Army may further prevaile to the danger and prejudice of our selves, or any Officers, or Souldiers of the Army, or other persons that have appeared to act any thing in behalfe of the Army, or how far the same may further prevaile to the danger or prejudice of the Kingdome in raising a new warre, or otherwise: Therefore for the better prevention of all such dangers, prejudices, or other inconveniences that may ensue; and withall for better satisfaction to the Parliament and Kingdome, concerning our desires of conforming to the authority of the one, and providing the good and quiet of the other, in the present affaires of disbanding, and for a more assured way whereby, that affaires may come to a certaine issue, (to which purpose we herein humbly implore the present and continued assistance of God, the Righteous Judge of all) wee the Officers and Souldiers of the Army subscribing hereunto; doe hereby declare, agree, and promise, to and with each other, and to, and with the Parliament and Kingdome as tolloweth.

1. That wee shall chearfully and readily disband when thereunto required by the Parliament, or else shall many of us be willing (if desired) to ingage in further Services either in England or Ireland, having first such satisfaction to the Army in relation to our grievances and desires heretofore presented, and such security, That we of our selves, when disbanded, and in the condition of private men, or other the free-borne people of England, to whom the consequence of our case doth equally extend, shall not remaine subject to the like oppression, injury, or abuse, as in the premisses hath been attempted and put upon us, while an Army by the same mens continuance, in the same credit and power, especially if as our Judges, who have in these past proceedings against the Army so farre prevailed to abuse the Parliament and us, and to endanger the Kingdome; and also such security that we our selves, or any member of this Army or others, who have appeared to act any thing in behalf of the Army, in relation to the premises before recited, shall not after disbanding be any way questioned, prosecuted, troubled, or prejudiced for any thing so acted, or for the entring into, or necessary prosecution of this necessary agreement: (we say) having first such satisfaction and security in these things as shall be agreed unto by a Councell to consist of those generall Officers of the Army (who have concurred with the Army in the premisses) with two Commission Officers and two Souldiers to be chosen for each Regiment, who have concurred and shall concur with us in the premisses and in this agreement. And by the major part of such of them who shal meet in Councel for that purpose when they shal be thereunto called by the General.

2. That without such satisfaction and security, as aforesaid, we shal not willingly disband, nor divide, nor suffer our selves to be disbanded or divided.

And whereas we find many strange things suggested or suspected to our great prejudice concerning dangerous principles, interests and designs in this Army (as to the overthrow of Magistracy, the suppression or hindering of Presbytery, the establishment of Independent government, or upholding of a general licentiousness in Religion under pretence of Liberty of Conscience, and many such things; we shal very shortly tender to the Parliament a Vindication of the Army from all such scandals to clear our Principles in relation thereunto, and in the mean time we do disavow and disclaim all purposes or designs in our late or present proceedings to advance or insist upon any such interest, neither would we (if we might and could) advance or set up any other particular party or interest in the Kingdom (though imagined never so much our own) but shal much rather (as far as may be within our sphear or power) study to promote such an establishment of common and equal right and freedom to the whole, as all might equally partake of but those that do by denying the same to others, or otherwise render themselves incapable thereof.

After this we were commanded to a Rendezvouz by the Parliament and Commissioners sent down with some Votes tending to satisfaction in part, wherein did remain dissatisfaction at present (even to those particular grievances there related) and not security for the future by any thing yet done, especially knowing those were remaining with power in their hands, who could undo all they had done for us, or do as much more against us if disbanded, as may appear in our late Declaration 14. June 1647. To which we refer you. And therefore the Cry of the whole Army and divers Counties also (by their addresses to his Excellency) was not so much for the taking of the present sad effects from us, as for the removal of that Cause which had (at present) and would (for the future) produce the like (if not worse) mischiefes as appeared by the unanimous voyce of the whole Army, crying out, Justice, Justice; Justice against those persons who have fastly aspersed us, against those who have abused the trust reposed in them; and Justice upon those from whom we can expect no security, but rather destruction; which main desire (once granted) would beget satisfaction, and then, and not till then, can we lay down Arms with safety: Thus we have presented you with our condition for your information. Now we desire you and all rational men to judg, and the God of Heaven, and Earth be Judg (between us and those persons who have acted against us) whether ever we have deserved such things at their hands, who have not thought any thing too dear to part with or lay down for their sakes, looking upon them as persons intrusted by and acting for the Weal (not the Woe) of this Kingdom, and though we have suffered much from, and been deprived much by our open Enemies, yet did still expect our professed friends would have dealt better with us, and little thought to have had such a portion from them as to be declared Enemies to the State, even while we were an Army having power in our hands, and they having further occasions to use us: To have this done against us, what will be done if all these considerations were removed? Therefore consider what it is we seek, even that which all creatures of the world do (and Man, the chiefest of all creatures, cannot but do;) viz. self-preservation, in avoyding that destruction which is like (if not prevented) to fall on us and the whole Kingdom with us, as it must needs do, if (when lying under many pressures and grievances as we question not but you (as wel as we) and thousands others in the Kingdom do) we may not petition for redress, but must be voted Enemies; judge you what this wants of the protection of slavery, which, we hope, is the real desires of us all to prevent. And we assure you upon the faith of honest Men and Souldiers, that (what ever may be suggested to you by any) we have no other ayrnes, but that Justice might act in all its parts and to all its ends, as relating to all estates and persons in the Kingdom, that the yokes of Oppression might be taken off the necks of all and Justice equally distributed to all, and the rights of any (though now detained from them) restored, and settled upon them, that so they might not be taken from them, unless they disabled themselves of the enjoyment of them and so doing we trust we shal have the concurrent assistance of (at leastwise not any opposition from any rational Men who love Justice and hate Tyranny, especially from you (deer friends) who together with us, have been imbarlcjued in the same ship, and have passed through many a desperate encounter by Sea as we have by Land, all to free this poor Kingdom from Tyrannical Oppression, (which notwithstanding, you and we feel too much of at this day) who we trust with us, do hate and scorn to be kept any longer under bondage, having purchased our freedom at so dear a rate, (though free born). We shal say no more, but desire you to take heed of all false suggestions, and vain delusions; and know this is our genuine meaning that is here before you, which [being rightly apprehended by you] we hope wil make all the attempts of men, [to divide you from us either by trownes, Favours, or Gratuities, which assure your selves they wil not be wanting in to accomplish their ends] useless, and all the seeds of malice [by them sown] fruitless, unless to bring them to receive that reward for their worke which may be suitable to it, and so in stead of dividing, we hope may prove such an uniting that maybe as a threefold Cord that shal not easily be broken, which if it shal thus unite us, we shal rejoyce in it, and shal be enabled by it to go on in the prosecution of so good a work til we see Oppression, and Oppressors from us, and the Kingdom removed, a firm and happy peace setled, a poor Kingdom from ruin and destfuction delivered, which we hope is and ever shal be your and our joynt desires & endevors of all opposition, and in so doing assure your selvs against we are and wil be yours while you are the Kingdoms and ours, resoluing to be either happy or miserable together.

AN APPEALE,

FROM THE DEGENERATE

REPRESENTATIVE BODY OF

the Commons of England Assembled

at Westminster.

To the Body Represented,

The free people in Generall of the severall Counties, Cities, Townes, Burroughes and Places within this Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales.

And in especiall,

To His Excellency, Sir Thomas Fairfax (captaine Generall) and to all the Officers and Soldiers under His Command.

Right Excellent and Illustrious Generall, Honourable and Noble Officers, Faithfull and honest Gentlemen Soldiers, And all other duly respected Fellow Subjects, and free Commoners, of Wales.

This Kingdome of England, and Dominion of Wales.

It is confessed, that our English Histories and Records of the Actions and Transactions of our Predecessours, both of antient and late times, (so far as I can understand) do not afford me any example or president for any APPEALE from Parliaments to people, neither is there any such liberty provided in the Letter of our law: So that by such as preferre presidents and formalities, formes and figures, before the substance, life and spirit of all just presidents and Lawes, I may probably be censured and condemned for this present enterprize, as an open and desperate enemy to Parliaments and Magistracy, a subverter and destroyer of all Nationall Lawes and Government, and a reducer (to my power) of Kingdomes and people into confusion: To such I shall returne even the late words of (our now degenerate Parliament) That Reason hath no president, for Reason is the fountaine of all just presidents, I Book Decl. fol. 264.298. 709. 726. therefore where that is, there is a sufficient and justifiable president.

And if this Principle must be granted of, and obeyed by all, as by no rationall man can bee denyed, then the Act of Appeale in this nature if grounded upon right Reason is justifiable and warranted, even by That which gives an equitable Authority, life and being to all just Lawes, presidents and formes of Government whatsoever, for Reason is their very life and spirit, whereby they are all made lawfull and warrantable both for Settlement, Administration and Obedience; which is the highest kind of justification and Authority for humaine Actions that can be; for greater is that, which gives Being and justifieth, then that which receiveth and is justified: All Formes of Lawes and Governments may fall and passe away; but right Reason (the fountain of all justice and mercy to the creature) shall and will endure for ever; it is that by which in all our Actions wee must stand or fall, be justified or condemned; for neither Morality nor Divinity amongst Men can or may transgresse the limits of right reason, for whatsoever is unreasonable cannot be justly tearmed Morall or Divine, and right reason is only commensurable and discernable by the rule of merciful justice and just mercy; it is graduall in its Quanlity, but one in its Quality; severall are its Degrees, but its perfection and fulnesse is only in God, and its several Branches and Degrees are only communicable, and derivated from Him, as severall Beames and Degrees of heat from the Body of the Sunne, yet all heat; so in Reason there are different degrees, as, from Morality to Divinity, and under those two heads, severall subordinate Degrees, all derivated and conveyed from the Creator (the originall Fountaine) to the creature, yet all one and the same in nature, the difference only lying in the degree of the thing, not in the thing it selfe; as, a Dwarfe is as much a man as a Gyant, though not so bigge a man; and so, though the gifts and graces of God are one radically, yet different in their species, and all from one and the same spirit, which can Act nothing contrary to its owne nature, and God is not a God of irrationality, and madnesse, or tryranny: Therefore all his communications are reasonable and just, and what is so, is of God.

And upon this Principle, as upon a firme and sure foundation all just Lawes and Governments are founded and erected; and in particular, the fundamentall Lawes and Government of this Kingdome; for, it is a sure and radicall Maxime in our Law, Nihil quod est contra rationem, est licium, Nothing which is against reason is lawfull, Reason being the very life of the Law of our Land: So that should the Law be taken away from its Originall reason and end, it would be made a shell without a kernill, a shadow without substance, a carkasse without life, which presently turnes to putrifaction; and as Reason only gives it a legall Being and life, so it only makes it authoritive and binding; if this be not granted, lust, will, pride, and what the Divell and corruption will, may be a Law; for if right reason be not the only being and bounder of the Law over the corrupt nature of man, that what is rationall (the which injustice and tyranny cannot be) may only and at all times be legall; and what is legall, to be simply and purely rationall, the which mercy and justice must be whensoever, wheresoever, and by whomsoever it be, for in it selfe it is legall, rationall and just, or else all would fall into confusion, disorder, madnesse and cruelty: and so Magistracie would cease, and be converted into inhumanity and tyranny.

So that it being most evident and cleare to the eye of Rationall Man, that this fundamental principle may not (in being to Magistracy it selfe) be expulsed the precincts of Magisteriall Government, but must be preserved (as the apple of its eye) intire and absolute therein, for all present and future supplies, as a sure and safe refuge to fly to in all straites and extremities whatsoever for preservation, safety, removall of oppressions, &c. or else no safety or reliefe from oppression either publique or private, to be lawfully attempted, pursued, or had: So that where that principle is, there legality and authority must be, and is concomitant to, and inseperable there-from, never to be altered while the Sun and the Moone endures; by it Kings and Kingdoms have their essentiall legall Being, without which they cease from being either Kings or Kingdomes. Therefore, that which doth institute, constitute, and authorize the regality of Kings and Kingdomes, certainly must needs be sufficiently authoritive for a particular, as for this expedient of mine, or the like, in case it be found under the protection and authority of the said principle of right Reason; as, I shall clearely evidence it to be.

First then, be pleased to consider, that it is a firme Law and radicall principle in Nature engraven in the tables of the heart by the finger of God in creation for every living moving thing, wherein there is the breath of life to defend, preserve, award, and deliver it selfe from all things hurtfull, destructive and obnoctious thereto to the utmost of its power: Therefore from hence is conveyed to all men in generall, and to every man in particular, an undoubted principle of reason, by all rationall and iust wayes and meanes possibly he may, to save, defend and deliver himselfe from all oppression, violence and cruelty whatsoever, and (in duty to his own safety and being) to leave no iust expedient unattempted for his delivery therefrom: and this is rationall and iust; to deny it, is to overture the law of nature, yea, and of Religion too; for the contrary lets in nothing but selfe murther, violence and cruelty. Now the unreasonable oppression of my selfe, my wife, brother and children, under the Arbitrary tyranny of the Westminster Lords, and the wayes and means that I have used for delivery therefrom considered, and weighed in the ballance of this naturall radicall principle of reason, this mine attempt of Appeale (though of a desparate nature) will be found the only meane wherein I may discerne any probability of reliefe for my selfe, my wife and my brother, to be brought unto iustice, as by and by I shall make both the one and the other more manifest and plaine.

Secondly, necessity is a law above all lawes, and this principle conveyeth and issueth forth authority and power, both to generall and particular cases, even to the taking up of unusuall and unexemplary courses for publique and particular deliverances, and yet such acts warrantable in, and by all sorts and societies of people whatsoever, and the actor, or actors thereof justified thereby: And upon this Principle, the Neitherlanders made an hostile defence and resistance against the King, of Spaine, their then Soveraign Lord, for the recovery of their just rights and freedomes; And upon the same point rose the Scotch up in Armes, and entrcd this Kingdome, without all formall countenance or allowance of King or Parliament, and were justified for that very act by this present Parliament. Yea, and even this Parliament upon the same principle, tooke up Armes against the King. And now (right worthy patriots of the Army) you your selves upon the same principle, for recovery of common right and freedome, have entered upon this your present honourable and Solemne Engagement, against the oppressing party at Westminster, and plead yourselves justhable thereby, and tell them in the fifth pag. of your Declaration, That the Parliament hath declared it no resistance of Magistracie to side with the just principles and law of nature and nations, being that law upon which you have assisted them. So that if I be condemned for a Traytor by all or any of you, whether Scotch, Parliament or Army, for proceeding upon the said iust principles and law of nature, forcommon right and freedom, I tell you plainly, that out of your owne mouthes you shall be judged no less Traytors then my selfe, yea, allowers of that in your selves, which for treason you condemn in others: And if I suffer death by any party of you, all and every such person and persons, deserves to be hang’d, drawn, and quartered for Traytors by the same law, for if it be just against the one, it is also just against the Other, for iustice is no respecter of persons.

Now concerning my necessity to this course for reliefe, I shall by and by make evident and plaine to every common capacity; which being made evident, your Excellency, with the Officers and Soldiers under your command, are bound to endeavour my protection and safety (to your power) with your own in this enterprize of mine, undertaken upon your own principle for common right and freedome, and as well may you deliver one another up to the Gallowes, for this present Solemne Engagement of yours, as not visibly appeare in my vindication and justification together with your own, proceeding upon the very same principle with your selves for the same end.

Thirdly, The equity of the Law is Superiour to the Letter, the Letter being subordinate and subject thereto, and looke how much the Letter transgresseth the equity, even so much it is unequalle, of no validity and force: Yea, if the Law should comptroule and overthrow the equity, it is to be comptrouled and overthrowne it selfe, and the equity to be preserved as the thing, only legally, obligatory and binding. And by this principle (worthy Officers and Soldiers) you have charged the Parliament from their own Declarations to warrant this your present Expedition as in the 4 page of your own Declaration, is made manifest: To which principle, together with your selves, and with them I lay claime to a title for an equall justification and protection from the Letter of the Law, with the edge of that Sword (which both Parliament and Armie by that principle award from themselves) may not be sheathed in my bowells for though I am prisoner in the hands of mine enemies, yet can I not be condemned of them for this enterprize, without their owne condemnation of themselves in theirs against the King. So that in this act I do not outstrip the protection of that, which themselves have declared authorative against the letter of the Law, but am in all iustice and reason as iustifiable as themselves; or as this present Army in either or both their Engagements.

Fourthly, All betrusted powers if forfeit, fall injo the hands of the betrusters, as their proper centure: and where such a forfeit is committed, there is disoblegeth from obedience, and warranteth an Appeale to the Betrusters, without any contempt or disobedience, to the powers in the least; for such an Appeale in that case is not at all from the power, but from the persons, not forsaking the power, but following of it in its retreat to the Fountaine. For as formerly the Parliament averred, and as now this honourable Army assumeth (Armie Declaration, pag. 4) All authority is fundamentally seated in the office, and but ministerially in the persons; therefore, the persons in their Ministrations degenerating from safety to tyranny, their Authority ceaseth and is only to be found in the fundamentall originall, rise and situation thereof, which is the people the body represented; for though it ceaseth from the hands of the betrusted, yet it doth not, neither can it cease from its being, for Kings, Parliaments, &c. may fall from it, but it indureth for ever, for were not this admitted, there could be no lawfull redresse in extremity, yea, magistracy it selfe should be transitory and fading like, as is corruption, of no certaine duration or moment, but it is unchangeable and certaine, man perisheth but it indureth: it alwayes is either in the hands of the Betrusted or of the Betrusters, while the Betrusted are dischargers of their trust, it remaineth in their hands, but no sooner the Betrusted betray and forfeit their Trust, but (as all things else in dissolution) it returneth from whence it came, even to the hands of the Trusters: For all iust humaine powers are but betrusted, confer’d and conveyed by ioynt and common consent, for to every individuall in nature, is given an individuall propriety by nature, not to be invaded or usurped by any, (as in mine Arrow against tyranny is proved and discovered more at large) for every one as he is himselfe hath a selfe propriety, else could not be himselfe, and on this no second may presume without consent; and by naturall birth, all men are equall and alike borne to like propriety and freedome, every man by naturall instinct aiming at his owne safety and weale: And so it is, that there is a generall communication amongst men from their severall innate properties to their Elected Deputies for their better Being, Discipline, Government, Property, and Safety.

Now as no man by nature may abuse, beat, torment or afflict himself, so by nature no man may give that power to another, seeing he may not doe it himselfe, for no more can be communicated to the generall, then is included in the particulars whereof the generall is compounded; for that were to goe beyond it selfe, for Being to goe beyond the power of being, which is impossible. So that if the betrusted act not for the weal and safety of the betrusters, they depart from their iust power, and act by another, which cannot be tearmed either humaine or divine, but unnaturall and divellish, rendring such usurpers as Monsters amongst men. Now these premises considered, I doe confidently conclude (if confidence may be derived from the iust principles of nature) that the transgression of our weal by our trustees, is an utter forfeiture of their trust, and cessation of their power: Therefore, if I prove a forfeiture of the peoples trust in the prevalent party at Westminster in Parliament assembled then an Appeal from them to the people is not Anti-parliamentary, Anti-magesteriall, not from that Soveraign power, but to that Soveraign power. For the evidence whereof I shall first present a discovery of their dealings with me, relating to the publique, and then their common course to the generall.

First then briefly concerning my selfe, upon the 11. of August 1646. the House of Lords sent (without any summons or other due processe for appearance) their Emisaries with a file of Musqueteers who beset mine house and entred the same, one with his drawn sword, and another with a Pistoll ready cock’d in his hand, and surprized me in my bed without any appearance or shew of any warrant eitheir legall or illegall, and in that warlike manner being led, and brought before a Committee of the said house, and afterwards before the house, where being put High Commission like to answer to Interrogatories against my selfe, the which I refusing to answer, & not being willing to yeeld my right as a Comoner into their prerogative clutches, I appealed from them being mine improper incompetent judges, unto the House of Commons, my legall Peers and Equalls, as by the great Charter of England I was bound, which in severall late printed papers I have made evident and clear to the view of all men, I was under pretence of contempt in word and gesture against that house, and for refusing to answer Interrogatories committed to Newgate, there to be kept till their Lordships pleasure should be further signified. And afterwards the House of Comons receiving mine Appeale, I was turned over with mine honoured friend and fellow sufferer in the said cause Lieut. Col. John Lilburn, unto the Committee for consideration of the Commoners Liberties, Mr. Henry Martin possessing the Chair, before whom in our contest betwixt the Lords about the right and freedome of the Commons of England; upon examination of the jurisdiction and prerogative of the one, the right and propertie of the other, we were both found illegally imprisoned, and that Act of the Lords desperate invasion and intrusion upon the Commoners freedoms, and our selves as legally free, as if no such arbitrary warrants had been issued forth against us. Whereupon in contempt and defiance of the Arbitrary domination of the Lords over the Commons, scorning to dance attendance any longer after their arbitrary warrants, resolved that as their Lordships found warrants, so should their Lordships find leggs to obey them, for being free from their arbitrary jurisdiction from the crown of my head, to the sole of my foot, mine should not dance after their pipe. Whereupon I was most incivilly and inhumanely dragged to Newgate headlong through the streets upon the stones through all the dirt and the mire, and being reviled, otherwise abused and beat, I was thrown into the common Gaole amongst Rogues and Fellons, and laid in double Irons. And since this time which was the 3. of November 1646 to this present 8 of Iuly. 1647. I could not prevaile with the Chair-man to make my report unto the House thereby to obtaine any reliefe. But as I am informed, that worthy Gentleman hath neither to been necessitated and inforced to forbearance through an absolute indisposition to iustice in the house, by the prevalency of a powerfull faction therein, though for my part I have been ever utterly averse to that lingring prudence, and have earnestly solicited the contrary, let the issue fall with me or against me.

Further, the tyranny of these Lords not ceasing here against me, they send their Catch poules to my house againe, where finding my wife in with her three small Children about her, tooke her and my brother away and brought them before the Lords prerogative Barre, rifled, plundered, and ransacked mine house exposing my 3. helplesse small children to the streets, and all this before any indictment, presentment, or other due processe of law preceeding. And by reason my wife would not be subiect to the arbitrary and diabolicall accustomary proceedings of that house, to answer to interrogatories, or to make oath against her husband or her selfe, concerning his or her life, liberty or goods, was, together with my brother, himselfe also refusing subjection to the said illegall procedings committed during pleasure to the New prison in Maiden lane, where ever since he hath continued in miserable durance and opression.

And then under the colour of another Order from the said house, most inhumanely and barbarously they dragged her away from that prison, with her tender infant of halfe a yeares of age in her armes headlong upon the stones, through the streets, in the dirt and mire, reviling and abusing her by the way with the scurielous names of Whore Strumpet, &c. and then not allowing her so much humane compassion, as might have been justly expected even from Turks, Infidels and Pagans they denyed her the mercy to be imprisoned with her husband, which either grace or nature might have taught them in the height of their Arbitrary passion, had they the least spark either of the one or the other in them, but as persons voyd of both, without all respect to the Law of God, or of Nature they violently divided her from mee, and in the foresaid most contemptible manner threw her into the filthy Gaole of Bridewell, that common shore, center and receptacle of Baudes, Whores, Pick-pockets &c. though for her own part shee never was, nor ever could be so much as taxed of the least in civility or immodesty either in countenance, word, action or gesture all the dayes of her life, but alwayes lived in all honest and godly conversation; in which infamous place shee hath ever since bin kept in cruel restraint, not permitting her to have the liberty to visite her husband, or to enjoy the comfort of her children about her, or to go a little abroad a with Keeper to take the fresh ayre, though for the want thereof her life hath been visibly and palpably endangered (a benefit ordinarily allowed to Whores and Pick-pockets imprisoned there) though unreasonable Gratuity, and extraordinary Surety was offered therefore to the Keepers. And in this our unnaturall and cruell division in three severall prisons, my selfe in one, my wife in another, my brother in the third, and my three children exposed to the mercy of the wide world; and our selves deprived of all meanes and wayes by industry to procure any livelihood, and all that we had for our subsistance and reliefe seised upon without all lawfull judgement, verdict of our equalls, Indictment, or other due processe of Law preceeding contrary to the Fundamentall Laws of the Kingdom, and under this unreasonable oppression & crueltie without the value of one halfe-peny from the Lords for reliefe, wee are forcibly kept at an extraordinary charge, in those their severall starving, stincking murthering Prison-houses, seven shillings being exacted and extorted weekly for my lodging, three shillings and six pence for my wifes, foure shillings for my brothers, besides the charge of subsistance for us and our children. And being reduced to this miserable condition, I prepared a Petition and Appeale (since published in print) in the behalfe of my wife and brother to the House of Commons, which for the better credence of our miserable condition, was presented by a competent number of women but notwithstanding all the agitation and sollicitation that we could use, an admission thereof into the House (so much as to be read) could not, nor can hitherto be obtained, & all through the prevalent power of a confederate Faction in the House, obstructing all reliefe and redresse of the people; so that, by that deluding over voting party in the House I am deprived and bereft of all meanes and hope of redresse whatsoever: the cause of Lieu. Col. John Lilb. and mine betwixt us as Commoners, and the jurisdiction of the Lords, as Lords depending upon the Determination of Parliament which so far as in the eye of reason we can judge, will never be till this House either be purged of the faqtious party therein, or else a new Parliament called. And the case being so with us, that betwixt Cannot and Will not, no right or justice can be had for us either from King, Parliament, or any Court of justice in the Kingdome whatsoever, and being not able to see my selfe, my wife brother and children perish under hopelesse & endlesse expectation of mercy from the hands of mine enemies, I Am forced to this desperate Attempt for finall destruction or present release, for on deliverance I am resolved by life or death if possibly I may, a sudden death to me being better and rather to be chosen then lingring destruction, the latter being so much the more terrible and cruell, by how much the more tedious then present.

Now therefore being driven thus to this desperate necessity and pinch; and further, the Parliament themselves having declared, that it is the liberty of every subject to enjoy the benefit of the Law and not arbitrarily and illegally be committed to prison, nor to have his or their lives, liberties, goods or estates disseased or taken away, but only by due processe of Law, according to Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right, which condemnes all High Commission like Interrigatory proceedings in a mans owne cause, enjoyning speedy Trialls for all causes whatsoever, without any intermission or obstruction to the due course or processe of Law. 1 part. Book Decl. p. 6, 7, 38, 77, 201, 277, 268, 458, 459, 660, 845. But being utterly denyed the Benefit of the Law of the Land, and of the just Declarations of Parliament through an obstructing party in the House: I must therefore, and do hereby in pursuance of my own safety (a principle warranted by the Parliaments owne Declaration to every particular man to provide for, even from the very Law of Nature, 1. part. Book Decl. p. 44 and p. 728.) make mine Appeale, and doe by these presents Actually and formally APPEALE from and against the Members Representative (as in their present mixture with, and continuance of Traytors and Tyrants) assembled at Westminster unto the Body Represented, (the true originall Soveraigne Authority of Parliaments) the free borne Commoners within this Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales for protection and reliefe against those obstructers of justice and judgement to wit, Denzil Hollis, Sir Phil. Stapleton, Sir Wil. Lewis, Sir John Maynard, Major Generall Massey, Mr. Glyn, Recorder of London, and from & against al other their Accomplices & Confederates members in the House of Commons, and charged, June 4. 1647 with High Treason against the Fundamentall Lawes, Rights and Liberties of the Commons of England, by His Excellency, Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Officers and Soldiers under his Command to be prosecuted in behalfe of themselves and the whole Kingdom. In this my Appeale craving no other benefit for my selfe, my wife and my brother, but a speedy deliverance from our severall respective Imprisonments till such times as the House shall be purged and cleansed from those corrupt and putrified members, (the obstructers and perverters of common right and freedom in the House, that I may not be passed upon, or judged in point of publique liberty and freedome, wherein every free commoners right interest and freedome is included by such as are open and declared enemies thereto, for it is most unreasonable and unjust that I should be subjected to the Arbitriment and Determination of mine and the Kingdomes enemies, for in so doing I should not only yeeld up my selfe to destruction, but therein betray the Commoners right and freedom (for which I have thus long contended) now at the last to be delivered up in my condemnation by those men to the Arbitrary jurisdiction of the Lords: For should my cause be overthrowne by the voyce of the oppressour, and this kind of exorbitant Domination setled and entailed to the Prerogative of the Lords, then the lives, persons and estates of the Commoners of England would all be laid waste to the wiles and pleasures of those prerogative usurpers; our lives; our wives, our persons and estates to be deprived, divorsed, imprisoned, & plundered at pleasure, not to be our own any longer, but theirs. And therefore the case being thus in the House and with mee, and in mine, with the Commons of England, I shall and do from henceforth utterly disclaime and renounce all triall and judgement by the degenerate Members Assembled therein, & shall hold all Orders and Ordinances whatsoever proceeding from them, though under the name of the two Houses of Parliament assembled at Westminster, as altogether invallid, and void of all Parliamentory authority and power, not obligatory or binding at all to the people, but to bee opposed and resisted to the death as counterfeit Orders and Ordinances, abusing the name and authority of Parliament, for it is no priviledge of Parliament for Traytors and Tyrants to fit and make Orders and Ordinances of Parliament, and then to publish them under the guize and vizor of that Soveraigne Authority no more then it is for any person to coyne or counterfeit the Image and superscription of the King, for Treason and Tyranny are inconsistent with the Being and priviledge of Parliament; for it is not their sitting upon the benches, or standing within the wals of that House which makes them Parliament men, or their Orders or Ordinances Parliamentory, authoritive and binding, but the discharging of their trust in moving and acting only for the weale and safety of the people [as] I their impowrers and trusters barely for that end. So that in deed and in truth that cannot bee said, or ought to bee reputed an Order or Ordinance of Parliament, which is contrary to their trust and the end of their Election and Session, for being our Parliament Deputys, doth not invest them with a Priviledge to destroy or save as at their pleasure, and to do with us as they list, we cannot do so with our selves, our power over our selves is but for our safety; therefore how can theirs which are but our deputies be for our woe.

Wherfore, so long as those Traytors to their Trust are not removed from their Session, but continued therin, over-powring and over-voting the dischargers of their Trust even so long they are in the maine degenerate from the naturall Essence and Being of the Parliament of England, for if the major part be fallen into the capacity of Tyrants and Traytors, sure their Parliamentary Being is therewith defunct and deceased.

For how can it in that capacity be tituled the Parliament of England? have they not in that degeneration devested and degraded themselves from their betrusted authority of the people, and become no longer their representory Deputies, or Trustees, except tyranny and oppression be the very substance and end of their Trust? certainly tyrants and oppressors cannot be the Representers of the Free-men of England, for freedom and tyranny are contraries, that which representeth the one, doth not represent the other; therefore such as are the representers of Free-men, must be substantial and reall Actors for freedome and liberty, for such as is the represented, such and no other must the figure or representation be, such as is the proportion, countenance and favour of the man, such and so must be the picture of the man, or else it cannot be the picture of that man, but of some other, or of something else, as the picture of a grim, meager, frowning face is, not the picture of an amiable, friendly smiling countenance; so tyranny neither is nor can possibly be the Representor of Freedome; therfore, though such in the House were once otherwise by their election, yet now they have changed themselves into a contrary capacity, and are so to be reputed and esteemed off; and I for my part do so, and no otherwise esteem of them, and do hereby proclaime and protest against them to all the free-men of England and Dominion of Wales, as so many traytors to the safety and weale of the people, both the eleven Members that are charged, and all such as are coactours and voters with them in further oppressions and tyrannies, over-swaying and bearing downe the voters for freedome and justice; imploring and beseeching all lovers of freedome and justice within His Majesties Dominions of England and Wales, as one man to rise up in the cause of the Army for the removall of those obstructors and traytors, and the bringing of them to a speedy and legall triall, that the wicked may be taken from before the face of the King, that his Throne may be established in righteousnesse and judgement, the liberty and freedom of the people recovered from the hands of oppressors and tyrants, and the Kingdom setled in peace and tranquillity, which only is, and ever shall be the prayers and endevours of your Appellant.

Now for the further clearing and making good of mine Appeal, I shal (as I promised before) briefly touch the accustomary course of their oppressive tyrannous cariage to the generality, whereby their degenerate state and capacity will more clearly appeare. But for brevity sake I shall omit the severall new oppressions, exactions and burthens wherewith the people are loaded every where, even till their backs are ready to break as everyman by woful experience can witnesse; and shall only relate to the maine & principall end of their Election and Session, which is for bearing the cries and groanes of the people, redressing and easing their grievances: And as touching this matter, this is their course, in stead of Reliefe for oppression, themselves do oppresse, and which is worst, then stop the mouthes of the oppressed; crutiate and torment, and not suffer the tormented to complain, but even torment them for complaining, sleight, reject and crush their Just and necessary Petitions, which is the highest kind of tyranny in the world, shut their doores and eares against the cry of the people, both of Country and City, yea, though the burthens of the oppressed are so great, that multitudes in a peaceable manner have attended the House daily with Petitions for no other thing, then for the Removall of oppression, and recovery of freedome, according to the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdom, which they often Declared, covenanted, protested, and sworne with hands lifted up to the most high God to performe faithfully and truly.

Yet these very men contrary to their many Oathes, Covenants, Declarations, Vowes and Protestations, call the Petitioners Rogues, Villains, seditious, factious fellowes, and bid a pox of God on them, offer to draw their Swords at them, lift up their Canes at them in a menacing manner, shake them by the shoulders, and otherwise abuse them, and not only so; but imprison some of them, as Mr. Nicholas Tew, Mr. Browne, and Major Tuliday, the two first of them Prisoners to this houre, the third under Bayle; and they stay not here, but their arogance mounts higher and higher, even vote their Petitions Seditious, breach of their Priviledges, and cause them to be burnt by the hand of the Common hang man, even such petitions wherein was contained the Liberties and freedomes of the Commons of England, and no jot of anything either in word or circumstance that was not just, honest and reasonable, and their sworn duties to performe, and for which was, and is, the very end of their Election and Session to, and in the capacitie of Parliament: Yet these matters, even the Rights and freedomes of the people are rendred matters of Sedition, and to be set on fire and burnt, and that in the most contemptible manner, by the hands of the Common hangman: O most unheard of, unparaleld Treasonl heare O Heavens and judge Oh ye free Commoners of England, &c. where, and what is become of your Lawes, & libertyes: thus would they doe with your persons, even burne them by the hand of the Common hangman, had they but as much power over them as they have over your petitions and papers, and virtually they have don noe lesse for essentally and really they have burnt the Great Charter of England, for in those petitions were contained the cheifest heads of that Charter, by virtue whereof you hold your very lives, liberties, & goods, so that in that Act they did as much as in them lay, set all England on fire, burne and destroy all the lawes, Rights and liberties there of; and if this bee not High Treason, and an open and visible forfeiture of their Parliamentory Being and trust, I would faine know what is: I could adde unto this, their Declaration against the Army, stiling their petition (which was honest just and reasonable and their dutys to grant them effectually,) to be a dangerous petition, and all such to bee enemies to the state and disturbers of the publick Peace as proceeded therein making it enmity to the State, and disturbance of the publicke PEACE, humbly to Petition for the price of their Blood, and Sweat of their Brows, so dearly earned in the purchase of their and our safeties and freedome: and to this I could adde their setling the Militia into the hands of men of their owne faction in the City of London and in other parts of the Kingdome for the violent setlement of their owne pernitious tyrannicall ends, with multitude of other impieties, and cruelties, treacherous and treasonable acts and proceedings against the freedomes of the people, but for brevity sake at this present I shall commend to your pervsall and weighty consideration a most excellent and worthy treatise, intituled Plain truth without Feare, or Flatery, written (as the Title declares) by AMON WILBEE. the contents whereof, as concerning the traitorous partie in the House, I doe hereby actually lay unto their charge, to make them good against that partie upon the perill of my life, and concerning the equity and truth of the Charge therein contain’d against Denzill Hollis & the rest of that traiterous Faction I doe account it and owne it as if writ by my self, though for my part I do seriously professe unto the world that I was till I read it as ignorant of the writing composeing printing publishing or Author thereof as the Child that is unborne, yet such is the equity, honesty and truth thereof that had, I ten thousand lives, I would engage them all for the justification and maintenance thereof, and this will I say concerning that AUTHOR, that He deserves to weare the LAURELL from all that have writ (in that observant natture) since the Parliament began. The matters therein considered together with their desperate suppression of the petitionary endeavours of the well affected of London, besides their slighting, rejecting and refusing all other Petitions of the oppressed inslaved Countries, as from Buckinghamshire, Hartfordshire, &c. Except from Parties which co-operate for the advancement of the Prerogative and priviledge Faction, all others being fob’d off, with a Complementall acknowledgement of the good affections of the Petitioners, and with a Verball returne of thankes, and that the House would take their businesse into further consideration, or the like; which being all, and the most that ever could be obtained from them; when their Aspect was most indulgent towards US, and fairest for our Liberties, I say, those their Treasonable proceedings, Oppressions, and Tyranies duly weighed and considered, how can still their PARLIAMENTARY Being, and Station be granted? If it bee, sure it must bee pictured with the Heeles upward, for I may as well bee parswaded out of my Christen-Name, as made to beleive, it stands derect upon its feete; When I see it plainely reversed before mine eyes, for I shall never while I enjoy my senses, bee so stupid and blockish, to esteeme Ruine for Safety; Retrograde motion for direct Progression: now, this their Trayterous course of stopping and burning Petitions, abusing and imprisoning Petitioners, of it selfe is an absolute election, or putting the people out of the protection of PARLIAMENT; no rationall man can gainesay it; for Oppression is no Protection, offence no Defence. He that will not releife, is no Reliever; and hee that Oppresseth for complainning of Oppression, must needs be a Tyrant in the highest measure. Therefore loving Countrey-men and friends, I beseech you, lay your hands on your hearts & consider, what greater tyrannie and oppression can be, then to be oppressed and so to be deprivd of the means of relief, left hopelesse and helplesse, all passages of succour and support stopped and blocked up, the waters of your reliefe utterly dried up? Oh rub open your eyes for shame, rouse up your spirits, resume and take up your strength and authority into your owne hands, disowne and disclaime those desperate tyrants and traytors, and cast them forth from your trust as dirt and dung, or salt that hath lost its savour, for wherewith now shall they be savoured? Halters and Gallowes is more fit for them then places in Parliament: What, will you be more fearfull of them to bring them to justice, then they were of you to burne your Lawes and your Liberties? for shame never let an English spirit be taxed with that dishonour; you have Othniells, Ehuds, Baraks, and Gideons, before you, even a mighty and puissant vertuous Army, which hath most gallantly and honourably engaged for your and their own safety and protection from those unnatural tyrants and usurpers, to remove them from the Seat of your Authority, and to bring them to justice, that you and your children after you, may be delivered from the feare and prejudice of their cruelties, dwell in peace and safety, enjoy the price of your labour and travell quietly and freely to your selves, be absolute Lords and possessors of your owne, and to be made true andyeall Freemen indeed; fall therefore into their assistance and protection, and trust no longer your perjured traiterous Trustees dissembled at Westminster, but save your selves from that cursed and wicked generation, now is the opportunity, doe not procrastinate nor delay, least your destruction be of your selves, I have discharged the trust of my sufferings unto you, which hath been simply and purely for your sakes, and have not drawne backe my hand from any thing for your weale, which to others have seemed too hot or too heavy to lift, and my conscience beares me witnesse of the honestie and uprightnesse of my heart for your preservation and safety, as its principal aime and intent in this Appellation of mine unto you, I am but one, and can discharge but the duty of one unto you, if you will suffer your selves, your Lawes and your Liberties, to be conquered and destroyed, I cannot help it, it is of your selves, and not of me, I have hitherto done my share, doe you but yours, and the worke will be presently done: I may chance be condemned for a mad-man and foole, but if you sit still and yeeld up your selves, as contented slaves, I cannot see, how you can be excused of madnesse or folly: Come, come, now is no time to sit thrumming of caps, if they will not give us leave, to use our tongues and our pens to present and make knowne our grievances, we must take leave to make use of our hands and swords for the defence and redemption of our lives, our Lawes and our Liberties, from the hand of the destroyer, for our safety must be maintained.

And can any reasonable man conclude, that our protection and assistance of them, and their protection and assistance of us are not relatives, and one dependent on the other? For what is the reason, that we have engaged our lives and estates thus in their defence, but that they should be as faithfull a protection unto us: Now our safety and protection lieth in the full and just enjoyment of our Lawes, our Rights, and Freedomes, and delivery from bondage and thraldome, the which being utterly denyed us, are wee not quite out of their protection, and left to shift for our selves, either to destroy or be destroyed? For can they think that their powerfull Priviledge doth extend not to leave the Commonalty of England so much, as even nature hath instincted in the very wormes of the earth, as exanimate and stupid as a blocke, worse then the bruit beasts of the field, which all to their power will save and defend themselves from mischiefe and harme? Certainely, they cannot expect it, for it is no more then their owne Doctrine hath taught us, and therefore no Blasphemy, Treason or Heresie, for they tell us, Dec. 2. Nov. 16. 6 Booke Dec. 1. Part 696. & pag. 150. That obedience doth not bind us to cut our owne throats, how then, can they expect that we should be our own butchers?

Deare friends, our destruction is beyond the Priviledge of Parliament, it is out of the compasse of that Betrusted Authority; while they move in the Sphere of our safety, their motions are Parliamentary, legall, and authorative, and to be obeyed, defended, and maintained, but on the contrary, the contrary must be concluded, for contraries have contrary consequents. For there is a difference betwixt their Parliamentary, and their owne Personall capacity, and their actions are answerably different; therefore, the rejection, disobedience, and resistante of their personall commands, is no rejection, disobedience, or resistance of their Parliament Authority: So that he that doth resist their personall commands, doth not resist the Parliament, neither can they justly be censured or esteemed as Traytors, Rebells, Disturbers, or Enemies to the State, but rather as Preservers, Conservers, and Defenders thereof.

And upon this principle of justice and reason, they grounded and justified their War against the King, witnesse their owne words, Book Dec. part 1. pag. 276. where they say by the Statute of 25. Edw. 3. It is a leavying of Warre against the King, when it is against his Lawes and Authorities, though it be not immediately against his Person, and the levying of force against his personall commands, though accompanied with his presence, if it be not against his Lawes and Authority, but in maintenance thereof, is no levying of Warre against the King, but for him; for there is a great difference betwixt the King as King, and the King as Charles Steward: Therefore pag. 279. they say, That treason which is against the Kingdome, is more against the King then that which is against his person, because hee is King: for that very Treason is not Treason as it is against him as a man, but as a man that is a King, and as he hath relation to the Kingdome, and stands as a Person intrusted with the Kingdome, discharging that trust: Even so, by the equity of the same reason, the represented Commons of England, in the like case, may justly make the same returne unto the Bodie Representative, as thus: It is a levying of warre against the Parliament of England, when it is against the Lawes, Rights, and Freedomes of the people of England, though it be not immediately against the persons of the Members in Parliament, and a levying of force against their personall arbitrary commands, though accompanied with their presence, if it be not against the Lawes, Rights and Freedomes of the people, but in maintenance thereof, is no levying of war against the Parliament, but for the Parliament, for there is a great difference betwixt Members in Parliament, as Members in Parliament, and Members in Parliament, as they are personally, Philip Stapleton, Denzill Hollis, &c. And therefore well may the Commonality of England reply, That Treason which is against the Commonalty, their Lawes, Rights, and Freedomes, is more against the Parliament, then that which is against their persons, because they are Members of Parliament. For that very Treason is not Treason, as it is against Philip Stapleton, Denzill Hollis, and the like, considered as they are men, but as men that are Parliament Members, and as they have relation to the people in generall, and stand as persons intrusted with their Lawes, Rights, and Freedomes, discharging their trust. This is as directly point blank against the Members in Parliament, as ever it was against the King, they must admit of this principle against themselves, or else they must grant themselves to be Rebells and Traitors in warring against the King, for they had no way, under heaven, or to this day have any way to justifie their leavying and maintaining of warre against him but that; for it was the very Axeltree upon which the equity of their proceedings were moved, and that by which still they stand justifiable in the eye of reason and justice: therefore the Members in Parliament, either in the particular or in the generall, because they are men intrusted in that capacity, may not therefore turne oppressors and tyrants at pleasure, for it is not their being in Parliament, or being Parliament-men, that will justifie their invasions and incursions upon the freedomes of the people; for as themselves have granted concerning the King, that the King is for the Kingdome, not the Kingdome for the King, and that the Kingdome is no more his owne, then the People are his owne: If he had a propriety in this Kingdome, what would become of the Subjects propriety in their Lands throughout the Kingdome, or of their Liberties? Book Dec. 1. part p. 266. even so may the Commonality of England reply to their Parliament-Members, that they are made for the people, not the people for them, and no otherwise may they deale with the people then for their safety and weale, for no more then the people are the Kings, no more are the people the Parliaments, having no such propriety in the people, as the people have in their goods to doe with them as they list. As they will not grant it to be the Prerogative of Kings, neither may wee yeeld it to be the Priviledge of Parliaments, for the safety of the people is the reason and end of all Governments and Governours, Salus populi est suprema Lex, the safety of the people is the supreme Law of all Commonwealths; all other Lawes, Edicts, Ordinances, Orders, &c. (such as most of our late pretended Parliamentarie ones have been) being contradictory thereto, are all traiterous and Antimagisteriall, to be opposed and resisted to the death, and the contrivers, promoters, and actors thereof, to be apprehended, judged and condemned, and executed as traytors to the safety of the people.

And whereas we have engaged our lives and fortunes against the King, to free his person from a traiterous and wicked Counesell about him, and the same they justified for ous by the rule of necessity, and safety, even so and much more, by vertue of the same principle may the body represented doe to the body representative, there being a more desperate and traytorus Counsell therein, for Immedicabile vulnus ense rescidendum est, ne pars sincera trahantur, the putrified and incurable members are to be cut of for the safety of the whole: for it was not the end of our undertakings to pull downe one kinde of oppressors to set up others more desperate and dangerous then the old, to remove a wicked Counsell from the King, and then to set up and tollerate a Counsell more traiterous and wicked in the Parliament, no, our ends and intents were simply against obstructions, and obstructers of justice and judgement, oppressions and oppressors, and to bring such Delinquents and Traytors to justice, whereby all impediments and obstacles to our freedomes might be removed; we did not ingage against them simply because they were concommitant to the King, but because they were seducers and perverters of justice, invaders and destroyers of our just Lawes and Freedomes: Therefore it is in vaine for our Members in Parliament to think that we will justifie or tollerate- the same among them, which we would not indure in the King, to pluck, off the Garments of Royalty from oppression and tyranny, to dresse up the same in Parlament Robes: No, no, that was ever and is farre from our hearts, and wee shall justifie or allow the same no more in the one then in the other, for to allow it in the one is to justifie it in the other, for it is equally unequall in both, and in it selfe resistable wheresoever it is found, for were it not resistable, all defensive war whatsoever were unlawfull: And upon this poynt we moved against the King, the equity thereof arising from an inherent principle of nature, concording with the Commandement of God, for were not tyranny in it selfe resistable, then a man might lawfully murther himselfe or give power to another to be his Butcher, but in regard by the Law of God in nature and in his word both the one and the other is verily unlawfull, therefore such kind of inhumanity and tyranny is to be resisted both in proper person and otherwise, shall we therefore be so inhumane, so unnaturall and diabolicall, to destroy and murther our owne selves, we may as well execute our selves with our own hands, as give leave to others to be our murtherers, for the matter would be all one in the execution, it would only differ in the instrument; therefore if we may not take that leave to our selves, nor give it to another, then wee must resist it in others as well as in our selves, for not to hinder is to give leave, and no hindrance can be without resistance, and if resistance must be, as is of necessity to be granted then in all reason and equity we are bound to use the most efectuall manner of resistance, If our destruction be endeavoured by another, faire means is to be used, but if that will not prevaile, we are bound to kill rather then to be killed: And upon this ground, in case we have to deale with a mighty and furious enemy, we are bound to the utmost of our power, to arme and fortifie our selves for our just and necessary defence, and by force of Armes to repell and beat back the invading assaulting enemy, whether it be an enemy for the confusion and exterpation of our persons, or for destruction and ruine of our Laws, our freedomes and liberties, for bondage and slavery are not inferiour to death, but rather to be more avoyded, condemned and resisted then present destruction, by how much the more that kind of destruction is more languishing then present, and in pursuance of the just and necessary defensive Opposition we may lawfully, and are in Conscience bound to destroy, kill and slay the otherwise irresistable enemy for our own preservation and safety whether in our lives, our Lawes or our liberties: And against the justice of this defensive principle no degrees, Orders or titles amongst men can or may prevaile, all degrees Orders and titles, all Lawes, Customs and manners amongst men must be subject to give place and yeeld thereunto, and it unto none, for all degrees and titles Magisteriall, whether emperiall, regall, Parliamentarie, or otherwise are all subservient to popular safety, all founded and grounded thereon, all instituted and ordained only for it, for without it can be no humane society, cohabitation or being, which above all earthly things must be maintained, as the earthly soveraigne good of mankind, let what or who will perish, or be confounded, for mankind must be preserved upon the earth, and to this preservation, all the Children of men have an equall title by Birth, none to be deprived thereof, but such as are enemies thereto, and this is the ground-worke that God in nature hath laid for all common-wealths, for all Governours and Governments amongst men, for all their Lawes, executions and Administrations: therefore all contrary Governments and Governours are ungodly, unnaturall, diabolicall, and trayterous, to be abhorred, condemned and resisted by all possible ways and meanes whatsoever: And from hence ariseth the true definition of Treason, for indeed Treason is no other then a destruction to humane society or actions overwhelming or apparently tending to the utter over throw of publick safety co-habitation and peace, or to the vassalage, bondage and thraledome of a people or Country; such actions and Actors are only treasonable and trayterous and no other, although it be the custome of tyrants and opressors unhappily intrusted with Imperial Regal or Parliament Authority to proclaim, condemne and execute such cheifly for traytors as are enemies to their opressions and tyrannies, their boundlesse prerogatives, arbitrary Domination, or the like, even as our degenerate Members dissembled at Westminster have done in the late Petitioners case of the Armie, making it a matter of Treason to petition for justice and right.

Now in regard, the Body naturall for its owne safety may prune, amputate and cut of the corrupt putrified Members from the Body Representative, yea utterly renounce, oppose, resist, and dissolve all the Members therein upon totall forfeiture of, and reall Apostacy from the true representative capacity of Parliament, and that this is most evident and cleare; it then inevitably followeth, that this naturall Body, by vertue of its instincted, inherent naturall Soveraignity, may create, or depute any person or persons for their Deputy or Deputies for the removall of those dead, corrupt, putrified Members from the seat and name of their Formall Authority, and for the supression of injustice and tyranny, recovery of liberty and freedome; but it may be, it will be objected, that by reason of distraction, confusion and disorder at such an exigency in the Body naturall, such a new deputation is not likely, or cannot possibly be formally effected, and therefore those forementioned Members though never so corrupt and destructive, must be continued and subjected unto. I answer, that the Body naturall must never be without a mean to save it selfe, and therefore by the foresaid permanent unalterable rule of Necessity and safety, any person or persons (in discharge of their duty to God, themselves and their Countrey) may warrantably rise up in the cause and behalfe of the people, to preserve them from imminent ruine and destruction, such person or persons, doing in that act no more then everie man by nature is bound to performe: For as everie man by the verie bond of nature and neighbourhood, in case his neighbours house be on fire, is bound forthwith without anie formall or verball deputation of the owner, to endeavour the quenching thereof with his utmost power and abilitie; even so and much more may the same bee said and of a whole Countrey or Kingdome, for necessitity in that case of extremity justifies the act of safety and preservation, in anie, though without anie formall election, deputation or condition from the people in generall thereto; for such Formalities must give place unto the maine, being but circumstances in comparison thereof, and a Kingdome or Commonwealth must not be neglected and lost for a trifle; in the cause of popular safety and freedome, wee must not straine at a gnat and swallow a camell, catch at the shadow and loose the substance, dote on formality while we lose our freedomes; we are bound to lay hold on every thing that comes next to hand, rather then perish; it is not the part of the just and mercifull Freemen of England to behold the Politike Bodie of this Commonwealth fallen amongst a crew of thieves, as Hollis, Stapleton, &c. stript of its precious raiment of freedome and safety, wounded and left groveling in its blood, even halfe dead, and passe by on the other side like the mercilesse Priest and the Levite: no, now is the time for the compassionate Samaritane to appeare to binde up its wounds, to powre in wine and oyle to engage in the defence and preservation of a distressed miserable people, for greater love and mercie cannot be amongst men then to take compassion, over the helpelesse and destitute.

Therfore, this Evangelicall principle of mercy (being of the nearest communication to the nature of God) is a warrantable ground for the solemne engagement of the Armie, like the compassionate Samaritan, to bind up the wounds of the almost murthered Lawes and Liberties of England; so that their Christian compassion and pity over the abused, beat, and wounded naturall Body of the land, is as an inpugnable Bulwarke of defence against the violent invective calumnies and reproaches of malitious tongues & Pens, and wil be an undoubted badge of everlasting honor through all generations to come, against which time and envie will never be able to prevaile. And in case they be inforced to a defensive resistance, in so doeing they will be no resisters, despisers, contemners or oppugners of Magistracy, Authority or Government, for tyranny is no Magistracie, therefore the resistance of Tyrants is no resistance of Magistrates, except it be of such so nominally; but really and essentially monsters and pests of humanity; for Magistracy hath its proper compasse and confines, and the actors and actions in that compasse are thereby rendered Magisteriall actors and actions to be obeyed by all, and resisted by none; and so such as are resisters thereof, are no Resisters of Magistracy, Authority and Government; but the resistance of the excursions or actions out of that compasse and capacity, is no resistance of Magistracy or Magistrates, for it is not their persons which makes their Ministrations Magisterial, but their Ministerial Magistration which makes their persons Magisteriall persons: for Magistracy is not inherent or consistent in the person, but in the office; their persons must run a parallell line in their Ministration with their office, or els their formall deputation or Commissions will not inright them into the true definition of Magistrates; for the office is but accidentally consistent in the forme or externall Commission, radically and essentially in the due Ministration.

Now Magistrarcy in its nature, institution, and administration, is for such a kinde of safety Nationall and generall, as wherein every individuall or particular person, of what sort or society soever, may fully and freely enjoy his liberty, peace and tranquillity, civill and humane; it is an Ordinance amongst men and for men, that all men may have an humane subsistance and safety to live as men amongst men, none to bee excepted from this humane subsistance, but the unnaturall and the inhumane, it is not for this opinion, or that faction, this Sect or that sort, but equally and alike indifferent for all men that are not degenerated from humanity and humane civility in their living and neighbourhood: And therfore the destroyers and subverters of humane society, safety, cohabitation and being, are to be corrected, expulsed, or cut off for preservation of safety, and prevention of ruine both publike and private: and thus is Magistracy for the praise of them that doe well, and for the punishment of those that doe evill.

And as for matters of conscience or opinion about Religion or Worship, with which humane society, cohabitation, and safety may freely subsist and stand together, that doth not fall under the power of the Magisteriall sword, either for introduction and setlement, or for extirpation and subversion; for the limits of Magistracy extend no further then humanity, or humane subsistance, not to spirituallity, or spirituall being; and no further, then its owne nature extends, no further may its compulsive power be stretched: And this is the true distinction for matter of subjection, betwixt God and Cæsar, and what is Gods wee must in the first place give unto God, and what is Cæsars, in the second place, freely and readily we must give unto Cæsar; the inward man is Gods prerogative, the outward man is mans prerogative; God is the immediate Lord over the inward, and mediately over the outward, but man is onely Lord over the outward, and though immediate thereover, yet but by Deputation or Commission from him who is thus both over the one and the other: And God who onely knoweth the heart, and searcheth the reines, hath reserved the governation thereof to himself as his own prerogative, and the onely means which he useth in this kinde of Government, that by his Ministers must be dispensed, is onely by the word, not by the sword; for the sword pierceth but the flesh, it toucheth but the outward man, it cannot touch the inward; therefore where by the word (to wit by Doctrine or Argumentation) the proper means to work upon the intellectualls and affections a conversion, is not nor cannot be obtained, there no humane compulsive power or force is to be used, either for plantation or extirpation.

And therefore it was that Christ refused the sword for the promulgation and setlment of his doctrine, for it was spirituall, and such were the weapons he used for that warfare of his; and therefore in immitation of his patterne (and practice of the Apostles) we must rather suffer for matters of faith, then be enforced or enforce thereunto: But it does not therefore follow, that by defensive force we may not maintaine, our naturall humane being and subsistance upon earth; for the contrary doctrine would tend to the utter confusion of humanity, the depopulation of Nations, Kingdomes, and Countries; though for the spirituall warfare, we are confined to spirituall weapons; yet for this humaine naturall warfare, humaine and naturall weapons may and are to be used, each according to its kinde; so that neither the one nor the other, in their distinctive propriety and administration is distructive or contradictory one to another, but both may properly meet and stand together in one individuall, without the least incroachment or prejudice to each others propriety: And if the Magistrate should so farre extend his compulsive force under pretence of religion and conscience, to the destruction of our humane subsistance or being, we may upon the points of your humane subsistance and being, lawfully make our defensive resistance, for in it selfe it is defendable against all opposition or destruction from whence or from whomsoever it shall be. And of this defensive resistance, none in duty can be excused, but in case of an utter depravation of power, for indeed it is granted of all, that where no power is, there no defence can be expected, and in the case of destruction in that kinde, the patient is innocent, and cleare from the guilt of his owne ruine: where nothing is given, there nothing is required; but unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much required, Luke 12.48.

Therefore these premises premised, and deliberately weighed, I appeale to all moderate and rationall commoners to judge impartially about this matter, whether now, without all check or scruple of conscience, in maintainance and presuance of this Defensive principle of resistance, we may not every man of us (in duty to our owne natures, and to our native Countrey in generall) to the utmost of our lives and fortunes, be assistant and united to this faithfull Armie that now is, or to whomsoever shall rise up, and appeare in the defensive cause of this Kingdome, for the recovery of our naturall humane rights and freedomes, that all orders, sorts, and societies of the Natives of this Land, may freely and fully enjoy a joynt and mutually neighbourhood, cohabitation and humane subsistance, one as well as another, doing unto all men as we would be done unto; it being against the radicall Law of nature and reason, that any man should be deprived of an humane subsistance, that is not an enemy thereto; hee that is fit for neighbourhood, cohabitation, humane society and fellowship, and will freely comply and submit thereunto, ought not to be abridged of the same in the least measure; hee that shall deny, oppose and resist this, the same as an enemy to mankinde, and is guilty of the highest kinde of Treason that is, and deservs to be stoned, as was Hado children of Israel for his execution of the tirannicall commands of King Rohoboam, with stones that he dye, and to be cast out as the excrements of mankinde, unworthy of humane buriall, as once the Scots served one of their tyrannicall Kings, who after they had drag’d him at an Horses tayle at their pleasure, they threw his body into a Jakes, as Mr. Prin mentions in his power of Parliaments.

And therefore all Decrees, Edicts, Injunctions, Lawes, Ordinances and Orders whatsoever, or from whomsoever, which tend to the extirpation, suppression, or confusion of such a sort or party of men which are not onely meet but free and willing to maintaine, preserve, and uphold humane society, fellowship, tranquillity, and being; doing to all men as they would have all men doe unto them, are all trayterous, antimagisterall unhumane, and diabolicall, and the authors thereof no other then traytors and rebels to the nature of man.

Now therefore except such vipers and pests of humanity be divested from all legislatives and coercive authority, it is not possible that such inhumanities and tyrannies in government can be prevented or removed, for such Governours, such government, such Law-givers, such Lawes: If the wicked and unjust be not removed from the throane of government, it is impossible, that any isuch throane should be established in righteousnesse: therefore as all such tyrannies and inhumanities are resistable and of no man (that is not without naturall affection) to be received or obeyed; so every rationall honest Common-wealths man is in duty bound even from the just principles of divinity, humanity, and reason, with all his strength and might, either by pollicy or by force, or by both, to endeavour the extirpation and removall of such usurpers and oppressors, from the seat and place of Government, and to be ayding and assisting with life, person, and estate, to all ingagements and endeavours to bring such inhumane usurpers to exemplary justice: and this our Common-wealth swarming with such Monsters in nature and humanity, overspreading the whole Land with these tyrannies and oppressions, must either speedily be purged and cleansed, especially in the legislative and compulsive Authority thereof from that unnaturall faction, or else nothing but bondage, tyranny, and oppression remaineth for the inheritance of us, and our children after us.

Now in regard both King and Parliament are become captives through the force and pollicy of a powerfull faction at Westminster, that neither the one, nor the other can be any reliefe or protection to the people from injustice and oppression, both being upon the point dethroaned, the one from his Regall, the other from its Parliamentary Essence and being; So that in effect they are both dead unto the people: And now as the case stands, no publique visible Head, either Regall or Parliamentary, or other appearing on foot in the Kingdome for the people to fly to for succour and reliefe, or protection against the visible destroyers and subverters of their liberties but this renowned and faithfull Army; for it is now the only formall and visible Head that is left unto the people for protection and deliverance.

I shall therefore presume (most excellent Generall, honourable Officers, faithfull Adjutators, and Gentlemen Souldiers) and doe hereby presume in pursuance of my owne safety, and of righteous judgement betwixt the free Commoners Right, and the jurisdiction of the Lords, to make my humble addresse and appeale unto this Army, as to the naturall Head of the Body naturall of the people at this present, wholly (as much as in me lieth) resigning, submitting, and offring my person and cause unto your defensive protection, that in the behalfe of the people to whom I have appealed, you would, as in duty you are bound, contribute your best assistance for the liberty of the one, and just determination of the other, that neither my person nor yet my cause (which is every Commoners case) may be left to the tryall, censure and sentence of mine, and this Kingdomes enemies; but that both person and cause may be protected (as much as in you lieth) from them, and from all mischiefe and prejudice which their malice and violence may attempt against either or both; for the better facillitation and advancement of their owne arbytrary and tyrannicall ends and designes, appealing thus for my selfe and my cause for no other end, but that impartiall justice may freely proceed upon both without respect of persons or things; which I conceive is not reasonably to be expected from the judgement and determination of mine, and this Kingdomes enemies; this is cordially and freely my desire, that if I have done ought that either by the Law of God, of Nature, Reason, or the just Lawes of the Land, worthy of death, or other punishment whatsoever, that then the due execution thereof may be entailed to your just and solemne engagement, that your selves may cause it, and see it performed upon me accordingly without mercy: But if my person, and my cause in the eye of Religion, reason, and the just knowne Lawes, of this Land be found justefiable thereby and those severall afflictions, imprisonments, and miseries upon my selfe, my wife, brother, and Family by the Arbitrary Prerogative of the Westminster Lords be found illegall and tyrannicall, and their proceedings by vertue of their Lordly Prerogative, as actions apparantly, and openly tending to the utter subvertion of the fredomes and rights of the Commons of England, that then also, (as you have engaged your selves for common right to be derived, to every particular) you would actually & effectually make good that engagement to me in particular, not only yeur for the formall and legall deliverance of my selfe, my wife, and my brother (imprisoned also by vertue of their Lordly Prerogative) but also for our just and full reperations according to the Law of the Land, even as the nature of our respective abuses, imprisonments, &c. and the demerit of our Oppressioners shall impartially and justly deserve; and that justice may be answerably executed upon those Usurpers and Oppressors. notwithstanding their greatnesse to the future terrefying of such Prerogative Oppressors and oppressions, preservation and safety of the due right and freedomes of the people both to present and succeeding Posterity; and this is but just and reasonable, for why should not justice touch their Prerogative Lordships, as well as the meanest Commoners, and why should such sufferings at their hands passe without due reperation, for should they, it would be an encouragement to such Arbitrary spirits to be as exorbitant for the future as these; for where there is no punishment, there neither is nor will be any feare: So that if the notorious Act of their Prerogative fury, not only upon me and mine, but upon divers in the like nature, as Liv. Col. John Lilburne, Mr. Larners two servants, &c. be passed by without exemplary punishment and Mulct, the Commons will not be righted, nor will their Lordships be curbed in their exorbitant ambition; for should it be so smothered and passed by, the Commoners right would be more abused and invaded then, which then if wee should never be delivered by you, for by our durance the cause would be still kept on foot in expectation of future such determination; but if so delivered, it would be wounded, if not utterly quashed and destroyed by you, scarce ever to be recovered or reared up againe to this pitch: And this that I require, in point of liberty and reperation is no more, then what your selves have intituled me justly to claime at your hands; for have you not told us (as an Article of your engagement to see it performed before you disband) That all such as are imprisoned may be put into a speedy way for a just hearing and tryall, and such as shall appeare to have beene unjustly, and unduely imprisoned, may with their liberty have reasonable reparations according to their sufferings, and the demerit of their Oppressors (as is expressed in the 11. page your owne Declaration.)

Wherefore (truly honoured and faithfull Armie) thinke it not strange that thus in particular I have presumed to cast myselfe and my cause into the verge of your solemne engagement for the publique, for my cause in it selfe is generall, and every free borne Commoners case in the Kingdome, and my person one of that generall for which you have solemnely engaged and declared your selves for safety, deliverance, and protection; now you cannot engage and declare for the generall, but the particulars thereof must be joyntly and severally intituled thereto: Therefore this which I thus claime and expect from your hands, you cannot in justice and honour to your owne undertakings deny me; if you doe, you must deny your selves, and your solemne engagement, and so render your selves to the Kingdome as others have done before you, even deluders and deceivers of the people, and thereby instate the people into a just capacity of Insurrection against you, as well as your selves are now against others.

But being fully perswaded of the uprightnesse and innocency of your intentions, I shall expect that your workes will give witnesse to the truth of your words; for otherwise, they will bee but as empty shels, or as a dead letter to the people: Be therefore quick and active, and bee not demur’d, protracted and delayed by the old beaten subtile Foxes of Westminster into your owne, and our destruction: Can you imagine that they intend you any good? what have they done I pray you as hitherto, but fob’d, befool’d, and deluded you; say and unsay, backward and forward, hither and thither, no man knowes whither, and all but to circumvent, delude, and delay you, that they might gather time and ground.

For they well know what it is that hath lost the affections of the people, you must not think, they can be so insensible, as therof to be ignorant; and now they would run you upon the same rock whereon they have split themselves, to wit, the distaste of the people, that your wounds may be their cure; and assure your selves your ruine if you trace in their steps will be swifter then theirs; therefore thinke not to dally with, and beare the people in hand (as they have done before you) with faire promises, engagements, Declarations, Remonstrances, &c. and not to put the same into speedy execution; for the affections of the people will not admit of delayes, quick expedition will sharpen, but protraction will turne the edge of their spirits; If you dally with us, and befoole our expectations too long, we shall turne our pens, our hearts, and our hands against you, for our affection and concurrence with you, is but for our safety and protection, expecting more faire and honest dealing from you, then ever we could obtaine from the hands of our false Trustees at Westminster; have a care therefore how you interpose your owne light, and follow their Ignis fatuis, into their delusions and delayes, for if you doe not timely beware, your friends will become your enemies, their spirits begin to decline, and their tongues are busied with feares and surmises, therefore from the inch you may judge of the elle; though for a: while the Countries may beare the burthen of your Quarters with patience, yet assure your selves, in a small time they will turne impatient, clamour and cry out against you; for the Countries cannot, as indeed there is no reason they should, indure to be oppressed; for such and so great hath beene their oppression, that it is in vaine to suppose, that an additionall oppression will gaine an acceptance or tolleration amongst them; you doe but now the worke of the enemy, for if you will play but a while with their Rattles and Gew-gawes, they will be provided, (what though the redemption of time and the losse of your credits) to give you an encounter, and then be sure the people must suffer, their blood and their treasure must pay for your negligence, therefore expect that the mischiefes of your demurres will be set uppon your account, when all flesh shall appeare, every man to receive according to his deeds.

Therefore right worthy and faithfull Adjutators, be advised to preserve that power and trust reposed in, and conferred upon you by the body of the Army intire and absolute, and trust no man, whether Officer or Souldier, how religious soever appearing, further then hee acts apparantly for the good of the Army and Kingdome: marke them which would and doe bring you into delayes and demurres, let their pretences be what they will be, their counsels are destructive; I am afraid, that your Officers are not too forward to interpose all delayes; therefore as I dare not totally condemne them, but honour them so farre as they have dealt honourably in your engagement, I onely advise you to bee cautious and wary; and keepe up your betrusted power and authority, and let nothing be acted, done, or concluded, without your consent and privity, for by that meanes the cause in a clandestine underhand manner may be given away; and what doe you know, but there is a designe amongst you, to take the power of all Adjutation from the hand of the private Souldier? for why must your late papers bee published, By the appoyntment of his Excellencie, Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Councell of Warre, as your Remonstrance and others, and not as formerly, by his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax with the officers and Souldiers of the Armie? are not the Souldiers as authoritive as formerly, or are they cast out, as if they had nothing to doe with the businesse? Sure I cannot judge that you will altogether bee befooled of your power; if you doe, I am sure we shall all be befooled with you; if that once be accomplished, then farewell our hopes in the Armie; for I am confident, that it must be the poore, the simple and meane things of this earth that must confound the mighty and the strong: therefore your Officers that seeke not themselves, and have no sinister ends nor designes in their brests, will be contented that your betrusted power be preserved intire in your hands till the end of your worke be accomplished; and rather then they will any wayes seeme to infringe it, be continued in their addition to your adjutation onely for advise and consultation, not for controll and conclusion, not desiring a negative voice any more in your Adjutation, then they and you would allow the King in the great councell of Parliament; that so the sence and minde of the Armie may not be prevented or denyed: If I erre in this caution and advice, I am sure that I erre not in my faithfull affections to your solemne engagement, and therefore the better to be excused; for my intentions are honest and upright therein, not minding mischiefe or prejudice against any, but solely and simply ayme and intending the good of the Army and Kingdome thereby.

If you wil own me & my cause, I shal take it as a grateful & acceptable service of love & affection, not only to my selfe but to the almost destroyed freedomes of the Commoners of England; if not, I have reckened my cost, and can in this cause for my Countrey upon honest and just priviledges, lay downe my life, as freely and as willingly, as my most malicious enemies can make it a sacrifice to their fury: Doe therefore, as it seemeth good in your owne eyes; I have discharged my conscience, and what I have done, I have done; and commit the issue thereof unto God, And so remaine,

From my Prerogative Captivity in Newgate (the Lords benediction) July 10. 1647.

Certaine Articles for the good of the Common wealth, presented to the consideration of his Excellencie, Sir Thomas Fairfax, and to the Officers And Souldiers under his Command.

The Case of the Army truly stated, togegether with the mischiefes and dangers that are imminent, and some sutable remedies. Humbly proposed by the Agents of five Regiments of Horse, to the respective Regiments and the whole Army.

Whereas the grievances, dissatisfactions, and desires of the Army, both as Commoners and Soldiers, hath been many months since represented to the Parliament; and the Army hath waited with much patience, to see their common grievances redressed and the rights and freedomes of the Nation cleared and secured; yet, upon a most serious and conscientious view of our Narratives, Representations, Ingagement, Declarations, Remonstrances, and compairing with those the present state of the Army and Kingdome, and the present manner of actings of many at the Head Quarters, we not only apprehend nothing to have been done effectually, either for the Army or the poore oppressed people of the nation, but we also conceive, that there is little probabillitie of any good, without some more speedy and vigorous actings.

In respect of the Army, there hath been hitherto no publique vindication thereof, about their first Petition, answerable to the Ignominie, by declaring them enemies to the State, & disturbers of the peace: No publike clearing nor repairing of the credit of the Officers, sent for about that petition as Delinquents: No provision for Apprentizes, Widowes, Orphans, or maimed Souldiers, answerable to our reasonable addresses propounded in their behalf: No such Indempnitie, as provideth security, for the quiet, case, or safety of the Soldiers, disbanded or to be disbanded. No securitie for our Arreers, or provision for present pay, to inable the Army to subsist, without burthening the distressed Country. And in respect to the rights and freedomes of our selves and the people, that we declared we would insist upon, we conceive there is no kind or degree of satisfaction given: there is no determinate period of time set when the Parliament shall certainly end: The house is in no measure purged, either from persons unduly elected, or from Delinquents, that appeared to be such at the Armies last insisting upon their rights, or since: the “honour of the Parliamentary authoritie not cleared, and vindicated from the most horrid injustice of that Declaration against the Army for petitioning, nor of suppressing and burning Petitions, abusing and imprisoning Petitioners: But those strange presidents remaine upon Record, to the imfamy of Parliamentary authority; and the danger of our own and the peoples freedomes: The people are not righted, nor satisfied in point of accompts, for the vast summes of money disbursed by them. None of the publique burthens, or oppressions, by arbitrary Committees, injustice in the Law, Tythes, Monopolies, and restraint of free trade, burthensome Oathes, inequalitie of Assessements, Excize, and otherwise are removed or lightned, the rights of the people in their Parliaments concerning the nature and extent of that power, are not cleared and declared. So that we apprehend our own & the peoples case, little (if in any measure) better, since the Army last hazarded themselves for their own and the peoples rights and freedomes. Nay, to the griefe of our hearts, we must declare, that we conceive, the people and the Armies case much impaired, since the first Randezvouz at New Market, when that solernne ingagement was entred into: And that from the consideration.

That the Armies Engagement, Representations, Declarations, and Remonstrances, and promises in them contained, are declined, and more and more dayly broken, and not only in some smaller matters, wherein the Armie and the Kingdome are not so neerly concerned, but in divers particulars of dangerous consequence to the Army and the whole Nation. As,

First, In the Engagement, pag. the 5. the Armie promised every Member thereof each to other, and to the Parliament and Kingdome, that they would neither disband nor divide, nor suffer themselves to be disbanded or divided untill satisfaction should be given to the Army in relation to their grievances, and desires; and securitie that neither the Army nor the free borne people of England, should remaine subiect to such injuries, oppression, and abuse, as the corrupt party in the Parliament then had attempted against them.

Secondly, The Traine of Artillery is now to be disbanded, before satisfaction or securitie is given to the whole Army in relation to themselves, or other the free borne people, either in respect to their grievances or desires. And when the strength or sinewes of the Army be broken, what effectuall good can be secured for themselves or the people in case of opposition?

Thirdly, The Army is divided into quarters so farre distant, that one part is in no capabilitie to give timely assistance to another, if any designe should be to disband any part by violence sodainly, although neither our grievances nor desires as Soldiers or Commoners are redressed or answered. And as we conceive this dividing of the Army before satisfaction or securitie as aforesaid, to be contrary to the Armies intention in their Engagement, at the said Randezvouz, so we conceive it hath from that time given all the advantage to the enemies, to band and designe against the Armie, whereby not only pay hath been kept from the Soldiers, and securitie for arreers prevented, but the kingdom was indangered to have been imbroyled in blood, and the settlement of the peace and frecdome of the Nation, hath been thus long delayed.

The whole intent of the Engagement, and the equitable sense of it, hath been perverted openly, by affirming, and by sinister meanes making seeming determinations in the Counsell, that the Army was not to insist upon, or demand any securitie, for any of their own or other the free borne peoples freedoms or rights, though they might propound any thing to the Parliaments consideration; and according to that high breach of their Engagement, their actions have been regulated, and nothing that was declared formerly, to be insisted upon, hath been resolvedly adhered to, or claimed as the Armies or the peoples due, and we conceive it hath been by this meanes, that the Soldier hath had no pay constantly provided, nor any security for Arreers given them, & that hitherto they could not obtain so much, as to be paid up equally with those that did desert the Army, it not being possitively insisted upon, although in the Remonstrance of Iune, 23. pag. 11. It was declared, that it should be insisted upon resolvedly, to be done before the Thursday night after the sending that Remonstrance, and its now many moneths since Fourthly, In the prosecution of this breach, there hath been many discouragements of the Agitators of the Regiments, in consulting about the most effectuall meanes, for procuring the speedy redresse of the peoples grievances, and clearing and securing the native rights of the Army, and all others the free Commons.

It hath been instilled into them, that they ought not to intermeddle with those matters, thereby to induce them, to betray the trust the Regiments reposed in them; and for that purpose, the endeavours of some hath been to perswade the Soldiery, that their Agitators have medled with more, then concerned them. In the Declaration of Iune 14. pag. It was declared that the Army would adheare to their desires of full and equall satisfaction to the whole Soldiery of the Kingdome in Arreers, Indempnity, and all othre things mentioned in the papers, that contained the grievances, disatisfactions and desires who did then, or should afterward concurre with this Army in these desires.

But many thousands who have concurred with this Army, are now to be sent for Ireland, or to be disbanded with two moneths pay, before any securitie for Arrears, or sufficient Indempnitie, or any satisfaction to any desires as Soldiers or Commoners, then propounded; so now our Declaration is forgotten, and the faith of the Army, and his Excellency broken, for it may be remembred, that his excellency often promised, that the same care should be taken for those, that concurred, that should be for this Army, therefore if this course be driven on, what better can wee expect for our selves in the end?

Sixtly, In the same Declaration, June 14. pag. 6. it is declared that the Army took up Armes, in judgement and conscience, for the peoples just rights and liberties, and not as mercenary Souldiers, hired to serve an arbitrary power of the State, and that in the same manner it continued in armes at that time, and pag. 7. of the same Declaration, it was declared that they proceeded upon the principles of right and freedome, and upon the law of nature and Nations: But the strength of the endeavours of many hath been, and are now, spent to perswade the Soldiers and Agitators, that they stand as Soldiers only to serve the State, and may not as free Commons claime their right and freedome as due to them, as those ends for which they have hazzarded their lives, and that the ground of their refusing to disband, was only the want of Arrears and Indempnitie.

Seventhly, In the Remonstrance June 23. pag. 14. compared with pag. 15. it was declared, that such extraordinary courses should be taken as God should direct & enable them thereunto, to put things to a speedy issue, unles by the Thursday then imediately following, assurance and securitie were given to the Army and Kingdome, that the things desired in the Declaration, Iune the 14 should be speedily granted and setled.

But there hath been ever since, a totall neglect of insisting possitively upon the redresse of those grievances, or granting those desires of the Army as Soldiers. That the Declaration of June the 14. pag. the 3. refers unto, as formerly expressed, and not so much as one of those desires, as Commoners of England in the behalfe of themselves and others, (propounded in the same Declaration, pag. 6, 9, 10, 11.) hath been insisted upon possitively; neither setling a determinate period, wherein the Parliament shall certainly end, nor purging the House, nor clearing the rights of the people, in petitioning, nor the righting of them in accounts, &c. so that by these declinings of the Army, from insisting resolvedly upon the peoples, and the Armies own rights, both are after long expectations, as farre from right and freedome, as though there had been no man to plead their cause. And herein it is to be observed, that the neglect of insisting upon our most just desires, hath given enemies such secret incouragement, that they shufle off any desires, though propounded, as to be insisted upon, as may be mentioned in that our just desire, of recalling publikely the Declaration, inviting al to desert the Army, & professed to be insisted upon, in the same Declaration, June 23. pag. 11. which notwithstanding to this day was never publiquely recalled; so likewise the desire of vindicating the Parliaments honour, in relation to a publique disowning the order to suppresse our first Petition, and many others.

Eightly, In the declaration of Iune 14. pag. 10. as in all other Remonstrances and Declarations, it was desired, that the rights and liberties of the people might be secured, before the Kings businesse should be considered. But now the grievances of the people are propounded to be considered after the restoring him to the regall power, and that in such a way according to the proposals viz, with a negative voice, that the people that have purchased by blood what was their right, of which the King endeavoured to deprive them, should yet solely depend on his will, for their reliefe in their grievances and oppressions; and in like manner the securitie for the Armies Arrears is proposed, to be considered after the businesse of the King be determined, so that there is a totall declension since the method formerly desired, in the selling the peace of the Nation.

Ninthly, It hath been alwayes professed and declared, that the Army was called forth and conjured by the Parliaments Declarations, for defence of the peoples rights, against the forces raised by the King, and for delivering the King from his evill Councell, who seduced him to raise the war, and bringing Delinquents to condigne punishment. But now through the Armies countenance and indulgence, those conquered enemies, that were the Kings forces, abuse, reproach, and againe insult over the people, whose freedome was the grounds of the Armies engagement, yea, the Kings evill Councellors, that concurred in designing all the mischiefes in the Aings late warre against the people, are againe restored to him, and are admitted free accesse without check into all the Armies quarrels, whereby they are restored to a capacitie of plotting and designing mischiefe against the Armie and kingdome.

Tenthly, When imminent ruine, to the whole nation was apprehended, by meanes of the multitudes of corrupted Members in Parliament, diverting and obstructing all good proceedings; then the purging of the House in part, from one kind of Delinquents, was againe insisted upon, and a solemn Protestation was passed in the remonstrance from Kingstone, pag. 21. That the Armie would not permit those to sit in the House, that usurped the name and power of Parliamentary authoritie, when the Parliament was by violence suspended, and endeavoured to raise a warre to distroy the Parliament and Army, but that they would take some effectuall course to restraine them from sitting there, that the people might be concluded only by those Members that are free from such apparant treacherous breaches of their trust.

But hitherto this Engagement for purging the House from those Delinquents, (whose interest ingages them to be designing mischiefe against the people and Army) is declined and broken, to the black reproach and foulest infamie of the Army; and now these strong cords are cut in sunder and so forgotten, that there are no visible endeavours or intentions, to preserve the honour of the Armie, in its faithfullnesse to its Engagement and Protestation.

Thus all promises of the Armie to the people that Petitioned his Excellencie and the Army to stand for the National interest, freedomes and rights, are hitherto wholly declined, and the law of nature and nations now refused by many to be the rule by which their proceedings should be regulated; they now strip themselves of the interest of English men, which was so ill resented when it was attempted by the mallice of the enemies. And thus the peoples expectations that were much greatned, and their hopes of reliefe in their miseries and oppressions which were so much heightned are like to be frustrate, and while you looke for peace and freedome, the flood-gates of slaverie, oppression and miserie are opened upon the Nation, as may appeare by the present manifold dangers that incompasse about the Army and the whole Nation.

A Copy of a Letter from the Agents of the aforesaid five Regiments of Horse, unto his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax.

From the deep sense of our duty to God, to our native Country, to your Excellency, to this Army, and to our selves, and to posterities to come, we find such obligations upon our consciences, written naturally by the finger of God in our hearts, that we cannot behold the honour of God to be impaired, the workes of his hands the land of our nativity, your Excellency, this Army, our selves, or posterities, ready to be swallowed and devoured up in confusion, thraldome and ruine, and to sit still, and not arise in the strength of his might, to contribute our best endeavours for the prevention thereof: for, God hath given no man a talent to be wrapt up in a Napkin & not improved, but the meanest vassall in the eye of the Lord is equally oblieged and accomptable to God with the greatest Prince or Commander under the Sun, in & for the use of that talent betrusted unto him: and therefore we presume that your Excellency (who does acknowledge your selfe a creature of, ir servant to the same God) will not think it strange, of judge iis disobedient or refractory, that we should, as we have presumed. State the case-of the Army, how declined from its first principles of safety, what mischiefes are threatned thereby, and what remedies are sutable for prevention, which herewith we do humbly present & offer unto your Excellencie: for, Sir should you, yea, should the whole Parliament or Kingdome exempt us from this service, or should command our silence if forbearance, yet could not they nor you discharge us of our duties to God, or to our owtt natures, for we must be accomptable, if judgment will come for the deeds done in our flesh, whether good or evill: and hee that hath not improved and put forth his talent to use, shall be bound hand and foot, & cast into the lake of eternall vengeance: Therefore, whether God or Man in this case must be obeyed, judge you So that we are bold from our sense of your Excel, piety, honesty and uprightnesse to God and to your Countrie, that in this our discharge of our duties to both, we shall not incur your displeasure or discountenance, but that you will freely commit us and the issue of our endeavours to God, & if it be of him it will stand; & from our consciences we attest, and protest in the presence of this all seeing diety, as we desire safety in this life, or in that which is to come, we have no other then cordiall & faithfull intents and resolutions to the undoubted safety and weale of our native Countrie, to Parliaments, your Excellencie, and this Armie, in this businesse represented in these inclosed Papers, & we do utterly abhorre and renounce all secret or private designes, or interest under the same, together with all that is contrary to the plaine and vulgar sense expressed in the premises thereof. And if by any one your Excellencie shall be suborned, that we are transgressors of all order and forme, and in that sense only to look upon us We desire to mind your Excellencie, that the law of nature & nations attested in our own publike Declarations & Papers may be an answer to such for the justification of our present expedient, for all formes are but as shadowes & subject to the end, & the safety of the people is above all formes, customes, & and the equitie of popular safettie is the thing which justifieth all formes, or the change of formes for the accomplishment thereof; and no formes are lawfull longer then they preserve or accomplish the same. If our dutie bind us when we see our neighbours house on fire, to wave all formes, ceremonies or complements, and forthwith (not waiting for order or leave) to attempt the quenching thereof without further scruple, as thereunto called of God, we say if we be so oblieged & called in the case of a particular, then much more are we oblieged and called, when we behold the great Mansion House of this Common wealth, and of this Army (wherein all the families of the Nation are contained) on fire, all ready to be devoured with slaverie, confusion and ruine, & their nationall native freedome (the price of their treasure & bloud) wrested out of their hands, as at this present appeareth to our best understandings: And therefore in this exigencie & straight of extremity, we from the very dictates of Divinity, Nature & Reason ingraven in our hearts could not otherwise chuse, with quiet and peace to our consciences [which no mortall man can take from us or suppresse the over powring motives thereof] but consider with our selves what we should do to award those threatning mischief es from this Nation and Army, and to that end we find nothing more effectuall then to knit our selves together with this fixed resolution, to part with our lives and all that is neare and deare unto us, before we part with our freedomes; and in relation thereunto we the Agents to five Regiments of your Horse, have after our weak manner in this our Representation directed to our respective Regiments and to the whole Army, discharged our duties; And we presume we have not erred from the equitable sense of our solemn Engagement, or from the just maximes and matters contained in our Declarations, Remonstrances, &c. from the which we are resolved not to receed. Thus humbly craving your Excellencies favourable construction on our innocent intentions and endeavours, we (as we alwayes have been) cordially remaine,

We appoint Edmond Bear and William Russell above said, in our names to present this Letter, together with our Representation, entituled The cafe of the Army, &c. to his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Upon the presentation to, and serious perusall thereof by his Excellency, the sum of his answer was to this effect. That he judged their intentions were honest, and desired that every one of a publique spirit would be acting for the Publique, and that for his part hee had freely ventured his life for common right and freedome, and should freely engage it againe, adding further, that he thought it meet it should be presented to the Generall-Councel.

TO THOSE FIVE REGJMENTS OF THE ARMT, WHO HAVE already declared themselves to stand for maintenance of our just liberties, and for removall of those heavie oppressions, mentioned in that worthy discourse, intituled, THE CASE OF THE ARMY: AND To all, who intend to joyne timely and speedily with them.

YEE, true lovers of Justice and the Common-wealth, the work which yee have undertaken, is so just and necessary, that yee cannot but be exceedingly comforted in the very thoughts thereof, ye have justice and necessity on your side, which will powerfully draw all free-principled men of all estates and conditions unto you, nor can ye faile of good successe, unlesse contrary to the will and mind of God, who hath moved your hearts, and raised you to this so excellent, eminent and needfull a worke, yee give ear in aniwise to the Syrene-songs of flatterers, temporizers, neuters and hypocrits.

As for martiall-force, wee know you to be of such undanted courage, fidelity and valour, as that yee will incurre no danger in that kind, but what yee may easily prevent and avoide, if yee be so wise, provident and circumspect as wee hope, besides, yee may be consident, that no just mans conscience will suffer him to oppose you, and as for the unjust, God hath made them as chasse before you.

Take heed of crafty polititians and subtill Machivelians, & be sure to trust no mans painted words, it being high time now to see actions, yea, and those constantly upright too; if any man (by bringing forth unexpected bitter fruits) hath drawn upon himselfe a just suspition, let him justly bear his own blame, such a one is no more to be trusted whatsoever be pretended, untill he as farre exceed others, as he hath come short, in prosecution of your just ends and purposes.

One of the surest markes of deceivers, is to make faire, long and eloquent speeches, but a trusty or true-hearted man &illegible; more to doe good actions, then utter deceitfull orations; & one of the surest tokens of confederates in evill, is not only when one of his fellowes is vehement, firy or hot in any &illegible; pursuits, to be patient, cold or moderate to pacify his partner, and like deceitfull Lawyers before their Cliants to quallify matters; but sometimes seeme to discord or fall out, and quarrell in Councels, reasonings and debates; and yet never the lesse in the end to agree in evill; which they doe purposely, to hold upright men in a charitable (though doubtfull) opinion, that if such and such a man be not godly and upright, they know not whom in the world to trust, whiles in the meane time, under the vizards of great professions, gilded with some religious actions, they both deceive the world, and bring their wicked designes and selfe-interests to passe.

Those of you, that use your thursday general-Councels of late, might have observed so much of this kind of jugling, false-hood and double dealing as might have served to some good use at this point of extreamity, but truly most that have beene there have beene deluded, to our great griefe; which appeareth by the unreasonable proceedings of that Court; as in many things, so especially in their debates about the aforesaid Case of the ARMT, now published and subscribed by you.

Where in though the Generall was so ingenuous, as to move for the publicke reading thereof, yet the Commissary Generall Ireton, and Lievtenant Generall Cromwell, yea, and most of the Court, would and did proceed to censure & judge both it and the Authors and promoters thereof, without reading it, and ever since doe impudently boast and glory in that their victory.

It is very wonderfull, that such understanding men, should so soone fall in the same pernitious courses of those late impeached fugitives, their predecessors, Hollis and Stapleton, seeming to account all other men meer fooles but themselves; and because they were able to carry al things (as it were with a strong streame) in the House according to their own wils, they thought that either all other men abroad were blind, or must necessarily be of their mind: but as they were in some degree, so will these in a greater measure, be taught some new lessons of better manners; and in Gods owne time, will be forc’t also to acknowledge, that a sincere conscience will bear out in the day of tryall, when a wounded conscience (with wicked acts and false tricks) will bewray guiltinesse, and make the party odious.

In the Councell they held forth to you, the bloody Flagge of threats and terrous, talk’t of nothing but Faction, dividing principles, Anarchy, of hanging punishing, yea, and impudently maintained that your Regiments were abused, and the aforesaid Case, not truly subscribed, and did appoint a Committee Ad terrorem; and abroad they hold forth the white-flag of accommodation and satisfaction, and of minding the same thing which yee mind, and to be flesh of your flesh, and bone of your bone; and to invite you to their head-quarters, where they hope either to worke upon you, as they have most lamentably done upon others, even to betray your trust, confound both your understandings and Councels, corrupt your judgements, and blast your actions; and though they should not prevaile with you, yet there they keepe so great a state and distance, that they suppose yee will not dare to make good the things yeee have published.

But if yee be as wise as yee had need, keepe both from thence altogether, and as much at a distance from these pretended friends, as ye did once from open enemies; beleive it (if yee please) yee may as well hazzard at Hampton-Court as where they are, for the King and they are become one, as by the ensuing discourse is made manifest.

If yee doe adventure to goe thither, beware that yee be not frighted by the word ANARCHY, unto a love of Monarchy, which is but the gilded name for Tyranny; for Anarchy had never been so much as once mentioned amongst you, had it not been for that wicked end; ’tis an old thred-bare trick of the prophane Court, and doth amongst discreet men shew plainly who is for the Court, & against the liberties the people, who, when soever they positively insist for their just freedomes, are immediatly flap’t in the mouthes with these most malignant reproaches, O, yee are for Anarhchy, yee are against all Government, yee are Sectaries, sedicious persons, troublers both of Church and State, and so not worthy to live in a Common-wealth; there shall be a speedy course taken both against you and such as you: Away with all such from Parliament doores and head-quarters.

And if yee can escape these delusions, as through Gods assistance (wee trust) yee will, and not be satisfied with halfe or quarter remedies, or things holding a shadow only of good, without the substance, we cannot in the least, doubt of your good successe, being firmly resolved to stand by you, and to live and dy with you.

Yee had need to bee well armed and fortified against the devices that will bee put upon you, Ireton (yee know) hath alredy scandalized the Case of the Army in the generall counsel where, by his owne, and his consederats craft and policy, he raigneth as sole master, in so much as those friends yee have there (which wee hope, yee will see in dew time not to bee few) find it to little purpose to shew them selves active in opposing him: and as hee undertooke, so hath he answer-dy your Case, wherein hee sheweth himselfe soe full of arte & cunning smooth delusion (being skilled in nothing more) that if yee did not censibly know the things to be really and experimentally true, which yee have therein exprest and published, ’tis ten to one but he would deceive you.

This is certaine, in the House of Commons, both he and his Father Cromwell, doe so earnestly and palpably carry on the Kings designe, that your best friends there are amazed thereat, and even ready to weep for griefe to see such a sudden and dangerous alteration; and this they doe in the name of the whole Army, certifying the House, that if they doe not make further addresse to the King, they cannot promise that the Army will stand by them; if they should find opposition; and what is this, but as much in effect, as in the name of the whole Army, to threaten the House into a compliance with the King your most deadly enemy, and who if things go on thus, will deceive both you and them, yea, and all that act most for him?

To what purpose then should you either debate, conferre or treate, with such false sophisters, or treacherous deceivers as these, who like the former Courtiers can alwaies play the hypocrites, without any check of conscience? To what end should yee read, or spend time, to consider what they either write or speake, it being so evident that as they did intend, so they proceed to hold you in hand till their work be done?

But if you will shew your selves wise, stop your eares against them; resist the Devill and he will fly from you: hold not parlee with them, but proceed with that just work yee have so happily begun, without any more regarding one word they speak, for their consciences being at liberty to say or do any thing which may advance their owne ends, they have great advantage against you, whose consciences will not permit you to say or do any thing but what is just & true, & what yee mean to performe, they having shamfully proved themselves to be large promisers, thereby to deceive both you and all the people, but the worst performers that ever lived.

And therefore, certainly, ye have no warrant from God to treat either with them or their deceitfull instruments, who will be speedily (in great numbers) sent amongst you; but as ye know most of them for evill, so are ye to avoid them, as the most venemous Serpents: & faill not in this your just enterprize to cast yor selues chiestly upon God in the use of all the knowledge, experience, means and power wherewith he hath furnished you; and secondly upon the people, who will be ready with all their might and strength to assist you; whil’st yee are fathfull & reall for them; joyne and be one with them in heart and hand, with all possible speede in some substantiall and firme AGREMENT, for just freedom and common right, that this nation may no longer slote upon such wavering uncertain and sandy foundations of Government, which have been one of the greatest causes both of all your, & our predicessors miseries.

Otherwise, if ye be not at a sume establish’t certainty of all particulars therein, conducing both to the prosperity and safety of the People, we see no other remedy, but that now after all your victories, both ye and wee will come to live that dying life, even at the cruell mercies of most wicked Tyrants and blood oppressors.

Thus yee may assure your selves, if ye now suffer your strength either to be wrong or flattered one of your hands (though it be a most sad thing to speake) before many moneths passe, both yee and wee are like to be driven, yea, and even glad to begge our bread; and why is it they keepe you still so poore as they have a long time done (to the great griefe of us all) but that yee might not be able to helpe or stirre more then as many prisoners? Yea, they intend when they are advanced to the hight of their preferment, thus many both of you and us, shall be whipt, or banished as vagabons, starved in prisons, or hanged on Gallowses by dosens, scores and hundreds, as the eves and murderers.

Therefore let the foresight and consideration of these sad rewards of all our good services, which are fast hatching for us, make you wise and provident in time, who have sufficient power with our assistance, to defend both your selves and us; and the rather use all lawfull meanes to prevent, then to be in any wise forced to repent, worke which it is called to day; the night commeth on a pace, even the blacknesse of darknesse, of a most wicked accommodation, and then no man can worke: Up therefore and be doing what is just, and the Lord our God will assist you, and wee shall spend our lives and &illegible; with you. Fare well.

A CALL TO ALL THE SOULDIERS OF THE ARMY, by the free People of England.

FAITHFUL friends, ye and we have had so much experience of all sorts of men, that if now wee bee any longer deceived, wee are to complain of none but our selves; for as concerning the King, yee know the whole time of his reign before this Parliament, &illegible; time of most intolerable oppression, as his deferring and &illegible; up of Parliaments, knight-hood and loane-money, &illegible; of customes and impost, cruell and bloody censures in &illegible; and high Commission, selling of Offices, bribery and &illegible; in all Courts, extention of law-suits, multitudes of &illegible; and projects, Ship-money, coate and conduct money, innovation in Religion, and continuall oppression of conscience.

And as his first warre was made purposely to betray Rochell, (that ancient Sanctuary of the Protestants) so now by the same his arbitrary power, he raiseth a bloody warre against his owne native Country of Scotland, purposely to betray and enslave both us and them; so that a verier tyrant then King Charles, even when this Parliament began, was not living upon earth.

And our hopes (ye know) were very great, that this Parliament would have punished him in the first place, as the chiefe author of our miseries; but so it proved, that he no more abused his Office, then they instantly fell to abuse their trust, and frustrate our hopes; for they let him alone, and fall only upon his evill Councellors; by which treacherous meanes they gave him opportunity to raise a warre against the People, which yee full dearely know, proved a very cruell and bloody one, to the destruction of many thousand worthy men and families, all which seemeth too soone to be forgotten.

A great part of which time, the Parliament so managed the warre as if they intended meerly to robbe and spoyl the People, by pilling and polling them with variety of new devised taxes, especially with that unmercifull taxation of EXCISE; which (like the disease called the woolfe) both eateth the flesh and sucketh the blood of the midle and poorer sort, and so to moold and fashion the people, to beare such heavy burdens as the King should impose upon them, with the lesse grudging and repining.

But in the very point of time, when both the Parliament and their Armies under Essex and Manchester, had all shamefully betrayed their trusts, and that all wel-affected people were ready to be given up into his merciles hands, naked & stript of all their wealth and strength, even then, it pleased God by undiscernable meanes, to raise the now modle and put power into your hands, which wee thankfully acknowledge, ye so faithfully, industriously and valiantly employed, as soon curbed the pride and power of the King, and freed the land from all his cruell and bloody forces.

Yet whiles ye were thus busie abroad for good, the Parliament and City doe confederate, and are as industrious at home for evil; as to admit none to bear office of any trust or command, but such as would submit to the Covenant and Presbytery; an Ordinance is brought into the House, and countenanced against opinions in Religion, of a more bloody and dangerous consequence then any that ever was in the high Commission; a Committee is appointed and exercised with most vile parciallity, by Colonell Leigh and his accomplices, against godly peaceable People, for preaching without their deceitfull Cleargies Ordination; the House of Lords imprison Commoners at their pleasure, Larner, Lilburne, Overton, Tew and others, and the House of Commons approve thereof, and give up the liberties of the people to any.

Their own Committees arbitrary commitments, and the violent behaviour of their own members are justified, whiles those whom they abuse, are upon false suggestions unheard, imprisoned; and in conclusion, they blush not to burne just Petitions by the common hang-man.

Indeed, there were no end of reckoning up the innumerable treacheries, and mischieveous practices of this your Parliament, their intolerable pride, and covetous in-riching of themselves, their children and alliances, their allowance of the oppressions of all Committees and Courts, that should be courts of justice, but are indeed forges of oppression and injustice: And in all these times, and amidst all businesses, what is there done for the people? If in the beginning, they removed one oppression, (as if they repented themselves) they have brought in two in place thereof; and ever and anon, their grand Master the King, must be treated withall; his honour and authority (for sooth) that ever sought most violently the ruine of you and us, must be tendred, and have propositions sent to him, and the poore ignorant people must be deluded by this Parliaments double dealing, as if all the peoples peace and happinesse depended only on him, who ever oppressed them to his utmost power: All his plots to ruine the honest party in the Parliament and City, must not in the least be layed either to his charge, nor almost to any others, but searcht’ into by halves and hudled up, like Deering, and Walers plots and the like; the Earle of Manchesters teachery as foule as any, not so much as questioned.

And untill the wickednesse of the House of Commons came to such a masse, that they had plotted your disbanding, and thereby gave you just cause to stand upon your own guard, there appeared no hope, but that we & ye with all who had al-waies stood for common freedome, against both Kingly, Lordly, and Parliamentary tyranny, should have been made the objects of their scorne, and subjects of their malice, and had ere this, been delivered up as slaves into the cruell hands of the King their Master.

But God hath put it into your hearts to take care both of your selves and us, and by your wisdome and resolution wrought a mighty alteration: Ye of the plainer sort, were thought by him who is only wise, to be the meetest instruments for so great a work, and wee are grieved, that those who were raised by your valour to places of honour and greatness, should so soon despise the way of the Lord, and should not still make use of you, in finishing the work so happily begun.

Your Adjutators (we hear) are esteemed but as a burthen to the chief Officers, which we judge to be the reason, that all things now are in such a languishing condition; our hopes dy daily within us, and we fear ye will to soon give your selves and us, with our joynt and just cause, into their hands: Yee should have considered, that they along time staggered, before they engaged with you, and certainly had never engaged, but that they saw no other way nor means to shelter and preserve themselves, from the power of Hollis and Stapleton with their confederates.

We have now too much cause to fear, that your and our good, or the promoting of the common freedome of the Nation, was the least part of their care or intention; for they no sooner by your unanimous resolution, became Masters of the King, Parliament and City, and thereby of a power to doe whatsoever good, was desirable either by you or us, but they wholy despise and neglect you; for notwithstanding your joynt engagement, and thereby your just power of voting with them, in all things concerning the Army as an Army, or as members of the common-wealth, they (at Branford or Hunslow) made an agreement with the Parliament, without your knowledge or consent; and likewise, both against your sound advice and their engagement, permit the usurpers of Parliament authority to sit and vote in the House, not considering, or (at least) not regarding how impossible it is, to promote the good of the people, to punish Delinquents, or to bring any security to you or us, whilest they are there.

Ye persist never the lesse in your care of the common good, and urge again and again, that these intruders be removed out of Parliament, and in the end prevail with your chief officers, to present to the Parliament, and publish to the world a Declaration, and therein a Protestation against their sitting there, in very large and fit expressions; notwithstanding all which, these corrupt and rotten members still retain their places, and the chief domineering Officers of the Army, Cromwell and Ireton sit with them, without any endeavour to dismisse them thence; and not only so, but seem insensible or regardlesse of all the evill that hath been done by them, in endeavouring to make a new warre, or to bring in the King, upon most unjust, unsafe, and unconscionable tearmes.

Surely we cannot but grieve to consider, how the Parliament have spent their time since yee entred the City; the House of Lords still imprison Commoners without controle, Lilburne continueth most unjustly and shamelesly a prisoner in the Tower, and Manchester at liberty.

People from many Counties petition against the oppression of Tithes, without any relief at all, but made more grieveous by a most unreasonable Ordinance; the Assembly of Parsons continue sitting, to the great charge of the people, whil’st they hatch nothing but mischief.

No just nor equall way is ordered for due and timely payment of you in the Army, but is omitted of set-purpose, that free quarter may make you odious, and in the people against you; and nothing is now so much minded by your Officers and their Parliament, then how to please, satisfy and establish the King, who hates both you and us with an inveterate hatered; and were your Officers of the same mind they have sometimes been, he would hate them in the like manner, but it appeareth, he by his insinuations hath so wrought upon their affections, that he and they seem to be of one heart, and of one mind, so that all their care is to please him; and that they may doe it the more effectually (swallowing up their duty to God, their engagement with you, their Declaration and protestation, with all the innocent blood that he hath spilt) they for his sake, forbear to clear the House, of so many of his trusty friends, who in the countersiut Parliam. so vehemently endeavoured his speedy comming to London, where certainly your Officers earnestly desire to have him otherwise why are they so impottunate (after his denyall of the Propositions) to present their weak and lante Proposals to the House, and so to prepare them, or some result thereof to be sent to him for his agreement and consent? why make they an Idoll of him, and beare him up so high in the eyes and fancies of the people, as if he were in there esteem, the very light of their eyes, and the breath of their nostrels?

Why are they so familliar with Ashburnham and others his chief agients? Why permit they so many of his deceitfull Clergy to continue about him? Why doe themselves kneele, and kisse, and fawne upon him? Why have they received favours from him, and sent their wives or daughters to visit him, or to kisse his hand, or be kissed of him?

Oh shame of men! Oh sin against God! What, to doe thus to a man of blood; over head and eares in the blood of your dearest friends and fellow Commoners? To him that thirsteth for your blood, yea, and theirs too, however they flatter and befools themselves. Hear oh Heavens, and regard oh earth, if this in these exceed not the wickednesse of the most wicked upon earth?

And think ye oh friends, to escape the severe judgement of Almighty God, who by your silence and want of reproofe of these things, give countenance thereunto, for your officers durst not go on in these unworthy courses, but that they presume upon you to back them: For alas, what are they without you, but as so many single persons, ready to be hunted by all the great parties in the land? So that ye are in effect, the abetters of all their evill courses, the Bauds and Panders to their adulterate practices with the King; nor can ye make amends for your so sinfull neglect, but by a speedy impeachment of him, and exemplary punishment of them, for their private tampering with him, who if he were a politick tyrant when this Parliament began, how bloody a one hath he proved himselfe ever since?

Wee beseech you therefore, yea, we beg of you all Commanders and Souldiers, that are yet untainted in your integrity, and have not yet bowed your knees to Baal, that yee will not betray your selves, your just cause and us so unworthily, nor seem to distrust that power and wisdome of God, by which ye have done so great and mighty workes; but that now ye will be bold and couragious for your God and for his people, and for justice against all ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men, without respect of persons.

And before it be to late deal plainly with Ireton, by whose cowardy or ambicious policy, Cromwel is betrayed into these mischievous practices; & by whose craft the power of your Adjutators is brought to nothing; and by whose dissimulation many of them are corrupted, and become treacherous unto you; none but flatterers, tale-bearers and turn-coats are countenanced by him: let him know yee know him, and hate his courses; your generall councels by his imperious carriage, are like unto Star-chambers; a plain man is made an offender for a word.

And if Cromwell Instantly repent not, and alter his course, let him know also, that ye loved and honoured just, honest, sincere and valiant Cromwell, that loved his Country, and the liberties of the people above his life, yea, and hated the King as a man of blood, but that Cromwell ceasing to be such, he ceaseth to be the object of your love.

And since there is no remedy, ye must begin your worke anew, ye are as ye were at Bury, ye are no strangers to the way, ye have already made a good beginning, wherein we rejoyce, ye have men amongst you as fit to governe, as others to be removed, AND WITH A WORD, YEE CAN CREATE NEW OFFICERS, necessity hath no law, and against it there is no plea, the safety of the people is above all law; & if ye be not very speedy, effectuall, and doe your worke throughly, and not by halves as it hath been, yee and wee perish inevitably.

What your Generall is yee best know, but ’tis to late to live by hopes, or to run any more hazzards, none can deceive you but whom ye trust upon doubtfull tearmes; be ware of the flattery and sophistry of men: bargain with your Officers, not to court it in fine or gaudy apparrell, nor to regard titles, fine fare or complements; those that doe, are much more lyable to temptations then other men; a good conscience is a continuall feast; and let your outside testifie that ye delight not to be Souldiers, longer then necessity requires.

Draw your selves into an exact councell, and get amongs you, the most judicious and truest lovers of the people ye can find, to helpe you; and let your end be justice without respect of persons, and peace and freedome to all sorts of peaceable people, establish a free Parliament, by expulsion of the usurppers: free the people from all burthens and oppressions speedily and without delay; take an exact accompt of the publick treasure, that publick charges may be defrayed by subsidees, Tythes abolished, the lawes and proceedings therein regulated, and free quarter abandoned.

Let nothing deterre you from this so just and necessary a worke, none will oppose you therein, or so long as ye continue sincere and uncorrupted; for all sorts of people have been abused, Kings have abused them, Parliaments have abused them, and your chief Officers have most grosly deceived the honest party: be confident none will oppose, and be as confident, that thousands and ten thousands are ready and ripe to assist you.

Be strong therefore, our deare true harted brethren and fellow Commoners, and be of good courage, and the Lord our God will direct you by his wisdome, who never yet failed you in your greatest extremities; stay for no farther, looke for no other Call: for the voice of necessity is the Call of God; al other waies for your imdempnity are but delusive, and if yee trust to any other, under the fairest promises, yee will find your selves in a snare.

Whom can yee trust, who hath not hitherto deceived you? Trust only to justice, for God is a God of justice, and those that promote the same shall be preserved; free the Parliament from those incendiaries with all your might; the true and just patriots (yea, all but deceivers) therein long for your assistance; & that being effectually done, ye may safely put your selves and the whole Nation, upon them both for provision indempnity and just liberty.

In the meane time, let your friends that are about the King, be sure to keepe him, as they keep their lives, and not to part with him upon any tearmes, till you can referre him to a free Parliament; if you doe not this, but that any agreement be now made with him, yee will find that in an instant, his Judges and Lawyers, and Lords and Priests, will be your Judges, and what rebels ye appeare in their eyes both yee know, & some of your friends have already felt sufficiently; a free Parliament therefore only can secure both you and us.

Let no policy, art or stratagem divide you in affection, or separate your Regiments far distant from one another, for that must necessarily be your unavoidable ruine; beware of Neuters, and such as have carried two faces under one hood, hollow-hearted or aspiring men, such as Say Wharton, Fines, Vaine, St. Johns, &c. the greatest deceivers his day living; above all harden not your consciences by a custome in dissimulation, as some eminent professors amongst you have lamenrably done, as knowing that none are so hatefull in the sight of God as hipocrits.

Doe what yee can to recover the credit of your Army, which hath beene betrayed and lost, as shamefully as the publick saith (both which deserve sevese punishments) for if once yee loose your reputation, yee will soon be but as a meere shadow; therefore be very carefull of keeping a good, upright and sincere conscience before God, and then yee need not feare what men can doe unto you.

But in these and all other things, the wisdome and goodnesse of God (wee trust) will be your guide, to leade you into all the pathes of righteousnesse, unto whose will and mind if yee carefully give care, yee shall certainly be blessed in all your undertakings.

An agreement of the People, for a firme and present Peace, upon grounds of Common-Rights.

Having by our late labours and hazards made it appeare to the world at how high a rate wee value our just freedome, and God having so far owned our cause, as to deliver the Enemies thereof into our hands: We do now hold our selves bound in mutual duty to each other, to take the best care we can for the future, to avoid both the danger of returning into a slavish condition, and the chargable remedy of another war: for as it cannot be imagined that so many of our Country-men would have opposed us in this quarrel, if they had understood their owne good; so may we safely promise to our selves, that when our Common Rights and liberties shall be cleared, their endeavours will be disappointed, that seek to make themselves our Masters: since therefore our former oppressions, and scarce yet ended troubles have beene occasioned, either by want of frequent Nationall meetings in Councell, or by rendring those meetings ineffectuall; We are fully agreed and resolved, to provide that hereafter our Representatives be neither left to an uncertainty for the time, nor made uselcsse to the ends for which they are intended: In order whereunto we declare,