Cato and George Washington

I suspect many admirers of the American Revolution fail to appreciate the influence that the history of ancient Rome, its philosophers and statesmen, and its fate exerted on our founders—almost all Age of Enlightenment thinkers in good standing. It was the nature of 18th-century education in the colonies as in Europe that seeded this phenomenon by putting classical education at the core of education at every level, so students began learning Latin early and, per force, immersed themselves in the curriculum of Greek and Roman literature and philosophy.

So ingrained were the classics that a beloved figure like Roman orator Marcus Tullius Cicero was unaffectedly nicknamed “Tully" or “old Tully.” The phenomenon was at full-strength among American intellectuals, including the Founders, who for good reason were obsessed with the philosophy of politics and governance. No example resonates like George Washington (1732-1799) and his passion for Joseph Addison's 1713 play Cato, A Tragedy, about the drama, heroic courage, and bitter heartbreak of the last days of the struggle to preserve the Roman Republic (509 BC to 27 AD) from the rising Caesars, the Empire, dictatorship, decline, and fall.

The influence of  this literary work in American history is surely due to the themes of liberty, republicanism, and personal virtue as manifested with emotional immediacy, heroism, and tragic glory during the final days of Roman Senator Marcus Porcius Cato (95-46 BC). As historian Gordon Wood points out, the great Romans were boyhood heroes of many of the Founders, who identified with and aspired to their heroism. And none more so than George Washington, whose engagement with Addison’s play had an unmistakable impact on his leadership during the Revolutionary War and his tenure as the first President of the United States.

Joseph Addison’s Cato: A Tragedy (1713)

Cato’s author, Joseph Addison, an English essayist and politician, co-founder with Irish playwright Richard Steele of the celebrated early periodical, The Spectator, was prominent in the leadership of the "Commonwealth men," the early 18th-century British reformers who ardently advocated for republicanism and civic virtue. They included notables like John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, vocal critics of political corruption and moral decay, calling for cultivation of civic virtue as a nation’s sole safeguard from despotism and decline. Their writings, particularly Cato's Letters by Trenchard and Gordon, had as much or more influence on political thought in the American British colonies as any source of ideas—for decades embedding ideals of liberty and resistance to tyranny into the fabric of emerging American thought.

You scarcely can miss how Cato manifests Commonwealth principles with the literary genius for which Addison was known. The character of Cato the Younger is portrayed as the paragon of republican virtue, steadfastly opposing Julius Caesar's authoritarian ambitions. The play delves into themes central to Commonwealth thought: tension between individual liberty and governmental overreach, the moral imperative of personal sacrifice for the greater good, and the perils of political corruption. In Cato's unwavering commitment to these ideals, Addison dramatizes the Commonwealth men's advocacy for republican government rooted in virtue and consent of the governed. But influence of the Commonwealth men permeated thinking in the British colonies in America. Historian Bernard Bailyn, who made an extensive analysis of hundreds of pamphlets published before and during the Revolutionary War, has argued that the ideas propagated by these reformers defined the ideological foundations of American thought during this period. Certainly, they resonated with men who watched the increasingly threatening conflict with the mother country as they realized that their states as well as their country must form governments.

Addison penned Cato in blank verse and in accordance with the classical unities during a period of political turbulence in Britain. The play’s premiere was April 14, 1713, at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, and met with acclaim across the political spectrum, with both Whigs and Tories finding themes to support their respective ideologies. It seems that the government did not object—everyone is for liberty and virtue, right? As a result, the play was performed many times in Britain and America.

Set in Utica in Roman northern Africa, Cato unfolds during the Roman Civil War, its focus on Cato's unflinching commitment to the republic in the face of Caesar's encroaching power. Against this highly political backdrop, the narrative itself follows Cato, his family, and his allies, highlighting the personal themes of honor, courage, and sacrifice as well as the defense of republican ideals. Cato's ultimate act of suicide testifies to his dedication to liberty over life itself. In Act II, he exhorts his followers:

Later, confronting the inevitability of his own demise in Act V, he reflects on the value of virtuous liberty:

"A day, an hour, of virtuous libertyIs worth a whole eternity in bondage." 

Acclaimed throughout the British Empire, Cato tended to transcend political divisions. In the colonies, its elevation of republican virtues to heroism caused it to be embraced as a symbol of resistance against oppression. Its dialogues were quoted in political discourse, and its performances became a medium for expressing colonial dissent. The universal themes of Cato resonated with a populace increasingly disillusioned with monarchical overreach. The full impact, of course, came only decades later. It was a response to the perception and indictment of corruption in the mother country.

Young George Washington's Cato

Typically, Washington's exposure to Cato seems to have occurred during his formative years, as the play was widely read and performed for decades in colonial America. The classical education prevalent among the gentry included works that extolled Roman republicanism and so fostered admiration for figures like Cato the Younger, but of course Washington did not attend college. His affinity for the play arose from his identification with Cato's virtues as evidenced by his frequent quotations from it (and much later his efforts to stage performances for his troops).

The principles that profoundly influenced Washington’s outlook and conduct were those of the Roman philosophy of Stoicism that guided Cato: self-discipline, resilience, and an unwavering commitment to republicanism. There is much to suggest that he internalized these ideals and strove to embody the moral fortitude that Cato represented. He often shared the wisdom in his correspondence, invoking lines from the play to inspire in others perseverance and dedication to the cause of liberty. 

His mature leadership style, admired then and increasingly throughout our history, owed to Cato's emphasis on virtue and civic duty and republicanism and freedom to guide his decisions as Revolutionary leader and president. As early as age 26, in 1758, for example, he playfully referenced the characters in a letter to Mrs. George William Fairfax, expressing a desire to perform alongside her: "I should think our time more agreeably spent, believe me, in playing a part in Cato, with the company you mention, and myself doubly happy in being the Juba to such a Marcia, as you must make." (Cato found an ally in Numidian king Juba.)

Later, in the long, uncertain, often desperate days of the war, General Washington's correspondence continued to channel Cato. In 1775, he commended Benedict Arnold's valor during the Quebec expedition, writing: "It is not in the power of any man to command success; but you have done more—you have deserved it." The line refers to a passage from Act I, Scene 2 of Addison's play: "'Tis not in mortals to command success; but we'll do more, Sempronius, we'll deserve it."

In the miserable winter of 1777-1778 at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, Washington turned to the play to bolster the morale of his soldiers—as it always boosted his. He ignored a Congressional ban on theatrical performances to arrange a staging of Cato in May 1778. Colonel William Bradford, Jr., wrote to his sister from Valley Forge: "The Theatre is opened…Last Monday Cato was performed before a very numerous & splendid audience.” Winter was yielding to spring; the Camp could afford some entertainment. The decision also underscored the play's motivational power, its themes of steadfastness and liberty resonating with the Continental Army's struggles. And it served the goal of unity and shared commitment to the revolutionary cause.

Skipping ahead, on August 26, 1796, President Washington wrote to Alexander Hamilton: "In preparing for my retreat to that peaceful abode which I ardently wish may be my asylum in the declining remnant of a life, worn down with cares, in the service of my country, I have resolved to seek the post of honor in a private station." 

Compare that to Cato, Act IV, Scene IV:

Cato's influence, of course, did not stop with Washington. It permeated the rhetoric of revolutionary figures. Patrick Henry's famed declaration, "Give me liberty or give me death," echoes the play's valorization of freedom over life. Nathan Hale's reputed last words, "I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country," mirror sentiments expressed in Addison's work: "What a pity it is that we can die but once to serve our country." The play's dialogue thus became a sourcebook for inspiration and articulation of the colonists' patriotism, resistance to tyranny, and devotion to liberty. (“Do thou, great liberty, inspire our souls…” Cato says to his men.

Cato outlasted the Revolutionary era, both in Washington’s life and American political dialogue. The themes of liberty, virtue, and republicanism, always there, became cornerstones of the new nation's identity. The play had transcended its theatrical origins to become a kind of founding document of America—inspiration in desperate times, a guide in times demanding innovation, argument, and decision. It reminded readers then, as now, of the Stoic virtues and republican ideals that made Washington’s leadership a permanent part of American history. For the history-minded, its legacy underscores the connection between classical literature and the foundational principles of the United States with their timeless relevance to the struggle for liberty and justice.