1. For information about Bastiat’s life see Jacques de Guenin and Jean-Claude Paul-Dejean, “General Introduction” to The Collected Works of Frédéric Bastiat, Vol. 1: The Man and the Statesman (2011); Dean Russell, Frédéric Bastiat: Ideas and Influence (Irvington-on-Hudson, N.Y.: Foundation for Economic Education, 1969); George Charles Roche, III, Frédéric Bastiat: A Man Alone (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1971); Robert Leroux, Political Economy and Liberalism in France: The Contributions of Frédéric Bastiat (London: Routledge, 2011); and Gérard Minart, Frédéric Bastiat (1801–1850). Le croisé de libre-échange (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004).  ↩

2. See T.129 “The People and the Bourgeoisie”, Le Libre-Échange, 22 May 1847, in CW3, pp. 281–87.  ↩

3. Letter 18 to Félix Coudroy, Bayonne 5 Aug. 1830, in CW1, pp. 28–30 and Early Writings.  ↩

4. T.2 “To the Electors of the Department of Les Landes” (November, 1830), CW1, pp. 341–52 and in Early Writings.  ↩

5. His correspondence can be found in CW1.  ↩

6. See in particular, Charles Dunoyer, L’Industrie et la morale considérées dans leurs rapports avec la liberté (Paris: A. Sautelet et Cie, 1825). On Comte, Dunoyer, and Say see, Leonard P. Liggio, “Charles Dunoyer and French Classical Liberalism,” Journal of Libertarian Studies, 1977, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 153–78; Mark Weinburg, "The Social Analysis of Three Early 19th Century French Liberals: Say, Comte, and Dunoyer, Journal of Libertarian Studies, 1978, vol. 2. no. 1, pp. 45–63; and David M. Hart, Class Analysis, Slavery and the Industrialist Theory of History in French Liberal Thought, 1814–1830: The Radical Liberalism of Charles Comte and Charles Dunoyer (unpublished PhD, King’s College Cambridge, 1994) Available online.  ↩

7. T.3 “On Founding a New School” (1834), CW1, pp. 415–19and Early Writings.  ↩

8. T.4 “On a Petition in favor of Polish Refugees) (1834) and ”Letter to an unidentified Friend in Defence of a Refugee" (Sept. 1835) in CW4 (forthcoming).  ↩

9. T.7 “The Canal beside the Adour” (June-Aug. 1837) in CW4 (forthcoming).  ↩

10. T.66 “On the Railway between Bordeaux and Bayonne” (19 May 1846), CW1, pp. 312–16.  ↩

11. T.12 “The Tax Authorities and Wine” (January 1841), CW2, pp. 10–23 and Early Writings; and T.13 “Memoir on the Wine-Growing Question” (January 1843), CW2, pp. 25–42 and Early Writings.  ↩

12. T.18 “Postal Reform” (August, 1844) and again later T. 58 (April, 1846), in CW4 (forthcoming).  ↩

13. T.17 “On the Division of the Land Tax in the Department of Les Landes” (c. 1844) in CW4 (forthcoming).  ↩

14. Letter 15. Mugron, 12 March 1829. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, p. 10) [CW1, p. 24].  ↩

15. T.5 “Reflections on the Petitions from Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Lyons Relating to the Customs Service” (April 1834), CW2, pp. 1–9 and Early Writings.  ↩

16. T.266 (1843.05.18) “Free Trade. State of the Question in England. 1st Article”, La Sentinelle des Pyrénées, 18 May 1843. 3 articles published 18 May to 1 June 1843. [JCPD][CW6].  ↩

17. Bastiat, T.27 Cobden et la Ligue, ou l'agitation anglaise pour la liberté du commerce (Paris: Guillaumin, 1845).  ↩

18. T.19 "On the Influence of French and English Tariffs on the Future of the Two People", Journal des Économistes, October 1844. (CW6 forthcoming)  ↩

19. Bastiat, T.19 "De l’influence des tarifs français et anglais sur l’avenir des deux peuples" (On the Influence of French and English Tariffs on the Future of the Two People), Journal des Économistes, T. IX, Oct. 1844, pp. 244–71 in CW6 (forthcoming).  ↩

Letter 1. Bayonne, 12 Sept. 1819. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 1. Bayonne, 12 Sept. 1819. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 1-2) [CW1, pp. 11-12]

Text

... My friend, we are in the same boat. Both of us are attracted to intellectual activity rather than the kind to which duty calls us, the difference being that the reflection which takes our fancy is closer to that of a lawyer than to that of a trader.

You know that I mean to go into commerce. When I entered the world of business, I conceived of business as purely mechanical and thought that six months would be enough to make me a trader. This being so, I did not think it necessary to work very hard and I concentrated in particular on the study of philosophy and politics.

I have since lost any illusions I had on this point. I now recognize that the science of commerce is not enclosed within the limits of routine. I have learned that a good trader, in addition to knowing his merchandise and where it comes from, and knowing the worth of what he can exchange, and bookkeeping, all of which experience and routine can teach in part, must also study the law and broaden his knowledge of political economy, which is not part of routine and requires constant study.

These considerations caused me considerable perplexity. Should I continue to study philosophy, which I like, or should I plunge into finance, [12] which I dread? Should I sacrifice my duty to my inclination or my inclination to my duty?

Having decided to put my duty before everything, I was about to start my studies when I thought of taking a look at the future. I weighed up the wealth I might hope to gain and balanced it against my needs and ascertained that whatever small happiness commerce might afford me, I might, while still a young man, free myself of the burden of work that would not make for my happiness. You know my tastes, you know whether, if I were able to live happily and peacefully, however little my wealth exceeded my needs, I would choose to impose the burden of a boring job on myself for three quarters of my life in order to possess a pointless surplus for the rest of my life.

... So now you know. As soon as I have acquired a certain prosperity, which I hope will be soon, I will be giving up business.

Letter 2. Bayonne, 5 March 1820. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 2. Bayonne, 5 March 1820. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 2-3) [CW1, pp. 12-13]

Text

. . . I had read the Treatise on Political Economy by J. B. Say, an excellent and highly methodical work. Everything flows from the principle that riches are assets and that assets are measured according to utility. From this fertile principle, he leads you naturally to the most far-flung consequences so that, when you read this work, you are surprised, as when reading Laromiguière,2 at the ease with which you go from one idea to the next. The entire system passes before your eyes in its various forms and gives you all the pleasure that a sense of the obvious can provide.

One day when I was in quite a large gathering, a question of political economy was discussed in conversation, and everyone was talking nonsense. I did not dare to put my opinions forward too much, since they were so diametrically opposed to the conventional wisdom. However, as each objection forced me to go up a notch to put forward my arguments, I was soon driven to the core principle. This was when M. Say made it easy for me. We started from the principle of political economy, which my adversaries admitted to be just. It was easy for us to go on to the consequences and reach that which was the subject of the conversation. This was the point at which I perceived [13] the full merit of the method and I would like it to be applied to everything. Do you not agree with me?

Letter 3. Bayonne, 18 March 1820. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 3. Bayonne, 18 March 1820. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, p. 3) [CW1, p. 13]

Text

I entered into the world one step at a time, but I did not rush into it, and, in the midst of its pleasures and pains, when others, deafened by so much noise, forget themselves, if I can put it like that, in the narrow circle of the present, my vigilant soul was always looking over its shoulder, and reflection prevented it from letting itself be dominated. What is more, my taste for study has taken up a great deal of my time. I concentrated so much on it last year that this year I was forbidden to continue with it, following the painful complaint it caused me. . . .

Letter 4. Bayonne, 10 Sept. 1820. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 4. Bayonne, 10 Sept. 1820. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, p. 4) [CW1, p. 13]

Text

. . . . . . .

One thing that occupies me more seriously is philosophy and religion. My soul is full of uncertainty and I cannot bear this state. My intellect rejects faith while my heart hankers after it. In fact, how can my intellect reconcile the great ideas about the Divine with the puerility of certain dogmas; and on the other hand, how can my heart not want to find rules of conduct in the sublime moral code of Christianity? Yes, if paganism is the mythology of the imagination, Catholicism is the mythology of sentiment. What could be more likely to interest a sensitive heart than the life of Jesus, the morality of the Gospels, and meditation on Mary? How touching all this is. . . .

Letter 5. Bayonne, Oct. 1820. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 5. Bayonne, Oct. 1820. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 4-5) [CW1, pp. 13-14]

Text

I must admit, my dear friend, that the subject of religion fills me with hesitation and uncertainty, which is beginning to become a burden. How can I not see the dogmas of our Catholicism as mythology? And in spite of it all, this mythology is so beautiful, so consoling, so sublime that error is almost preferable to truth. I have a feeling that if I had one spark of faith in my heart, it would shortly become a flame. Do not be surprised at what [14] I am saying to you here. I believe in God and the immortality of the soul, that virtue is rewarded and vice chastised. This being so, what a huge difference there is between a religious person and an unbeliever! My state is unbearable. My heart burns with love and gratitude to God and I do not know how to pay him the tribute of homage I owe Him. He occupies my thoughts only vaguely, while a religious man has before him a career that is fully marked out for him to pursue. He prays. All the religious ceremonies keep him constantly occupied with his Creator. And then this sublime reconciliation between God and man, this redemption, how sweet it must be to believe it! What an invention it is, Calmètes, if it is one!

Apart from these advantages, there is another which is no less important. The skeptic has to work out a moral code for himself and then follow it. What perfect understanding, what force of will he must have! And who is there to reassure him that tomorrow he will not have to change the ideas he holds today? A religious man, on the other hand, has his route fully mapped out before him. He takes nourishment from a moral code that is always divine.

Letter 6. Bayonne, 29 Apr. 1821. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 6. Bayonne, 29 Apr. 1821. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, p. 5) [CW1, p. 14]

Text

For my part, I think that I am going to settle irrevocably on religion. I am tired of searches that lead and can only lead nowhere. There, I am sure of finding peace and I will not be tormented by fears, even if I make mistakes. What is more, it is such a beautiful religion that I can imagine that you can love it to such an extent that you obtain happiness in this life.

If I manage to make up my mind, I will take up my former pleasures again. Literature, English, and Italian will take up my time as in the past. My spirit has been numbed by books on controversy, theology, and philosophy. I have already reread a few tragedies by Alfieri. . . .

Letter 7. Bayonne, 10 Sept. 1821. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 7. Bayonne, 10 Sept. 1821. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 5-6) [CW1, pp. 14-15]

Text

I want to let you have a word on my health. I am changing my way of life, I have abandoned my books, my philosophy, my devotion, my melancholy, in a word my spleen, and I am all the better for it. I am getting out in the world and it is singularly amusing. I feel the need for money, which makes [15] me keen to earn some, which gives me a taste for work, which leads me to spend the day quite pleasantly in the store, which, in the last analysis, is extremely beneficial to my mood and health. However, I sometimes regret the sentimental enjoyment to which nothing can be compared, the love of poverty, the taste for a retired and peaceful life, and I think that by indulging in a little pleasure, I have wanted only to wait for the moment to abandon it. Enduring solitude in society is a misconception and I am thankful that I have understood this in good time. . . .

Letter 8. Bayonne, 8 Dec. 1821. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 8. Bayonne, 8 Dec. 1821. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 6-8) [CW1, pp. 15-16]

Text

I was away, my dear friend, when your letter arrived in Bayonne, which has made my reply somewhat late. How pleased I was to receive this dear letter! The longer the time of our separation recedes from us the more tenderly I think of you and prize having a good friend all the more. I have found no one here to replace you in my heart. How fond we were of one another! For four years, we were not parted from one another for an instant. Often the uniformity of our way of life and the perfect harmony of our feelings and thoughts did not allow us to talk much. With any other, silent walks of such length would have been unbearable; with you, however, I was never tired and they left me nothing to want for. I know people who love one another just to show off their friendship, while we loved each other unobtrusively and frankly; we realized that our friendship was remarkable only when someone brought it to our attention. Here, dear friend, everyone loves me but I have no friend. . . .

. . . So, here you are, my friend, in your robes and mortarboard. I find it difficult to know whether you have the disposition for the task you have chosen. I know that you have a great deal of justice and sound judgment, but that is the least of your requirements. You also need ease of speech, but is it pure enough? Your accent is not likely to have improved in Toulouse nor got any better in Perpignan. Mine is still dreadful and will probably never change. You love studying and quite like discussion. I therefore think that you should now concentrate on the study of law, as these are notions that can be learned only by working, like history and geography, and later on the physical aspects of your profession. Grace, and noble and easy gestures, a certain veneer, the kind of glances and gestures of the hand, that indefinable something that will attract, warn, and carry people along. That is halfway to [16] success. Read the letters by Lord Chesterfield3 to his son on this subject. It is a book whose moral code I am far from approving, attractive as it is, but a true mind like yours will easily be able to set aside what is bad and profit from what is good.

For my part, it is not Themis4 but blind fortune that I have chosen or which has been chosen for me as a lover. However, I must admit, my ideas on this goddess have changed a great deal. This base metal is no longer so base in my eyes. Doubtless, it was a fine thing to see the Fabricii and Curii5 remaining poor when the only reward of robbery and usury was wealth, and doubtless Cincinnatus did well to eat broad beans and radishes, since he would have had to sell his inheritance and honor to eat more delicate dishes. But times have changed. In Rome, wealth was the fruit of chance, birth, and conquests; today, it is the reward only of work, industry,6 and economy. In these circumstances, it is nothing if not honorable. Only a real fool taken from secondary school would scorn a man who knows how to acquire assets with honesty and use them with discernment. I do not believe that the world is wrong in this respect when it honors the rich; its error is to honor indiscriminately the honest rich man and the rich scoundrel. . . .

Letter 9. Bayonne, 20 Oct. 1822. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 9. Bayonne, 20 Oct. 1821. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 8-9) [CW1, pp. 16-17]

Text

Everyone pursues happiness, everyone situates it in a certain condition of life and aspires to it. The happiness you attach to a retired life has perhaps no other merit than to be perceived from a great distance. I have loved solitude more than you have, I have sought it with passion and have enjoyed it, but if it had lasted a few months longer, it would have led me to the grave. Men, and especially young men, cannot live alone. They grasp things with too much ardor, and if their thought is not spread over a thousand varied objects, the one that absorbs them will kill them.

I would like solitude, but I would want to have it with books, friends, a [17] family, and material interests. Yes, interests my friend, do not laugh at this word; they bind people together and generate work. You may be sure that a philosopher, even if he were interested in agriculture, would soon be bored if he had to cultivate someone else’s land free of charge. It is interest that embellishes an estate in the eyes of its owner, which puts a value on the inventory, makes Orgon happy, and makes the Optimist say:

You appreciate that when I speak of returns or of interests, I do not mean that sentiment that is close to egoism.

To be happy, I would like, therefore, to own an estate in a lively country, especially in a country where old memories and long-standing habits would have given me a link with everything there. This is when you enjoy everything, this is the via vitalis.7 I would like to have as my neighbors or even as coinhabitants friends like you, Carrière, and a few others. I would like an estate which was not so large that I would be able to neglect it, nor so small that it would give me worries and deprivations. I would like a wife. . . . I am not going to draw her portrait, I rather feel that I would be incapable of doing it and I would myself be (I have no false modesty with you) my children’s teacher. They would not be bold as in towns, nor uncouth as in lightly populated areas. It would take too much time to go into the details, but I assure you that my plan has the supreme merit, that of not being romantic. . . .

Letter 10. Bayonne, Dec. 1822. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 10. Bayonne, Dec. 1822. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 9-10) [CW1, pp. 17-18]

Text

. . . . . . .

Yesterday, I was reading a tragedy by Casimir Delavigne entitled The Pariah.8 I am no longer used to making critical analyses, so I will not discuss this poem with you. What is more, I have abandoned the general tendency of French readers to look for transgressions of the rules in what they read rather than pleasure. If I enjoy what I read, I am not very critical of the work, since the interest is the most important of its attractions. I have noticed that the weak point of all modern tragedians is dialogue. In my view, M. Casimir [18] Delavigne, who is better at this than Arnault and Jouy, is far from being perfect. His dialogues are not short enough nor sufficiently consistent, but rather tirades and speeches which do not even relate to one another, and this is a fault that readers forgive the least easily since the work thus becomes less true to life and less plausible. I seem rather to be present at a discussion between two preachers or the advocacy of two barristers than listening to a sincere, lively, and unaffected conversation between two people. Alfieri excels in dialogue, I think, and Racine’s is also very simple and natural. For the rest, carried along by a lively interest (which perhaps is not sufficiently often suspended) I rather skimmed than read The Pariah. Its versification seemed to me to be fine and rather too metaphorical if the characters were not Eastern. But the disaster was rather too easy to predict and from the beginning the reader is not in suspense.

Letter 11. Bayonne, 15 Dec. 1824. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 11. Bayonne, 15 Dec. 1824. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 14-16) [CW1, pp. 18-19]

Text

I note with pleasure that you are fervently studying English, my dear Félix. As soon as you have overcome the initial difficulties, you will find in this language a font of resources because of the great number of works it possesses. Apply yourself above all to translation and fill your storehouse with words and the rest will follow. At school I had a notebook and folded the pages in two; on one side I wrote all the English words I did not know and on the other the corresponding French ones. This method enabled me to stamp the words more effectively in my head. When you have finished Paul et Virginie,10 I will send you some other things; in the meantime I will note here a few lines of Pope to see if you can translate them. I must confess that I doubt this, since it was a long time before I reached this stage.

I am not surprised that studying is so attractive to you. I would also like it a lot if other uncertainties did not torment me. I am still like a bird on the [19] branch, since I do not want to do anything to displease my parents, but as long as this continues I will be setting aside any ambitious projects and will continue with solitary study.

• Let us (since Life can little more supply
• Than just to look about us, and to die)
• Expatiate free o’er all this scene of man.11

I should not be afraid that study will not be enough to quench my ardor, since I will stop at nothing less than acquiring knowledge of politics, history, geography, mathematics, mechanics, natural history, botany, four or five languages, etc., etc.

I must tell you that, since my grandfather became subject to attacks of fever, his mind is disturbed and consequently he does not want to see any member of his family go too far away. I know that I would worry him considerably if I went to Paris, and this being the case I can see that I will abandon the idea since the last thing in the world I wish to do is to cause him pain. I am fully aware that this sacrifice is not that of a fleeting pleasure but one affecting the usefulness of my entire life, but in the end I am determined to make it to avoid hurting my grandfather. On the other hand, I do not, just for a few business reasons, wish to continue the type of life I live here, and consequently I am going to suggest to my grandfather that I settle permanently in Mugron. There again I fear a snag, that people will want me to take over part of the administration of the estate, which means that I will find in Mugron all of the disadvantages of Bayonne. I am not at all suited to sharing administration. I want to do it all or none of it. I am too gentle to dominate and too vain to be dominated. But in the end I will lay down my conditions. If I go to Mugron, it will be to concentrate only on my studies. I will drag along as many books as I can, and I do not doubt that after a little time I will come to take a great deal of pleasure in this type of life.

Letter 12. Bayonne, 8 Jan. 1825. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 12. Bayonne, 8 Jan. 1825. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 16-17) [CW1, pp. 19-21]

Text

I am sending you the preceding pages, my dear Félix, which will be a constant proof that I am not neglecting to reply to you but merely to forward [20] the letter. I have this unfortunate fault resulting from my untidy habits which means that I believe that I have done my duty to my friends when I write to them, without thinking that the letter itself has to be sent.

You talk to me about political economy as though I knew more about it than you. If you have read Say carefully, as you appear to have done, I can assure you that you will have left me far behind, since I have read only the following four works on this subject, Smith,12 Say, Destutt, and Le Censeur. What is more, I have never studied M. Say in depth, especially the second volume, which I have just glanced through. You have given up hope that sane ideas on this subject will ever penetrate public opinion, but I do not share your despair. On the contrary, I believe that the peace that has reigned in Europe for the last ten years has spread them a great deal, and it is a good thing perhaps that this progress is slow and imperceptible. The Americans in the United States have very sound ideas on these matters, although they have set up customs stations in retaliation. England, which is always at the head of civilization in Europe, is now giving a good example by gradually giving up the system that hampers it.13 In France, commerce is enlightened but owners are less so, and manufacturers work just as hard to retain their monopolies. Unfortunately, we do not have a chamber capable of ascertaining the true state of the nation’s understanding. The seven-year period14 is also detrimental to this slow and upward drift of ideas from public opinion which partly rejuvenates the legislature. Finally, a few events and above all the incorrigible French character that enthuses about anything new and is always ready to treat itself to a few fine words will prevent the truth from triumphing for a short while. But I do not despair. The press, necessity, and financial interest will end up by achieving what reason still cannot. If you read Le Journal du commerce, you will have seen how the English government tries to enlighten itself by officially consulting the most enlightened traders and manufacturers. The conclusion then agreed is that the prosperity of Great Britain is not the product of the system it has followed but the result of many other [21] causes. It is not enough for two facts to exist at the same time to conclude that one is the cause and the other the effect. In England, trade restrictions and prosperity certainly relate to each other through coexistence and contiguity, but not through causation. England has prospered not because of, but in spite of, countless taxes. This is the reason I find the language of ministers so ridiculous when they say to us each year, “You see how rich England is, it pays a billion!”

I think that if I had more paper, I would continue this abstruse chatter. Farewell, with my fondest good wishes.

Letter 13. Bordeaux, 9 Apr. 1827. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 13. Bordeaux, 9 Apr. 1827. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 18-20) [CW1, pp. 21-23]

Text

My dear Félix, as I have not yet decided when I will be returning to Mugron, I want to break the monotony of my absence with the pleasure of writing to you and I will begin by giving you a few items of literary news.

First of all, I will tell you that MM Lamennais and Dunoyer (whose names are not habitually linked in this way) are still at the same point, that is to say, the former at his fourth volume and the latter at his first.15

In a newspaper entitled Revue encyclopédique, I read a few articles which I found interesting, including a very short study on the work of Comte16 (a study limited to a short expression of praise), considerations on insurance and in general on the applications of the calculation of probabilities, a speech by M. Charles Dupin on the influence of public education, and lastly an article by Dunoyer entitled “A Study of Popular Opinion,” to which the name of industrialism17 has been given.18 In this article, M. Dunoyer does not go back further than MM B. Constant and J. B. Say, whom he quotes as being the first political writers to have observed that the purpose of social activity is industry. To tell you the truth, these authors have not perceived the use that might be made of this observation. The latter has considered such industry only in the light of the production, distribution, and consumption of wealth and in his introduction he even defines politics as the science of the [22] organization of society, which seems to prove that, like eighteenth-century authors, he sees politics only as concerning the forms of government and not as the basis and purpose of society. As for M. B. Constant, after being the first to have proclaimed this truth, that the aim of society’s activity is to secure industry, he is so far from having made it the basis of his doctrine that his major work19 covers only forms of government, the checks and balances of political power, etc. etc. Dunoyer then moves on to an examination of Le Censeur européen, whose authors, once they had taken over the isolated observations of their predecessors, have made from them an entire corpus of doctrine which is discussed with care in this article. I cannot analyze an article for you that is itself just an analysis. I will tell you, however, that Dunoyer seems to me to have reformed a few of the opinions that were predominant in Le Censeur. For example, I think that he is now giving the word industry a more extended meaning than before, since he includes in this word any work that tends to improve our faculties; thus any useful and legitimate work counts as industry and any man who takes part in it, from the head of the government to an artisan, is a producer.20 From this it follows that Dunoyer continues to think as before that, in the same way that hunting peoples select their most skillful hunter to be their leader, and warlike peoples the most intrepid warrior, industrious peoples should also summon to the helm of public affairs those men who have most distinguished themselves in industry. However, he thinks that he has made a mistake in individually naming the branches of production from which the choice of rulers should be made and in particular, agriculture, commerce, manufacturing, and banking, for although these four sectors doubtless cover the majority of the huge circle of industry, they are not the only ones through which men hone their faculties by means of work and several others appear even more suited to training legislators, such as those of jurist and man of letters.

I have discovered a real treasure in a slim volume containing a mixture of moral and political writings by Franklin.21 I am so keen on this that I have started to use the same means as he to become as good and happy as he. [23] However, there are some virtues that I will not even seek to acquire since they appear to be quite unattainable in my case. I will bring you this small work.

I have also come across by chance a very detailed article on beet sugar. Its authors have calculated that it would cost the manufacturer ninety centimes a pound, where cane sugar sells at one franc ten centimes. You can see that, assuming total success, it would leave not much of a margin. What is more, to devote oneself with pleasure to this type of work and perfect it, you would need a knowledge of chemistry, which unfortunately is totally foreign to me. Be that as it may, I was bold enough to write a letter to M. Clément. Lord only knows whether he will reply.

For the sum of three francs a month, I am attending a course in botany three times a week. We cannot learn much there, as you can see, but apart from passing the time, it is useful in putting me in touch with the people who are concerned with science.

This is just chatter; if it did not cost you so much to write, I would ask you to reciprocate by return.

Letter 14. Mugron, 3 Dec. 1827. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 14. Mugron, 3 Dec. 1827. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 20-21) [CW1, p. 23]

Text

. . . You are encouraging me to carry out my project, and I do not think I have ever in my life been so determined. From the start of 1828, I will use my time in removing the obstacles, the most considerable of which are pecuniary. Going to England, renovating my house, purchasing the livestock, instruments, and books I need, organizing the financing for wages and seed, all for a small sharecropping farm (because I want to start with just one), I feel will carry me a bit far. It is clear to me that in the first two or three years, my agriculture will not produce much, both because of my inexperience and because the crop rotation I propose to adopt will show its full effect only in due course. However, I am very happy with my situation since, if I did not have enough to live on and a bit more from my little property, it would be impossible to undertake such an enterprise; for as I can sacrifice the income from my property, if need be, nothing prevents me from doing what I want. I read books on agriculture and nothing equals the beauty of this working life, because it has everything, but it requires knowledge that is foreign to me, such as natural history, chemistry, mineralogy, mathematics, and many other things.

Farewell, my dear Félix, good luck and return soon.

Letter 15. Mugron, 12 March 1829. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 15. Mugron, 12 March 1829. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, p. 10) [CW1, p. 24]

Text

. . . . . . .

On this subject, do you know that I am intending to go into print in my lifetime? What, I can hear you say, Bastiat an author? What is he going to give us? A collection of ten or twelve tragedies? An epic? Or perhaps some madrigals? Will he follow in the footsteps of Walter Scott or Lord Byron? None of these things, my friend; I have limited myself to gathering together the heaviest forms of reasoning on the heaviest of questions. In a word, I am dealing with our system of trade restrictions. See if that tempts you, and if so I will send you my complete works, once, of course, they have been given the honor of being printed. I wanted to tell you more about this, but I have too much else to say to you. . . .22

Letter 16. Mugron, Jul. 1829. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 16. Mugron, July 1829. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, pp. 10-11) [CW1, pp. 24-25]

Text

. . . I am pleased to see that we have nearly the same opinion. Yes, as long as our deputies want to further their own business and not that of the general public, the public will remain just the tail end of the people in power. However, in my opinion, the evil comes from further afield. We easily surmise (since it suits our amour propre) that all evil results from power; on the contrary, I am convinced that its source is the ignorance and inertia of the masses. What use do we make of the rights given to us? The constitution tells us that we will pay what we consider appropriate and authorizes us to send our representatives to Paris to establish the amount which we wish to hand over in order to be governed; we then give our power of attorney to people who are beneficiaries of taxation. Those who complain about the prefects are themselves represented by them. Those who deplore the wars of sympathy23 we are waging in the east and the west, sometimes in favor of freedom for a people, sometimes to put another into servitude, are themselves represented by army generals. We expect prefects to vote for their own [25] elimination and men of war to become imbued with pacifist ideas!24 This is a shocking contradiction. But, men will say, we expect from our deputies dedication and self-renunciation, virtues from classical times which we would like to see resurrected in our midst. What a puerile illusion! What sort of policy can be based on a principle distasteful to human organization? At no time in history have men ever renounced themselves, and in my view it would be a great misfortune if this virtue took the place of personal interest. If you generalize self-renunciation in public opinion, you will see society destroyed. Personal interest, on the other hand, leads to individuals bettering themselves and consequently the masses, which are made up solely of individuals. It will be alleged, pointlessly, that the interest of one man is opposed to that of another; in my opinion this is a serious, antisocial error.25 And, if we may progress from general notions to their application, if taxpayers are themselves represented by men with the same interests as they, reforms will occur by themselves. There are some who fear that the government would be destroyed by a spirit of economy, as though each person did not feel that it was in his interest to pay for a force responsible for the repression of evildoers.

I embrace you warmly.

Letter 17. Bayonne, 4 Aug. 1830. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 17. Bayonne, 4 Aug. 1830. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 21-24) [CW1, pp. 25-28]

Text

26

My dear Félix, I am so over the moon I can scarcely hold my pen. It is not a question here of a slave revolt, the slaves indulging in greater excesses, if that is possible, than their oppressors. It is enlightened men who are rich [26] and prudent who are sacrificing their interests and their lives to establishing order and its inseparable companion, freedom. Let people tell us after this that riches weaken courage, that enlightenment leads to disorganization, etc., etc. I wish you could see Bayonne. Young people are carrying out all forms of service in the most perfect order; they are receiving and sending out letters, mounting guard, and are acting as local, administrative, and military authorities all at once. Everyone is working together, townsmen, magistrates, lawyers, and soldiers. It is an admirable spectacle for anyone who is capable of seeing it, and if I used to be only half committed to the Scottish persuasion,27 I would be doubly so today.

A provisional government28 has been set up in Paris, made up of MM Laffitte, Audry-Puiraveau,29 Casimir Périer, Odier, Lobeau, Gérard, Schonen, Mauguin, and La Fayette as the commander of the National Guard, which is more than forty thousand men. These people could make themselves dictators; you will see that they will do nothing to enrage those who have no belief in either good sense or virtue.

I will not go into detail on the misfortunes which the terrible Praetorian guards, known as royal guards, have inflicted on Paris. Sixteen regiments of these men, greedy for power, roamed the streets, cutting the throats of men, children, and old men. It is said that two thousand students lost their lives there. Bayonne is mourning the loss of several of its sons; on the other hand, the gendarmerie, the Swiss mercenaries, and bodyguards were crushed the next day. This time, the regular infantry, far from remaining neutral, fought vigorously for the nation. However, we still have to mourn the loss of twenty thousand brothers who died to secure liberty30 and benefits for us which they will never enjoy. I heard the hope for these frightful massacres expressed in our circle;31 the person who expressed it must feel satisfied.

The nation was led by a crowd of deputies and peers of France, including [27] generals Sémélé, Gérard, La Fayette, Lobeau, etc., etc. Despotism had entrusted its cause to Marmont, who, it is said, has been killed.

The École polytechnique has suffered greatly and fought bravely.

At last, calm has been restored and there is no longer a single soldier in Paris; this great town, following three consecutive days and nights of massacres and horror, is governing itself and governing France, as if it were in the hands of statesmen. . . .

It is fair to proclaim that the regular troops supported the national will everywhere. Here, a hundred and forty-nine officers met to deliberate. One hundred and forty-eight swore that they would break their swords and tear off their epaulettes rather than massacre a people just because they do not wish to be oppressed. In Bordeaux and Rennes, their conduct was the same, which reconciles me somewhat to the law of recruitment.

The National Guard is being organized everywhere and three major advantages are expected. The first is to prevent disorder, the second to maintain what we have just acquired, and the third to show other nations that while we do not wish to conquer others, we are ourselves impregnable.

Some believe that to satisfy the desires of those who consider that France can exist only as a monarchy the crown will be offered to the duc d’Orléans.32

For my part, my dear Félix, I was pleasantly disappointed; I came looking for danger, I wanted to conquer with my fellow men or die with them, but I found only laughing faces and, instead of the roar of cannon, I heard only outbursts of joy. The population of Bayonne is admirable for its calm, energy, patriotism, and unanimity, but I think I have already told you that.

Bordeaux has not been so fortunate. There were a few excesses. M. Curzay seized the letters of office.33 On the 29th or 30th, of the four young men who were sent to claim them back as a sacred property, one was run through by his sword and he wounded another. The two others threw him to the crowd, who would have massacred him had the constitutionalists not pleaded for him.

Farewell, I am tired of writing and must be forgetting many things. It is midnight and for the last week I have not slept a wink. At least today, we can indulge ourselves in sleep.

[28]

There is talk of a movement of four Spanish regiments on our border. They will be well received.

Letter 18. Bayonne, 5 Aug. 1830. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 18. Bayonne, 5 Aug. 1830. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 24-27) [CW1, pp. 28-30]

Text

My dear Félix, I will not talk any more about Paris to you as the newspapers will inform you of all that is going on. Our cause is triumphing, the nation is admirable, and the people will be happy.

Here the future appears to be darker. Fortunately, the question will be decided this very day. I will scribble the result for you in the margin.

This is the situation. On the 3rd, many groups were gathered in the square and were discussing, with extraordinary exaltation, whether we should not immediately take the initiative of displaying the tricolor flag. I moved about without taking part in the discussions, as whatever I said would have had no effect. As always happens, when everyone talks at once, no one does anything and the flag was not displayed.

The following morning, the same question was raised. The soldiers were still well disposed to let us act, but during the hesitation, dispatches arrived for the colonels and obviously cooled down their zeal for the cause. One of them even cried out in front of me that we had a king and a charter and that we ought to be faithful to them, that the king could not do wrong, that his ministers were the only guilty ones, etc., etc. He was replied to roundly . . . but this repeated inaction gave me an idea which, by dint of my turning it over in my mind, got so ingrained there that since then I have not thought till now of anything else.

It became clear to me that we had been betrayed. The king, I said to myself, can have one hope only, that of retaining Bayonne and Perpignan; from these two points, he would raise the Midi and the west and rely on Spain and the Pyrenees. He could foment a civil war in a triangle whose base would be the Pyrenees and the summit Toulouse, with the two angles being fortresses. The country it comprises is the very home of ignorance and fanaticism; one side of it touches Spain, the second the Vendée, and the third Provence. The more I thought about it, the clearer this project became. I told my most influential friends about it but they, inexcusably, had been summoned at the citizens’ pleasure to take charge of various organizations and no longer had time to think of serious matters.

Other people had had the same idea as I, and by dint of shouting and [29] repetition it became general. But what could we do when we were unable to deliberate and agree, nor make ourselves heard? I withdrew to reflect and conceived several projects.

The first, which was already that of the entire population of Bayonne, was to display the flag and endeavor, through this movement, to win over the garrison of the chateau and the citadel. This was done yesterday at two o’clock in the afternoon, but by old people who did not attach the same significance to it as Soustra, I, and a lot of others, with the result that this coup failed.

I then took my papers of authorization to go to the army encampment to look for General Lamarque. I was relying on his reputation, his rank, his character as a deputy and his eloquence to win over the two colonels and, if need be, on his vigor to hold them up for two hours and present himself at the citadel in full military dress, followed by the National Guard with the flag at their head. I was on the point of mounting my horse when I received word that the general had left for Paris, and this caused the project, which was undoubtedly the surest and least dangerous, to fail.

I immediately had a discussion with Soustra, who unfortunately was occupied with other cares, telegraphic dispatches, the soldiers’ encampment, the National Guard, etc., etc.; we went to find the officers of the 9th, who have an excellent spirit, and suggested that they seize the citadel; and we undertook to lead six hundred resolute young men. They promised us the support of their entire regiment, after having, in the meantime, deposed their colonel.

Do not say, my dear Félix, that our conduct was imprudent or frivolous. After what has happened in Paris, what is most important is that the national flag should fly over the citadel in Bayonne. Without that, I can see civil war in the next ten years, and, although I do not doubt the success of the cause, I would willingly go so far as to sacrifice my life, an attitude shared by all my friends, to spare our poor provinces from this fearful scourge.

Yesterday evening, I drafted the attached proclamation to the 7th Light, who guard the citadel, as we intended to have it delivered to them before the action.

This morning, when I got up, I thought that it was all over; all the officers of the 9th were wearing the tricolor cockade, the soldiers could not contain their joy, and it was even being said that officers of the 7th had been seen wearing these fine colors. An adjutant had even shown me personally the positive order, given to the entire 11th division, to display our flag. However, hours went by and the banner of liberty was still not visible over the citadel. [30] It is said that the traitor J—— is advancing from Bordeaux with the 55th regulars. Four Spanish regiments are at the border, there is not a moment to lose. The citadel must be in our hands this evening or civil war will break out. We will act with vigor if necessary, but I, who am carried along by enthusiasm without being blind to the facts, can see that it will be impossible to succeed if the garrison, which is said to be imbued with a good spirit, does not abandon the government. We will perhaps have a few wins but no success. But we should not become discouraged for all that, as we must do everything to avoid civil war. I am resolved to leave straight away after the action, if it fails, to try to raise the Chalosse. I will suggest to others that they do likewise in the Landes, the Béarn, and the Basque country; and through famine, wiles, or force we will win over the garrison.

I will keep the paper remaining to me to let you know how this ends.

The 5th at midnight

I was expecting blood but it was only wine that was spilt. The citadel has displayed the tricolor flag. The military containment of the Midi and Toulouse has decided that of Bayonne; the regiments down there have displayed the flag. The traitor J—— thus saw that the plan had failed, especially as the troops were defecting on all sides; he then decided to hand over the orders he had had in his pocket for three days. Thus, it is all over. I plan to leave immediately. I will embrace you tomorrow.

This evening we fraternized with the garrison officers. Punch, wine, liqueurs, and above all, Béranger contributed largely to the festivities. Perfect cordiality reigned in this truly patriotic gathering. The officers were warmer than we were, in the same way as horses which have escaped are more joyful than those that are free.

Farewell, all has ended. The proclamation is no longer useful and is not worth the two sous it will cost you.

Letter 19. Bayonne, 22 Apr. 1831. To Victor Calmètes↩

Source

Letter 19. Bayonne, 22 Apr. 1831. To Victor Calmètes (OC1, p. 12) [CW1, pp. 30-31]

Text

I am annoyed that a property qualification for eligibility34 should be an obstacle to your election or at least to your standing as a candidate. I have always thought that it was sufficient to require guarantees from electors, and [31] that that required from candidates is a disastrous duplication. It is true that deputies should be remunerated, but that is too close to the knuckle, and it is ridiculous that France, which pays everybody, should not remunerate its businessmen.

In the district in which I live, General Lamarque will be elected outright for the rest of his life. He has talent, probity, and a huge fortune. This is more than what is required. In the third district of the Landes, a few young people who share the opinions of the left have offered me the opportunity of being a candidate.35 As I have no remarkable talents, fortune, influence, or relations, it is certain beyond doubt that I would have no chance, especially as the movement is not very popular around here. However, as I have adopted the principle that the post of deputy should be neither solicited nor refused, I replied that I would not involve myself in it and that whatever the post my fellow citizens called on me to undertake, I was ready to devote my fortune and life to them. In a few days they should be holding a meeting at which they will decide on their choice of a candidate. If their choice falls on me, I admit that I would be overjoyed, not for myself, since apart from the fact that my definite nomination is impossible (if it occurred it would ruin me), but because I hanker today only for the triumph of principles, which are part of my existence, and that if I am not certain of my means, I am of my vote and my ardent patriotism. I will keep you informed. . . .

Letter 20. Bordeaux, 2 March 1834. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 20. Bordeaux, 2 March 1834. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 27-28) [CW1, pp. 31-32]

Text

. . . I have spent a little time getting to know a few people and will succeed in doing so, I hope. But here, on every face to which you are polite you see written “What is there to gain from you?” It is discouraging. It is true that a new newspaper is being founded. The prospectus does not tell you very much and the editor still less, since the first has been written with the pathos that is all the fashion and the second, assuming that I am a man of the party, limited himself to making me feel how inadequate Le Mémorial36 and L’Indicateur were for patriots. All that I was able to obtain was a great deal of insistence that I should take out a subscription.

[32]

Fonfrède37 is perfectly in line with Say’s principles. He writes long articles which would be very good in a sustained work. I will take the risk of going to visit him.

I believe that a series of lectures would succeed here and I am tempted. I think that I would have the strength to do it, especially if one could start with the second session, since I admit that I could not answer at the first or even be able to read fluently, but I cannot thus abandon all my business affairs. We will see about it nevertheless this winter.

A teacher of chemistry has established himself here already. I dined with him without knowing that he gave classes. If I had known, I would have found out how many pupils he had, what the cost was, etc. I would have found out whether, with a history teacher, a teacher of mechanics, and a teacher of political economy a sort of Athenaeum could be formed. If I lived in Bordeaux, it would have been very unfortunate if I did not manage to set it up, even if I had to bear all the costs myself, since I am convinced that if a library were added, this establishment would succeed. Learn history, therefore, and we will perhaps try one day.

I will stop now; thirty drummers are practicing under my window and I cannot hear myself think.

Letter 21. Bayonne, 16 June 1840. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 21. Bayonne, 16 June 1840. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, p. 29) [CW1, pp. 32-33]

Text

38

My dear Félix, I am still about to leave; we have booked our seats three times already and finally they have been booked and paid for Friday. We have been out of luck, for when we were ready, the Carlist General Balmaceda blocked the roads and it is to be feared that we will have difficulty in getting through. But you must not say anything so as not to worry my aunt, [33] who is already only too ready to fear the Spanish. For my part, I find that the business that is propelling us toward Madrid is worth taking a few risks for. Up to now, it has shown itself in a very favorable light. We would find the capital required here if we limited ourselves above all to founding just a Spanish company.39 Will we be stopped by the sluggishness of this nation? In this case, I will have to bear my traveling costs and will be compensated by the pleasure of having seen at close quarters a people whose qualities and faults distinguish it from all the others.

If I note anything of interest, I will take care to keep it in my wallet to let you know.

Letter 22. Madrid, 6 Jul. 1840. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 22. Madrid, 6 July 1840. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 29-32) [CW1, pp. 33-35]

Text

My dear Félix, I have received your letter of the 6th. From what you tell me of my dear aunt, I see that for the moment she is in good health but she has been somewhat unwell; for me that is the reverse side of the coin. Madrid today is a theater that is perhaps unique in the world, which Spanish laziness and lack of interest are handing over to foreigners who, like me, have some knowledge of the customs and language of the country. I am certain that I could do excellent business here, but the idea of being away from my aunt at an age when her health is starting to become delicate, prevents me from thinking of announcing my exile.

Since I have set foot in this singular country, I have meant to write to you a hundred times. But you will excuse me for not having had the energy to do this when you learn that we devote the morning to business, the evening to an essential walk, and the day to sleeping and gasping under the weight of heat that is uncomfortable more because it is continuous than by reason of its intensity. I have forgotten what clouds look like, since the sky is perfectly clear and the sun fierce. You can rest assured, my dear Félix, that it is not through negligence that I have delayed writing to you, but I am really not suited to this climate and I begin to regret that we did not postpone our departure by two months. . . .

I am surprised that the aim of my trip is still a secret in Mugron. It is no longer one in Bayonne and, before my departure, I wrote about it to [34] Domenger to commit him to taking an interest in our business. It is really excellent, but will we succeed in founding it? I cannot yet say; the bankers in Madrid are a thousand miles away from organized opposition and any idea imported from abroad is welcomed by them with suspicion. They are also very difficult on questions relating to people, with each one saying to you, “I am taking no part in the business if such and such a house is taking part.” The fact is, they earn so much money with supplies, loans, monopolies, etc., that they do not bother much with anything else. There are a lot of obstacles to overcome, and it is all the more difficult because they do not give you the opportunity of seeing them in more relaxed surroundings. Their houses are as barricaded as fortresses. We have found two classes of bankers here; the first, Spaniards of old families, are the most difficult to persuade, but they are also the ones who can give the most consistent support to the enterprise. The others, who are bolder and more European, are more approachable but have less standing. They form the old and new Spain. We had to choose and have knocked on the door of pure Spain, and I fear that it will refuse and that, in addition, by this very act, we will have the door of modern Spain slammed in our faces. We will abandon the quest only when we have exhausted all the means to success and we have reason to believe that the solution will not be long in coming.

This business and the heat are so absorbing me that I really do not have the energy to apply my powers of observation to anything else. I am not taking any notes, in spite of the fact that I am not short of subjects. I am in a position to see how things work and, if I had the strength and talent to write, I think I would be able to write letters as interesting as those of Custine40 and perhaps more true to life.

To give you an idea of how easy I would find it to live here, apart from the business being done and in which I might take part, I have been given an opportunity of involving myself in court proceedings taken by Italian houses against the Spanish nobility, which would give me enough to live on without undertaking other work, but the thought of my aunt has made me reject this offer. It smiled on me as being a way of prolonging my stay and studying this theater, but my duty obliges me to refuse it.

My friend, I very much fear that Catholicism will suffer the same fate here as in France. There is nothing more beautiful, dignified, solemn, and [35] imposing than religious ceremonies in Spain, but other than that I cannot see in what respect this people is more spiritual than others. This is, moreover, a subject we will discuss at length on my return, when I have had the opportunity of observing it better.

Farewell, my dear Félix, please visit my aunt and give her my news. I assure you of my deepest friendship.

Letter 23. Madrid, 16 Jul. 1840. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 23. Madrid, 16 July 1840. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 32-34) [CW1, pp. 35-36]

Text

My dear Félix, I thank you for your fine letters dated 1st and 6th July; my aunt also took the trouble to write to me so that, up to now, I have received news often and I need it. I cannot say that I am bored, but I am so unused to living far from home that I am happy only on the days I receive letters.

You are doubtless curious to know where we are with our insurance company. I am now almost certain that we will succeed. A great deal of time is necessary to win over the Spaniards whose names we need, and then much more is required to operate such a huge machine with inexperienced people. But I am convinced that we will reach our goal. The share that Soustra and I should be having in the profits, as the founders, has not been settled. It is a delicate matter to which we are not referring, since neither of us is very bold in this connection. This being so, we will defer to the decision of the Board of Directors. For me, this will be a subject on which to gain experience and make observations. Let us see whether the Spanish, who are so suspicious, so reserved, and so unapproachable, are honest and great when they know people. Apart from this matter, our business is progressing slowly but surely. Right now, we have the key to the whole matter, nine names from which to form a board, and names that are so well known and honorable that it seems impossible that anyone will think of competing with us. This evening there will be a meeting to examine the statutes and conditions and I hope that at the first round the company’s articles of association will be signed. When this is done, perhaps I will return to France to see my aunt and attend the session of the General Council. If I can do this at all, I will. But I will then have to return to Spain, because the company will give me the opportunity to make a complete journey free of charge. Up to now, I cannot say that I have traveled much. With my two companions, I have not entered a single Spanish house, apart from the stores. The heat has canceled all public meetings, balls, theater performances, and bullfights. Our room and a few [36] offices, the French restaurant and the walk to the Prado form the circle from which we do not stray. I would like to take my revenge soon. Soustra leaves on the 26th as he is needed in Bayonne. Read all of this to my aunt, whom I embrace fondly.

The most marked characteristic of the Spanish nature is its hatred and suspicion of foreigners. I think this is a genuine vice, but it must be said that it is encouraged by the self-conceit and trickery of many foreigners. They blame and ridicule everything; they criticize the cooking, the furniture, the rooms, and all the customs of the country because in fact the Spanish pay little attention to life’s comforts. However, we who know, my dear Félix, to what extent individuals, families, and nations can be happy without enjoying these types of material comforts will be in no hurry to condemn Spain. These foreigners will arrive with their pockets full of plans and absurd projects, and because people do not rush to acquire their shares they become annoyed and cry ignorance and stupidity. This rush of swindlers at first did us a great disservice and will continue to do so to any good business. For my part, I am pleased to think that Spanish suspicion will prevent the nation from falling into the trap, since the foreigners, once they have brought their plans, if they want them to succeed, will be forced to bring in capital and in many instances French workers.

Please give me news of Mugron from time to time, my dear Félix; you know how much homesickness overcomes us when we are far away.

Farewell, my dear Félix; please remember me to your sister.

Letter 24. Madrid, 17 Aug. 1840. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 24. Madrid, 17 Aug. 1840. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 34-39) [CW1, pp. 36-41]

Text

. . . You have asked me a question I cannot answer: How can the Spanish people allow the monks to be chased away and killed?41 I ask myself this often, but I do not know the country well enough to explain this phenomenon to myself. What is probable is that the era of monks is finished everywhere. Their uselessness, rightly or wrongly, is a generally established belief. Assuming that there were forty thousand monks in Spain, involving as many families with five members, that would only make two hundred thousand [37] inhabitants compared with ten million. Their immense riches may have tempted many people from the prosperous class, and the prospect of being relieved from a host of fiscal impositions may have tempted many people from the ordinary class. The fact is that the power of the monks is finished; but certainly no measure, assuming it is necessary, has ever been conducted with as much savagery, as much lack of foresight and political tact.

The government was in the hands of the moderates who wanted monasteries to be abolished but did not dare to set about it. Financially, the hope was, with the product of the national property, to pay Spain’s debts, end the civil war, and restore the state of the finances. Politically, through the division of the lands, they wanted to reconcile a considerable part of the people to the revolution. I think that this aim has been unsuccessful.

As they did not dare to act legally, an agreement was reached with the fanatics. One night, the fanatics broke into the monasteries. In Barcelona, Malaga, Seville, Madrid, and Valladolid they cut the throats of the monks or chased them away. The government and the public forces remained impassive witnesses of these atrocities for three days. When the uprising ran out of steam, the government intervened and the minister Mendizabal issued a decree confiscating the monasteries and monastic property. This is now being sold; but you will have the measure of this government. Some individual or other declares that he wants to tender for an item of national property. The state has it valued and this valuation is always very low because the acquirer is in league with the assessor. Once this is done, the sale is processed publicly. Agreement is also reached with the notaries to avoid publicity, and the property is yours for a low price. You have to pay a fifth in cash and the other four-fifths in eight installments over eight years. The state receives in payment rent from various sources which is traded on the stock exchange at a loss ranging from 75 to 95 percent, that is to say, that with twenty-five francs and even with five, you pay one hundred francs.

Three things result from this: first, the state receives almost nothing, you can even say nothing; second, it is not those from the provinces who are buying, since they are not at the stock exchange to barter paper; and third, this mass of land sold all together for a pittance has depressed the price of other properties. In this way, the government, which has made scarcely enough to pay the army, will not be paying back the debt.

The property will be divided up only when the speculators sell it on.

The farmers have simply changed masters, and instead of paying farm rents to the monks, who, it is said, were very accommodating owners who [38] did not stick to the rules and who lent seed and even renounced income in bad years, they will be paying on the nail to Belgian and English companies which, uncertain as to the future, will be aiming to repay the state with produce from the land.

The simple peasant, in calamitous years, will no longer be given soup at the monastery door.

Lastly, humble owners will be able to sell their lands only for a pittance. This, it seems to me, will be the result of this disastrous operation.

More capable men had suggested that advantage be taken of an existing custom in use here: leases of fifty and even one hundred years. They wanted to lease farms to peasants at a moderate rate for fifty years. With the income, the annual interest on the debt would have been paid and Spain’s credit would have been raised, and at the end of fifty years the peasants would have had an immense capital, probably more than doubled through security and hard work. You will see at a glance the political and financial superiority of this arrangement.

Be that as it may, there are no more monks. What has become of them? Probably some died in the monasteries in the service of Don Carlos, and others would have succumbed to starvation in the gutters and attics of towns. A few may have found refuge with their families.

As for the monasteries, they have been converted into cafés, public dwellings, theaters, and most of all into barracks for another group of predators, rather cruder than the others. Several were demolished to widen streets and construct squares; on the site of the most beautiful of all, one that was considered to be a masterpiece of architecture, a passageway and a hall that clashed in style were built.

Nuns are no less to be pitied. In the event, those who wished to return to the world were thrashed; the others were enclosed in two or three convents, and because their property, which represented the dowries they had brought to their order, had been seized, they should have been paid a pension. However, since this is not paid, you can often see on convent gates this simple notice, Pan para las pobres monjas (bread for the poor nuns).

I am beginning to think, my dear Félix, that our M. Custine had really not seen Spain in its true light. Hatred for another civilization had made him seek here virtues which are not there. Perhaps he has on the contrary committed the same fault as the Spanish, who see nothing to criticize in [39] English civilization. It is with great difficulty that our prejudices allow us to see things as they are, let alone judge them well.

I am coming home, my dear Félix, and I have learned that tomorrow the law on ayuntamientos (local councils)42 will be proclaimed. I do not know whether I have spoken of this matter with you but here at least is a summary.

The moderate government, which has just fallen, had appreciated that, to govern Spain, the central power had to be given a certain authority over the provinces. Here, from time immemorial, each province, each town, and each village governs itself. As long as the monarchical principle and the influence of the clergy compensated for this extreme dilution of authority, things went on more or less well, but now this state of things cannot last. In Spain, each locality nominates its ayuntamiento, alcaldes, regidors,43 etc. These ayuntamientos, in addition to their municipal functions, are responsible for gathering taxes and raising troops. The result of this is that when a town has reason to be discontented, whether well founded or not, it limits itself to not collecting taxes or refusing to collect its share. What is more, it appears that these ayuntamientos are the centers of major abuses and that they do not hand over to the state half of the contributions they gather. The moderate party therefore wanted to undermine this power. A law has been proposed by the government, adopted by the chambers, and sanctioned by the queen, which stipulates that the queen will select the alcaldes from three candidates nominated by the people. The fanatics uttered loud cries, leading to the revolution in Barcelona and the intervention of Espartero’s saber. However, what is seen only here, and what you have to be here to grasp, is that the queen, although obliged to change the government, has nominated another which is maintaining the law already voted and approved. Doubtless, since it came to power through a violation of the constitution, this government believed it had to show that it respected it by allowing a law that had received the sanction of the three powers44 to be promulgated. This law will [40] therefore be proclaimed tomorrow. Will this pass off without disturbance? I scarcely dare to hope so. In addition, because France and our ambassador are considered to be at the root of this hoax, after the events in Barcelona it is to be feared that the rage of the fanatics will be directed against our fellow countrymen. I will therefore take care to write to my aunt in two days’ time since the newspapers will not fail to talk about the insurrection being planned. It is none the less terrifying to think that, to keep order, there are just a few soldiers faithful to Espartero, who must be mortally offended by the manner in which his coup d’état has been thwarted.

But what a subject for discussion is Spain, which, to achieve liberty, is losing the monarchy and the religion that are so dear to her and, in order to achieve unity, has placed under threat the local freedoms which are the very fabric of her existence!

Farewell, your devoted friend. I do not have the time to reread this jumble; make of it what you will.

P.S. My dear Félix, the peace in Madrid was not disturbed for a minute. This morning, the members of the ayuntamiento met in public session to promulgate the new law which will bring down their institution. They had this ceremony followed by an energetic protest in which they said that they would all die rather than obey the new law. It is also being said that they paid a few men to shout the customary vivas and mueras,45 but the people were no more moved than the peasants of Mugron would be, and the ayuntamiento succeeded only in showing the increasing necessity of the law. For when all is said and done would it not be a very sad spectacle to see a town in upheaval and the safety of its citizens compromised by the very people who are responsible for maintaining order?o

I have been assured that the fanatics did not agree among themselves; the most advanced (I do not know why credit has been given to this quotation by people’s agreeing to adopt it) said:

[41]

And in spite of this terrible logic, the ayuntamiento has not given way to this initial provocation! Anyway, I am just relaying public gossip since for my part I was in the Royal Library and did not see anything.

Letter 25. Lisbonne, 24 Oct. 1840. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 25. Lisbonne, 24 Oct. 1840. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 39-42) [CW1, pp. 41-43]

Text

My dear Félix, it is a long time since I wrote to you. It is because we are so far apart and it takes such a long time to receive a reply from Mugron that I am never sure of receiving it here. Finally, I have more or less made up my mind, unless something unexpected happens, to bid farewell to the Peninsula a week from Monday. My intention is to go to London; I cannot, according to the advice you have sent me from my aunt, first go to Plymouth. The steamboat goes straight to London. I thought at first that I would embark for Liverpool. I would thus satisfy economy and my taste for ships, since navigation under sail is cheaper and more romantic than monotonous steam. But the season is so late that it would be reckless, and I would run the risk of spending a month at sea.

I was a little bored in Lisbon for the first few days. Now, apart from the very natural desire to return home, I am happy here, although I live a very uneventful life. But the climate is so gentle and fine, the plant life so rich, and I feel such well-being and unaccustomed good health that I attribute the absence of boredom to this.

This is a country that, I think, would suit you well: neither hot nor cold, with no fog nor damp. If it rains, the downpour lasts for a day or two; then the sky regains its serenity and the atmosphere its gentle warmth. There is a little water available everywhere; there are clumps of myrtle, orange trees, tufted trellised vines, and heliotropes that cover walls as convolvulus does at home. Now I understand the life of the Moors. Unfortunately, the people here are not a match for nature; they do not want to take the trouble the Arabs took to achieve such delights. Perhaps you think that these fervent Catholics scorn the freshness and scent of the orange trees and that they are devoted to the severe pleasures of thought and contemplation. Alas! I will be returning very disillusioned with the good opinion of Custine; he believed he saw what he wanted to see.

For me it will be curious to study England after studying the Peninsula. The comparison would be even more interesting if Catholicism were as [42] fervent here as it is represented. But in the end I will be seeing a people whose religion lies in intelligence after having seen one for whom it lies in the senses. Here the pomp of ceremony, the candles, incense, magnificent vestments and statues, together with the most abject demoralization. There, on the other hand, family ties, men and women each with the duties of their sex, work ennobled by patriotic aim, faithfulness to the traditions of their ancestors, a constant study of the moral code of the Bible and the Gospels, with a religion which is simple, solemn, and close to pure deism. What a contrast! What differences! What a source of reflection!

This trip will also have produced an effect which I did not expect. It has been able to remove the habit we had adopted to observe ourselves, to hear ourselves think and feel, and to follow all the meanderings of our opinions. This self-study has many attractions, and amour propre gives it an abiding interest. But in Mugron, we were always in uneventful surroundings, and able to revolve only in the same circle; when you travel, unexpected situations give rise to new observations. For example, it is probable that the current events46 have affected me very differently from the way they would have if I had been in Mugron; more fervent patriotism makes my thought more active. At the same time, the field in which it functions is wider, just as a man standing on a height sees a wider horizon. But the power of our gaze is a given quantity for each of us and this is not so for the faculty of thinking and feeling.

My aunt, on the occasion of the war, recommends prudence to me; I must absolutely not run any risks. If I sailed in a French ship and war was declared, I might fear corsairs, but in an English ship I will not run this risk, unless I fall into the hands of a French cruiser, which would not be very dangerous as it happens. According to the news received today, I note that France has taken the attitude of sentimental resignation, which is becoming grotesque. From here she appears to be very embarrassed, and making it a point of honor to prove her moderation; to each insult she replies by arguments to show that she has been insulted. She appears to believe that remorse will overcome the English and that, with tears in their eyes, they will stop pursuing their aim and ask our forgiveness. That reminds me of this quotation: “He struck me but I told him just what I thought of him.”

[43]

Send your letters to me in London, addressed to MM A. A. Gower, Nephew and Company.

Letter 26. Lisbonne, 7 Nov. 1840. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 26. Lisbonne, 7 Nov. 1840. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, p. 42) [CW1, p. 43]

Text

My dear Félix, in spite of the strong desire I have to get back to France, I have been obliged to prolong my stay in Lisbon. A cold made me decide to postpone my departure by a week, and in this period papers have been found which I have to go through, which has made me stay even longer. But there will have to be very powerful reasons to keep me here after the 17th of this month. Finally, this delay has allowed me to get better, which would have been more difficult at sea or in London.

It was very unfortunate to be far from France at such an interesting time; you cannot imagine the patriotism that burns within us when we are in a foreign country. At a distance it is no longer the happiness nor even the freedom of our country that is foremost in our mind, but its grandeur, glory, and influence. Unfortunately I very much fear that France does not enjoy much of either the first or the last of these advantages.

I am sad to be without news nor to be able to forecast accurately when I will be receiving any; at least in London I hope to find a pile of letters.

Farewell, the time for collecting letters is approaching.

Letter 27. Paris, 2 Jan. 1841. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 27. Paris, 2 Jan. 1841. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 43-44) [CW1, pp. 43-44]

Text

My dear Félix, I have been dealing with a plan for an association for the defense of the interests of wine producers.47 However, as is my habit, I was hesitating over mentioning it to a few friends, because I could not see any half measures between success and ridicule, when M. Humann came to the chambers to present the expenditure and receipts budget for 1842. As you will have seen, the minister has found no better solution for making good the deficit caused by our policy than to add four new taxes on drinks. This emboldened me, and I went to visit several deputies to tell them about my project. They cannot become directly involved, because this would undermine the independence of their vote in advance. This is a reason for some [44] and a pretext for others, but it is not a reason for the owners of vineyards to fold their arms in the face of the danger threatening them.

There is just one way not only of redirecting their new general protest but also of obtaining justice for previous grievances, and that is to organize ourselves. Organization for a useful aim is a guaranteed means of success. Each wine-producing département has to have a central committee and each committee a delegate.

I do not yet know to what extent I will be taking part in this organization. This will depend on my meetings with my friends. Perhaps it will be necessary for me to stop when passing through Orléans, Angoulême, and Bordeaux in order to work at founding the association. Perhaps I should limit myself to my département, and in any case because time is of the essence, you should see Domenger, Despouys, Labeyrie, and Batistant48 and persuade them to go round the canton to prepare people for legal resistance that is strong and organized.

I do not need to describe in detail to you the power the association has, my dear Félix. Tell everyone your convictions. I hope to be in Mugron in a fortnight and we will work in tandem.

Letter 28. Paris, 11 Jan. 1841. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 28. Paris, 11 Jan. 1841. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 44-45) [CW1, pp. 44-45]

Text

Why are you not with me, my dear Félix, as this would remove many of my hesitations! I have told you about the new project I have thought of, but when I am alone and left to myself the difficulties of carrying it out terrify me. I feel that success is almost a certainty, but it requires a moral strength that your presence would give me and material resources that I do not know how to take it upon myself to ask for. I have felt the pulse of several deputies and found them cold. Almost all of them have interests to protect; you know that almost all of our men in the Midi are seeking government positions. As for the opposition, it would be dangerous to make it prominent in the association as it would make it an instrument, and this must be avoided. This being so and having weighed everything up, we must abandon founding the association from the top down, which would have been quicker and easier. What we have to secure is the base. If it is strongly constituted, it will carry [45] everything along. The wine producers should be under no illusions; if they remain inert, they will be weakly defended here. I will try to leave here next Sunday. In one pocket I will have the draft statutes of the association and in the other the prospectus for a small newspaper intended initially to be the propagator and subsequently the mouthpiece of the association. With that, I will be able to find out whether this project is viewed sympathetically in Orléans, the Charente, and the Garonne basin. The outcome will depend on my observations. A sudden initiative would have been more to my taste. A few years ago, I might have attempted this; nowadays an advance of six to eight thousand francs makes me draw back, and I am truly ashamed of this since a few hundred subscribers would have relieved me of any risk. I lacked courage, there is nothing more to say.

I am obliged, my dear Félix, to make unceasing mention of my impartiality and philosophy in order not to become discouraged, in view of all the wretchedness I am witnessing. Poor France! Every day, I see deputies who, when spoken to individually, are opposed to fortifications in Paris but who nevertheless support them in the chamber, one in support of Guizot, another to avoid abandoning Thiers, and a third for fear that he will be branded a Russian or an Austrian. Public opinion, the press, and fashion carry them along, and many yield to still baser motives. Marshall Soult himself is personally opposed to this measure, and all he dares to do is to suggest that it be accomplished slowly, in the hope that public opinion will change and come to his support, when there will still be only about a hundred million swallowed up. It is much worse in external matters. It appears that all eyes are blindfolded and people run the risk of being mistreated if a single fact is put forward that contradicts the ruling prejudice.

Farewell, my dear Félix, I am looking forward to chatting with you again; we will not be short of subjects.

Letter 29. Bagnères, 10 Jul. 1844. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 29. Bagnères, 10 July 1844. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 45-46) [CW1, pp. 45-46]

Text

My dear Félix, a few days ago I received a letter from M. Laffitte from Aire, a member of the General Council, which embarrasses me a great deal. He tells me that General Durrieu is going to be raised to the peerage, that the government wishes to replace him in the Chamber by a secretary of the duc de Nemours. He adds that the electors of Aire are not willing to suffer [46] this candidature, and finally he asks me if I would stand, in which case he thinks that I would have many votes in this canton, where I had only his at the last election.

As the legislature has only three sessions to sit, and thus I would be free to retire at the end of this term without causing an extraordinary meeting of the electoral college of Saint-Sever, I would be quite willing to enter the ring once more if I could count on some good fortune. But I must not blind myself to the damage that the schism which has taken place in the liberal party will do to me. If in addition I have once more to be opposed by the aristocracy of money and the bar, I prefer to remain peacefully in my corner. I would regret it a little, because I feel that I could have been useful to the cause of free trade, which is so vital for France and above all for our region.

But that is not a reason for me to put myself forward recklessly; I am therefore resolved to wait for serious overtures to be made by influential electors. I consider that the affair affects them closely enough for them not to leave candidates the task of taking care of it themselves.

I wanted to send my article to Le Journal des économistes, but have not had the opportunity. I will take the first that comes along. It has the fault, common to all the works of novices, of wanting to say too much. Such as it is, I think it is of some interest. I will take advantage of the opportunity to try to start a correspondence with Dunoyer.

Letter 30. Eaux-Bonnes, 26 Jul. 1844. To Félix Coudroy↩

Source

Letter 30. Eaux-Bonnes, 26 July 1844. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 46-49) [CW1, pp. 46-49]

Text

Your letter had a painful effect on me, my dear Félix, not because of the news you give me of the electoral prospects but because of what you tell me about yourself, your health, and the terrible struggle taken on by your body and spirit. I nevertheless hope that you wished to speak of the habitual state of your health and not a recurrence that has taken place since my departure. I understand your sufferings well, especially since to a lesser extent I experience them myself. These miserable obstacles that health, wealth, and shyness raise like a wall of brass between our desires and the theater in which they might be satisfied are an unutterable torment. Sometimes I regret having drunk at the cup of science, or at least not having limited myself to synthetic philosophy, and better still to religious philosophy. At least in these you can draw consolation for all types of situations in life, and we might still tolerably organize the rest of the time we have to spend here below. But a solitary [47] existence in retirement is incompatible with our views (which nevertheless act on us with all the force of mathematical truths), since we know that truth has power only when it is diffused. From this arises the irresistible need to communicate it, broadcast it, and proclaim it. What is more, everything is so linked in our way of thinking that the opportunity and facility of revealing a link in the chain cannot content us; yet to reveal the total picture requires the conditions of talent, health, and position which we will always lack. What can we do, dear friend? Wait for a few more years to pass over our heads. I often count them and take a form of pleasure in noting that the more they accumulate, the faster they seem to go:

Although we are conscious of knowing the truth, with regard to the mechanics of society and from a purely human point of view, we also know that it escapes us as far as the relationship of this life to future life is concerned, and what is worse, we believe that in this respect we cannot know anything with certainty.

We have here several very distinguished priests. Once every two days, they give instruction of the highest order, which I follow regularly. It is almost a repetition of Dabadie’s50 famous work. Yesterday the preacher said that in man there are two orders of disposition of which one is linked to the fall and the other to redemption. According to the second, man is made in the image of God, while the first led him to make God in man’s image. He used this to explain idolatry and paganism and showed their terrifying agreement with corrupt nature. He then said that the fall had so far buried corruption in the heart of man that he still retained an affinity for idolatry which had thus insinuated itself right into Catholicism. I think he was referring to a host of practices and devotions which form such an obstacle for intelligent minds. But if they understand things in this way, why do they not attack these idolatrous doctrines openly? Why do they not reform them? Why, on the contrary, do we see them rushing to increase their number? I am sorry I have not been in contact with this ecclesiastic, who, I believe, is a professor of theology at the faculty in Bordeaux, to discuss this with him.

[48]

This takes us far away from the elections. From what you tell me, I have no doubt that the man from the chateau will be nominated. I am surprised that our king, who is farsighted, does not understand that by peopling the chamber with toadies he is sacrificing the very principle of the constitution for a few short-term advantages. He is ensuring a vote for himself, but is placing an entire district beyond the boundaries of our institutions; and this maneuver, if extended to all of France, will succeed in corrupting our political customs, which are already primitive. On the other hand, abuses will increase in number because they will encounter no resistance; and when the cup is full, what remedy will a nation seek that has not learned to make an enlightened use of its rights?

For my part, my dear Félix, I do not feel strong enough to fight for a few votes. If they do not come on their own, let them follow their own course. I would need to go from canton to canton to organize the means of support for the struggle. This is more than I can do. After all, M. Durrieu is not yet a peer.

I have taken advantage of an opportunity to send Le Journal des économistes my article on English and French tariffs.51 I think it includes points of view that are all the more important in that they do not appear to preoccupy anyone. I have met politicians here who have not the first idea of what is going on in England, and when I talk to them of the customs reform that is taking place in that country, they do not want to believe it. I have enough time to compose my letter to M. Dunoyer.52 As for my work on the distribution of taxes, I do not have the materials at hand to give it its final polish.53 The session of the general council will be a good opportunity to publish it.

Farewell, my dear Félix. If you learn anything new please let me know, but of all the news you could give me, the most pleasant would be to say that the depression which permeates your letter was due to a transitory indisposition. After all, my friend, and in the deep shadows that surround us, let us cling to the idea that a primary cause that is intelligent and merciful has subjected us for reasons beyond our comprehension to severe tests in life; this should constitute our faith. Let us wait for the day when it will consider it right to relieve us and to admit us to a better life; this should constitute our hope. [49] With these sentiments in our heart, we will be able to bear our afflictions and suffering. . . .

Letter 209 to M. Muiron (Eaux-Bonnes, 7 Nov. 1844)↩

Source

Letter 209 to M. Muiron (Eaux-Bonnes, 7 Nov. 1844), in P. Ronce, Frédéric Bastiat. Sa vie, son oeuvre (Paris: Guillaumin, 1905), pp. 86-87. [CW4]

Editor's Introduction

Ronce tells us that this letter was written soon after Bastiat's first article "On the Influence of French and English Tariffs on the Future of the Two People" was published in the JDE (Oct. 1844) which was his breakthrough into the world of the Parisian economists. 42 In it he thanks a friend, M. Muiron, (about whom nothing is known) for having delivered his manuscript safely to the Guillaumin offices in Paris. As an outsider living in the remote south west of France, Bastiat depended on the assistance of friends like Muiron to help him get established as an author and political activist. Although he is critical in this letter of the editor of the Journal des Économistes (Hippolyte Dussard), 43 published by Urbain Guillaumin, he would soon enter Guillaumin's network of economists, politicians, and supporters, and would publish many more articles in the Journal (about 28 between 1844 and 1850) as well as numerous books and pamphlets, not to mention his Oeuvres complètes (Complete Works) the first edition of which appeared in 6 volumes in 1854-55, and a second edition in 7 volumes in 1862-64.

Text

M. Muiron, 70, rue de Seine Saint-Germain, Paris.

Monsieur, the generosity which you have shown towards me and the precious moments I enjoyed with your instructive conversations make me duty bound to express all my thanks to you. I would not have delayed expressing this to you until now if I hadn't been waiting for the right moment provided by the publication of this piece which you kindly agreed to return to "M. Bastiat of Paris."

Works of this kind, even if they contain the merit of being timely and independent minded, run the great risk of getting buried in the depths of oblivion if generous friends do not bring them to the attention of the appropriate people. I hope that you will be willing to introduce the first fruits of my studies to M. de Salvandy. 44 The opinion of a man as important as he is because of his position and his stature would be a prize of infinite value for me, especially if it were of an encouraging nature. If the opposite were the case, it would still have the advantage of warning me that a man who lives in solitude must marshal his forces carefully.

The editor of the journal thought fit to cut an entire passage (on p. 149) in which I attempted to reveal the reasons why the Parisian press is in general so hostile to free trade. 45 I had the failing common to all scribblers to think that they had cut exactly what I thought most merited being kept in. Certainly, this part of my work showed at least some courage because one has to confront the fearsome power of Messrs "les journalistes." The proof of their power lies in the cuts which the editor of the journal ordered to be made.

I would be happy to learn that your good health has improved and that, in recognition of this fact, you might plan to spend another season at Les Eaux-Bonnes. 46 It would be a great pleasure to resume our walks and our conversations.

Yours sincerely…

Letter 31. Mugron, 9 Nov. 1844. To M. Laurence↩

Source

Letter 31. Mugron, 9 Nov. 1844. To M. Laurence (OC7, pp. 369-71) [CW1, pp. 49-50]

Text

Thank you for your kind words in the letter you were good enough to write to me on the subject of my little work on the distribution of taxes.54 I sincerely regret that it has not been more effective in changing your beliefs, since I acknowledge that in the arguments caused on occasion by neighborhood rivalry your noble spirit places you above the petty bias which others find it impossible to put aside. For my part, I can state that, if any error or exaggeration has infiltrated my text, it has been quite involuntary. I am far from envying for my area’s sake the prosperity of yours, quite the contrary, and it is my firm conviction that neither of the two can prosper without the other benefiting. I even think that this solidarity embraces all nations. For this reason, I bitterly deplore the national jealousies that are the favorite theme of journalism. If I had, as you think, based my reasoning on the false premise that the entire area of the sea pine plantations in the Landes55 was equally productive, I would retract on the spot. However, there is nothing in my writing that justifies this allegation. Nor have I mentioned hail, frost, or fires. These are circumstances which ought to have been taken into account when the current tax was applied to various crops. It is this tax, such as it is, which is my point of departure. Nor do I think that I attributed the distress of the wine-producing region to the improper distribution of the tax. But I said that the distribution of the tax should be adjusted as a result of this distress, since it is a principle that tax is raised on income. If the income of a county is reduced permanently, its contribution should also be reduced and consequently that of the other counties should increase. This is also an additional proof of the solidarity between all the parts of the territory, and the Greater Landes harmed itself when, through our colleague, M. Castagnède, it opposed the agricultural community’s becoming the mouthpiece for our grievances to the authorities.

[50]

You say that in Villeneuve56 agriculture has made progress without the population increasing in number. This doubtless means that each individual and each family has become more prosperous. If this prosperity has not encouraged marriages and births and extended the average life expectancy, Villeneuve is, for a reason I cannot guess, beyond all the laws of nature which govern population phenomena.

Lastly, dear sir and colleague, you refer me to the evidence military recruitment affords. You say that it shows that the finest stock and the strongest men come from the areas that are most cultivated and which grow vines. However, please note that I do not go so far as to compare the population of the Landes to that of the Chalosse but only each of these populations to itself at different periods of time. For me, the question is not to determine whether the population of the Landes is as vigorous and dense as that in the Chalosse but whether, in the last forty years, one has made progress and the other regressed in these two respects. It was easy for me to check the numbers. With regard to the quality of the human stock, I would be willing to consult the recruitment tables, if they have them at the prefecture.

You can see that, like all the authors in the world, I do not readily admit to being mistaken. However, I must say that I have not sufficiently explained the scope of the passage in which I summarized in figures the various considerations scattered through my work. I am fully aware that population movement cannot be a good basis for distribution; my sole aim has been to make my conclusions understandable by using figures, and I sincerely hope that direct research by the authorities will produce results not far from those I have reached, because, in my view, there is a relationship that is, if not very tight, then at least of a notably approximate kind, between the progress of the population and that of income.

Endnotes to the Letters

T.1 (1822.01.12) "Letter to a Candidate"↩

Source

T.1 (1822.01.12) "Letter to a Candidate" (Lettre à M. ***, en réponse à la sienne du 12 Jan.) (A Letter to M. *** in reply to His Letter of 12 Jan.) [OC7.71, pp. 298-99.] [CW1.2.3.4, pp. 410-11.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text5] Endnotes

T.297 "On the Romans and Self-sacrifice" (before 1830) ↩

Source

T.297 (before 1830) "On the Romans and Self-sacrifice" (before 1830). This previously unpublished sketch was discovered by the original French editor Paillottet among Bastiat's papers and inserted in a footnote to "Baccalaureate and Socialism". He estimated that it had been written sometime before 1830. [OC4, pp. 490-91] [CW2, pp. 223-24] </titles/2450#lf1573-02_label_299>

Editor's Introduction

See the Editor's note above on Bastiat's attitude towards the Romans.

Text

When I sacrifice part of my wealth to build walls and a roof that will protect me from thieves and the weather, it cannot be said that I am driven by self-renunciation but that on the contrary I am endeavoring to preserve myself.

In the same way, when the Romans sacrificed their internal divisions in favor of their security, when they risked their lives in combat, when they subjected themselves to the yoke of an almost unbearable discipline, they were not practicing self-renunciation; on the contrary they were embracing the sole means they had of preserving themselves and escaping the destruction with which they were threatened by the reaction of other peoples to their acts of violence.

I know that several Romans demonstrated great personal self-sacrifice and devoted themselves to saving Rome. But there is an easy explanation for this. The interest that determined their political organization was not their only motive. Men accustomed to conquering together, to hating everything foreign to their society, had to have an exalted degree of national pride and patriotism. All warlike nations, from primitive hordes to civilized peoples who make war only accidentally, experience patriotic exhilaration. This is all the more true of the Romans, whose very existence was based upon permanent war. This thrilling national pride, combined with the courage born of warlike customs, the scorn of death it inspired, the love of glory, and the desire to live on in posterity, had frequently to produce dazzling exploits.

For this reason, I do not say that no virtue can arise in a society that is purely military. I would be contradicted by events, and the bands of robbers themselves offer us examples of courage, energy, devotion, a scorn of death, generosity, etc. However, I claim that, like these bands of plunderers, these nations of plunderers, from the point of view of self-renunciation, do not win out over industrious nations, and I will add that the enormous and continuous vices of the former cannot be erased by a few dazzling exploits, which are perhaps unworthy of the name of virtue, since they work to the detriment of humanity.

T.289 "The Poetry of Civilization" (c. 1830)↩

Source

T.289 (1830.??) "The Poetry of Civilization" (La Poésie de la Civilisation). Ronce says he found this in Bastiat's papers and thinks it was written sometime before 1830. In Ronce, Appendix VI, pp. 302-3.

Editor's Introduction

Bastiat was about 29 when he wrote this short piece sometime during 1830 when the July Revolution took place. 106 For someone who disliked ancient Greek and Roman culture so much, he dropped a lot of classical references in this short essay, perhaps to show that he was not ignorant of it, but rather opposed it for moral and economic reasons.

It is also interesting for the kind words he has to say about his friend, Étienne Vincent Arago (1802-1892), with whom he probably went to the same progressive school in the town of Sorèze. 107 Étienne was the youngest brother of the famous Arago family, and like Bastiat, he was elected after the Revolution to the Constituent Assembly and served as Director General of the Post Office where he began implementing reforms which were very dear to Bastiat's heart. During the 1820s he was active in Carbonari circles and in the 1830 Revolution he took part in the fighting on the barricades as an ally of Lafayette's group, while Bastiat remained behind in Bayonne where he too played a small role in helping the new "constitutional monarch" Louis Philippe come to the throne. While Étienne was on the barricades in Paris, Frédéric was drinking red wine and singling political songs with the officers of the Bayonne citadelle, thus helping them decide to side with the revolution and oppose the deposed King Charles X. As he wrote to his friend Félix Coudroy:

The 5th at midnight

I was expecting blood but it was only wine that was spilt. The citadel has displayed the tricolor flag. The military containment of the Midi and Toulouse has decided that of Bayonne; the regiments down there have displayed the flag. The traitor J—— thus saw that the plan had failed, especially as the troops were defecting on all sides; he then decided to hand over the orders he had had in his pocket for three days. Thus, it is all over. I plan to leave immediately. I will embrace you tomorrow.

This evening we fraternized with the garrison officers. Punch, wine, liqueurs, and above all, Béranger contributed largely to the festivities. Perfect cordiality reigned in this truly patriotic gathering. The officers were warmer than we were, in the same way as horses which have escaped are more joyful than those that are free.

Farewell, all has ended. 108

Étienne Arago made a name for himself as a prolific and successful playwright throughout the 1820 and 1840s writing very political plays such as Mandrin, mélodrame en 3 actes (1827), about Louis Mandrin (1725-55) the famous 18th century brigand and highwayman, and Les Aristocraties (1847), which was a strong republican attack on the privileges of the aristocracy.

Bastiat also knew the oldest Arago brother François (1786-1853) who was a famous astronomer and physicist whose work was noticed by Laplace who got him the position of secretary and librarian at the Paris Observatory. In one of the sophisms he wrote in 1847 109 Bastiat appealed directly to François Arago to help him develop the more sophisticated mathematics which he needed in order to calculate more precisely the losses imposed on the economy by tariff protection and subsidies, thus making his arguments more "invincible." We do not know if François ever replied to his letter.

Text

… There are two kinds of poetry. One is the product of the imagination; the other is the story of human feelings.

I am quite inclined to think that materialism, or to put it better, "Pryrrhonism," 110 destroys the poetry of the imagination. But one can say the same of all truth. It is quite evident that as the circle of science expands that of the imagination contracts, since one can only imagine what one doesn't know. The latter explains why the people of antiquity had more imagination that modern people. Not knowing anything about causes they imagined them to be their own creation. It was not only poets who created things but philosophers as well , and the people too.

Even in our own time, rough and ignorant men, because they are ignorant, revel in chimeras, because only the man who has reflected a great deal and who is often mistaken can say " I don't know. " Peasants explain all phenomena which they are aware of, as being under the influence of the moon, the stars, sorcerers, and saints, etc. By enlightening them you dry up these springs of the imagination.

Think of the time when Christianity replaced Paganism. Didn't we see the same fears about the pleasures of the imagination? If your religion dominates all beliefs, the Pagans said, what will become of poetry? Olympus will now only be an ordinary hill, Parnassus only a lump of dirt and granite, rivers will be denuded of Naiads, and trees of Dryads, fauns, and wood nymphs. 111 Beauty (Aphrodite) will no longer be the daughter of the day and the waves; she will be stripped of her belt and Love (Cupid) will no longer have his arrows and blindfold. 112 You will no longer have dwelling places of the gods but fences and hedges; you will no longer have divinities of the hearth but a gloomy fire place. Peace, Concorde, Victory, Filial Piety, Modesty will no longer be gentle deities. The Dawn, Iris, will lose their colors and their charm. 113 The Sun will no longer be a chariot pulled by Apollo's chargers across the sky; 114 and the Moon will now only be a mundane satellite of the Earth. This is what they will no doubt say.

After this mythology has disappeared other mythologies will have their turn; but if the poetry of the imagination has been lost, that of the heart will replace it; and I am truly surprised that you, in order to convince me, so often call upon the marvels of nature, that you don't want to let me believe that, after all is said and done, the truth, the simple truth, is more beautiful than the most brilliant products of the human imagination.

Believe me, my friend, there is more poetry in the head of Arago that in that of Homer.

T.2 (1830.11) "To the Electors of the Département of the Landes"↩

Source

T.2 (1830.11) "To the Electors of the Département of the Landes" (Aux électeurs du département des Landes) [OC1, pp. 217-31.] [CW1.2.2.1, p. 341-52.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.104 "Letter to M. Saulnier, Editor of La Revue britannique, (on the cost of government in the U.S. and France)" (c. 1831)↩

Source

T.104 (undated, possibly 1831) "Letter to M. Saulnier, Editor of La Revue britannique (on the cost of government in the U.S. and France)." Paillottet included this letter in a footnote with the pamphlet Peace and Freedom or the Republican Budget (Feb. 1849). He states in was written "in his retreat in Mugron many years ago" but gives no specific date. It was most likely written as the debate was being conducted in the pages of La Revue britannique or shortly thereafter . [OC5, pp. 443-45] [CW2, pp. 308-10].

Editor's Introduction

For the classical liberals of Bastiat's day, the United States was seen as an excellent example of a working limited, decentralised, and low cost government, in contrast to the highly centralised, bureaucratic, and expensive French state. In 1831 a debate took place in La Revue britannique which was edited by Sébastien-Louis Saulnier 115 who took issue with a speech given by General LaFayette in the Chamber on the relative costs of the French and American governments to their respective citizens. James Fenimore Cooper (who had lived in France for two years in the late 1820s) took the side of Lafayette who argued that the American government was the lowest cost government in the world. 116 This view was challenged by the editor Saulnier and an American diplomat, Mr. Harris, in La Revue britannique and some of the articles were published as separate pamphlets. 117 Bastiat must have read this exchange with considerable interest as his own political interest was beginning to show itself at this time: he played a small part in the July Revolution in 1830 which brought Louis Philippe to the throne, he was appointed Justice of the Peace in Mugron in May 1831, stood unsuccessfully for election to the local legislature in July 1831, and in November 1833 he was elected to the General Council of Les Landes.

In this letter to the editor (which Paillottet says was never sent) we see evidence of Bastiat's interest in economic data concerning tax rates and his belief in a very limited government as embodied in the American example. It also shows that he kept abreast of events in Britain and America by reading La Revue britannique which would become even more important to him when he discovered the activities of Richard Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law League in the early 1840s.

Text

To M. Saulnier

Editor of La Revue britannique

Dear Sir,

You have filled with transports of joy in all those who find the word economics absurd, ridiculous, unacceptable, bourgeois, and mean. The Journal des débats extols you, the president of the council quotes you, and the favors of government are waiting for you. However, what have you done, sir, to merit so much applause? You have established through figures (and everyone knows that figures never lie) that it costs the citizens of the United States more than the subjects of France to be governed. 118 This gives rise to the harsh consequence (harsh for the people in fact) that it is absurd to wish to place limits on the lavishness of power in France.

But, sir, and I ask your pardon and that of the centres for economics and statistics, your figures, assuming they are correct, do not seem to me to be unfavorable to the American government.

In the first place, to establish that one government spends more than another does not give any information on their relative goodness. If one of them, for example, is administering a nascent nation that has all its roads to build, all its canals to dig out, all its towns to pave, and all its public establishments to create, it is natural that it spends more than one that has scarcely more to do than maintain its existing establishments. Well, you know as well as I do, sir, that spending that way is to save and create capital. If it were done by a farmer, would you be confusing the investments that an initial establishment requires with his annual expenditure?

However, this major difference in situation leads, according to your figures, to an additional expenditure of only three francs for each citizen of the Union. Is this excess genuine? No, according to your own data. This may surprise you, since you have set at 36 fr. the contribution by each American and 33 fr. that of each Frenchman. 119 Well, 36 = 33 + 3 is good arithmetic.——Yes, but in political economy, thirty-three is often worth more than thirty-six. See for yourself. Money, in comparison with labor and goods, is not as valuable in the United States as it is in France. You yourself set a day's pay at four francs fifty centimes in the United States and at one franc fifty centimes in France. The result, I believe, is that an American pays thirty-six francs with eight days' work, whereas a Frenchman needs twenty-two days' work to pay thirty-three francs. It is true that you say that people buy forced labor (corvée) 120 from each other in the United States for three francs and that consequently the price of a day's work ought to be set at three francs there.——There are two answers to this. Forced labor is bought in France for one franc (for we also have forced labor, about which you do not speak) and then, if a day's work in the United States is worth only three francs the Americans no longer pay thirty-six francs since, to reach this figure, you have raised to four francs fifty centimes all the days that these citizens devote to fulfilling their military obligations (militia), 121 their forced labor, their jury service, etc.

This is not the only subtle difference you have used to raise the annual contribution of each American to thirty-six francs.

You impute to the government of the United States expenses that it is not concerned with in the slightest. To justify this strange method of proceeding, you say that these expenses are no less borne by the citizens. But is it not a question of determining which are the voluntary expenses of the citizens and which are the expenditures of the government?

A government is created to fulfill certain functions. When it exceeds its functions, it has to appeal to the citizens' purses and thus reduce the portion of revenue that was freely at their disposal. It becomes simultaneously a plunderer and oppressor. 122

A nation that is wise enough to force its government to limit itself to guaranteeing security to each person and that spends only what is absolutely essential to this consumes the remainder of its revenue in accordance with its particular talents, its needs, and its inclinations.

But in a nation in which the government interferes in everything, nothing is spent by itself and for its own benefit, but it is spent by the government and for the government, and if the French public thinks as you do, sir, if it cares little that its wealth goes through the hands of functionaries, I have resigned myself to that fact that one day we will all be lodged, fed, and clothed at the State's expense. These are things that cost us something and, according to you, it is of little importance whether we get them through taxation or through direct purchase. The importance that our ministers give this opinion convinces me that we will soon have clothes produced by them, just as we have priests, lawyers, teachers, doctors, horses, and tobacco of their fashioning. 123

Yours, etc.

Frédéric Bastiat

T.318 "Election Manifesto" (c. 1832)↩

Source Info

T.318 "Election Manifesto" (c.1832). Quoted in part by Bastiat in a later Election Manifesto: 1846.07.01 "Aux électeurs de l'arrondissement de Saint-Sever (Mugron, 1 July, 1846)" (To the Electors of the Arrondissement of Saint-Séver (Mugron, July 1, 1846)) [OC1.14, p. 461] [CW1]. Also quoted by Molinari in his obituary of Bastiat: Gustave de Molinari, "Nécrologie. Frédéric Bastiat, notice sur sa vie et ses écrits," JDE, T. 28, no. 118, 15 Feb. 1851, pp. 180-96.

We have not been able to locate the original.

Editor's Note

Bastiat had political ambitions after his brief participation in the "Three Glorious Days" in July 1830 (27-29th) which overthrew the Bourbon monarch Charles X and brought his cousin Louis Philippe (of the Orléanist branch of the Bourbon family) to the throne. He wrote his first "election manifesto" or statement of principles in November 1830 in support of a candidate, M. Faurie, 124 in the election for Les Landes. In it there are already strong hints of the positions he would defend some 25 years later: his desire for lower taxes, the dangers of political lobbyists and vested interests seeking benefits at taxpayer expence, the tendency of government to constantly grow in size and thus absorb more taxes to fund their activities, and the self-interest of politicians and bureaucrats who inflate their salaries and their benefits. Concerning the latter, what he termed "this vast machine" of government, he warned:

Abuses, sinecures, exorbitant pay, irrelevant positions, damaging jobs, and administrative structures substituted for competition will have to be strictly investigated; I have no fear in stating that this is the worst plague from which France is suffering. 125

Possibly as a reward for his political activity he was appointed a Justice of the Peace in the canton of Mugron (in spite of not having any formal legal training) on 28 May 1831, and he then stood for election (unsuccessfully) to the legislature of the Arrondissement of Dax on 6 July 1831. He tried again (unsuccessfully) the following year for the Arrondissement of Saint-Sever on 11 July 1832, when the Election Manifesto below may have been written. He had better luck the following year when he was elected to the General Council of Les Landes on 17 November 1833, which may have helped develop his interest in economic matters as he wrote several memoranda for the Council and other regional bodies on subjects like the local land tax, the tax on wine, and public works. 126 He was reelected to the General Council on 24 November 1839 and continued in this position until he died.

He was certainly persistent in his efforts as he tried again to get elected to the legislature in the Arrondissement of Saint-Sever on 9 July 1842 (unsuccessfully) and again in 1846 when he wrote yet another manifesto "To the Electors of the District of Saint-Sever" 127 explaining why they should elect him in spite of him being "too progressive" for some and not progressive enough for others. One reason why he faced opposition was for his very strong criticism of the conquest and colonization of Algeria. 128 Another was his belief in very limited government which the following passage makes clear:

But, even if there were agreement on the limits of public authority, it is no easy matter to force it and maintain it within those limits.

Government power, a vast, organized, and living body, naturally tends to grow. It feels cramped within its supervisory mission. Now, its growth is hardly possible without a succession of encroachments upon the field of individual rights. The expansion of government power means usurping some form of private activity, transgressing the boundary that I set earlier between what is and what is not its essential function. Government power departs from its mission when, for instance, it imposes a particular form of worship on our consciences, a particular method of teaching on our minds, a particular direction for our work or for our capital, or an impulse to invade in our international relationships, etc.

Gentlemen, I would bring it to your attention that government becomes all the more costly as it becomes oppressive. For it can commit no encroachments otherwise than through salaried agents. Thus each of its intrusions implies creating some new administration, instituting some fresh tax, so that our freedom and our purse inevitably share a common destiny.

Consequently, if the public understands and wishes to defend its true interests, it will halt authority as soon as the latter tries to go beyond its sphere of activity; and for that purpose the public has an infallible means, which is to deny authority the resources with which it could carry out its encroachments.

Once these principles are laid down, the role of the opposition, and I would even say that of parliament as a whole, is simple and clearly defined.

It does not consist in hindering the government in its essential activity, in denying it the means of administering justice, of repressing crime, of paving roads, of repelling foreign aggression. 129

Towards the end of this manifesto of 1846 Bastiat quotes himself, from an earlier unpublished election manifesto from 1832, to prove to the electors in 1846 that his views about the role of the state had barely shifted over the years and thus they could be confident that he would remain a steadfast opponent of growing government and heavier taxes should they decide to vote for him now.

In spite of all his efforts, Bastiat did not succeed in getting elected to political office until the April elections of 1848 when he became a Deputy representing Les Landes in the Second Republic.

Text:

[Bastiat introduces his long quotation from the 1832 manifesto with the following:]

As for me, when I consider how I have persisted in defending a principle that is making no progress in France, I sometimes wonder if I am not a maniac possessed with a fixed idea.

To enable you to judge whether I have changed, let me set before you an extract from the declaration of policy that I published in 1832, when a kind word from General Lamarque 130 attracted the attention of a few voters in my favor:

In my view, the institutions that we have already obtained and those that we can obtain by lawful means are sufficient, if we make enlightened use of them, to raise our country to a high degree of freedom, greatness, and prosperity.

The right to vote taxes, in giving citizens the power to extend or restrain the action of the government as they please, isn't that management by the public of public affairs? What might we not achieve by making judicious use of that right?

Do we consider that ambition for office is the source of many contentions, intrigues, and factions? It rests with us alone to deprive that fatal passion of its sustenance, by reducing the profits and the number of salaried public offices." …

Do we feel that industry is shackled, the administration overcentralized, education hampered by academic monopoly? There is nothing to prevent us from holding back the money that facilitates those shackles, that centralization, those monopolies.

As you can see, gentlemen, I shall never expect the welfare of my country to result from any violent change in either the forms or the holders of power; but rather from our good faith in supporting the government in the useful exercise of its essential powers and from our firm determination to restrict it to those limits. The government has to be firm facing enemies from within and from without, for its mission is to keep the peace at home and abroad. But it must leave to private activity everything that is within the latter's competence. Order and freedom depend on those conditions.

[Bastiat then concludes by saying:]

Are those not the same principles, the same feelings, the same fundamental way of thinking, the same solutions for particular problems, the same means of reform? People may not share my opinions; but it cannot be said that they have varied, and I venture to add: they are invariable. It is too coherent a system to admit of any alterations. It will collapse or it will triumph as a whole.

T.285 "On Certainty" (c. 1833)↩

Source

T.285 (1833.??) "On Certainty" (De la certitude). Ronce says this was sketch written around 1833 and found in his notebooks. In Ronce, Appendix II, pp. 284-87. [CW4]

Editor's Introduction

Is these seemingly random musings Bastiat is concerned about the difficulties of rationally determining the scientifically "perfect" weight of a coin which he believes is impossible because of experimental error in weighing and measuring objects in the real world. He then applies similar reasoning to the problem of the moral perfectibility of mankind which he believes can only be approached "asymptotically" and never actually reached. Bastiat began talking about the "perfectibility of mankind" early in 1845 in his articles "On the Book by M. Dunoyer. On The Liberty of Working" and "Letter from an Economist to M. de Lamartine" (JDE Feb. 1845), and then in earnest in 1846 in his articles "On Competition" (JDE May 1846) and "On Population" (JDE, October 1846), after which it became a central part of his social theory. 131

He concludes somewhat cryptically that "Where one understands little about the effects of drunkenness there will be more drunkards." Given his later interest in the unchanging nature of the "natural laws" of political economy, he is foreshadowing his future claim that if mankind refuses to understand and recognise the power of these laws they will be doomed to suffer the consequences of bad economic policies.

Text

In moral philosophy, a fact is the asymptote of what is right , just as in physics, what can be measured is the asymptote of what is rational in theory .

A fact tends to approach continuously what is right. It is the result of our human nature which is perfectible but not perfect.

That which can be measured tends to approach the theoretically perfect because our senses are also perfectible but imperfect.

One understands that a new kind of exercise makes an organ more practiced and that a new kind of force adds to its strength.

But these new exercises and these new forces only ever add a finite amount to a finite amount, while the theoretical is infinite.

I challenge you and I challenge all the scientific and technical experts to tell me what is the rational weight, the mathematically exact weight, for a piece of money.

Firstly, do they (the experts) have a standard and mathematically determined weight with which they can compare it?

If you tell me that a gramme has theoretically an exact value, I will say no, it doesn't, since one would have to have measured just as precisely the earth's arc of meridian. 132 Now, there would have been in this operation only an error in measurement. A metre would have an error of one ten millionth in its length. This is quite small but it is enough to make your standard, which is very reasonable, not rational.

However, I will admit that it might be. It remains to be seen whether this small piece of copper which you claim is a gramme, has been made with infinite perfection.

You have compared it to a given volume of distilled water, but water weighs more or less according to how much it has expanded, etc.

I will further admit that your piece of copper is a gramme which has been mathematically determined.

You will still have to place the two objects to be compared in the two pans of a balance. But who can tell me that these pans weigh the same? You will say you have weighed them, but in other balances, and my objection therefore will move back to infinity.

However, I will admit the mathematical accuracy of your balance, but the objects which we are comparing, when they have reached equilibrium, do not have an equal weight as a result. They displace more or less air according to their volume. Therefore we have to weigh them in a vacuum and we don't know if there is any vacuum.

Therefore, you can only ever show me an approximate weight.

You can do this operation a thousand times and take the average, and you will give me a more probable result. But a series of probabilities is not a certainty.

Thus it is quite true that in physics complete certainty cannot be acquired by us who have incomplete senses. To say that "I am sure" is to say that "I am infinite."

In order to be sure of one thing it is necessary to be sure of everything.

Therefore, in order to know the weight of this piece of money it is necessary to have measured exactly the quater of the earth's meridian, to have have had perfect instruments in order to carry out this operation, and still more perfect instruments to make the first instrument; it would be necessary to have had a perfect cube of water, to have perfectly distilled the water and not to have allowed, for example, a single atom to have escaped from this organised mass of atoms, a thousand of which could sit on the point of a needle; it would be necessary to have made the perfect vacuum, to have a perfect barometre, in other words to know perfectly its freezing point; it is necessary to determine exactly the movement of the air, not to touch the objects being compared because the warmth of one's hands and the steam deposited on these objects by touching them will change their weights; it is necessary to have perfect scales, and after all that has been achieved, you would still only have the standard of weight.

Everywhere the measurable is the asymptote of the theoretical.

Facts are the asymptote of that which is right.

That which is right is perfection. Perfection is incompatible with human nature; since mankind cannot achieve that which is right either by his thoughts nor by his acts. But he can approach them continuously.

In fact, it is absolutely essential that error and vice constantly lose their influence upon mankind.

Vice is the daughter of error. Not always the error of those who give themselves up to it, but the error of those who suffer from it and those who have the opinion that they should tolerate it.

There are as many fewer corrupters as there are fewer corruptible men. There are fewer of both to the degree that there are fewer men who are inclined to suffer the effects of corruption.

In a society where one doesn't know that all bodies which are not supported will fall down, lots of misfortune will occur.

It is the same for matters of morality. Where one understand little about the effects of drunkenness there will be more drunkards.

Again, this is true for the morality governing social relations, and all the more true , in this case, as the correction comes from a double source, that is in the mind of the perverted man and in that of the society which protects itself from vice …

T.3 (1834.??) "On a New Secondary School to Be Founded in Bayonne"↩

Source

T.3 (1834.??) "On a New Secondary School to Be Founded in Bayonne" (D’un nouveau collège à fonder). Published in a Bayonne newspaper in 1834 [OC7.2, pp. 4-10.] [CW1.2.1.6, p. 415-19.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.4 "On a Petition in Support of Polish Refugees" (c. 1834)↩

Source

T.4 (1834.??) "On a Petition in favor of Polish Refugees" (D'une pétition en faveur des réfugiés polonais). In an unnamed local Bayonne paper. [OC7.1, pp. 1-4.] [CW4]

Editor's Introduction

In 1830 the Kingdom of Poland was part of the Russian Empire. On 29 November 1830, an uprising broke out in Warsaw. The Polish independence movement was not supported by other European powers, France included, although public opinion in France was very favorable to it. On 8 September 1831, Russian troops retook Warsaw and numerous Poles went into exile, mostly in France. Between 1830-48 France received nearly 20,000 Polish, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and German refugees, including socialists such as Karl Marx. 133 The law of April 1832 guaranteed them some financial assistance but only in exchange for the onerous conditions which Bastiat describes later in the article.

In order to help the refugee Poles overcome some of the bureaucratic restrictions they faced in moving about the country and finding jobs, liberals like Bastiat organised petitions, wrote articles in the local press, and lobbied influential friends to help them get residence permits and jobs suited to their areas of expertise. As examples we have this newspaper article by Bastiat from 1834 and a letter he wrote to organise assistance for a particular Pole he knew who was an engineer (Sept. 1835). It shows another side of Bastiat's commitment to political liberty, in that he sometimes took a personal interest in the affairs of those who were harassed by the state and took steps to assist them.

Paillottet believes the article dates from 1834 and was published in an unnamed local Bayonne paper. We, however, have not been able to locate it.

Text

At this moment, a petition to the Chamber of Deputies is being signed in Bayonne to ask for the law dated 21 April 1832 134 relating to refugees not to be renewed when it expires.

We are pleased to learn that people of all shades of opinion are offering to sign this petition. In fact, it is not a question here of asking the Chamber for an act to satisfy this or that clique, nor to favor freedom at the expense of order nor order at the expense of freedom (if indeed these two things can be anything other than inseparable). It is a question of justice and humanity toward our unfortunate brethren. It is a question of not pouring absinthe and bile into the cup of exile, which is already bitter enough.

During the Polish War, a variety of opinions and projects was to be found in France about this war. Some would have liked France to come to the aid of the Poles with arms, others with money, and still others through diplomacy, while yet others thought that all forms of assistance were useless. However, although opinions varied, there was one single wish, one hope, totally in favor of Poland.

When some survivors of this unfortunate nation came to France to escape the hatred of absolute monarchs, this warmth toward hapless courage remained.

However, what has been the fate of the Poles in France in the last two years? You can judge this by reading the law that placed them under the discretionary power of the Government, the wording of which is as follows:

Article 1: The Government is authorized to restrict foreign refugees to living in France in one or more towns of its choosing.

Article 2: The Government may compel them to move to those towns as it chooses for them; it may order them to leave the Kingdom if they do not go to this destination, or if it considers their presence likely to disturb public order and peace.

Article 3: This current law may be applied to foreign refugees only by virtue of an order signed by a Minister.

Article 4: This law will remain in force for just one year from the day it is promulgated.

Now we ask whether it would not be unworthy of France to make a law like this permanent or, which amounts to the same thing, to prorogue it indefinitely through successive renewals.

It seems probable that the most ardent wish an exiled person can cling to, after the longing to see his exile come to an end, is to engage in some form of work and build up a few resources for himself through his industry. But, in order to do this, he has to be able to choose his place of residence. Those refugees who might be useful to commercial establishments have to reside in commercial towns; those who have an aptitude for a particular manufacturing industry have to be able to go to the regions in which such factories are located, while those of artistic bent have to live in the towns in which fine arts are encouraged. Finally, they have to have the right not to be expelled from one day to the next, and to expect that the sword of a despotic government will not be constantly held over their heads.

The law dated 21 April is calculated to prevent the Poles who are unable to receive either news or help from their own country, whose families are oppressed and dragged off to Siberia, or whose fellow-countrymen are dispersed and wandering all over the world, from doing anything for themselves to improve their lot. They are no longer refugees but genuine prisoners of war, huddled in their hundreds in villages that offer them no resources and where the uncertainty in which they find themselves prevents their taking steps that might decrease their expenditure. We have seen them at 9 o'clock receiving an order to leave town at mid-day, etc.

This system of persecution is based on the necessity of maintaining public order and peace in France. But all those who have had the opportunity of meeting Poles know full well that they are not the instigators of trouble and disorder and that they are fully aware that the interests of France have to be discussed by Frenchmen. Finally, if any one of them does not understand his position and duty sufficiently, the courts are there, and it is not in the least necessary for a minister two hundred leagues away to judge and condemn without hearing and seeing or even ascertaining the facts, or at least being obliged to ensure that he is not mistaking the name or the identity of individuals.

The result of this is that it is enough for a Pole to have a well connected personal enemy for him to be thrown out of the country without a hearing, an enquiry, or the guarantees that the lowliest of miscreants would obtain in France.

And what is more, are those who fear that the presence of Poles disturbs public order in good faith? We do not accept that they wish to disturb the peace, and if they had any such intention, we would be disposed to believe that it is the stringent measures taken against them that have annoyed them and led them into error. But is our Government on such unsteady foundations that it has to fear the presence of a few hundred exiled people? Is it not satirizing itself by claiming that it cannot guarantee public order unless it is armed with arbitrary powers against these people?

It is therefore perfectly clear that the petition that is being signed at this moment is not and should not be the work of one party, but that it should be welcomed by all the people of Bayonne, no matter what their political views, provided that there is some spark of humanity and justice in their hearts.

T.5 (1834.04) "Reflections on the Petitions from Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Lyons Relating to the Customs Service"↩

Source

T.5 (1834.04) "Reflections on the Petitions from Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Lyons Relating to the Customs Service" (Réflexions sur les pétitions de Bordeaux, Le Havre et Lyon, concernant les Douanes). [OC1, pp. 231-43.] [CW2.1, pp. 1-9.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text1 Endnotes

T.6 "A Letter to "Charles" in Support of a Polish Refugee" (Mugron, 1 Sept. 1835)↩

Source

T.6 (1835.09) "Letter to "Charles" in Support of a Polish Refugee" (Lette à un ami non identifié pour la défense d'un refugié). Mugron, 1 Sept. 1835. [JCPD]

Editor's Introduction

This letter was acquired by M. Paul-Dejean at an auction in 2012 and is here published for the first time. It follows nicely the previous article where Bastiat writes a newspaper article urging public support for a petition to liberalise the restrictive 1832 law which controlled the movement and activities of refugees. In this letter we see Bastiat's private actions to organise practical help for a Polish engineer he knew personally, M. Michalewsky, by lobbying his political and business contacts to contribute their weight and support to his efforts. Note that one of the names he refers to is an influential Landais general and Peer Antoine Simon Durrieu.

Text

My Dear Charles

I cannot find the way to express my gratitude for the speed and pleasure with which you took into your protection the unfortunate Pole whom I had recommended to you. Your last letter made him a happy man, especially since we were not expecting any success as prompt and complete as that.

I thought it preferable to send you M. Michalewsky's petititon. I am including a certificate from the Mayor of St.-Sever and another engineer from the arrondissement. The chief engineer also wanted me to send you his, but because of a misunderstanding it has not been included. I will get it if it is necessary, but I think that what we have is sufficient. M. Michalewsky has several others at hand from some of the villages where he has lived, and from a mathematics professor at a college in St-Sever. I think it would be better if he brought them to you himself. The position he now occupies here was obtained as a result of a personal recommendation from the Director General of the Bridges and Highways Department. Concerning the steps about which you spoke at the beginning of your letter, I'll thank you for them as if they had already been crowned with success. Personally, I have no interest in the matter. I hope that M. Durrieu 135 has not been taken advantage of.

Here, the word is that you might be appointed a Councilor at the Royal Court in Paris, or Procurer-General of the Province. Not having read anything about this in the newspapers I presume all this talk is premature. However, now that the appointment process has finished, I hope that your position will soon be confirmed.

But returning to my Pole, as you might think, he wants as little uncertainty as possible. After his arrival in Paris he will need to find some accommodation and to begin preparing for his interview which will be held on 5 September. The journey is a little long and all these factors will, I hope, encourage you to make immediate use of the kind services of M. de Gasparini.

You said nothing about your Portuguese litigation. 136 Your father, when he was in Paris, also neglected to talk to me about the Arias-Quivigne trial. The soundness of your case seems to me to be as clear as the midday sun. I cannot wait to see the end of it.

Adieu, my dear Charles. I write in haste as I feel an attack of the fever which has afflicted me these past three years returning. But I will always make the time to assure you of my sincere friendship and, on this occasion, of my deep gratitude.

Your friend

Frédéric Bastiat

Mugron, 1 September, 1835

T.7 Five Articles on "The Canal beside the Adour" (18 June 1837, La Chalosse )↩

Source

T.7 (1837.06.18) "The Canal beside the Adour" (Canal latéral à l'Adour), 5 articles, 18 June 1837 - 20 Aug. 1837, La Chalosse , nos. 28-37. [JCPD]

Editor's Introduction

[Map of Les Landes]

La Chalosse is a wine-growing region in the Département of Les Landes which has Dax as its major town. It lies in the foothills of the Pyrénées to the south of the Adour river. Bastiat's home town of Mugron is located there.

La Chalosse was a local weekly newspaper published in the town of Saint-Sever. It appeared between December 1836 and March 1876. Bastiat's first published piece in the journal was this series on "The Canal beside the Adour" (18 June-20 Aug. 1837). He then published two more in 1838 on "Reflections on the Question of Dueling" (Feb. 1838) 137 and "On the Basque Language" (April, 1838). 138 Bastiat went to a school in Saint-Sever for a year in 1813 and stood unsuccessfully for election to the local council in 1832 and 1842. 139

When Bastiat wrote these articles in June 1837 he was a relatively young man of 36 years and had described himself a couple of years earlier as "un simple agriculteur" (a simple farmer). 140 This was not entirely true as he had inherited land from his grandfather in 1825 in the wine growing region of La Chalosse and had acquired more property by means of a dowry when he married in 1831. His total estate of about 250 hectares (617 acres) was used for wine growing on the south side (left bank) of the Adour river, some general farming, and sharecropping by 150 farmers. The income he received from this pushed him into the top 5% of income earners, thus giving him the right to both vote and to stand for election under the very restricted franchise which existed during the July Monarchy.

During his late 20s he had been involved in liberal politics in the last years of the Restoration which reached a high point with his late-night assistance on August 5, 1830 in persuading the officers of the Bayonne garrison to side with the new King Louis Philippe (from the junior Orléanist branch of the family) and not with the overthrown Bourbon King Charles X, thus making it impossible for the overthrown King's Bourbon relative King Ferdinand VII of Spain to come to his military rescue via the south of France. Following the installation of the new monarchy which had some liberal inclinations, Bastiat had hoped to get some position in the new regime, either as an elected representative for the arrondissement of Dax (failed 6 July 1831) or St. Sever (failed 11 July 1832, and again 9 July 1842), or as a local magistrate (Justice of the Peace) in the canton of Mugron (successful 28 May 1832), and finally election to the General Council of Les Landes (successful 17 November 1833; reelected 1839).

It was as a General Councillor that Bastiat had the opportunity and the means to begin commenting in detail on economic matters which came before the Council. He had easy access to government reports and economic data, an audience of 27 other Councillors, and a brief to discuss local economic matters such as local roads, railways, canals, and other public works; the regulation of local fairs and markets; the administration of departmental property; and the collection of direct taxes such as the land tax. He did this with both formal memoranda he wrote and presented to the General Council as well as articles he published in the local press in which he spoke as a respected Council member to various local interest groups. Before he made his breakthrough into the world of the Parisian political economists with his article on "French and English Tariffs" in October 1844 141 he wrote half a dozen other works on specific economic topics which show his gradual development as an economic analyst, especially his skill at handling economic data. These essays were on tariff reform, the building of public works such as the Adour canal, the taxation of wine, the reform of the Post Office, and the direct tax on land:

1. "Reflections on the Petitions from Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Lyons Relating to the Customs Service" (April 1834) (in CW2, pp. 1-9.)
2. "The Canal beside the Adour" (June 1837) (CW4, below pp. 000)
3. "The Tax Authorities and Wine" (Jan. 1841) (CW2, pp. 10-23.)
4. "Memoir Presented to the Société d'agriculture on "The Wine-Growing Question" (Jan 1843) (CW2, pp.25-42.)
5. "Postal Reform" (Aug. 1844) (CW4, below pp. 000)
6. "On the Division of the Land Tax in the Department of Les Landes" (c. 1844) (CW4, below pp. 000)

As a group, the essays show a growing ability over a period of 10 years to use and analyse economic data which Bastiat gets from government reports and other official publications. He seems to have been an advocate of free trade right from the beginning as his 1834 analysis of the inconsistencies of the petitioners from Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Lyons demonstrate. Bastiat argues that if free trade in agriculture is good for consumers (and the nation), then free trade in manufacturing will also be good for exactly the same reasons of lower costs, greater efficiencies, and the expansion of trade in general. In "The Tax Authorities and Wine", the "Memoir Presented to the Société d'agriculture on Wine-Growing," and "On the Division of the Land Tax" he argues that existing government policies on tariffs on wine, other indirect taxes, city tolls (octroi), and the tax on land seriously hamper economic development in Les Landes and impact ordinary working people the most. In "Postal Reform" we see him beginning to argue that the radical reforms introduced in England can and should also be applied in France and he uses very detailed French economic data on the costs of letter delivery to make the case.

Although Bastiat is becoming a skilled analyst of economic data during this period he is still not yet the master of economic theory he was to become later and we only see brief glimpses here of some of the original insights that he was to develop between 1847 and 1850 when he was working on his treatise, Economic Harmonies . These are indicated in the footnotes when they appear. We do see however, some of his earliest uses of French literature to make his economic points which was to become so much a part of his work in the Economic Sophisms which were written between 1845 and the end of 1847. See for example, "The Tax Authorities and Wine" (Jan. 1841) in which he cites La Fontaine and Molière, and "Memoir Presented to the Société d'agriculture on Wine-Growing" (Jan 1843) in which he cites his favourite radical poet Béranger twice. This would become what I have called his distinctive "Rhetoric of Liberty." 142

Some of the economic ideas expressed here in "the early Bastiat" are quite conventional and only hint at the original and very interesting ideas he would develop in his later works. For example:

1. he still talks a great deal about the interests of "the nation"; he was to downplay this later in order to focus more on the interests of individual consumers
2. in his discussion of the Adour canal there is an attempt to provide a cost benefit analysis of government expenditure but no sense of the "opportunity cost" of this kind of government activity. The idea that the money spent by government funded public works projects ("the seen") is money that is taken from and thus not spent by consumers ("the unseen") would become central to his chapter 5 on "Public Works" in What is Seen and What is Not Seen (July 1850). 143
3. also in this essay is an older and more limited understanding of what constitutes productive labour (or what he would later call "effort"). Here he limits "productive labour" to agriculture, manufacturing, and trade, and makes no mention of other activities which create "non-material" goods or services which are also of value to consumers. He was to greatly expand this idea of "services" in Economic Harmonies . He also dismisses as "unproductive" the living off rents from land. When he later came to argue with Proudhon over this matter at the end of 1849, he was to completely reverse his position. 144
4. related to this, is his use of the term "la classe" (class), especially in the phrases "la classe laborieuse" (the working or labouring class) and "la classe oisive" (the idle class). This notion of class is one increasingly used by socialists throughout this period and which would reach a climax in the 1848 Revolution when steps were taken to limit the power or even outlaw by legislation those who lived from "unproductive" or "exploitative" activities such as rent on land, interest on capital, and profits from employing wage labour. There was another theory of class which was also current at the time Bastiat wrote this essay, namely the "industrialist theory" 145 of class developed by classical liberals whom Bastiat had read, such as Charles Comte, Charles Dunoyer, and Augustin Thierry. 146 Bastiat would take this up in earnest in his later writings about "plunder", but here for some reason he ignores this tradition and uses the more common, socialist version.

It is interesting to speculate when Bastiat changed his mind about the nature of productive work (and the part played by services) and adopted the "industrialist" theory of exploitation and class which plays such an important part in his later work. I believe that there are hints of this new way of thinking towards the end of his long introduction to his book on Cobden and the League (1845) 147 which suggests that his research on Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law League which he had undertaken in 1843-44 made him view classical economic theory in a new light. Cobden very much viewed the ruling and agricultural elites which benefited from the protectionist corn laws as an "oligarchy" which plundered ordinary English workers and consumers. Bastiat soon came to view the French political system in a very similar light.

Bastiat mentioned canals and canal building in several of his works. This is not surprising as the building of transport infrastructure, whether roads, canals, or railroads, was a crucial aspect of the industrial revolution. The question was not whether or not this infrastructure building was needed or not, but how it should be owned, financed, and run. The three main options were fully privately owned, funded, and operated roads, canals, and railways (which were more common in England); government owned, financed, and run operations (the eventual European model); or government licensed, private monopolies which were privately run but ultimately backed by government loans or bail-outs in case of failure (or a mixture of the last two). The latter was commonly used in France and the United States. As we can see from Bastiat's essay here, the building and financing of canals was a major concern of regional governments like Les Landes during the 1820s and 1830s. In the late 1830s and 1840s attention shifted to the building and financing of railways, and the decision to plan and build the 6 major lines (and their corresponding stations) which radiated out from Paris into the provinces, became a major topic of debate (as well as financial scandal at times).

Some examples of his references to canals include:

1. There is an amusing fragment which was probably written at the same time as his articles on the Adour canal in which he wryly comments on the mania for speculation in shares in canal building companies which was sweeping France. 148
2. in a letter to the editors of Le National (Nov. 1846) he states that an example of a "good tax" is one that taxes 1 franc from each citizen to fund the building of a canal which reduces transport costs by 5 or 6 millions francs for the entire nation 149
3. there are references to canals in several economic sophisms: ES1 9 "An Immense Discovery" (Oct. 1845); ES1 10 "Reciprocity" (Oct. 1845); ES1 16 "Blocked Rivers pleading in favor of the Prohibitionists" (late 1845); and ES2 7 "A Chinese Tale" (late 1847). 150 The latter in particular, is a lengthy and amusing story about a Chinese Emperor who decides to increase "employment" for his people by ordering that a fully functioning canal be filled in with large boulders in order to stimulate economic activity in building a new road alongside the canal. Bastiat would later apply this same witty reasoning to railways in "A Negative Railway." 151

First Article

I am proposing to submit to readers of La Chalosse a few thoughts on the proposed canal which would run parallel to the Adour, concerning which the government has just ordered some surveys. 152 It seemed to me useful to devote this first article to an account of the facts which led to this decision.

A few years back the Engineers of the Departement of the Landes produced a plan with respect to navigation on the Adour. 153

This plan consisted in improving or strengthening with a network of supporting stakes:

1. The bed of the Lower Adour as far as the mouth of the Midouze:

2. That of the Midouze as far Mont-de-Marsan;

3. That of the High Adour as far as Mugron and eventually on to St. Sever.

With regard to this third and last part of the project, however, the engineers drew attention to some serious difficulties and could not proclaim the benefits involved as anything more than uncertain.

It was no doubt in view of this consideration, that the government and the Chambers decided to deal only with the Lower Adour and the Midouze, to whose improvement a sum of 900,000 francs was allocated. 154

This decision brought protests from those who dwelt beside the High Adour. They recalled that in former times the navigability of the river had made their ancestors prosperous and they could not without distress see it about to be abandoned.

In fact, however, M. Durrieu, the spokesman for their grievances, managed to get their voices heard. The government granted 60,000 francs, but only for the improvement of the worst stretches of the Higher Adour between Hourquet and Mugron, with the further reservation that 10,000 francs be employed in advance for preliminary investigations. At the same time it instructed M. de Baudre, 155 Divisional Inspector of the Royal Corps of Bridges and Roads, to visit the places in question and make an official report on the controversy between engineers and local complainants.

Unfortunately, the reports of M. de Baudre coincided overwhelmingly with those of the Engineers. They were even more unfavorable to us, for, having seen the rapid descent of the river, the enormous beds of gravel that it sweeps along, its sides devoid of all embankments to which the various works could be secured, he declared himself not only against the improvements envisaged, but even against the investigations which were then being carried out.

Was it really necessary, however, to abandon for good the High Adour Basin, a region enriched by navigation which in times past had reached as far up as Aire, and later on to Grenade and recently to St. Sever? Would there no longer be the hope of keeping it going even to Mugron? Surely M. de Baudre and M. de Silguy 156 could not be thinking on any such lines.

Indeed it would have been less distressing for the High Adour Basin never to have enjoyed navigable access than to see that access gradually cut off across the centuries until in our time it was blocked entirely.

There is one misfortune for people worse than lacking markets for their trade, namely losing ones which they have enjoyed since time immemorial. In the first case a population will adjust. It will produce little but seek to provide for all its needs. When, however, access to trade has led it to expand indefinitely on a very restricted range of production, it is easy to see that should its markets happen to vanish, it will suffer terribly, deprived as it is of goods on which it depends, whilst its own production is of no use either for local consumption or trade.

This is exactly the situation of the Chalosse, which for this reason, and for others outside the scope of this article, endures all the pains of a decline rendered all the more frightful in that there appears no hope of an end to it.

Naturally another thought presents itself: if the bed of the High Adour could not be improved, at least its waters could be used by a parallel canal.

This thought had sprung in the first instance from the patriotic mind of the famous General Lamarque, 157 who had developed it in a report in which it was hard to know whether most to admire the opinions of the expert administrator, the foresight of the great officer, or the talents of the brilliant writer.

Soon the thought had taken on in M. Galabert's projects 158 those colossal dimensions which aroused so much hope and gained so little support.

The famous engineer Brisson 159 reduced the idea to a less monumental scale, but one still huge enough to seem to be dealing with proposals rather than realities.

Finally, M. Silguy, Chief Engineer of the Departement of the Landes, has transformed it into a plan which has the merit of being easily and immediately put into operation, without excluding future amendments conceived on a much larger scale, this plan being at once complete in itself but also the basis for the realization of the much grander schemes of its predecessors.

This plan consists in opening a shipping and irrigation canal parallel to the river Adour, from the point where the river Arros flows into it, as far as the point where its utility for shipping is assured by the allocation of the 900,000 francs already spoken of in our text.

It is research into the feasibility of this project, one favorably received by the General Council of Les Landes, which has just been commissioned.

Second Article

Any productive enterprise is to be evaluated by the comparison of the expense it incurs with the benefits which it produces. We may think it useful, before trying to establish the benefits the people may expect from the Canal parallel to the Adour, to call the reader's attention to the probable costs of this operation.

It is true that it is impossible at this time to set an overall figure. This is an unknown, the determining of which is reserved for the preliminary studies which the government has ordered only very recently.

If we do touch on this question, however, it is because it subsumes another of extreme importance, one which is particularly vital to the Chalosse and the answer to which, it seems to us, ought to serve as the rule, even in the studies which are at present underway.

We said in the previous article that the question at issue was a canal both for navigation and irrigation. Certainly irrigation is in our view an essential condition of the project, since it is what makes its carrying out possible by assuring entrepreneurs an income. Indeed the next thing we will attempt to prove is that it will bring about a complete revolution in our agricultural system.

The more evident the benefits of irrigation, however, the more it is to be feared that the Corps of Engineers for Roads and Bridges will let itself be drawn into wishing to spread them too widely.

Is the projected canal to be far away from the Adour? This is a very serious question which it behooves public opinion to bring to a head.

If it is distant, this will permit a much vaster extent of land to be irrigated, but it will also increase costs by some indefinite amount, because to carry a larger volume of water, the canal will have to be built with much larger dimensions.

To build it closer to the river will restrict the benefits but also contain the costs.

Without hesitation we plump for the latter plan, because we are quite convinced that any project requiring very sizeable capital would be destined to be buried in the government files.

Locating the Canal far from the Adour would also involve the immense inconvenience of disrupting all the customary activity and of violently uprooting, if I may dare to speak thus, the entire flow of economic activity which takes place there at present.

We should not lose sight of the aim of the Canal, which is to offer an alternative to the shipping on the Adour, which has provided an occupation for riverside populations from time immemorial. It is the impossibility of improving the bed of the river that has led to the idea of opening up a parallel water-way. To take away this shipping from the natural entrepots of the Chalosse — Aire, Grenade, St. Sever, Mugron — would be to wander away entirely from the purpose in hand.

We will return later to this subject; but we have had to make haste to note these reflections here, because we have been given reason to fear that the formerly extremely modest ideas of the engineer who has been charged with the management of these studies, may have taken off in a new direction, since the government has given signs of an interest in this enterprise.

In the past the talk was of a canal with rather small traffic. Its dimensions had to be very modest. It had to supply irrigation to a small stretch of land only, which entailed its being close to the Adour. We think we even know the evaluation put on the costs of the project: some three million .

We are engaging M. de Silguy to continue with this project, and to resist that desire which all distinguished men have, to attach their names to some monumental achievement. We repeat that a canal too far from the Adour would do much good only after it had done much that was bad, and, which settles the matter, would be unfeasible.

As for the figure of three million which we spoke of above, we are aware that in the absence of prior investigations, it can be only an approximation, at least if one holds to the idea of not letting oneself be dragged into vast schemes.

If one cannot determine yet, however, the precise amount of the expenses, one can at least have some notion as to whether it will exceed the average of what canals with modest shipping have cost in France, or stay below that figure. All one needs for that is to work out whether the territory to be crossed must be ranked with those which present the most difficulty or those which present the least.

Well, between Plaisance and Le Hourquet, no serious obstacle presents itself. No water needs to be searched for a long way off; no reservoir has to be built; no mountains needs to be penetrated, no troughs need filling in, no rivers to be bridged, no roads to be crossed.

Materials are there in abundance the whole way.

The land involved, the manpower, and the means of transport can be obtained at the most modest of prices.

Finally, the soil is of the kind most favorable to the conservation of the water.

M. de Brisson 160 has shown that canals with limited shipping have cost, on average , 57,000 francs per kilometer and 15,000 francs per metre of gradient.

Using these guides, the cost of the Canal alongside the Adour would amount to,

72 kilometres at 57,000 francs per km	4,104,000 Fr
7 metres of gradient at 15,000 fr per metre	105,000 Fr.
Total	4,209,000 Fr.

Given what we have said about the absence of difficulties along the whole route, we are justified in hoping that the figure of three million is very close to the mark.

Third Article

There are only three direct sources of wealth: agriculture, manufacturing, and trade. To create primary materials, to make changes in their shape and location: such is more or less the whole circle of productive activity.

Another aspect of the matter is that no agent can exert a more favorable influence on each one of these three elements of national prosperity than water does.

No modification of agriculture could be more lasting than irrigation, no motors could improve factories more than waterpower does, and no means of transport could be more powerful for commerce than navigable waterways.

Production is not the sole function of society; society also has both an interest and a duty to conserve and defend that production. 161

We could thus think about the canal alongside the Adour from the agricultural, manufacturing, or military point of view.

Most of these questions have been dealt with by General Lamarque, so superbly, indeed, as to impose a rule of silence on his successors. So I will not deal with them.

I ask only that I be permitted to draw the attention of the readers of La Chalosse to the question of irrigation. This is where, as I see it, M. de Silguy's ideas are exceptional . This subject, moreover, will give me the chance to point out a few ideas, not entirely new, but rather commonly scorned or neglected.

To get an idea of the importance of water to agriculture, all you need is to compare the value and productivity of two different hectares of land, located moreover in the same circumstances, save that only one of them has been irrigated . It is well known in all countries that the result is a doubling of output.

One would be making a great mistake, however, if one were to judge on the basis of irrigation defined in this way, what it might be when carried out on a grand scale and supplied to a whole country.

In the first case one can evaluate only the direct influence of the water; in the second, in addition to this immediate result, there develops a whole series of mutually generated effects, some of which are perhaps more important than the one which gave birth to them. 162 Let us be the judges.

A country which is not watered, above all if it is exposed to the influence of burning heat, always possesses little grassland, and is consequently short of fodder, while livestock and consequently fertilizer are scarce. In consequence, in order to put livestock to pasture and obtain fodder, it must keep a lot of land vacant and resort to leaving land fallow. This already represents an immense loss in the value of the land. Necessarily there is added to this a no less considerable loss of labor-power, in the care of flocks and herds, the upkeep of fencing, the transport of enormous masses of fodder, endless weeding, etc, a condition which remains until the country has access to irrigation.

Then the pastures multiply, and with them the livestock and the manure. The good land improves and the unused land is cleared under the triple influence of water, fertilizer, and crop rotation. The costs of cultivation fall relative to the value of the products. The soil grows in value and fertility. The population increases in number and well-being.

Such are the general effects of irrigation. There are others which make themselves felt most markedly on the farms on the banks of the Adour, because of their exceptional situation – which is something I must explain. The right bank of the Adour presents initially a strip of good soil produced by the alluvium of the river. Behind this good soil vast heaths or moors stretch away. For the most part these two types of terrain are separated by marshland, formed by rainwater, which, falling on the moors, is prevented by the alluvial strip from draining into the river.

Most of the farms are composed of these three types of land in varying proportions.

This mix of different kinds of land, along with the hot climate and the sandy nature of the soil, makes it clear to the inhabitants what kind of agriculture is required.

On good land people produce as much cereal as possible. On this kind of terrain the fields would soon be exhausted and invaded by weeds . But the first difficulty could be circumvented by bringing in enormous masses of compost from the surface layer of the moorlands and the second by weeding and fallow farming. An agriculture so simple and based exclusively on manual labor could be, and in fact was, abandoned to share-cropping. 163

To describe here all the fatal consequences of share-cropping would be to pile article onto article. I will limit myself to indicating them in a very general way, leaving the reader to apply them at will.

Good agriculture like good anything else, requires the combination of three things: will, knowledge, and power .

Will is bound to be sluggish in the case of share-croppers, since all expenditure of effort over and above what is absolutely indispensable, is an undertaking in which all the costs fall on them and half the profit goes to someone else.

As for scientific knowledge , it would be absurd to look for it in a class of men lacking in everything, even will.

Sharecropping is equally deficient in power . Only the master could devote some capital to the land; but he reasons in respect of such expenditure in the same way as the share-cropper does in respect of labor, and he knows that he will get back only half of the profit from investments he would have to finance entirely on his own.

Thus all agriculture under share-cropping is apathetic, humdrum, and poor. 164

If we switch our attention from the work to the worker, we will be struck by a no less deplorable spectacle.

A uniform agriculture produces a uniform diet: bread and water and some salted meat, such is the food regime of the Landais peasant.

Clothing is not comfortable either in a country which lacks the raw materials and the means of making them .

It suffices, if one wants to get an idea of the dwellings, to remember that they are in the exclusive charge of the proprietor, who does not use them.

Finally, this badly nourished, badly clothed, and badly housed population, is further decimated by the endemic fever which the marshland produces and spreads to the countryside.

I could round off this sad account if I added to it a sketch of the intellectual and moral state of this unfortunate class, but this would take me too far from my subject.

I will summarize therefore, in order of their causation, the obstacles which, on the right bank of the Adour, stand in the way of agricultural progress and the well-being of the inhabitants:

Burning sun, arid soil.

Inevitable lack of pasture, livestock, and fertilizer.

An immense proportion of uncultivated land.

An agriculture which drains and wastes alluvial soils.

Share-cropping; lack of energy, knowledge, and capital.

A population badly fed, badly clothed, badly housed, and ravaged by periodic illness.

Fourth Article

Thus far I have considered the Canal by the Adour only in its connections with the right bank of this river.

In trying to establish that it was conducive alike to manufacturing by way of waterpower, to commerce by facilitating shipping, and to agriculture by means of irrigation, I wanted to show it, if I may put it thus, as an immense and versatile motor, 165 at work across the whole length of our region, bringing a powerful forward momentum to all the activity which takes place there.

It remains for me to consider its effects on the left bank of the Adour or on the Chalosse. 166 My initial thought is that it would be hard to understand how all types of production could be undergoing a sizeable development all around us, without our taking some share in that growth in well-being and prosperity.

Some worthy souls, however, without exactly denying the general benefits of the Canal, have expressed the fear that it might be more hurtful than helpful to the particular interests of the Chalosse. "To create a means of communication," they have said, "which puts our vineyards up against the Madiran, is to subject them to ruinous competition".

Fear of competition is the eternal stumbling block of all economic progress. 167 If this were the prevailing question with regard to the shipping on the Adour, I have to ask, where ought it to start? Grenade could establish that competition from Aire is to be feared and that the navigability of the river will be a scourge if the boats just sail past their storehouse doors. St. Sever could say the same about Grenade; Mugron could about St. Sever; Laurede about Mugron; and if such an argument is absurd on a district to district basis, I cannot work out why it should become decisive from province to province.

What a strange contradiction! We want roads and we do not want canals, which are only much improved roads. The ability to engage in economic tran sactions, however, is either useful or disastrous. If the former we must welcome the canals; in the latter case we must reject the roads. If competition is in itself a bad thing, the isolation of empires, provinces, and districts must be the aim and outcome of all civilization.

Moreover, one should not be surprised at the fears, even the exaggerated ones, of the Chalosse. The process of decay which is dragging the place down is so rapid that we must take seriously even its fears, which resemble those of an ill person whom real dangers make scared of imaginary ones.

Two interests, so it seems to me, must be the concern of the Chalosse: to win new markets for its wines; and to improve all its other sources of income.

To know whether the Canal will help or hinder the distribution of its wines, we have to look into the causes which have brought their distribution to a halt, and when we undertake this examination, we will find all these factors operating in a region where the canal would have no impact on them. It is not by perfecting our means of transport that we succeed in modifying the system of the prohibition of trade, the thousand shackles created by indirect taxation, the thousand barriers caused by municipal taxes on merchandise (the octroi), 168 or the apparently fixed preference consumers have for red wine.

Among the causes of our distress, however, there is one which will inevitably be affected by the Canal beside the Adour, namely, competition. It is important therefore to see what brought about this competition, what kind of future it is preparing for us, and how it can be modified by the Canal which is our present concern.

Two principal issues seem to me to make competition frightening with regard to the present and above all for the future of my native region. The first is the question of ease of communication and the second concerns the raising of beef cattle.

Those to whom I address my remarks are well aware that we encounter in places such as Dax and Bayonne a great deal of rival production other than that from the Madiran. Bordelais, Saintonge, Languedoc, the province of Salies, and even the Ile de Ré have recently driven out our products. How do wines from so far off come to invade our habitual trading centres ? It is because we live in an era when transport is cheap and our agriculture is based on crude manual labor and is very costly.

If this is the case, are our problems approaching their end? Far from it. On all sides there are being prepared means of transport vastly more powerful than those which these fearsome rivals of ours have introduced. The time is coming when distances are going to disappear, when one will be able to count the advantages of proximity for nothing, when canals and railroads will be able to shift the heaviest of loads from the North to the South, and from the South to the North, from the centre to the periphery and from the periphery to the centre, with prodigious economy. Whether this is a blessing or a curse matters little. The world marches on and our complaints will not stop it. What are we going to do, however, in the face of this fearsome competition, we who are already complaining that it is killing us? How will we defend ourselves, in our isolation and with our miserable farming practices ? This is what, it seems to me, should be the focus of serious thinking, rather than the obsessively minute calculation of the harm which competition from the Madiran can do us.

Now that I have shown the owners of the vineyards the future that awaits them, 169 I must show them how that future can be changed by the Adour Canal.

The thing which caused and as it were set in stone the manual labor-based agriculture of the Chalosse, was the high cost of raising cattle, a cost which reflects the barren character of the resources available in our area for education and the raising of live-stock. It would mean giving up for all time the idea of competing with our rivals on an equal basis, if, blindly sticking to the status quo , we were to repudiate the innovations which would put within our reach that economic agriculture which they have generally adopted. Now what is more likely to favor this revolution, one that is moreover imminent, than an irrigation Canal, a canal which will turn over fifteen thousand hectares of land, in the centre of the Département, almost exclusively to the production of fodder?

I am well aware, of course, that a revolution in the growing of vines is fraught with difficulties; that a whole region cannot easily change all its habits, and that our forecasts in this respect look utopian in the extreme. One cannot deny, however, that we are being drawn towards this revolution by irresistible forces, forces which it does not fall within our powers to control. We must prepare for these circumstances or be crushed by them. We must produce under the same conditions as the others or succumb under the weight of the competition. If we must of necessity move from one regime or perish, is it not wise to give a very favorable welcome to the project by which the transition will be facilitated?

It is not enough for us to produce at the same prices as our rivals; we also need the same means of having our products arrive at the centers of consumption. Doubtless these routes, these canals which are the means for the export for our wines are also a means of entry for wines from outside. To reject them for this reason would be a puerile act, comparable to that of the would-be country gentleman who keeps his house boarded up for fear that thieves might get in.

They say that the wine of Madiran will come to the Chalosse. So why should not the wine of the Chalosse go to Madiron? Madiran's wines do not all make their way down to our departement. The great majority are spread out across the Bearn, the Bigorre and the plain of Tarbes. We know that these wines are blended, something which our own are eminently capable of as well. It may well be therefore that the Canal would open up this new possibility for our vineyards.

Whatever is the case, it is certain that the latter can only gain from easy access for our trade with Dax and Bayonne, from the growth in population and wealth which the canal is bound to lead to across our entire navigable area, and that, accordingly, even when the case is discussed from the narrowest point of view, it is far from justifying the fears the project has inspired. I began by saying that the Chalosse had a double interest, first in having markets for all its wines, and secondly, in the improvement in all its other areas of economic activity. Although the question of wines is the only one I have touched on, I have no space to give an account of the likely effects of the Canal on all our other productive undertakings and interests. Perhaps that will be the subject of a fifth article.

Fifth Article

To finish what I had to say about the Canal beside the Adour, after having explored its influence on the wine industry, I still have to consider it in terms of its connections with other industries. Such a subject, if I dealt with the details, would yield me nothing more than a series of commonplaces. Perhaps I may be permitted to cast an eye more generally, on the probable future of the Chalosse. The results will speak for themselves to the reader.

The population of the Chalosse can be divided into two classes:

1.Those who live from rents;

2. Those who live by working. 170

The first has enjoyed until the present time virtually exclusive importance. It is clear, however, that this preponderance will soon begin to wane. A constant process is reducing the size of the great landed fortunes and forcing the small proprietors down into the ranks of the working class. 171 This is incontestable, and in witness of it, our countryside is dotted with ruined and deserted houses, attesting to the disappearance of as many once comfortable families.

The working class, by contrast, have virtually taken over our region. Already we can see this class growing everywhere. I am not very old, 172 yet I have seen a lot of shops invade a lot of living-rooms. I have seen the increase in the numbers of lawyers, doctors, solicitors and notaries. 173 I have witnessed the springing up of numberless artisans.

There are clearly laws in operation which reduce continuously the numbers of the idle class, 174 and increasing those of the working class, laws which tend to modify profoundly the face of our cities.

These laws are not hard to uncover. I will cite two of the principal ones: the growth of luxury and the fragmentation of inherited wealth .

The idle class has a thousand ways to ruin itself; it has only one of enriching itself, which is by saving. The landed fortunes which spread prodigality, carelessness, and misfortune are bound to be more numerous than those which engender good order and economy.

The division of inherited wealth works even more actively in the destruction of landed riches. One holding, no matter how extensive it may be, which goes on dividing and sub-dividing from generation to generation, dissolves eventually into a multitude of fragments, quite incapable of maintaining as many families in luxury. 175

If these are the causes which entail the decline of the idle classes, it is clear that the decline will stop only when the causes cease to exert their influence. It is most unlikely, however, that this will happen. Far from diminishing in their force, these causes seem to draw new vigor from their own effects, such that it is correct to say that the decline of the idle classes is subject to the same accelerating force as the fall of physical bodies.

In fact, civilization, travel, and frequent communications between men, awaken in us new needs, new desires, new temptations, new habits, and new pleasures.

If our fathers had a thousand ways of ruining themselves, we have ten thousand, and our descendants will have a hundred thousand. What was a unnecessary a hundred years ago, is today a necessity and the luxuries of our time will be indispensable a hundred years from now. 176 Perhaps it is only the privately owned (and worked) part of a limited area which will prove to be a constant; from which one has to conclude that the idle bourgeoisie is destined to vanish.

Besides all this, the division of inherited wealth is far from having run its course. On the contrary it has been given a new impetus by the recent changes which have affected our laws and way of life. One knows that there is the equal division of inherited property 177 a force which in very few generations would prevail against the strongest of aristocracies. So how long can it be thought that our small bourgeoisie could resist it?

We are thus drawn irresistibly towards work. Work is the law of mankind. It is the only refuge open to the inhabitants of the Chalosse, and we can readily see that they all have some feeling of embarrassment towards it, since they all aspire to leave to their sons a profession, instead of an inheritance of land rents.

These are, doubtless, incontestable truths. If this is so, however, by what strange reversal of ideas do we accept with such indifference and often with such disfavor these great improvements which are sure to open up an immense prospect of work for the generation to follow? What do we really want for this next generation, then? That it should be reduced to the alternative of looking for work far from the land which witnessed its birth or leading in its own country a life of idleness, and lacking in dignity? It is incontestable that the Canal beside the Adour offers powerful inducements to all forms of work. It will open to the enthusiasm of the young of today a multitude of careers in farming, manufacture, and commerce. A more lively system of production, and economic transactions multiplied many times over, can not fail to magnify the business opportunities of lawyers, solicitors, and notaries, indeed of all the professions, to increase the size of our markets, and to give much encouragement to the work of our artisans. The prosperity of each class reacts on all the others, and that is how general prosperity is fostered.

T.8 (1837.06.??) "Untitled Fragment" (On Canal shares)↩

Source

T.8 (1837.06.??) "Untitled Fragment" (on a shareholder in a canal company). No date; mentions canal building, FB wrote on canals in June 1837. [OC7.69, p. 289.] [CW1.2.3.3, p. 410.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text

As I wandered idly through the streets of one of our major towns, I met a friend of mine who seemed to be in a bad mood. “What is wrong with you,” I asked him, “to make you paler than a rentier faced with a decree that cuts off a quarter of his income?” (Under the Great King,4 a quarter of income was cut off.) At this, my friend drew from his pocket a bunch of papers; “I am,” said he, “a thousandth shareholder in a business project to build a canal. We have entrusted the execution of the business to a clever man who sends us his accounts each year. Each year, he makes fresh calls for funds, he increases the number of his agents, and the work does not progress. I am going to a meeting in which all the shareholders will elect a commission to check, verify, approve, or rectify our man’s accounts.” “And doubtless,” I replied, “you will pack this commission with your entrepreneur’s men and make its leader the entrepreneur himself.” “You are joking,” he replied; “no man on earth would be capable of such stupidity.” “Oh! Oh!” I said, “do not judge so quickly; in my country, this happens more than a hundred times a year.”

Endnotes

[4 ]Presumably Louis XIV (1638-1715), the Sun King.

T.9 (1838.02.11) "Reflections on the Question of Dueling (Report)" (La Chalosse, Feb. 1838)↩

Source

T.9 (1838.02.11) "Reflections on the Question of Dueling (Report) " (Compte rendu d'une brochure de F. Coudroy sur la question des duels) (Revue of a Pamphlet by F. Coudroy on Dueling), La Chalosse, 11 Feb. 1838. [OC7.3, pp. 10-14.] [CW1.2.1.2, p. 309-12.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text2 Endnotes

T.10 (1838.04.01) "Two Articles on the Basque Language" (La Chalosse, Apr. 1838)↩

Source

T.10 (1838.04.01) "Two Articles on the Basque Language" (Deux articles sur la langue basque), La Chalosse, 1-8 April 1838. [JCPD] [CW1.2.1.1, p. 305-08.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.11 (1840.??) "Parliamentary Reform"↩

Source

T.11 (1840.??) "Parliamentary Reform" (Réforme parlementaire). Sometime post-1840. [ OC7.70, pp. 289-92.] [CW1.2.2.3, pp. 457-63.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.12 (1841.01) "The Tax Authorities and Wine"↩

Source

T.12 (1841.01) "The Tax Authorities and Wine" (Le Fisc et la vigne) [ OC1, pp. 243-59] [CW2.2, pp. 10-23.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text1

The production and sale of wines and spirits must of necessity be affected by the treaties and laws on finance that are currently the subject of deliberations in the chambers.

We will endeavor to set out:

• 1. The new obstacles that the draft law dated 30 December 1840 is threatening to impose on the wine-producing industry;
• 2. Those obstacles implicit in the formal rationale that accompanies this draft ;
• 3. The results to be expected from the treaty signed with Holland;
• 4. The means by which the wine-producing industry might succeed in freeing itself.

[16] Endotes

T.286 "Proposals for an Association of Wine Producers" (15 Jan. 1841)↩

Source

T.286 (1841.01.15) "Proposals for an Association of Wine Producers." Documents relating to an Association for the Defence of Wine Producers planned by Bastiat. In Ronce, Appendix III, pp. 287-95.

According to Ronce they were written shortly after Bastiat returned from a trip to Spain and Portugal in 1840. In three parts: 1. Une Association; pp. 287-88; 2. Statuts de l'Association, pp. 288-92; 3. Prospectus du Journal de l'Association, Le Midi , pp. 292-95. In Ronce, Appendix III, pp. 287-95.

Editor's Introduction

This piece is interesting because of the light it shines on an early plan Bastiat drew up to organise an anti-tax, free trade movement in France some five years before he helped found the Free Trade Association in February 1846, first in Bordeaux and then a national body a few months later in Paris.

Bastiat first wrote on free trade in April 1834 in "Reflections on the Petitions from Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Lyons Relating to the Customs Service" 178 in which he called himself "a simple farmer" which belied his already deep reading in economic literature and his growing interest in the economic affairs of his Département of Les Landes. The new July Monarchy (which came to power in August 1830) launched an initiative to review French tariff and tax policies after the increases enacted in the 1820s during the Bourbon Restoration. 179 Given the unpopularity of the taxes on alcohol these were reduced somewhat but there was less success with tariff policy.

In France at this time there were a bewildering array of restrictions on goods allowed into the country. Some were prohibited outright, many raw materials were lightly taxed, while other finished goods had very high tariffs imposed upon them. In 1836 the average tariff rate imposed by the French government was about 12%. In Britain at this time it was about 15%; in the U.S. it was about 33%. To police this complex system a veritable "army" of public servants worked for the Customs Service. 180 According to the Budget Papers of 1848 the French state raised fr. 202.1 million from tariffs and import duties out of total receipts of fr. 1,371 million, or 14.7%. 181

Very few individuals or groups called for free trade across the board, but various groups, like the merchants in the port cities of Bordeaux and Le Havre and the important regional city of Lyon, called for free trade for some sectors of the French economy but not for their particular industries. Bastiat condemned them for their intellectual inconsistency and argued that:

I have come not to defend the protection that they are attacking but to attack the protection that they are defending. Privilege is being claimed for a few; I come to claim freedom for all. 182

Although he pointed out their errors in some detail and showed how French agriculture would benefit from a policy of free trade, he seemed to realise that his proposals were premature, since he opened the essay with the statement that "Free trade will probably suffer the fate of all freedoms; it will be introduced into our legislation only after it has taken hold of our minds." 183 And France, Bastiat understood very well, had not yet reached that stage.

His next significant essay on economic matters came three years later with an essay "The Canal beside the Adour" (June 1837) 184 in which he discussed the financing of public works in his Département. However, his next foray into free trade did not occur for another two and a half years after that with a pair of articles which he wrote at the end of 1840 or in early January 1841 on "The Tax Authorities and Wine" 185 and the essay republished here, "Proposals for an Association of Wine Producers." These essays began a period of growing interest in tax and tariff reform in Les Landes and its impact on both French agriculture and foreign trade, especially with the Netherlands and England. Between these two essays and his breakthrough essay on "On the Influence of French and English Tariffs on the Future of the Two People" (written in June or July 1844 and published in the JDE in October) 186 which brought him to the attention of the economists and free traders in Paris, Bastiat wrote the following pieces on the wine industry, taxes, and free trade:

1. "Memoir Presented to the Société d'agriculture, commerce, arts, et sciences du département des Landes on the Wine-Growing Question" (Jan. 1843) 187
2. three 3 essays on "Free Trade. State of the Question in England," published in the Bayonne Sentinelle des Pyrénées , May-June 1843 188 in which he describes the activities of the Anti-Corn Law League for the first time and wonders why the French press continues to ignore it.
3. and 2 undated pieces from 1844 on "Freedom of Trade" published in an unnamed newspaper in the south of France, 189 and
4. another Report "On the Allocation of the Land Tax in the Department of Les Landes" possibly written for the General Council of Les Landes, of which he was a member. 190

Returning to the "Proposals", Ronce tells us that they were written in late 1840 after Bastiat returned from a business trip to Spain and Portugal to set up an insurance company which never eventuated. 191 He was on his way to England (perhaps to meet Cobden and other members of the Anti-Corn Law League which had began its free trade agitation in 1838) when he was taken ill and returned to Le Havre and then to Paris. He arrived in the middle of a debate which had spring up about the Minister of Finance Georges Humann's efforts 192 to reform the taxation system in order to meet a looming budget deficit.

This was caused by Adolphe Thiers' plans for a massive public works program to erect the so-called "fortifications of Paris," or what would later be known as "Thiers' wall or enclosure" (l'enceinte de Thiers). 193 The international crisis which arose in 1840 over France's support for the Pascha of Egypt and opposition by Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia led to growing fears in France, led by Thiers, that Britain might one day plan a new invasion and occupation of the capital as the victorious powers had done in 1815. Thiers therefore planned to build a military wall which would surround and supposedly protect Paris, along with a series of 16 massive star-shaped forts laid out in an outer perimeter beyond the wall. 194 Thiers' critics, such as the astronomer and mathematician François Arago 195 and the economist Michel Chevalier, 196 objected to its construction because it was so expensive, that military technology would soon make it obsolete, and that the wall would one day be used to "imprison" the citizens of Paris if they ever rose up in rebellion to demand much needed political and economic reforms (which they did of course in February 1848, and were duly down by troops stationed in the forts around Paris). In other words, the wall would result in the "embastillisation" of Paris (the Bastillisation of Paris). 197 To pay for the wall, budgeted at Fr. 150 million, Humann had to "rationalise" (i.e. increase) tax collection, which he did by undertaking a new survey of land and business ownership and more vigorously collecting the direct taxes which were levied upon them, as well as increasing indirect taxes on such things as wine and alcohol. As we know from a letter to Felix Coudroy 198 Bastiat opposed the building of the Thiers' wall as well as the consequent new taxes Humann imposed on the wine industry which had a significant impact on Bastiat's home region which depended heavily on wine production. These measures were the immediate cause for Bastiat writing his paper on "The Tax Authorities and Wine" and his ambitious "Proposals for an Association" to organise the wine producers of his region to oppose these tax increases.

Bastiat was so moved to oppose these mesures that he wrote the pamphlet, drew up the statutes for a broadly based anti-tax organisation, and a prospectus for its journal to be called Le Midi ("The South"), and took them personally to a print shop to be printed and distributed. This would not be the last time Bastiat would do something like this. He would do the same thing three times again, once in November 1846 when he became the editor of the magazine of the French Free Trade Association, Le Libre-Échange , 199 and twice more during the 1848 Revolution with two small publications which he and some close friends handed out on the streets of Paris, La République française (February-March, 1848) and Jacques Bonhomme (June-July, 1848). 200 If nothing else, Bastiat was an inveterate founder of small magazines to support a cause he passionately believed in.

These plans to build a large, organised anti-tax movement in the major wine growing areas of the south (around the regional cities of Orléans, Angoulême, and Bordeaux) came to nothing since he was met with indifference by most of the landowners and wine merchants he approached. In a letter to Felix Coudroy dated 11 January, 1841 201 Bastiat complains that the southern Deputies he spoke to had "interests to protect" or were "seeking government positions" and did not wish to jeopardise their chances of success. Thus the detailed plans he drew up concerning the structure and operation of the Association were largely wishful thinking on his part at this stage. Bastiat would have more success in creating a free trade association with a second attempt in early 1846 after he had made contact with the political economists in Paris who were part of the Guillaumin network. 202 The first branch of the Free Trade Association 203 was started in Bordeaux in February 1846 and a national organisation was created in Paris in July 1846. Bastiat would lead the Free Trade Association until ill health forced him to resign in February 1848. The Association would be closed down soon after the February Revolution so the economists could focus on the more pressing problem of the rise of socialism in the new Second Republic. But here, in January 1841 we see Bastiat in the full flush of enthusiasm for the cause of free trade.

It is interesting to compare this Proposal with a very similar one he drew up in February 1846, a "Plan for an Anti-Protectionist League," when the first Free Trade Association was being launched in Bordeaux. 204 He still asserts the importance of forming committees in every town, the need to take a principled stand in favour of complete and not partial free trade, and to avoid unnecessary political partisanship in order to appeal to the widest possible audience. This "Proposal" and his remarks about the activities of the English Anti-Corn Law League 205 in the introduction to his book on Cobden and the League (July 1845) reveal the strategy for radical economic and social change he was developing at this time and which he would attempt to put into practice in 1846.

Also of note is his use of sarcasm and expressions of anger in the face of these new taxes and regulations, which prefigures what was to become his hallmark "rhetoric of liberty" with its use of "harsh language" and wicked humour in the Economic Sophisms which he wrote in 1845–47 at the height of the campaign against protectionism.

Text 1. An Association.

There are in France 2 million hectares 206 of land planted with vines.

Each hectare produces on average 50 hectolitres 207 of wine.

Total production is 100 million hectolitres.

Granting that a reform, even a partial one, of the laws which govern the collection of indirect taxes, 208 the system of octroi taxes (city taxes) 209 and that of customs duties, would have the effect of increasing the value of each hectolitre by 2 francs, resulting in a increase of 200 million francs in income for the producers, which represents, at an interest rate of 4%, a capital value of 5 billion francs .

It is estimated that this reform would produce at least a similar amount in additional profits for the traders, merchants, bar owners, and consumers.

Thus it is thus a matter of TEN BILLION FRANCS which can be won by introducing freedom of industry and the equalisation of tax rates. 210

There is only one means to achieve this: ORGANIZATION. 211

It is necessary that all those interests march to the beat of the same drum in order to reach the same goal, and they will be able to do this only when they are organised .

Every industry provides examples of this.

Producers of sugar, manufacturers of cloth, the maritime and colonial interests all have representatives .

We alone are always defeated because we do not know how to defend ourselves.

If the truth be told, it is difficult for millions of citizens who are spread across a vast territory, to organise themselves.

But nothing is impossible for an Association united in a public campaign.

This is what has lead us to found at the same time an Association for the Defence of Wine PRODUCERS and a Journal of the Association .

Both institutions are only in an imperfect embryonic form, but with time and the good will of our fellow citizens they can be developed further.

2. Statutes of the Association.

Article 1. A Society has been formed, with the government's authorisation, 212 comprising owners of vineyards, wine traders, merchants, and bar owners engaged in the wholesale or retail sale of alcoholic beverages, and all other persons who agree with these statutes.

Is is not necessary for this support to be explicit; it comes from the mere fact of having paid the subscription which will be discussed below.

Article 2. The aim of the Association is to seek, by constitutional means, the progressive reform of the legislation governing indirect taxation, the system of octroi (city tolls), and customs duties, where it causes harm to the production, distribution, sale, and consumption of wine and spiritous liquor.

The Association is formally to refrain from engaging in all other activities. especially any intervention in political matters.

Art. 3 To be a member of the Association one has to agree to an annual payment of 2 francs.

Art. 4. The wine growing land of France is divided into 5 districts, each of which will have one representative, namely: 213

Western District Administrative Centre: Nantes
Charente	110,000
Lower Charente	100,000
Vendée	17,000
Deux Sèvres	20,000
Lower Loire	30,000
Maine-et-Loire	38,000
Vienne	28,000
Upper Vienne	4,000
Indre	18,000
Indre-et-Loire	35,000
Cher	12,000
Loire-et-Cher	26,000
Loiret	38,000
Hectares of vines	476,000

Southwestern District Administrative Centre: Bordeaux
Gironde	138,000
Dordogne	90,000
Lot-et-Garonne	70,000
Lot	58,000
Tarn-et-Garonne	36,000
Gers	88,000
Landes	20,000
Upper Pyrénées	15,000
Lower Pyrénées	24,000
Hectares of vines	539,000

Southeastern District Administrative Centre: Marseilles
Bouches-du-Rhône	40,000
Var	68,000
Vaucluse	28,000
Drôme	24,000
Isère	27,000
Ardèchre	26,000
Lozère	26,000
Rhône	30,000
Loire	14,000
Upper Loire	6,000
Upper Alps	14,000
Lower Alps	6,000
Puy-de-Dôme	30,000
Hectares of vines	339,000

Southern District Administrative Centre; Montpellier
Upper Garonne	48,000
Eastern Pyrénées	45,000
Ariège	12,000
Aude	51,000
Tarn	31,000
Hérault	103,000
Aveyron	34,000
Gard	71,000
Hectares of vines	395,000

Central District Administrative Centre: Dijon
Côte-d'Or	26,000
Saône-et-Loire	37,000
Nièvre	9,000
Yonce	37,000
Aube	22,000
Marne	18,000
Upper Marne	13,000
Upper Saône	11,000
Doubs	8,000
Jura	21,000
Allier	17,000
Ain	17,000
Seine-et-Oise	16,000
Hectares of vines	252,000

The number of districts, and consequently the number of representatives, can be increased if the interests of the Association require it.

Art. 5. There will be created:

One Committee per Department,

One Committee per district,

One Central Committee,

One General Administrative body.

Art. 6. The members of the Association from the same Commune will choose from among themselves a Financial Officer.

The Assembly of Financial Officers from the Communes will meet in the main town of the Department and elect one of their members to the Subscription Committee.

This Committee will elect the representative of the Wine Growing Industry , or the member of the Central Committee.

All elections will be conducted using a plurality of votes, whatever may be the number of voters, according to the customary practices and at times announced in the Journal of the Association .

In the case where an election is not held the representative chosen at the preceding election will continue to carry out his duties.

Art. 7. The function of the Representatives of the Wine Producing Industry will be to make themselves available in Paris during the sessions of the Chambers in order to support the petitions and demands of their constituents.

To seek the progressive reform of the laws which regulate the distribution and the market for wine.

To judge the order in which each reform ought to be proposed, in order to bring about the common goal determined by the entire Association.

To determine and to develop the means of levying the tax in a way which is compatible with the liberty of industry and the principle of the equality of the tax burden.

Art. 8. The general Administrator is in charge of everything concerning financial accountability and publicity.

Art. 9. The Representatives of the Wine producing Industry will receive a monthly payment which will be set at a later date, either by the Subscription Committees or by the Central Committee itself.

This Central Committee will also set the salary of the General Administrator.

Art. 10. The Agent General will submit the financial accounts to the assembly of representatives and these accounts will be published in full in the Journal of the Association .

Art. 11 ( for the time being ). For the year 1841, it being expected that it will be practically impossible to organise a delegation by the methods stipulated above, we call upon the Committees which already exist in Bordeaux, Nantes, Dijon, Montpellier, and Marseilles, so that they can immediately nominate a Representative of their District.

In those towns where no Committee exists at the moment, wine producers, traders, and other interested parties ought to get together and proceed to elect a Representative without delay. This election is quite urgent and will be confirmed at a later date by the Subscription Committee.

Paris, 15 January 1841.

The Provisional Administrator of the Association

Frédéric Bastiat

Member of the General Council of the Department of Les Landes.

3. Prospectus for the Journal of the Association, Le Midi (The South),

Journal of the Association for the Defence of Wine Producers.

Without doubt, one of the most valuable sources of wealth which France possesses is the cultivation of vines.

This plant extends over 50 Départements, it covers 2 million hectares of land, and employs several million people.

It is not only the people who live in the countryside who are interested in the prosperity of the wine industry, since who could say to what level of development it might take our foreign trade and our merchant marine, if there were a more normal state of trading relations with foreign countries?

Unfortunately, the geniuses in the Ministry of Finance seem to have undertaken the task of snuffing out this branch of industry by restricting the market for wine, outside France with the regime of trade prohibition, and inside the country by the increase in the octroi (city tolls) and the legislation concerning indirect taxes.

One might have thought that, having reached its limits, the suffering endured by our port cities and our countryside would no longer be contested, and that the government, even if it backed away from introducing any reforms in the face of these difficulties, at least would recognise the justice of them.

But here we have it preparing for us a series of new taxes and new economic shackles.

And according to the customary tradition in these matters, the Fisc (Fiscal authorities) throws sarcasm in our faces as it oppresses us.

As proof, isn't it a cruel irony that the Minister of Finance (Humann), after having proposed, among other measures, to treat the vineyard owner under the same law which taxes and regulates a cabaret owner, 214 when he writes "thus we will see disappear a privilege which nothing can justify and which violates the principle of the equality of tax burdens"?

My goodness! Just because the law places an exceptional and onerous burden upon cabaret owners, does this exception become the rule, does a common right become then a privilege ? And to impose this exceptional burden on millions of citizens, does this make the principle of equality reign across the country?

And this is not all. The Minister has let it be known that he will not wait long before increasing the tax on alcohol to the levels of 1829. 215

So then, what will ten years of struggle and complaints have produced? The re-establishment of all our old tax burdens, with new taxes piled upon old, and new shackles imposed.

This only goes to show that, for whatever reason, the government is either deaf to our complaints or scorns them.

So, what is this reason?

In our opinion, it is not necessary to look any further than the lack of continuity, cooperation, and unity in the lobbying efforts of the owners of vineyards.

What is missing from their cause is not justice, not strength, but that which puts strength into the hands of justice, namely organisation .

Lacking organisation, we go from exaggerating things to being indifferent. Yesterday, we wanted to reform everything; today we abandon all hope of reform; we have instincts rather than willpower; we are not a single body, but a crowd.

This is not the path which the owners of the iron forges, those who raise cattle, or the sugar producers teach us to follow. They are not very numerous, but we are countless; their interests are hard to see compared to ours; they demand privileges while we demand a common right. However, in spite of our superiority in numbers, our interests, and justice, we fail while they triumph. Where does this difference come from? It is that they are organised and we are not.

These thoughts have made us dream of creating a huge Association for the defence of Wine Producers .

But, with that thought in mind, we thought it was necessary to prepare the way for this association with the creation of a Journal.

It is easy for a few manufacturers to get organised, but how, without having access to a means of communication, can we organise simultaneous mass protests in thousands of Communes across the country, all carried out in the same spirit and aiming at the same end? How do we create a shared vision and common method of action among all these individuals, Communes, and Départements?

Thus, a Journal is required in order to bring this Association about.

A Journal will be just as necessary once the Association has been formed.

Today it has to have an engine to drive it forward; tomorrow it will require a voice .

This then is the double task which we have imposed on ourselves:

Firstly, to bring such an Association into being, and by proposing its by-laws, to inspire us with its principles in order to help it spread;

Then, to serve as a way to connect the members of the Association with each other, to gather their opinions, to bring important facts and documents to their attention;

And finally, to bring all their activities together into a unified movement .

But, and we are the first to admit it, we will fail in our efforts if we are not supported by our fellow citizens.

And why not say it? Our task demands a moral force and even material resources which we would only be able to find in the encouragement and support of all men who have the prosperity of the south of France in their hearts.

Please allow me a final thought.

The path which we have traced out presents two pitfalls: partiality and exaggeration. It is difficult to be an impartial judge in a cause for which one is an advocate. It is no less difficult to be fair in expressing one's complaints which have often been provoked by the disdain and sarcasm of one's opponents.

But we believe we have the strength to resist this double temptation because we have always thought that prejudice and violence hinder the triumph of a cause just as much as they harm the honour of its defenders.

Frédéric Bastiat.

Member of the General Council of the Département of Les Landes

The price of subscribing to the Journal is fr. 6 per annum in Paris and fr. 7.50 in the Départements.

The temporary office (of the Association) is located at the printers Guiraudet et Jouaust , rue Saint-Honoré, 315.

T.298 "On the Cost of Being Governed" (1843)↩

Source

T.298 (1843) "On the Cost of Being Governed" (1843). This previously unpublished sketch was discovered by the original French editor Paillottet among Bastiat's papers and inserted in a footnote to "Speech on the Tax on Wines and Spirits" (Dec. 1849). He says it was dated 1843. [OC5, pp. 483-85] [CW2, pp. 339-41] </titles/2450#lf1573-02_label_408>

Originally published as a footnote to T.244 (1849.12.12) "Speech on the Tax on Wines and Spirits" (Discours sur l'impôt des boissons). Speech given in the Legislative Assembly on 12 Dec. 1849. [OC5, pp. 468-93] [CW2, pp. 328-47].

Editor's Introduction

We know very little about Bastiat's personal life, including the nature or amount of his income. We do know that he inherited land near Mugron from his grandfather in 1825 (both his father and mother had died when he was quite young and he was raised by his grandfather and an aunt), that he owned about 250 hectares (617 acres) of land, some of which was farmed by sharecroppers, 216 and that he paid enough in direct taxes (over 500 francs p.a.) to not only vote but to stand for election, which he did unsuccessfully in 1831, 1832, and 1842 (the year before this piece was probably written).

Paying this amount of direct tax each year put Bastiat the top 5% of income earners in France, thus making him a member of "la classe électorale" (the electoral or voting class) who were eligible to vote and stand for elections - about 240,000 men out of a population of 35 million - until the Revolution of February 1848 introduced the Second Republic and universal manhood suffrage. 217

This short sketch may well be based upon Bastiat's own financial situation, since Monsieur "N." also pays fr. 500 in direct taxes, and is a kind of rumination by a frustrated taxpayer about what he pays to the government in the form of taxes and fees for service, and what he gets in return. Bastiat tells us that he has the 1842 Budget Papers 218 in hand as he compiles this fictitious "system of individual accounts" which he hopes the government might provide each tax payer. He says that Monsieur "N." paid a total of fr. 1,162 to the French state (in taxes and fees for services) out of an annual income of fr. 2,400 to 2,600 or 46% (if his income was fr. 2,500).

The idea that the government would give each tax payer an itemised annual "account" of their payments to and services or benefits received from the government is a very radical one. Bastiat's purpose was to use this as a way of showing in much greater detail what the relationship was between taxpayers and their government, perhaps with the added notion of showing them whether or not they were net "tax-payers" or net "tax-receivers" along the lines of Calhoun's theory. 219 In this instance, Monsieur "N" pays in fees and taxes a total of 1,162 francs to the state, or 46.5% of his income of 2,500 fr., but comes out as a net tax receiver since he receives 89 fr. 17 c. more from the government in services and benefits than he pays to it. Since the "sums paid out for the benefit" of M. "N" are an average which includes all French tax payers it is not at all clear that this particular taxpayer would "benefit" from government expenditure on the Civil List, subsidies to dancers, aid to colonists (to encourage settlement in Algeria), and so. But of course this was probably part of Bastiat's intention to show tax payers how little they directly got back from the government but which went to particular vested interests which had the government's ear.

Text

It can be said that taxpayers cry out instinctively against the weight of taxes, for few of them know exactly what it costs them to be governed. We are fully aware of our share of land tax, but not what taxes on consumer goods take from us. I have always thought that nothing would be more favorable to progress in our constitutional knowledge and customs than a system of individual accounts , through which each person's attention could be focused on their contribution, concerning both the amount paid and the purpose to which it was put.

While waiting for the day when the Minister of Finance sends us our current account with the Treasury along with our yearly assessment of direct taxes, I have endeavored to design such a form with the 1842 budget to hand.

Here is the account of Monsieur "N", a landowner paying 500 fr. of direct taxes, which implies a revenue of 2,400 to 2,600 fr. at the most.

THE PUBLIC TREASURY'S CURRENT ACCOUNT WITH M. "N".

DEBIT . Sums received from M. "N" in 1843
	fr.	c.
Through direct taxes	500	0
Registration, stamps, use of public land	504	17
Customs and salt	158	0
Forestry and fishing	30	10
Indirect taxes	206	67
Post Office	39	0
The (state) University	2	50
Sundry products	21	87
TOTAL	1,162	31

CREDIT . Sums paid out for the Benefit of M. "N" .
	fr.	c.
Interest on the public debt	353	0
Civil List	14	0
Law Courts and Justice	20	0
Religion	36	0
Diplomacy	8	0
State education	16	0
Secret expenditure	1	0
Telegraphs	1	0
Subsidies to musicians and dancers	3	0
The needy, sick, and handicapped	1	10
Aid to refugees	2	15
Subsidies to agriculture	0	80
to deep-sea fishing	4	0
to manufacturing	0	23
Stud farms	2	0
Sheep pens	0	63
Aid to colonists	0	87
to those suffering from fire and flood	0	90
Departmental services	72	0
Prefects and subprefects	7	20
Roads, canals, bridges, and ports	52	60
Army	364	0
Navy	114	0
Colonies	26	0
Tax collection and administration	150	0
T OTAL	1,251	48

Between the debit of 1,162 fr. 31 c. and the credit of 1,251 fr. 48 c. the difference is 89 fr. 17 c. This balance means that the treasury has spent 89 fr. 17 c. more on behalf of M. "N" than it has received from him. However, M. "N" should be reassured; Messrs. Rothschild and company 220 were willing to advance this sum and Mr. "N" will have to pay only the interest in perpetuity, that is to say, to pay in the future 4 to 5 fr. a year more.

T.13 (1843.01.22) "Memoir Presented to the Société d’agriculture, commerce, arts, et sciences du département des Landes on the Wine-Growing Question"↩

Source

T.13 (1843.01.22) "Memoir Presented to the Société d’agriculture, commerce, arts, et sciences du département des Landes on the Wine-Growing Question" (Mémoire présenté à la société d’agriculture, commerce, arts et sciences, du département des Landes sur la question vinicole). [OC1, pp. 261-83.] [CW2.3, pp. 25-42.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.14 (1843.03.21) "Parliamentary Conflicts of Interest" (SP, March 1843)↩

Source

T.14 (1843.03.21) "Parliamentary Conflicts of Interest" (Incompatibilités Parlementaires), La Sentinelle des Pyrénées, 21 and 25 March 1843. [JCPD] [CW1.2.4.18, pp. 452-57.]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.266 (1843.05.18) "Free Trade. State of the Question in England. 1st Article" (SP, 18 May, 1843)

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Editor’s Introduction

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T.267 (1843.05.25) "Free Trade. State of the Question in England. 2nd Article" (SP, 25 May 1843)

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Editor’s Introduction

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T.268 (1843.06.01) "Free Trade. State of the Question in England. 3rd Article" (SP, 1 June 1843)

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Editor’s Introduction

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T.269 (1843.12.02) "The Balance of Trade" (SP, 2 Dec. 1843)

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T.270 (1843.12.13) "To the Editor in Chief of La Presse on Navigation" (SP, 13 Dec. 1843

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T.271 (1843.12.14) "Reply to La Presse" (SP, 14 Dec. 1843)

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T.15 1844.?? "Liberté du commerce" (Freedom of Trade )

Source

T.15 1844.?? “Liberté du commerce” (Freedom of Commerce) [1844] [OC7.4, pp. 14-20] [CW1, pp.421-25]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

Text Endnotes

T.16 1844.?? “Proposition de création d’une école d’apprentis agricoles” (Proposal for the Creation of a School for Agricultural Apprentices/Sons of Sharecroppers)↩

Source

T.16 1844.?? “Proposition de création d'une école d'apprentis agricoles” (Proposal for the Creation of a School for Agricultural Apprentices/Sons of Sharecroppers) [ presented in 1844 to the Chamber of Agriculture of the Landes] [JCPD] [CW1, pp. 334-40]

Editor’s Introduction

(to come)

The following paper was presented in 1844 to the Chamber of Agriculture of the Landes, after being presented to a Catholic foundation that rejected it for lack of sufficient resources.

Text Endnotes

T.17 "On the Allocation of the Land Tax in the Department of Les Landes" (July 1844)↩

Source

T.17 (1844.07) "On the Allocation of the Land Tax in the Department of Les Landes" (De la répartition de la contribution foncière dans le Département des Landes). [OC1, pp. 283-333.]. Bastiat mentions this report in a letter to Félix Coudroy where he says he has not quite finished writing it. Eaux-Bonnes, 26 July 1844. To Félix Coudroy (OC1, pp. 46-49)

Editor's Introduction

This detailed article is the sixth and last essay Bastiat wrote on a very specific economic topic 221 before he made his breakthrough into the world of the Parisian political economists with his article on "French and English Tariffs" in October 1844. 222 It contains the most economic data of any of the previous essays and in places is quite heavy going for the reader, but it clearly shows his gradual development as an economic analyst who was becoming increasingly at ease with figures. It also provides Bastiat with an opportunity to show off the depth of his reading in the theory of political economy, in addition to his grasp of economic data. He mentions by name a fairly formidable collection of 14 theoretical works in the final section on Malthusian population theory. 223

Bastiat draws upon a number of sources for his economic data, not all of which is available to us today, such as:

1. National government data, such as a 1836 report by the Director of Direct Taxation (not available to us); official publications containing statistical information, such as the Statistique de la France (1841), and national census data
2. local data, such as the records held at the local Land Registry Office (Cadastre), and as a member of the General Council of Les Landes he was able to ask local mayors to provide him with the specific information he needed
3. his own personal experience over a period of 20 years as a landowner, farmer, wine producer, and manager of sharecroppers on his estate (from 1825 when he inherited his grandfather's estate to the time this essay was written possibly in early 1844). This is particularly useful when it comes to knowledge of the local prices of agricultural products and the changing economic conditions of ordinary farmers and workers. 224

The issue he takes up here is the land tax, 225 which was the most important of the direct taxes used by the French government to raise revenue. 226 According to Budget data from 1848-49 227 the government had revenue of about 1.4 billion francs, the main sources of which were (in order of importance):

1. 421 million francs from direct taxes such as the land tax, personal and property taxes, the door and window tax, and trading licences
2. 307 million francs from indirect taxes on alcohol, salt, sugar, tobacco, and gunpowder
3. 263 million francs from registrations, fees, stamp duty, etc.
4. 202 million francs from tariffs and import duties

The biggest single sources of revenue for the state were the land tax (279 million francs), registrations, fees and levies (216 million francs), the tax on tobacco (120 million francs), import duties (106 million francs), and the tax on alcohol (104 million francs).

Thus the issue of the land taxes was doubly important to Bastiat: it was the biggest component of the single biggest source of revenue to the state; and he himself was a land tax payer. In fact, he paid sufficient direct taxes (like the land tax) to place him the top 5% of income earners in France, thus making him a member of "la classe électorale" (the electoral or voting class) who where eligible to vote and stand for elections until the Revolution of February 1848 introduced the Second Republic and universal manhood suffrage.

Unlike the other items subject to a direct tax, like doors and windows, and trading licenses, the land tax was not a fixed amount or a fixed percentage of a value. It was based upon the presumed income which a property owner received from the use of his property. During the first French Revolution, the law of 23 November 1790 created a tax on property which replaced several previous taxes. It was based upon the anticipated future revenue which a piece of land or a building would generate for the owner. To determine what this amount would be required a meticulously maintained registry of land (the Cadastre or Land Registry Office) and building titles in which an army of bureaucrats would register the sale of land and buildings, keep a record of the prices the land and buildings sold for, what crops or other items were grown, produced, and sold, and the income those buildings and land had generated on average over the years. Each year the central government would pass a budget which specified that a certain amount of revenue had to be collected. This amount was divided or "apportioned" among the various regions and Départements across France, the amounts being based upon that region's or Département's capacity to pay, which was based upon what that region or Département had been able to pay in the past. The share of revenue which had to be collected was passed down the hierarchy of the French administration from regions, départements, arrondissements (districts"), cantons ("municipalities" or "counties"), communes ("villages" or "towns"), and then finally to individual property owners such as farmers and shopkeepers.

Each arrondissement, like Bastiat's in Dax, used a complex formula or "matrix" to determine each district's share of the revenue which had to be collected, based upon such factors as the type of crops a particular canton grew, the average price those crops sold for over a previous period of time, the number of households or businesses which were engaged in economic activity, and so on. Because the tax assessment was not based on actual income earned it became the local bureaucrat's "best guess" of what a particular land or business owner might earn in his given location, based upon the kinds of crops grown in that area over the previous, say 15 years. Naturally, economic and political conditions had changed considerably in France since 1790, so the government passed a law on 31 July 1821 which created a committee in each Département whose job it would be draw up a new formula or "matrix" to determine what tax property owners should pay in the future. The Département in Dax passed onto the General Council of Les Landes the task of periodically advising them on how to change this formula for assessing tax, which is why Bastiat became involved as a member of that Council.

By 1844 when Bastiat wrote this essay, conditions had changed radically again and Bastiat skillfully uses the economic data he has gathered to show exactly how the land tax regime had got out of kilter with actual economic reality. He shows that the mix of economic activities in his Département had been changing and was even accelerating in the 1840s. Wine growing on the southern hills and slopes was declining, becoming less profitable, and employing fewer people; the growth of pine forests (producing wood and pine resin products) to the north was expanding, becoming more profitable, and employing more people; general farming on the alluvial soil beside the rivers (crops like wheat, rye, millet; meat from cattle, sheep, and pigs) remained stagnant; and sheep farming on the northern heathland was declining as more heath was converted to pine forests. The larger cities were growing as people left the land in order to work in commerce or light industry. Population levels in the countryside were changing as some economic regions declined economically, and so did their populations, and vice-versa. Also, the kind of labour undertaken in the countryside was changing away from sharecropping (which Bastiat favoured for a number of reasons) as it was becoming less profitable and towards more small privately owned or rented farms, which had their own problems caused by high debt levels and the decreasing size of farms caused by the inflexible inheritance laws which required an equal division of the property among the heirs. Bastiat documents these changes carefully and in great detail in over a dozen large tables of data and many more smaller ones.

His overall conclusion is that the current formula the bureaucrats used for determining the land tax was seriously out of date, inflexible and incapable of rapidly changing to new circumstances, placed too heavy a tax burden on economically declining areas like his home town of Mugron which produced wine, and under-taxed areas which were becoming more prosperous such as the pine forest industries further to the north. Bastiat not only showed up the nonsense of a bureaucratically determined assessment of a land owner's probable income but he also inserted into the essay a number of interesting insights which he would develop later in his career.

Most notably, he went beyond the brief set down by the Département and the General Council to examine the land tax "allocation" and looked at other factors which were impeding economic development in the region, namely the high rate of tariffs which made it difficult for his region to expand its market and sell wine outside of France, the onerous city tolls (octroi) which impeded the flow of goods within France, and the restrictions on individuals which prevented them from engaging in certain trades without all kinds of government permits and licences. He concludes with some advice the Council probably did not want to hear, namely that " Legislation is killing us in the most literal sense of the word" and that unless the political system was opened up to "the lowest social strata" by giving them the right to vote, they might just rise up in rebellion and run things for themselves. Or, if the mortality tables at the end of his essay are correct, many of them will simply die off.

He also devotes several pages to analysing the population theory of Thomas Malthus 228 who had come under increasing criticism by socialists like Proudhon who accused him, and by implication the other political economists, of being "heartless" towards the poor and disadvantaged. Here, Bastiat is still an orthodox Malthusian in many respects but he is beginning to develop a new way of thinking about the problem of the relationship between the size of a population and "the means of subsistence." The latter was Malthus preferred term and referred to the minimum number of calories required to ensure the survival of a human being. As Bastiat would develop in more detail later in an essay and a chapter in Economic Harmonies , he began thinking instead of "the means of existence" which referred to the level of income or, to use a more modern phrase, the standard of living, of individuals. The latter could vary because of a range of economic, political, geographic, or climatic conditions, the most of important of which according to Bastiat was economic liberty, especially free trade, which could dramatically increase the productive power of human activity, and thus break free of the Malthusian population trap.

Other essays in which Bastiat discusses tax include the following:

1. T.12 (1841.010 "The Tax Authorities and Wine" (Le Fisc et la vigne) [OC1, pp. 243-59] [CW2, pp. 10-23]
2. T.17 (1844.07) "On the Allocation of the Land Tax in the Department of Les Landes" (De la répartition de la contribution foncière dans le Département des Landes). [OC1, pp. 283-333.] [CW4]
3. T.30 (1845.07.15) "Our Products are weighed down with Taxes" (Nos produits sont grevés de taxes), JDE , July 1845, T. 11, no. 44, p. 356-60; also ES1.5. [OC4.1.5, pp. 46-52] [CW3 - ES1.5]
4. T.118 (1847.04.04) "Two Methods of Equalizing Taxes" (Deux modes d'égalisation de taxes); original title: "Le libre échange demontré par l'example du sucre de betteraves" (Free Trade makes its point with the example of Beet Sugar), LE , 4 April 1847, no. 19, p. 152. [OC2.40, pp. 222-25.] [CW4]
5. T.166 (late 1847) ES2.10 "Le percepteur" (The Tax Collector) [n.d.] [OC4, pp. 198-203]
6. T.136 (1847.06.20) "The Salt Tax" (L'impôt du sel), LE , 20 June 1847, no. 30, p. 237. Not signed by Bastiat. [OC2.41, pp. 225-28.] [CW4]
7. T.139 (1847.06.27) "The Single-Tax in England. The Proposal of Mr. Ewart" (La taxe unique en Angleterre, proposition de M. Ewart), LE , 27 June 1847, no. 31, pp. 245-46. [OC2.37, pp. 209-16.] [CW4]
8. T.200 (1848.03.06) "Impediments and Taxes" (Entraves et Taxes) (Untitled Article), La République française, 6 March 1848, no. 9, p. 1. [OC7.55, pp. 234-35] [CW1, pp. 432-33]
9. T.273 (1848.10.10) Bastiat's comments at a "Meeting of the Political Economy Society" (Séance de 10 oct. 1848) (on tax). In "Chronique," JDE, T. 21, no. 90, 15 Oct. 1848, pp. 339-40; also ASEP (1889), pp. 68-69. Not in OC. [CW4]
10. T.232 1849.01.01 "The Consequences of the Reduction in the Salt Tax" (Conséquences de la réduction sur l'impôt du sel), Journal des Débats, 1 Jan. 1849, pp. 3-4. [OC5.9, p. 464] Included with Peace and Freedom or the Republican Budget (Feb 1849) in CW2, pp. 324-27.
11. T.235 (1849.02) "Peace and Freedom or the Republican Budget" (Paix et liberté ou le budget républicain), published as a pamphlet, Paix et Liberté, ou le Budget républicain (Peace and Freedom, or the Republican Budget) (Paris: Guillaumin, 1849). [OC5, pp. 407-67] [CW2, pp. 282-324]
12. T.240 (English) and T.283 (French) (1849.08.22) A speech on "Disarmament, Taxes, and the Influence of Political Economy on the Peace Movement." A speech at the Friends of Peace Conference in Paris, 22 Aug., 1849. A short version (1 1/2 pages, 1,300 words) is in French in Joseph Garnier, Congrès des amis de la paix universelle réuni à Paris en 1849, pp. 25-26; a longer longer version in English (3 1/2 pages, 2,600 words) in Report of the Proceedings of the Second General Peace Congress, held in Paris, on the 22nd, 23rd and 24th of August, 1849 (translator unknown), pp. 49-52. It is untitled in both versions so we have given it one. [DMH] [CW3] [CW4]
13. T.244 (1849.12.12) "Speech on the Tax on Wines and Spirits" (Discours sur l'impôt des boissons). Speech given in the Legislative Assembly on 12 Dec. 1849. [OC5, pp. 468-93] [CW2, pp. 328-47]

Text

I intend establishing a few facts, ones that are capable of shedding some light on the following two questions:

1. Were the taxable capacities of the three major agricultural activities of the Department of Les Landes, namely the cultivation of pines, of vines, and the working of arable lands equitably evaluated when the tax was allocated among the three arrondissements (Mont-de-Marsan, Saint Sever, Dax)? 229

2. Since this allocation was made, have circumstances arisen to change the relationship between these various activities?

If in the light of such changes it is now the case that:

1. From the outset, the region growing pines has been lightly taxed and the one growing vines overcharged;
2. And ever since, one region has constantly prospered and the other constantly declined;

Then the conclusion must be drawn that the latter region is now paying too much for two reasons:

1. Perhaps because its taxable potential was overestimated in 1821;
2. Or because since 1821 this potential has decreased;

And that the former region is not paying enough:

1. Perhaps because its income happened to be low in 1821;
2. Or because since 1821 its income has increased.

I can express my ideas more clearly by using a hypothetical example.

Take two areas, P and V, which together produce a net income of 10,000 francs, with each section producing half.

Let taxation stand at 1,000 francs, or 10% of income, to be shared between them.

This division should take place fairly as follows:

On an income of 5,000 francs P will pay 500 francs in taxes or 10 per cent.

On an income of 5,000 francs V will pay 500 francs in taxes or 10 per cent.

However, if P's taxable capacity is underestimated by a fifth, it should be reduced to 4,000 francs,

And if V's is overestimated by a fifth, it should be raised to 6,000 francs,

The apportionment will be made as follows:

For a real income of 5,000 francs, deemed to be 4,000 francs, P will owe 400 francs of tax or 8%;

For a real income of 5,000 francs, deemed to be 6,000 francs, V will owe 600 francs of tax or 12%.

As long as the taxable capacities of these two areas of land continue to be equal, the injustice will be limited to removing one quarter of P's contribution and having V pay it instead.

However, if after a number of years, P's real income rises from 5,000 francs to 6,000 francs while V's decreases from 5,000 francs to 4,000 francs,

The apportionment becomes the following:

For an assumed income of 4,000 francs that is in reality 6,000 francs, P pays 400 francs or 6.7 %.

For an assumed revenue of 6,000 francs that is in reality 4,000 francs, V pays 600 francs or 15%.

This example shows that a region may, without its being noticed, transfer more than half its burden onto another.

First Question: Was apportionment carried out fairly in 1821?

The general rule is that tax should be based on income.

To establish the income from the land, the average price of commodities over the fifteen years prior to 1821 was used to calculate its output.

However, one single method of operation may lead to error. An effort was made to reduce this error by establishing income using a different procedure. Bills of land sales revealed the capital value of certain estates and interest at 3 1/2 percent of the capital was deemed to represent the income.

Thus, for the same estate, two different totals of income produced by two different procedures were found, and so the tax was based on the average income in accordance with the axiom that reality is to be found in averages.

Unfortunately, it is not truth but falsehood that is found in averages when the data on which they are based all lead to the same error.

Let us therefore examine the use made of these two bases for the apportionment of tax: the average price of commodities and bills of land sales .

§I The prices of commodities, according to the Director of Direct Taxation, were recorded in the land registry records for an average year as follows:

Wheat - 18 francs 77 centimes per hectolitre

Rye - 12 francs 76 centimes per hectolitre

Corn - 11 francs 33 centimes per hectolitre

Red wine - 28 to 60 francs per barrel

White wine - 10 to 22 francs per barrel

Resin - 2 francs 50 centimes per 50 kilograms

I am convinced that this initial basis for evaluation involves several errors of fact and theory that all favor the cultivation of pines to the detriment of field crops and vines.

Cereal prices are obviously extremely high. I do not mean to say that the data supplied by market price records have not been accurately followed, but the period from 1806 to 1821 produced data that did not much favor agricultural communes, either because it included times of troubles and invasions, or for some other reason. Proof of this is that in the following fifteen years, from 1821 to 1836, and according to the Director himself, these average prices fell to 17.13 francs for wheat, 11.27 for rye, and 9.17 for corn.

For all kinds of cereals, the first series had provided an average of 14 francs 28 centimes. The second provided one of only 12 francs 32 centimes, a difference of 1 franc 96 centimes or 14 percent.

If therefore the apportionment had been carried out in 1836, revenue from cultivatable land would have been evaluated at 14 percent less that it was in 1821.

As for the prices allocated to white wines, that is to say 10 francs and 22 francs, depending on quality, I do not consider them to be exaggerated. 230

But this is not the case for red wines. If there are a few vineyards that produced wines of a sufficiently high quality to be sold straight from the press at 60 francs (something I do not know about), I can at least state that lower qualities are far from achieving an average price of 28 francs, which implies 35 francs three months following harvest and sold in the cask.

However, it is above all the price of resin that I consider is the most liable to criticism. By accepting the obviously low figure of 2 francs 50 centimes per 50 kilograms, the authorities and the special commission doubtless foresaw that this was to expose all their operations to the suspicion of partiality. This suspicion was not misplaced. Farming and wine-producing communities in the department are all influenced by a distrust that it would be difficult to eradicate. People complain about this distrust and say that it is an obstacle to the reform they are working on, but does the responsibility for this not arise entirely from the administrative procedures that created it?

I will now make a few comments on what I have entitled theoretical errors, that is to say on the faulty method used to arrive at the averages and on the flawed consequences deduced from these.

First of all, in order for the prices of high quality produce combined with the prices for lower quality to produce a genuinely average price , consistent with real income , an equal quantity of both would have to be harvested, which in the case of wine is contrary to the truth. The Department of Les Landes produces a great deal more mediocre wine than good and if you disregard this fact, you reach an exaggerated average. For example, given 100 barrels 231 of wine at 28 francs and 10 barrels at 60 francs, the average of the prices taken on their own is rightly 44 francs. However, the average of genuine prices which make up income, that is to say the sums earned for each barrel taken together, is only 31 francs 91 centimes.

Subsequently, when a high price is included in the series of prices used to calculate an average, the average rises, from which the conclusion is drawn that there is a corresponding rise in income. However, this conclusion is neither accurate in theory nor true in practice.

Let us suppose that for four years a commodity is sold at 10 francs; its average is 10 francs. If in the fifth year this same commodity is sold at 20 francs, the average for the five years is 12 francs. The arithmetic cannot be faulted. But if you conclude from this that, over this five-year period, the figure of 12 instead of 10 represents the income, the economic conclusion would at the very least be very dubious. In order for it to be true, the quantity of the product in this fifth year would need to be equal to that of the preceding years, which cannot even be imagined in normal circumstances, since it is precisely the decrease in harvest that leads to an increase in price.

To obtain averages that reflect reality, and from which income can be deduced, we therefore have to combine the prices obtained with the quantities produced, and it is precisely this procedure that has been neglected. If in the new apportionment being undertaken, the average price of wines over the last three years were taken as a base, the following are the different results produced by the method used by the Land Registry Office and by mine:

The Land Registry Office would reason as follows:

1840 - 10 barrels at 25 francs, providing an income of 250 francs

1841 - 10 barrels at 25 francs, providing an income of 250 francs

1843 - 10 barrels at 50 francs (a wild guess), providing an income of 500 francs

Total - 30 barrels, at an average price of 33 1/3 francs, providing an income of 1,000 francs

Whereas this should read:

1840 - 10 barrels at 25 francs, providing an income of 250 francs

1841 - 10 barrels at 25 francs, providing an income of 250 francs

1843 - 5 barrels at 50 francs (actual price), providing an income of 250 francs

Total - 25 barrels, at an average price of 30 francs, providing an income of 750 francs

This is how one arrives at an imaginary income, on which, nevertheless, tax is unhesitatingly levied.

Doubtless it will be said that apportionment is an operation that is difficult enough without complicating it further with such fine considerations. People will also say that since the same procedures are used for all forms of product, any errors are cancelled out and offset one another, since all are subject to the same economic laws.

But this is exactly what I do not agree with, and I maintain that our Départment is subject to such specific conditions that the causes of error that I have just pointed out have to be taken into consideration if we aspire to even a semblance of equality in the apportionment of state charges. It remains for me to prove that the application of average prices , taken abstractly from the proportion between the differing qualities and the annual quantities, has been disadvantageous to cereal and vine growing regions.

An increase in the price of an item may have two causes.

Either there has been a fall in the production of this item; in this case, the price rises without it being at all possible for us to infer an increase in income.

Or the production of this item has remained stationary, or even increased, but demand has increased to a greater extent; in this case the price of this item rises and an increase in income can be inferred.

Well, it would be a very great injustice, in either case, if the average price of the item were taken as an index of income.

If the high price of 50 francs that La Chalosse gets this year for its wine has occurred without a decrease in the quantity produced, for example, because England, Belgium, and our major towns have removed the barriers of custom duties and city tolls with the result that the consumption of wine has doubled and prices with it, I would say "Record 50 francs in your list of annual prices and include this information in calculating an average, for it reflects a genuine increase in revenue."

In the same way, if the high price that we have seen resin products reach was due to a decrease in the productiveness of the pignadas 232 , if pine forest owners lost more on the quantity of their products than they gained on the prices obtained, I could quite properly say "Do not conclude from these high prices that revenues are proportionally high as well; this would be untrue and would constitute an act of plunder."

As it turns out, the opposite has happened. Les Landes has been fortunate enough to benefit from an increase in price; La Chalosse has been unfortunate enough to find that the increase in price has not allowed it to achieve even its normal revenue. Have I not good reason to demand that this profound change in situation be taken into account?

Let us conclude that the initial basis for evaluation has been damaging to both field crops and vines.

§II The second set of data used to determine taxable income is taken from individual sales of land .

The market value of a piece of land is quite an accurate indication of the income it generates. Two properties that are sold for 100,000 francs each are assumed to generate the same income, and this has to be equal to the interest generally yielded by capital in a given region and at a given time . The negotiation that takes place between the seller and the purchaser, in which one takes care to see that the income is not exaggerated and the other that it is not understated is better than any form of administrative survey on this subject and in addition offers a guarantee of wisdom, attention to detail, and self-interest that no zeal by inspectors, tax assessors, or experts can equal. For this reason, if it were possible to establish the market value of each tract of land, I for my part would not wish for any other basis for evaluating incomes and the allocation of taxes, for this market value summarizes all these circumstances that are so difficult to estimate and which influence the average income from land, as I have shown in the preceding section. 233

But we should not lose sight of the strong qualification encompassed in these words: in a given region and at a given time .

The interest on capital varies, in fact, according to the time and the place.

For identical incomes to be produced by equal sums of capital, changes in ownership have to have taken place at times and in places in which interest is uniform. This is as true for land as it is for public funds.

Treasury bonds 234 paying 5,000 francs in 1814 were worth just 60,000 francs; today their capital value is 120,000 francs.

In the same way, 100,000 francs invested in land may provide just 2,500 francs of rent in Normandy and yield an income of 4,000 francs in Gascony.

If the Chamber of Deputies took no account of these differences when it undertook the general standardization of tax assessment, it would not establish equality of taxation but inequality.

This is the fault that was committed in our Départment when the measurement of revenue was attempted on the basis of bills of land sales.

At the time this operation was carried out, land was not sold at a uniform rate all around the Départment. It was well known that money was invested for higher returns in Les Landes than in La Chalosse.

Even the Land Registry Office acknowledged the truth of this, for they offered to use three figures for the rate of interest, namely, 3, 3 ½ and 4 percent.

According to this data, an estate worth 100,000 francs would be presumed to yield an income of 4,000 francs in one canton while in another it would be deemed to produce just 3,000. Tax would be levied in accordance with this variation.

The Special Commission set up by the law dated 31 July 1821 235 rejected this distinction and adopted a uniform rate of 3 ½ percent.

The fact is, that the Commission committed an injustice by doing this if at that time interest over the entire territory was not uniform.

The Director himself acknowledges this.

"This uniform application of a rate of interest", he said, " has incontestably influenced the results produced by one of the two bases of apportionment, and it goes without saying that it has favored to a slight extent the areas in which the rate of interest is highest." 236

The slight extent mentioned by the Director can easily be translated into figures.

Let us imagine two estates that were sold for 100,000 francs each, one situated in an area in which the rate of interest is 4 percent and the other in one where interest is at 3 percent.

The first yields 4,000 francs of income and the second 3,000 francs, and tax should follow this proportion fairly, since it is levied on income.

According to the government procedure, each hundred francs of tax would be apportioned between these two properties as follows:

Portion relating to the property in Les Landes - 57 francs 15 centimes on 4,000 of revenue

Portion relating to the property in La Chalosse - 42 francs 85 centimes on 3,000 of revenue

Total - 100 francs 00 centimes

However, according to the Commission's approach, one hundred francs would be apportioned thus:

Portion relating to the property in Les Landes - 50 francs 00 centimes

Portion relating to the property in La Chalosse - 50 francs 00 centimes

Total- 100 francs 00 centimes

That is to say that Les Landes has been granted tax relief of 14 percent, which the Commission charged to La Chalosse. 237 Doubtless it will be said that, since bills of land sale are just one of two elements of the apportionment, this result may have been diminshed by the influence of the other element. This would be true if the farming and wine-producing cantons were favored by the application of the average prices for commodities, but we have seen that they were no more relieved by the first than by the second basis for evaluation. It is far from true that the errors tainting these two procedures cancel each other out and offset one another; it can be said that that they multiply one another, and always to the disadvantage of the same areas.

Thus, the two bases for the apportionment of tax have been invalidated and distorted and always for the benefit of one type of property, the pignadas (the pine plantations), to the detriment of the two others, farming-land and vineyards.

Let us move on to the results.

If we asked an impartial man what were the cantons that paid the highest taxes relating to vines, he would doubtless reply, those with the greatest acreage devoted to this type of cultivation, the cantons of Montfort, Mugron, Saint-Sever, Villeneuve, and Gabarret, and he would not be wrong. These five cantons alone pay three-quarters of the tax levied on vineyards. And if he were asked which ones pay the highest taxes relating to heath land, he would unhesitatingly reply, those that include vast stretches of heath, such as Sabres, Arjuzanx, Labrit, etc. But here our interlocutor would be sadly mistaken and probably greatly surprised to learn that it is La Chalosse and the Armagnac, wine-growing regions, that pay not only the majority, but almost all of the tax assignable to the heath lands.

The following is a table of our twenty-eight cantons listed in decreasing order of their shares of taxation relating to heath land. 238

Table, page 294, G1, ed. 1855

	fr.			fr.
Saint-Sever	6,296	Saint-Esprit	1,593
Grenade	5,599	Sabres	1,561
Mugron	3,904	Geaune	1,287
Roquefort	3,579	Dax	1,207
Hagetmau	3,327	Arjuzanx	1,168
Amou	3,000	Labrit	1,074
Montfort	3,000	Tartas (ouest)	914
Pouillon	2,883	Castets	600
Aire	2,852	Soustons	522
Saint-Vincent	2,663	Tartas (est)	495
Mont-de-Marsan	2,465	Pissos	166
Gabarret	2,272	Parentis	141
Peyrehorade	2,061	Sore	107
Villeneuve	1,817	Mimizan	94

Is it not odd to see in the first half of this list all the wine-producing cantons: Saint-Sever, Mugron, Amou, Montfort, Villeneuve, etc., as well as all the farming cantons: Hagetmau, Aire, Peyrehorade, etc., and in the second half all the cantons making up Les Landes and Maransin? 239

Here is another comparison that is no less curious.

The canton of Saint-Sever alone pays more taxes on its 5,583 hectares of heath than the following nine cantons together: Mimizan, Sore, Parentis, Castets, Soustons, Labrit, Arjuzanx, and Sabres, which together have an area of 203,760 hectares, and when you add nine other cantons the same size as Mimizan to these nine, under the current rules of apportionment, you still do not manage to extract from these tremendous stretches of land what is levied on the heath in the single canton of Saint-Sever, as can be seen in the following table:

LANDES
Main Tax		Main Tax
	fr.		fr.
1	canton ;	Sabres	1,561	Saint-Sever	6,296
1	—	Arjuzanx	1,168
1	—	Labrit	1,074
1	—	Castets	600
1	—	Soustons	522
1	—	Pissos	166
1	—	Parentis	141
1	—	Sore	107
1	—	Mimizan	94
9	cantons similar to Mimizan at 94 francs each	846
18	cantons		6,279		6,296

We also learn from the report of the Director of Direct Taxation that the canton of Mimizan, whose territory feeds close to 5,000 inhabitants, that is to say, about one third of the population of the canton of Saint-Sever, pays the following taxes:

1,223 francs for field crops

8 francs for vines

4,212 francs for pines

94 francs for heath land

Total: 5,537 francs, a sum less than that which has to be paid for the heath alone in Saint-Sever.

Montfort's share is 40,771 francs. It exceeds that of Soustons and Castets, which are:

Soustons - 22,338 francs

Castets - 18,108

Total: 40,446 francs

Yet, according to the last census, the population of Montfort is only 13,654 inhabitants. The population of the two cantons of the Maransin is 18,027 inhabitants:

Castets - 9,006 francs

Soustons - 9,021

The share of the canton of Mugron is 34,790 francs. It exceeds the share of the following three cantons combined:

Sabres - 13,448 francs

Pissos - 11,694

Parentis - 9,103

Total: 34,245 francs

and, to within 355 francs, it equals the share of the following four cantons:

Labrit - 10,286 francs

Parentis - 9,103

Sore - 7,937

Mimizan - 7,819

Total: 35,145 francs

And yet, compared with our population of 10,038 inhabitants, these four cantons have a population of 20,784 inhabitants (more than double). Compared with our 4,486 hectares of field crops, they have 9,584 hectares, (more than double). Compared with our 1,887 hectares of vines, they have 43,894 hectares of pignadas , (23 to 1). Finally, compared with our 3,250 hectares of heath, they have 88,719 hectares (27 to 1).

I do not wish to say that the field crops and heath in these cantons are as valuable as ours, nor that their pines can equal our vines, taken by the hectare. The question is to see whether between them there is the huge disproportion we have just set out. If this is so, if revenues raised in Mugron equal those of Labrit, Parentis, Mimizan, and Sore, it remains to be explained how it is that they provide a living for just 10,000 inhabitants in La Chalosse, whereas they keep 20,000 inhabitants in Les Landes. This phenomenon can be explained away only by the proposition that those in La Chalosse are basking in luxury compared to the Les Landes. But then in this case I would ask why the population is decreasing in number in the former while it is increasing significantly in the latter.

I have no intention of stirring up conflict between the arrondissements. I think that discussion can take place with regard only to the various crops whose taxable capacity has been badly assessed. For this reason, I have not hesitated to compare not only cantons situated in various arrondissements but also cantons included in the same districts but which are devoted to other crops. This is why I contrasted Montfort with Soustons and Castets. I could equally have compared Villeneuve, a wine-producing canton in the first arrondissement, with Arjuzanx or even Mont-de-Marsan, and we would still encounter the same disproportion. The first of these cantons, with 8,887 inhabitants, pays much more than twice as much as the second, with 7,075 inhabitants, and as much as our chief town, which has a population of 15,915 inhabitants.

I could point out anomalies that are even more striking if I wished to abandon the comparison of cantons for that of communes; that would take me too far, so I will limit myself to two facts.

In the second arrondissement, there is a commune such as Nerbis that pays 1 franc 51 centimes for each hectare of heath. In the first arrondissements, communes, such as Mimizan, Pontenx, Aureilhan, Bras, Argelouse or Luxey that pay half or one third of a centime. Calen in the canton of Sore pays its share with 3/10 of a centime, from which it follows that one hectare of heath at Nerbis is valued at the level of 500 hectares at Calen. It is said that in the former arrondissement, each hectare of heath feeds one sheep and farming statistics, published by the Ministry of Agriculture confirm this claim 240 since we see that this arrondissement, which has 292,000 hectares of heath, maintains 338,800 sheep. Have the authorities considered that in Nerbis a flock of 500 animals can survive on one hectare of heath?

The quantity of wine produced by one hectare of vines is in fact the product of:

1 hectare of vineyard that, in the commune of Montfort, pays	7	fr.	34	c.
1/2 hectare of fenced land	2		02
1/2 hectare heath land	2		30
Total	9	fr.	66	c.

There are twenty communes in the former district that are taxed at only 27, 26, 24, or 20 centimes per hectare of pines and there are some, like Laharie (in the canton of Arjuzanx) that pay only 17 centimes. For an apportionment like this to be considered fair, the net product of one hectare of vines, established at Montfort, would have to be equal to the net product of fifty-seven hectares of pines at Laharie.

I will not pursue these comparisons any further. I think I have demonstrated two things, namely:

1. that the two methods used to estimate the revenue of each of the crops in our Départment were calculated, doubtless unintentionally, in a way that hurts field crops and vines to the benefit of pines,

1. that numerous irrefutable facts establish that this has been the effective result of the use of these procedures, with the consequence that the apportionment of tax has been inequitable from the outset.

It remains for me to prove that this inequity has increased since then and is increasing with every passing day following the changes that have been made in the proportions of the taxable capacity of these crops.

Second Question: Have the taxable capacities of the various crops in the Départment retained the proportions they had when the tax was apportioned?

When the tax revenues from land were being determined in 1821, the facts relating to that year were not examined. The dates of the leases and bills of land sales that were consulted were more or less old and the average prices applied were based on market-price lists that went back fifteen years. Thus, these various elements did not reflect a current state of affairs but the situation of the country during a period whose starting point must be set at the beginning of the century.

It is therefore with this period that I have to compare the present time, and across this period of approximately forty years I have to inquire into the phenomena that science has taught us to consider as being the surest evidence of increase or decrease in populations.

The first one that comes to the fore is the movement of the population itself. If it is true, as all political writers acknowledge, that the number of human beings increases or decreases according to their incomes, it is enough to observe the movement of the population in regions in which pines, cereals, and vines are grown to recognize what each of them has gained or lost with regard to taxable capacity. Let us therefore busy ourselves with this investigation, which I consider to be of the greatest interest even beyond the question of the apportionment of tax.

The Population of the Three Districts of Les Landes at various times.

	1801	1804	1808	1821	1826	1831	1836	1841	% increase
Mont-de-Marsan	71,707	74,115	77,225	82,364	86,869	91,595	93,292	94,145	31.8%
Saint-Sever	77,467	80,834	80,602	82,364	86,869	91,595	93,292	94,145	31.8%
Dax	75,098	80,601	82,486	90,362	93,959	90,463	101,126	105,303	40%
Total	224,272	235,550	249,313	236,311	265,314	272,504	284,918	288,077	28.5

Table, page 300, G1, ed. 1855

This table shows us that there was an increase in population of 28 ½ percent for the entire Départment. This average was exceeded by 11 ½ percent in the third arrondissment and 3 percent in the first, while the second ended by being 14 percent below this average.

The arrondissment of Saint-Sever was the most populated at the beginning of the century. It moved down to second place in 1806, to third place in 1831, and finally, during the period 1832 to 1841, its absolute population decreased.

This initial overview appears to show that the arrondissment that provides the greatest production and sales of resinous products is the one that has prospered most quickly. The arrondissment that lies second for this crop is also second with regard to population increase. Finally the arrondissment in which the cultivation of pines is insignificant and whose principal source of revenue is in vineyards has remained stationary.

However, this teaches us nothing very precise about the influence of pines, field crops, or vineyards with regard to the population, since each of our arrondissment includes these three crops in varying proportions. Assuming that the cultivation of pines has brought prosperity and vineyards poverty, it is clear that the first and third arrondissment would have shown a more significant increase in population without the wine-producing cantons of Villeneuve and Gabarret and Montfort and Pouillon, with the second showing a lesser increase without the cantons of Tartas (West) which includes a great deal of pine.

It is therefore essential to examine the movements of population in the districts of those cantons that show us a much clearer distinction between the three types of crop whose influence we are comparing.

Here is the list of our twenty-eight cantons listed in decreasing order of prosperity as shown by the increase in their population:

Table, page 302, G1, ed. 1855

Population Changes by Canton

CANTONS.	1804	1844	% Increase	% Decrese
Castets	5,760	9,006	56	"
Dax	13,224	20,951	51	"
Mimizan	2,700	4,870	43	"
Sabres	4,994	7,144	43	"
Saint-Esprit	10,907	15,612	43	"
Parentis	4,287	5,870	37	"
Pissos	4,693	6,342	37	"
Soustons	6,625	9,021	36	"
Arjuzanx	5,304	7,095	33	"
Saint-Vincent	7,780	10,334	32	"
Sore	3,251	4,268	31	"
Labrit	4,541	5,776	27	"
Roquefort	7,453	11,501	27	"
Tartas (ouest)	8,391	10,571	25	"
Peyrehorade	10,664	13,028	21	"
Hagetmau	10,587	12,462	20	"
Mont-de-Marsan	13,301	15,915	19	"
Tartas (est)	4,595	5,335	16	"
Geaune	8,183	9,197	13	"
Montfort	12,209	13,654	11	"
Aire	10,829	11,992	10	"
Amou	12,438	13,579	10	"
Grenade	7,173	7,872	9	"
Gabarret	8,122	8,746	7	"
Villeneuve	8,296	8,887	7	"
Pouillon	13,332	14,294	7	"
Saint-Sever	15,762	15,322	"	2 1/2
Mugron	10,343	10,038	"	3

I consider that this table sheds considerable light on the question. It can be clearly seen that increased prosperity correlates with the cultivation of pines and that a slow increase, stationary, or even decreasing prosperity has been the fate of the regions with field crops and vines.

In fact, if we divide this table into two series, the first includes all the cantons in which pine cultivation is predominant and ends with the cantons of Roquefort and Tartas (West), as though to demonstrate that where the pines stop, the prosperity of the region also stops. The second series of 14 cantons shows a smaller increase and includes exactly all the farming and wine-producing cantons in the department. The "Grande Lande 241 " and Maransin are no more present in this series than La Chalosse and the Armagnac are in the first.

These two series produce the following results:

	CROPS	POPULATION
	VINES	PINES	1804	1841	INCREASE
	Hectares	Hectares	Inhabitants	Inhabitants	Inhabitants
1st Series	2,160	150,022	89,910	127,463	37,553	42%
2nd Series	18,093	16,821	145,640	160,049	14,449	10%
Total	20,233	166,843	235,250	287,552	52,022	22%

In the population table for the cantons, a few facts will be noted which appear not to agree with these deductions:

1. Dax and Saint-Esprit, which have no pines, are at the top of the scale, as they show increases in population of 56 and 43 percent.

1. Mont-de-Marsan, which would have been expected to figure in the first series, comes in third place only in the second and shows an increase of just 19 percent.

1. Montfort, which is a wine-producing canton and which for this reason should be one of the last on the table, nevertheless has eight cantons beneath it and shows an increase of 11 percent.

However, as we shall see, these apparent anomalies, far from undermining it, confirm the argument I am putting forward.

Let us note first of all that these are cantons that include the towns of Dax, Saint-Esprit, and Mont-de-Marsan, whose industrial population is not as directly influenced by farming as those of the countryside, which is the main object of this research.

Saint-Esprit had only 4,946 inhabitants in 1804; it now has 7,324. Its situation at the mouth of the Adour, its commerce, garrison, military establishments, and proximity to Bayonne explain this development.

Dax does not produce any resinous goods but it is the warehouse to which residents of Maransin come to carry out his sales and purchases. Dax has therefore prospered for the same reasons that would cause Bordeaux to do well if the sales of wine flourished and spread wealth around the Gironde, even though the commune of Bordeaux itself cannot produce wine.

Let us move on to Mont-de-Marsan. First of all, it would be a mistake to consider this canton one of those in which pines predominated. It has only 9,828 hectares of pines compared with 8,147 hectares of field crops and 428 hectares of vines. The tax it pays on its pines is only 1/8 th of its share. It therefore has to be ranked among the farming cantons, which already feel the influence of the cultivation of pines and, from this point of view, its place in the table is not far from the one that, a priori , might have been allocated to it. But one is easily convinced that it is not the fault of the pines if this canton is not included in the first rank. In effect, if we remove from the nineteen communes that make it up the six communes that have the greatest acreage of pignadas , we find that although in these six communes there is a significant proportion of cultivated land, the population has increased by 33 percent while that of the canton as a whole has increased by only 19 percent.

Table, page 305, G1, ed. 1855

	RURAL PRODUCTS	POPULATION
	FIELD CROPS	PINES	1804	1841
Saint-Pardon	659	906	596	788
Saint-Martin	591	985	578	699
Geloux	578	1,321	600	815
Campagne	744	743	881	1,052
Saint-Avit	418	787	435	501
Saint-Pierre	903	1,037	746	1,344
Totals	3,893	5,779	3,896	5,199	Increase 33%

From which it is clearly seen that, in the canton of Mont-de-Marsan, the cultivation of pines has had the same consequences as in the rest of the Départment. What has reduced the increase in population in this canton to 19 percent is the influence of the town of Mont-de-Marsan, which in 1841 has no more inhabitants than it did in 1804. If we set the town aside, the canton would occupy tenth place in the table on page 302, ["Movement of Population by Canton"] between Arjuzanx and Saint-Vincent. But what are the reasons for the stationary condition of our chief town? It is not part of my brief to look for them. Perhaps the decrease in the sales of spirits has something to do with it, or perhaps it also is hiding part of its population from us.

It remains for us to examine the canton of Montfort. Overall, this canton shows an increase in population of 11 percent. This is not much, compared with the pine-growing region but it is still more than would be expected from a wine-producing canton, according to what is happening at Villeneuve, Gabarret, Saint-Sever, and Mugron. But while the canton of Montfort includes a few wine-producing communes, it also includes a great many farming ones.

What factors have caused the canton as a whole to achieve population growth of 11 percent? This is what we are going to see in examining these two categories separately.

Table, page 307, G1, ed. 1855

Breakdown of the Canton of Montfort

FARMING COMMUNES .	CROPS.	POPULATION.
Field Crops	Vines	1804.	1841.
	hect.	hect.	pop.	pop.
Clermont	450	20	825	913
Garrey	140	15	219	228
Gousse	110	6	151	216
Hinx	500	50	656	776
Louer	120	4	112	149
Ouard	330	1	321	370
Ozourt	240	22	287	350
Lier	420	1	371	509
Sort	480	30	826	943
Vicq	250	"	290	344
Cassen	170	43	348	466
Gibrel	110	76	237	292
Goos	310	60	487	566
Préchacq	410	60	491	584
Total	4,040	388	5,621	6,706
Ratio of Vines to Field Crops 1/10
Population increase 19%

FARMING COMMUNES .	CROPS.	POPULATION.
Field Crops	Vines	1804.	1841.
	hect.	hect.	hab.	hab.
Montfort	190	350	1,574	1,644
Gamarde	480	310	1,194	1,336
Laurède	100	195	844	769
Lourqueu	180	120	380	416
Nousse	80	110	390	393
Poyanne	100	140	563	558
Poyartin	590	170	970	983
Saint-Geours	240	310	773	849
Total	1,960	1,700
Ratio of Vines to Field Crops 1/2.
Population increase 4%

Thus, just as by breaking down the canton of Mont-de-Marsan into its elements we have ascertained that if it does not occupy a higher rank in the scale of prosperity in the Départment, it is not the cultivation of pines that has limited it; in the same way, through an analysis of the canton of Montfort, we are convinced that it has held its twentieth place only through its large number of farming communes. If we removed these communes, it would go down to one of the lowest in the rankings and would be exceeded in poverty and population only by the cantons of Saint-Sever and Mugron.

These two examples warn us that the cantonal district is still too extensive, including too great a variety of crops, to show us in a satisfactory manner the influence of each of these crops on the population, since these influences are visible to us only in combination. They have to be separated out as far as possible; the truth has to be pursued down to the level of the communes. This is what the five tables at the end of this article will endeavor to do.

From the report by the Director of Direct Taxation, I have taken the twenty-two communes that include the greatest proportion of pines and the twenty-two communes that offer the greatest proportion of vineyards, without distinguishing either cantons or districts. Between these two classes there is a third, which includes only cultivated land. Finally, two other classes record the transition between pines and field crops on the one hand and between field crops and vineyards on the other. Beside each commune, I have put the size of the population in 1804 and 1841. In this way, we will discover how the population has been affected, not only by each of the three major crops in the region but also by the combination of two of these crops. ( See pages 329 to 333 ). [329-30 - Région des pins; 331- Région des labourables; 332-33 - Région des vignes]

How can we not be struck by the remarkable results shown by these tables?

They show us that in our department, population movement has occurred as follows:

Increase: 60 percent in the region growing pines

Increase: 34 percent in the region divided between pines and field crops

Increase: 16 percent in the region growing field crops

Increase: 2 percent in the region divided between field crops and vines

Decrease: 4 percent in the region growing vines.

And you must not think that these two figures, 60 percent increase and 4 percent decrease, express the extreme effects produced on the population by the two crops we are comparing. For this to be so, we would have to be able to study them in isolation. However there are no communes in which one element, field crops, is not present, whose slow and progressive action either flattens out somewhat the increase shown in the region growing pines or likewise diminishes the effect of depopulation that has decimated the region growing vines. If we wanted to isolate the proper influence of these two crops quite separately from that of field crops, we would have to resort to a proportionality rule. I think that we would reach a close result using an intrinsically rigorous form of reasoning, which we would be able to challenge only by calling into question the official data on which it is based.

This is the problem to be solved:

The twenty-two communes in which pines are predominant show an increase of 8,998 inhabitants from a base of 13,573, or 60 percent.

The twenty-two communes in which vines are predominant show a decrease of 899 inhabitants from a base of 20,224, or 4 percent.

If we accept that in these communes, as in the rest of the Départment, field crops favored the section of the population corresponding to them to the tune of 16 percent, what is the proportion of increase and decrease that should be attributed exclusively to pines and vines?

The size of the population depends on the standard of living 242 and this in turn is nothing more than the level of income; and we know the proportion of income relating to each form of crop through its workforce's contribution to taxation. From this data it is easy to calculate the size of population that corresponds to each form of crop.

The fiscal contributions of the twenty-two communes in the first category are as follows:

27,483 francs for pines

7,043 francs for field crops

Incomes are in proportion to these contributions.

The size of population is in proportion to these incomes.

Therefore, the 13,573 inhabitants who make up the 1804 population can be broken down thus:

	Population
To pines	10,815
to field drops	2,758
Setting aside the increase found to be produced by pines, the increase due to field crops has to be added, namely 16 percent of 2,758 which is	441
So that if pines had no influence, the present population of these twenty-two communes would be	14,014
However, it is	21,771
The difference due exclusively to pines is	7,757

Well, an increase of 7,757 on 10,815 is 71 percent.

The share of the twenty-two wine-producing communes is 22,880 francs relating to vines, which corresponds to	11,709 inhabitants
16,742 francs relating to field crops, which corresponds to	8,515
Level of population in 1804	20,224
Through the effect of field crops, which implies an increase of 16 percent on 8,515 inhabitants, this level would have increased to	1,373
So that, without the influence of vines, the level of population in 1841 would be	21,597
However, it is	19,325
Deficit due exclusively to vines	2,272

A deficit of 2,272 on 11,709 is equivalent to 19 percent.

The only conclusions that can be drawn from these figures is that in a commune in which there are only pines, the population would have increased by 70 percent, that in one in which there are only vines it would have decreased by 19 percent and that in reality , the positive and negative changes have taken place within these two limits in each district in line with the proportions in which these crops are combined with a third element, field crops.

The following is thus at the end of the day the law governing the changes in population in the Department of Les Landes:

Pines only	an increase of	71%
7/8 pine and 1/8 field crops (table on p. 329)	an increase of	60
4/5 pine and 1/5 field crops (table on p. 330)	an increase of	34
Field crops (table on p. 331 )	an increase of	16
2/3 field crops and 1/3 vines (table on p. 332)	an increase of	2
½ field crops and ½ vines (table on p. 333)	a de crease of	4
Vines only	a de crease of	19

The result of this is that if a stretch of pines and a stretch of vines each providing a livelihood for one hundred people were subjected to the same tax burden at the outset, this burden would still exist today even though the same pines would provide a living 243 for 171 people and the same vines would no longer be able to provide for any more than 81 people, namely less than half.

This is very unfair. But if from the outset the apportionment was badly done how much more blatant is the injustice, as I think I have demonstrated in the first part of this article!

I don't wish to weary the reader's attention with weighty, arid figures. However, I cannot leave this question without showing the reader the details of the phenomenon of depopulation which has affected not only the wine-producing region but also a fairly wide area surrounding this region, in order to show the connection between the number of people and the reduced level of incomes as established by the legislation on Customs and indirect taxation. My heart bleeds when it is confronted with the deep distress implied by this depopulation.

Obliged, as I am, to restrain myself, I will go no further than to state the number of births and deaths in a period of thirty years (1814 to 1843) in the fifteen wine-producing communes at the top of the table on page 333 (Region des vigne - second column of figures). With regard to the other seven communes, I have asked the Mayors for statements but have not received them. The period of thirty years has been divided into two periods of fifteen years in order to facilitate a comparison between the current state of affairs and the situation of the region in previous times.

Table, page 312, G1, ed. 1855

COMMUNE	FIRST PERIOD	SECOND PERIOD
Births	Deaths	Excess of	Births	Deaths	Excess of
Births	Deaths	Births	Deaths
Mugron	1,173	959	216	"	949	1284	"	335
Nerbis	283	229	54	"	179	267	"	88
Laurède	414	287	127	"	304	333	"	29
Gamarde	611	433	178	"	545	655	"	110
Donzacq	669	362	307	"	541	531	10	"
St-Geours	492	401	85	"	404	498	"	94
Ranos	202	175	27	"	180	155	25	"
Baigts	469	303	166	"	400	367	33	"
Lourquen	172	127	45	"	176	162	14	"
Montaut	548	424	124	"	464	490	"	26
Poyanne	250	225	25	"	269	273	"	4
Hauriet	291	187	104	"	224	234	"	10
Montfort	702	462	240	"	137	138	"	1
Nousse	159	103	56	"	404	470	"	66
St-Aubin	432	343	89	"	404	470	"	66
Total	6,869	5,026	1,843	"	5,814	6,445	132	753

I ask the reader to pay great attention to these figures. From 1814 to 1828, there were 6,869 births and 5,026 deaths. The population grew, with each 1,000 inhabitants providing 33 births against 24 deaths.

However, from 1829 to 1843, births fell to 5,814, or 27 ½ per 1,000 inhabitants and deaths increased to 6,445 or 30 ½ per 1,000 inhabitants.

So that, and this is worth noting, this decrease in the wine-producing population, which I had already noted from the censuses, is not the work of forty years, as one might have thought, but in fact that of the last fifteen years. What is more, in order for its absolute density to have diminished, it was necessary for it to lose, either by death or emigration, not only the difference shown in the censuses of 1804 and 1843 but also everything it had gained in the first twenty-five years of this period. 244

In this way, the best recorded facts come to give dismal confirmation to the law of population growth revealed by science.

The checks to population that keep the number of inhabitants at subsistence level", says Malthus, "can be categorized under two headings: the first act by anticipating an increase in population and the second by destroying it in proportion as it takes shape. 245

On which Mr. Senior makes the following comment:

Mr. Malthus has divided the checks to population into the preventive and the positive . The first are those which limit fecundity, the second, those which decrease longevity. The first diminishes the number of births, the second increases that of deaths. And as fecundity and longevity are the only elements of the calculation, it is clear that Mr. Malthus's division is exhaustive. 246

Criticisms of this doctrine have been raised recently. 247 It has been criticised for being sad and discouraging. Doubtless, it would be better if the means of existence (standard of living) could decrease and even disappear without people being any the less well fed, clothed, housed, and cared for in childhood, old age, and sickness. But this is neither true nor possible; it is actually contradictory. I cannot really understand the outcries against Malthus. What has this famous economist really revealed? After all, his theory is only a methodical commentary on this quite ancient and well known truth: when mankind can no longer get in sufficient quantity the things which feed him and sustain his life, it becomes necessary to reduce their numbers; and if they can't do this through acts of prudence, then suffering will change things for them.

We can clearly see this law in operation in our Chalosse. Sharecropping farms no longer yield the same income or, to put it another way, the same means of existence (the same standard of living), and immediately an instinctive sense of prudence reduces the number of births. 248 People reflect deeply before marrying. Heads of households understand that the property can no longer sustain the same number of people and they postpone the time they set up house and have children, or else the increasingly harsh exigencies of life make marriages more difficult, that is to say, more rare, and the number of unmarried people thus increases. This is how a region that recorded 33 births per 1,000 inhabitants now produces only 27.

However, prudence, or what Malthus calls a preventive check, is not powerful enough to reduce the population as rapidly as (falling) income can; a repressive check, 249 namely mortality, has to contribute to re-establishing a balance. Since the abundance of things has decreased, privation must ensue; privation brings suffering and suffering, death. Sharecropping farms are less productive, and consequently their acreage, which had been calculated with a view to a different order of things, tends to increase. Two sharecropping farms are combined into one or three into two. In the commune of Mugron alone, twenty-nine sharecropping farms have thus disappeared in our time, 250 and as many families have inexorably been condemned to a slow destruction. Finally, the ones that remain have fewer means to ensure themselves against hunger, cold, damp, and sickness; average life expectancy decreases, and in the end where there were 24 deaths per 1,000 inhabitants there are now 30½.

But is this decrease in population, which is certainly the effect and the indicator of poverty, also the measure of its extent? Listen to the judicious comments of Mr. de Chastellux 251 on this subject:

It is said that subsistence levels are an index of population; if they are lowered, the number of people has to decrease in the same proportion. Doubtless this decrease has to happen; whether it does so in the same proportion is another matter, or at least it is only at the end of a lengthy period of time that this proportion is found to be accurate. Before people's lives are shortened and the source of life declines, poverty has to have reduced physical strength and increased the number of diseases. When it takes hold of a region, when the supply of food decreases by a certain amount, by one sixth for example, the result is not that one sixth of the inhabitants die of hunger or emigrate, but these unfortunate people consume in general one sixth less. Unfortunately for them destruction does not always follow destitution, and nature, which is more thrifty than tyrants, is even more fully aware of the few resources men need in order to survive. Their numbers may still be high but they will be weak and unhappy. It is at this stage that by taking a little away, you take a great deal. 252

Yes, the interpretation of the distress on the left bank of the Adour would be very incomplete if it were constructed on the basis of mortality tables. A fall in income does not strike only the particular class that cannot lose anything without being in danger of death. Before being overcome, how many families descend from affluence to slender means and thence, to hardship and from hardship to destitution? First of all, they reduce expenditure on luxuries, then they economize on the ordinary comforts of life, and finally they cut down on the basic decencies. Their social status declines accordingly. These houses in ruins, this furniture in disrepair, and these children whose education has been interrupted; tell us that conditions have declined both from the point of view of morale and of physical well-being. They will tell us that monopoly and the tax authorities, these tyrants over our industry, know how little people need to live on, and that unfortunately destruction does not always follow poverty . 253

According to Chastellux, this is when, by taking a little, you take a great deal. I would say, that this is when an apportionment that is faulty and unjust, even in better times, becomes intolerable and monstrous.

The facts that I have set out are irrefutable. However, I do not doubt that efforts will be made to undermine this conclusion by denying the principle that population levels vary with the standard of living. "We do not accept this doctrine of Malthus'", they might say, "In the region producing pines there are doubtless more of us than before, but it does not follow that the income from our forests has increased. Only that it is shared among a greater number of people."

I will not go into a long dissertation on the factors governing population. I know that they raise questions that are still controversial. But as for the factors themselves, and the axiom that an increase in population is the effect, proof, and indictor of an increase that corresponds to a particular standard of living or level of income, I am not aware that doubt has ever been cast on the matter by any political writer of any worth, and I think I cannot do better than to subject my case to the authority of a large number of writers who all agree on this point, whatever other differences there may be between their opinions and theories.

"And what is the surest evidence that they (the people) are so protected and prosperous? The numbers of their population." (Rousseau) 254

"Wherever a place is found where two people may live in comfort, a marriage occurs. Nature lends itself to this quite well when it is not hindered by the difficulty of subsistence ." (Montesquieu) 255

"Alongside a loaf, a man is born." (Buffon, Natural History . 1749) 256

"After a certain number of years, the population of an industrious and commercial country approaches the level of subsistence." (Necker) 257

"To live you have to eat, and as any growth has a limit, that is where a population stops growing." (James Steuart) 258

"Population levels are in line with the means of subsistence and need. According to this principle, there is one means of increasing the population, and only one. This is to increase national wealth, or to put it better, to allow it to increase." (Bentham) 259 260

"The only true criterion of a real and permanent increase in the population of any country, is the increase of the means of subsistence." (Malthus, Principle, 1st ed., chapter VII)

"Distress has a prodigious influence on mortality tables. As a general thesis, it may be said that in our species, there are always just that number of people as know how and are able to acquire the means of subsistence for themselves. … It is certain that an increase in the number of individuals is a consequence of their well-being." (Desttut de Tracy). 261

"The population of a country is limited only by its products; production is the index of the population." (J. B. Say) 262

"Income is the index of subsistence and prosperity. Income is an index of population increase both for society and for the family." (Simonde de Sismondi). 263

"Population grows naturally as the resources available for existence increase." (Joseph Droz). 264

"As long as the means available for living increase the population will multiply. When they remain stationary, the population also remains stationary. As soon as they decrease, the population decreases in the same proportion." (Charles Comte). 265

I hope I will be forgiven for this unusual number of quotations; I believed that I could not establish too solidly a principle that serves as the basis both for the complaints and demands of my region.

But after all, and leaving economic science out of this, can it be seriously maintained that there has not been any improvement in the incomes of Les Landes and the Maransin and no decline in those of the Condomois 266 and La Chalosse? Is there any mystery concerning the prices of resin products and wine? Or can they rise and fall permanently without the situations of landowners and sharecroppers experiencing the effects? Will it be claimed that 156 people now live in the canton of Castets on an income identical to that which in past times was declared to be inadequate for 100 people? They must therefore be wretchedly poor, obliged as they are to cut back on one third of their expenditure, that is to say reduce all their consumption by one third! Well then, let us examine the question once more from this point of view. Let us see whether the number of people has increased in one sector of the department merely through the cuts made by each person in his consumption. If we succeed in finding that the inhabitants of Les Landes are provided with all forms of goods to the same level and better than those in La Chalosse, we will have to acknowledge that this extra population has not come to share a fixed level of income, but to live on new income, which has been established as numbers increased and on which, in all justice, they owe their share of tax.

The Minister of Agriculture and Trade has had a statistical profile of France published. 267 I have carefully drawn from the publication details on the level of consumption in each of our three arrondissements (Mont-de-Marsan, Saint-Sever, Dax). Doubtless, it is to be regretted that we cannot establish similar data for each canton and even for each commune, for the more we can narrow the geographical focus that clearly shows a predominant crop, the more the effect will relate to the cause. Be that as it may, the following table will be enough to shed light on the question under examination.

Table, page 320, G1, ed. 1855

CONSUMPTION PER INHABITANT 268

	I e1ST ARRONDISSEMENT.	II 2nd ARRONDISSEMENT.
Quantity	Price	Total	Quantity	Price	Total.
CEREALS	hect. lit.	fr. c.	fr. c.	hect. lit.	fr. c.	fr. c.
Wheat	0,55	15,20	8,36	0,97	14,90	14,15
Wheat & Rye	0,09	11,20	0,90	0,10	10,40	1,04
Rye	2,25	7,93	17,92	6,37	9,21	3,42
Corn, millet	1,70	7,12	12,10	2,62	9,13	23,82
TOTAL	4,60		39,28	4,06		42,73
MEAT	kil.			kil.
Beef	1,66	0,70	1,16	1,52	0,65	0,99
Veal	0,55	0,70	0,38 1/2	0,22	0,70	0,15
Mutton	1,67	0,60	1,00	0,48	0,63	0,31
Lamb	0,63	0,65	0,43	0,30	0,65	0,19 1/2
Pork	10,64	0,65	6,92	10,31	0,65	6,70
Goat	0,09	0,30	0,27	"	"	"
Totaux …	15,24		16,16 1/2	12,84		8,37 1/2
DRINK	hect. lit.			hect. lit.
Wine	2,19	7,83	17,29	0,67	8,86	6,90
Spirits	0,00	45,00	0,25	0,00	50,00	0,11
TOTAL	2,19		17,54	0,67		7,01
SUMMARY
fr. c. fr. c. Cereals 39,28 42,73 Meat 10,16 8,37 Drink 17,54 7,01 Total 66,98 48,11

What should be compared above all is the consumption in the first and second arrondissements, which draw at least a significant proportion of their incomes from different sources, since one pays three times as much for its pines as for its vines and the other three times as much for its vines as for its pines.

Well, we see that the annual consumption of each inhabitant in the first district exceeds that of each inhabitant in the second by 54 liters for cereals, 2 kilos 40 grams for meat, 152 liters for wine and 31 liters for spirits.

In money the difference is less marked because, for reasons that I cannot identify, the official document records rye, corn, and wine at prices that are much higher in Saint-Sever than in Mont-de-Marsan. But this difference is still 8 francs 87 centimes in favor of the inhabitants of Les Landes and this sum, multiplied by the figure for the population of the first arrondissement in 1836 establishes a higher level of consumption and consequently of income, more than 800,000 francs, in the case of the arrondissement that pays, on an official basis, 35,000 francs less in tax.

This inequality in the apportionment of tax is more apparent still in the statement below, which sets out the total value of consumption for the three arrondissements.

Table, page 322, G1, ed. 1855

		MONT-DE-MAR.		SAINT-SEVER.		DAX.
fr.	fr.	fr.
Wheat	784,189	1,499,908	848,371
Mixed wheat & rye	93,251	97,573	60,375
Rye	2,175,885	357,016	775,705
Corn and millet	1,183,030	1,991,262	2,746,440
Wine	1,602,970	536,782	1,059,416
Spirits	22,000	10,000	84,000
Potatoes	34,164	35,405	35,627
Dry vegetables	28,888	37,969	47,708
Meat	906,764	749,828	1,159,689
Total	6,831,141	4,815,732	6,817,331

It can be seen how wrong the Minister of the Interior was when, in order to dissuade the General Council from revising the current re-apportionment, he wrote on 14 October 1836 269 that significant changes in the production of wine and pines would probably not occur. The facts show a severe and profound inequality. Thus in cereals, meat, wine, and spirits, the value of consumption is as follows:

72 francs 56 centimes per inhabitant in the 1 st arrondissement

64 francs 71 centimes per inhabitant in the 3 rd arrondissement

54 francs 60 centimes per inhabitant in the 2 nd arrondissement

However, in the cantons of Saint-Sever, Mugron, and Aire, each inhabitant pays 3 francs 24 centimes on average in tax, while in the cantons of Labrit, Parentis, Sore, Mimizan, Sabres, and Pissos each inhabitant pays only 1 franc 86 centimes, with the result that for the first group of cantons the ratio of tax to consumption is 5.93 percent whereas it is only 2.56 percent for the second.

And we should not lose sight of the fact that in each of the three major districts of the department where the three types of crop whose influence we are interested in are accepted staples, their share of consumption is mixed. It is clear that in the first district, the average of 72 francs 56 centimes (expenditure per person) has been exceeded in Parentis, Sabres, Arjuzanx, Pissos , etc., and is less in Gabarret and Villeneuve. What we have said in this regard in respect to population can also be applied, for the same reasons, to consumption.

If we summarized all the preceding considerations, these are the results we would find:

The share of each of the three major crops in the department is:

279,724 francs for field crops

66,396 francs for vines

75,888 francs for pines.

Total: 422,008 francs

Which implies that each of these contributes to an income of 1,000 francs in a ratio of: 663 : 157 : 180

This is the ratio that should be corrected in accordance with the comments in the two sections of this article.

In the first, we have seen that the tax evaluations were falsified by the application of inaccurate average prices and a uniform rate of interest.

For cereals, a common price of 14 francs 28 centimes was adopted, whereas the market prices from 1828 to 1836 were merely 12 francs 52 centimes. The prejudice against field crops: 12 ½ percent.

For red wine, action was based on a supposed average price of 42 francs. If you will refer back to what we said on this subject you will agree that it is certainly not an exaggeration to evaluate the injustice done to wine at 10 percent.

For pine resins, the price was set at 2 francs 50 centimes per 50 kilograms. If it were raised to 3 francs 50 centimes it would still be below the true price. Pines have therefore been favored to the extent of 40 percent.

If we correct the income from the three crops according to these figures, they would be in the ratio of 582 : 141 : 252 (for every 1,000 francs of income).

On the other hand, if interest at 3 percent for field crops and vines and 4 percent for pines had prevailed over the uniform rate of 3 ½ percent, the incomes of the first two crops would have been evaluated at 16 2/3 percent less and that of the third at 16 2/3 percent more, and their taxable capacities would have been in the following ratio, 553 : 131 : 210.

The average of these two sets of figures is, 567 : 136 : 231

Consequently the tax burden of 422,008 francs would be allocated as follows:

For field crops 256,189 francs instead of 279,724

For vines 61,448 francs instead of 66,396

For pines101,371 francs instead of 75,888

Total: 422,008 (in both cases)

This should have been the apportionment at the outset, assuming that similar errors to those we pointed out for the average prices and rates of interest were not made for the quantities produced .

This is what it should still have been if no change in the productive value of the three types of crop had occurred.

But in the second section of this article, we have noted that the population, and therefore the income, has changed as follows:

Field crops have gained 16 percent

Vines have lost 19 percent

Pines have gained 71 percent

The ratios quoted above, 567 : 136 : 231, should therefore be modified in accordance with this new data and replaced by:

657 : 110 : 395.

From which it follows that finally, the tax burden of 422,008 francs ought to be allocated thus:

Field crops 238,603 francs instead of 279,724 francs

Vines 39,964 francs instead of 66,396

Pines143,441 francs instead of 75,888

In other words, the tax is too high:

For field crops by one sixth

For vines by more than one third

and the tax for pines is too low by nearly half

In conclusion, I cannot refrain from putting a few reflections that are not too divorced from the subject under discussion.

Terrible distress has spread over a considerable portion of our department, and this has affected the standard of living so profoundly that the very sources of life have been altered. We do not have statistics for all forms of consumption in our arrondissement, but we know that the population devotes only 54 francs to groceries instead of the 72 francs which are spent elsewhere. However, groceries are the last things that people think of cutting down on. And since, moreover, we do have a prosperous class that has not yet been reduced to depriving itself of bread and wine, it must be concluded that to the same extent as this class exceeds the average of 54 francs, there is a section of the working class that is far from attaining it.

This is the explanation for the decrease in population recorded by the censuses and by records of births and deaths.

This sad phenomenon is linked to a revolution in farming which is happening before our eyes and which has not been sufficiently noted. 270

The acreage of sharecropping farms used naturally to be in proportion to what was required to ensure that the tenant's share provided a livelihood for a farming family.

When, because of the fall in the value of products, this share became inadequate, sharecroppers became a liability for landowners, who were faced with the alternative of either leaving the estate unfarmed or reducing their share still further in order to subsidize the tenant's share.

As soon as this happened, sharecroppers' food was weighed, measured, and restricted to what was strictly necessary. What is more, there developed a distinct tendency to enlarge sharecropping farms. In one place they were merged; in another vines were dug up to increase the acreage of field crops. All these expedients had a common result and even a common aim: to reduce the number of people and restore the balance between the levels of population and food supplies.

If this contingency and the consequences it entailed were the result of some physical catastrophe, we would have to weep and wail and hang our heads. But this is not so. Providence has not taken its gifts from us, the sky over La Chalosse has not turned to bronze, and the sun and dew have not ceased to make it fertile. Why then can it no longer feed its inhabitants?

You do not have to look far to find the reason. It is that they have been stripped of the freedom to trade , the freedom which is most immediately useful to man after the freedom of working . 271

It is therefore legislation that is the cause of our woes. Manufacturers have told us, "You will buy only from us and at our prices". The Fisc 272 has said, "You will sell only after I have taken half of your produce."

Legislation is killing us in the most literal sense of the word, and if we want to live the legislation has to be reformed.

Now reform of the legislation can come only from the electorate. 273

But how does it carry out its mission?

Faced with the countless harms that are causing the depopulating of our fields and towns, what is it doing to curb the action of the Fisc and to return to the people the ability to trade the things they have sweated to produce with each other, according to their interests,?

What is it doing? It is handing over the mandate to legislate to our opponents; it is going to look for its representatives in the foundries, factories, and even in the antechambers of the Legislature.

From all sides this doctrine is heard: "Favours are there for the pillaging; people must be mad not to do what everyone else is doing."

Among the people saying things like this, there are those who are thinking only of themselves; I have nothing to say to them. However, others cannot be suspected of a level of selfishness like this; their wealth sets them above the connivances of petty ambition. One unanswerable reason, besides, proves their personal disinterestedness; if they were seeking their own personal advancement, it is not the electoral law but the post of deputy that they would be using as a stepping-stone, and they have been seen to refuse to stand.

It is therefore not to themselves but to their love of their locality that they are sacrificing the general interest. The general interest is not attainable, they say. The political machine has been put in motion to exhaust our unfortunate fellow-citizens; it is not in our power to halt its action. At least let us return to them in the form of political favours, some part of what it is extracting from them.

But, I ask you, these hand-outs and favors, however much you might have imagined them to have increased, have they come anywhere near the scale of the harm that I have just described? What does it matter to these farmers now being decimated by starvation, these artisans with no work, or these landowners whose most bitter scrimping scarcely manages to postpone ruin, what does it matter to these victims of the Fisc and the monopolists that a sub-prefectureship or a seat in the Luxembourg Palace 274 is going in payment to the most prominent voter in the district as the salary for his apostasy? Give them back the right to trade and you would have done more for your country than if you had restored it to the favor of the Duke of Nemours 275 in person, or that of the King himself!

You call yourselves Conservatives. You oppose the lowest social strata 276 having the right to vote. In that case, be the responsible guardians of these people who are banned from participating. You do not wish to rule fairly on their behalf, nor allow them to legally rule for themselves, nor even allow them to rise up in rebellion against the things that harm them. What then do you want? There is just one possible end to their sufferings and this end is foreseen well enough in the mortality tables.

Table, page 329, G1, ed. 1855; Table, page 330, G1, ed. 1855; Table, page 331, G1, ed. 1855; Table, page 332, G1, ed. 1855; Table, page 333, G1, ed. 1855

PINE GROWING REGIONS
COMMUNES.		CROPS		POPULATION.
Field Crops.		Pines	1804.		1841.
	hect.	hect.	pop.	pop.
Mimizan	278	1,322	479	852
Onesse	367	4,728	687	1,098
Lesperon	670	5,490	683	1,060
Ponteux	392	2,661	740	1,486
Mezos	666	4,345	809	1,286
Saint-Paul en B.	259	1,736	348	772
Comenzacq	321	1,595	522	663
Escource	468	4,396	673	1,180
Pissos	600	3,500	1,477	2,056
Parentis	550	4,500	1,181	1,788
Sainte-Eulalie	180	2,000	271	475
Ichoux	300	4,000	542	841
Gourbera	194	979	206	303
Labenne	291	1,215	392	526
Moliets	154	1,643	293	404
Messange	226	2,332	321	430
Magescq	847	4,113	923	1,606
Seignosse	210	2,089	334	458
Leon	620	2,750	931	1,402
Linx	750	4,050	650	1,074
Lit et Mix	920	3,800	970	1,483
Vieille-Saint-Girons	580	2,400	131	608
TOTAL	9,849	65,344	13,573	21,771
Ratio of crops   : 7/8 pines, 1/8 field crops .
Change in population : Increase, 60 % .

PINE GROWING REGIONS
COMMUNES.		CROPS		POPULATION.
Field Crops		Pines	1804.		1841.
	hect.	hect.	hab.	hab.
Geloux	578	1,321	660	815
Aureilhan	116	388	217	305
Bias	74	281	107	169
Argelouse	160	1,000	329	396
Calen	320	2,000	533	660
Luxey	1,000	3,500	1,244	1,532
Sore	1,000	3,000	1,145	1,780
Sabres	1,042	2,750	1,679	2,524
Lue	314	2,103	503	790
Trenzacq	335	1,203	610	727
Belhade	200	1,200	384	518
Moussey	350	2,000	659	945
Sagnac	700	2,500	1,178	1,636
Bichet	150	1,500	206	330
Biscarosse	500	4,000	1,367	1,547
Gastes	70	800	211	259
Sanguinet	300	2,500	715	960
Saint-Yaguen	671	1,311	479	892
Rion	1,019	2,717	1,280	1,537
Laluque	596	1,227	560	698
Saint-Vincent de Tyrosse	385	466	558	754
Herm	558	2,578	783	851
Cap-Breton	182	793	586	968
Soustons	1,358	2,513	2,516	2,783
Azur	164	901	190	304
Saint-Geours	717	1,321	899	1,420
Tosse	316	752	493	698
Sorts	139	599	217	266
Castets	650	2,450	977	1,615
Levignac	420	1,950	723	959
Saint-Julien	760	3,000	884	1,123
Saint-Michel	410	2,100	162	217
Taller	480	1,500	332	527
TOTAL	16,034	60,879	23,416	31,405
Ratio of crops   : 4/5 pines , 1/5 field crops .
Increase in population : Increase, 34 %

FIELD CROP REGIONS
COMMUNES.		POPULATION.
1804.		1841.
	hab.	hab.
Vielle-Soubiran	273	471
Grenade	1,368	1,500
Vignau	605	601
Gazères	1,026	948
Bordères	159	524
Losse	711	1,027
Estigarde	267	307
Lubbon	361	420
Cauna	695	674
Bas-Mauco	223	202
Benung	1,110	945
Duhort	1,067	1,129
Bahus	549	533
Latrille	257	307
Saint-Agnet	352	385
Lacajunte	301	339
Arboucave	306	394
Philondenx	503	604
Miramont	832	827
Samadet	1,370	1,456
Gouts	538	475
Pomarez	1,765	2,115
Saint-Martin-Juza	1,974	2,515
Saint-Larant	664	855
Biaudos	694	834
Orthevielle	698	869
Lannes	921	1,131
Saint-Martin	1,101	1,340
Onard	321	370
Lier	371	509
Vie	290	244
Saint-Cricq	825	1,119
Sainte-Colombe	729	791
TOTAL	23,228	26,960
Ratio of crops   : all field crops .
Change in population : Increase, 16 % .

VINE GROWING REGIONS
COMMUNES.		CROPS		POPULATION.
Field Crops		Vi nes	1804.		1841.
	hect.	hect.	hab.	hab.
Bascons	409	290	1,067	1,033
Saint-Julien	278	192	398	446
Arthez	284	214	408	449
Fréche	726	349	894	929
Perquie	764	272	748	775
Audignon	408	98	617	578
Montgaillard	1,446	314	2,126	1,977
Larbey	202	116	383	508
Lahosse	276	107	583	613
Saint-Loubouer	883	232	1,321	1,267
Vielle	638	140	858	895
Urgons	504	62	695	703
Castelnau-Turs	472	99	505	590
Bastennes	200	100	512	482
Pouillon	1,520	506	3,060	3,163
Gibret	110	76	237	292
Poyartin	590	170	970	983
TOTAL	9,710	3,337	15,382	15,683
Ratio of crops   : 2/3 field crops, 1/3 vines.
Increase in population : 2%.