A new Magna Charta.

FIrst for the honour of Almighty God, and in pursuance of the solemne League and Covenant which we made in the presence of Almighty God for the Reformation and defence of Religion, the honour and happinesse of the King, and the peace and safety of the three Kingdomes of England, Scotland, and Ireland, we have granted, and by this our present Charter have confirmed, That the Church of England shall be free to deny the perpetuall Ordinances of Jesus Christ, to countenance spreading heresies, cursed blasphemies, and generall loosenesse and prophanenesse, and that all Lawes and Statutes formerly made against the aforesaid offences for the punishment and restraining thereof shall be utterly repealed, that so all men may freely enjoy and professe what Religion soever they please without restraint: And we will that all Archbishops, Bishops, and their dependents shall be eternally suppressed, and all their Mannours, Lands and possessions sold to defray and advance the Publique Faith. That all Ministers shall be plundered and thrust out of their livings and freeholds by our Committee of plundering Ministers without Oath or legall tryall, upon bare informations of such of their Parishioners who are indebted to them for Tythes, or have any Kinsman to preferre to their livings. And to supply the want of Ministers, That all Officers, Souldiers, Coblers, Tinkers, and gifted Brethren and Sisters, shall freely preach, and propagate the Gospell to the people, and new dip and rebaptize them without punishment.

Item. We will that the Kings Majesties person be maintained, and his Authority preserved, by seizing his Person at Holdenby with a party of horse, and imprisoning him in the Army, indangering his life at Hampton Court, and by colour thereof conveighing him secretly into the Isle of Wight, removing from him all his Attendants, disposing of his Revenue, Children, Forts, Ships, Castles, and Kingdomes, and by this putting in execution these our Votes, That no more addresses be made from the Parliament to the King, nor any Letters or Message received from him: That it shall be Treason for any persons whatsoever to deliver any Message to the King, or receive any Messages or Letters from him, without leave from both Houses of Parliament: That a Committee draw up a Declaration to be published, to satisfie the Kingdome of the reason of passing these Votes, That so the world may beare witnesse with our consciences of our Loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish His Majesties just power and greatnesse, according to the words of the solemne League and Covenant.

Item, We give and grant to the Freemen of the Realm these Liberties underwritten.

First, that no Sheriffes shall make due returnes of the Citizens and Burgesses elected to serve in Parliament, nor make due Elections of Knights, nor in convenient time, nor the ablest wisest, nor discreetest shall be returned, but all fraud and deceit shall be used in Elections, and persons not duly elected, nor elegible by Law shall be Members of the House of Commons, and those to be our sonnes, kindred, servants, officers and such as will comply with us.

Item, No Member shall sit in the House of Commons with freedome and safety that endeavours to settle Religion in the purity thereof, according to the Covenant, to mantaine the ancient and fundamentall Government of the Kingdome, or to preserve the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, or that layes hold on the first oportunity of procuring a safe and well-grounded peace in the three Kingdoms, or that keeps a good understanding between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland, according to the grounds expressed in the solemne League and Covenant.

And whoever offends against this Article, we will that such Members be impeached of High Treason by the Army, suspended the House before any particular impeachment, forced to accuse themselves by stating their cases for want of an accuser, and witnesses to prove them criminall, and at the last cast out of the House without answer, hearing the evidence, or privity of those that elected them whose persons they represent.

Item, We grant, that neither we nor any by colour of Authority derived from us shall interrupt the ordinary course of Justice in the severall Courts and Judicatures of the Kingdome, nor intermeddle in causes of private interest otherwhere determinable, save onely our Committees of Indempnities, plundered Ministers, Complaints, Sequestrations, Excize and the Army, who shall judge and contradict the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme, vacate and repeale all Indictments, Verdicts, and Judgements given in Courts of Justice, imprison all manner of persons, and turne them out of their Freeholds, Estates, Goods, and Chattels without the lawfull judgement of their Peers, and against the fundamentall Lawes of the Land.

Item, we will and ordaine that the great and unusuall payments imposed upon the people, and the extraordinary wayes that were taken for procuring moneyes, shall (contrary to the trust reposed in us) be still burthensome, and daily increased more and more upon the people by our bare Votes and Ordinances, without the common consent by Act of Parliament; and in case of refusall, forcibly levyed by Troops of horse and souldiers, according to the law of decolled Strafford, of all which moneyes our selves and Members will be sole treasurers and disposers: Free-Quarter shall be still tolerated, and countenance given by us to the exactions and extortions of the souldiers, to whom we have granted an Ordinance of Indempnity for all murders, fellonies, rapes, robberies, injuries and trespasses committed by them, and all such offences as they shall commit, to the end they may protect us against the clamours and complaints of the oppressed people either by Sea or Land: and we ordaine, that all Free-men shall henceforth be tryed onely by Martiall and Committee Law, and impeached of new high Treason at our pleasure, to consiscate their estates to our Exchequer.

Item, We will that such persons as have done valiantly, and dealt faithfully in the Parliaments cause according to the Declaration of England and Scotland, shall be publikely disgraced and dishonoured, and without cause thrust from their commands and imployments both Civill and Martiall without pay, hearing conviction or reparation for their losses, and that the severall and respective Lievtenants, Governours, and old Garrison Souldiers of the Tower of London, Newcastle, Yorke, Bristoll, Plymouth, Glocester, Exeter, Chester, Pendennis Castle and the Isle of Wight be removed with disgrace by our new Generalissimoes meere arbitrary power, notwithstanding our former Votes and Ordinances for their particular settlement, and new mean seditious Sectaries of our confederacy put into their places.

Item, We will that a just difference be made between such persons as never departed from their Covenant and duty, and such as were detestable Newtralists and oppressours of the people, and to that end we will, that the Commission of the Peace be renewed at the pleasure of our flying Speakers, who are to provide, that such be omitted as agree not with the frame and temper of the Army and us their Lords and Commons sitting at Westminster, and others be added in their places who have complied with the enemy, and oppressed the people, and to that end we agree, that the Earle of Suffolke, Earle of Middlesex, William Lord Maynard, William Hicks, Knight and Baronet, John Parsons Knight, Richard Pigott Knight, Edward King Esquire, Thomas Welcome Esquire, and divers others be omitted, and that John Lockey, Thomas Welby, VVilliam Godfrey, Richard Brian, Sir Richard Earle Baronet, and others of that stamp be added, of whose integrity and faithfulnesse Quere.

Item, We will that for the perpetuall honour of the Lords and Barons of this Realme, whose Ancestors purchased for us with the expence of their lives and bloods from King John and Henry the third, the great Charter, that they shall from henceforth he impeached of High Treason, committed, imprisoned, and put out of the House of Peers, and forfeit their lives and estates to our disposing, if they defend that great Charter, the lives and Liberties of the Subjects and Parliament against a perfidious and rebellious Army, and us the fugitive Lords and Commons, who fled from our Houses to the Army without cause, and there entred into a trayterous Covenant and Ingagement, to live and die with the Army, and to destroy the faithfull Members that stayed behind at Westminster, and all the freedome of this and future Parliaments. And we will that henceforth there shall be no House of Peers, distinct from Commons, but that all Peers and Peerage be for ever abolished, and all great and rich mens estates levelled and made equall to their poorest neighbours, for the better reliefe and encouragement of the poor Saints.

Item, We will that the City of London shall have all her ancient Liberties and Customes in as full and ample manner as her Predecessors ever had, and for that end we will that the Army shall march in a Warlike manner towards that City, and passe like Conquerours in tryumph through the same. That all the Fortifications and Line about it shall be slighted and thrown downe, the Tower taken out of their hands, and put into our Generalls, and fortified to over-awe them; the Militia of the City changed and divided from that of Westminster, and Southwarke, the Lord Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and some leading men of the Common Counsell, by crafty, sinister, and feigned informations, impeached of high Treason, and other great Misdemeanours imprisoned and disabled, and others by our appointment and nomination put into their places, and the Citizens and Common Counsell-men shall henceforth make no free Elections of Governours and Officers: That White-Hall, the Muse, Minories, Ely-house and other places shall be made Citadells, that the Posts and Chaines in the City and Suburbs be taken away, their Gates and Purcullices pulled downe, their Armes delivered into a common Magazine by our appointment, to disable them from all future possibility of selfe-defence, or disobedience to our imperiall commands, that so they may willingly deliver us up the remainder of their exhausted treasures and estates, when we see cause to require the same, and made as absolute Freemen for all their expence of treasure and blood in our defence, as our English Gally-slaves now are in Algier.

Item, We will that the command of the Navy and all ships at Sea, for the honour of this Nation and our owne, be committed into the hands and government of a Vice-Admirall, (without and against the consent of the Lords) of late but a Skippers Boy, a common Souldier in Hull, a Leveller in the Army, impeached by the Generall for endeavouring to raise a mutiny at the late Rendevouz, and since that taken with a Whore in a Bawdy house, who rode downe in triumph to the Downes to take possession of his place in a Coach and foure horses, with a Trumpeter and some Troopers riding before and after it, sounding the Trumpet in every Towne and Village as they passed, to give notice of his new Excellencies arrivall, and make the common people vaile Bonnet, and strike sale to his Coach, and at his late returne from the Isle of Wight to the Downes was rowed from the ship to the Towne of Deale with the Ensigne in the sterne, the Boatswaine and all the Rowers bare headed, like so many Gally-slaves, (a new kind of state which never any Lord-Admirall in England, though the greatest Peer, yet tooke upon him, but the King onely:) and to maintaine this new pompe and state of his we will and ordain, that all Merchants, as well Natives as Forraigners, shall pay such new Customes, Impositions, and Excize for all manner of goods and Merchandize whatsoever imported, or exported, as we in our arbitrary wisdomes shall judge meet, under paine of forfeiture of all their said goods and Merchandize, and such other penalties as we shall impose.

Item, We will and ordaine for the ease and reliefe of the almost famished poore in these times of dearth and decay of Trade, that Excize shall still be paid by them, and every of them for every drop of small beer they drinke, and for all oyles, dying stuffes, and Mercers wares they shall have occasion to use about their Trades and Manufactures, and that the lusty young souldiers, who are able to worke and get their livings by the sweat of their browes, shall ramble abroad through all the Kingdome, and like so many sturdy rogues, take Free-quarter for themselves, horses and companions from place to place, refusing to work, shall eat up all the provisions in Gentlemens, Yeomens, Clothyers, and other rich mens houses, who formerly relieved the impotent poore with their Almes, and the able with work.

Item, We will that William Lenthall our Speaker for the time being, shall have a Monopoly and plurality of all kind of Officers, for the maintenance of his state and dignity, and recompence of his infidelity, in the deserting the true House of Commons, notwithstanding the selfe-denying Ordinance to the contrary, and to this end we ordaine, that he shall be our perpetuall Speaker, and eternally take five pounds for every Ordinance that passeth the Commons House, with all other incident (new exacted) fees and gratuities; that he shall with this his office enjoy the custody and profits of the great Seale of England, the Dutchy of Lancaster, together with the Mastership of the Rolls, and as many other places as we shall be able to conferre upon him or his sonne; and that his honoured brother Sir John Lenthall for his great affection to and care of the Subjects Liberties committed to his custody, shall have free licence to suffer what prisoners he pleaseth to escape out of prison, and Sir Lewis Dives though Voted by us to be arraigned and tryed for high Treason this Terme, and all persons lying in execution for debts to goe and lie abroad at their owne houses, and make escapes at pleasure to the defrauding of Creditors, without being prosecuted, or put out of his office for the same, provided they alwayes give him a good gratuity for this their liberty of escape.

Item, We will that our distressed Brethren in Ireland may enjoy the benefit of this our new great Charter, and all the liberties therein comprized, and that by vertue thereof the supplies, reliefs, men, moneyes, and the monethly Tax of sixty thousand pounds designed for them, shall be totally interrupted, misimployed, and diverted by King Crumwell and Prince Jreton his son-in-law, to maintaine, pay and recruit their Supernumeraries and the Army here: That the noble and valiant Lord Inchequin who hath done such gallant service against the Rebells, shall be accused and blasted in both our Houses and Pamphlets, and mercenary Diurnall men for a Traytor, and Confederate with the Rebells, by the Lord Liste and his confederates, who wears much of Irelands imbezelled treasure on his back, and hath much more of it in his purse, taking no lesse then 10.l. or 15.l. a day, as Lord Deputy of that Realme, onely for riding about London streets in his Coach in state, and victorious honest Col. Jones discountenanced, discouraged, and both of them removed this Spring from their commands, to advance the Independent cause, and godly party in that Realme.

Lastly, all these new Customes and Liberties aforesaid, which we have granted to be holden in our Realmes of England and Ireland, as much as appertaineth to us we shall observe: and all men of these Realmes, as well Nobles as Commons, shall enjoy and observe the same against all persons in likewise. And for this our Gift and Grant of these Liberties, the Nobles and Commons are become our men from this day forward, of life and limb, and of earthly worship, and unto us shall be slaves and vassalls for ever; and we have granted further, that neither we nor any of us shall procure or do any thing, whereby all or any the Liberties in this Charter contained, shall be ever hereafter infringed or broken: and further we ordaine, that our Postmaster Edmund Prideaux, one of our fugitive & Army-ingaged Members, who by fraud got into that office, and keeps it by force against common right, do send Posts with Copies of this our Charter into all Counties, Cities and Places of our Dominions, for recompence of which service he shall still conciously enjoy that office, and that our Sheriffs, Committees, and new-made Justices cause the same to be speedily published accordingly in all our Countrey-Courts, these being our witnesses to this Charter.

FINIS.

THE PETITION OF RIGHT OF THE Free-holders and Free-men OF THE Kingdom of England

THat where as the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, in the third year of his Majesties reign, that now is, did, in their most famous Petition of Right, among other things, claim these ensuing, as their and our undubitable Rights and Liberties, according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, viz.

That no Free-man in England should be compelled to contribute to make or yeeld any Gift, Loan or Benevolence, Tax, Tallage, or other such like charge, without common consent by Act of Parliament. That no Free-man may be taken or imprisoned, or disseised of his Free-hold, or Liberties, or free Customs, or be out-lawed or exiled, or in any manner destroyed, or be adjudged to death, but by the Lawful Judgment of his Peers by the Law of the Land, and due process of Law.

That the quartering of Soldiers and Mariners in any Freemens houses against their wils, and compelling them to receive them, is against the Laws and Customs of this Realm, and a great grievance and vexation of the people; [Notwithstanding the Commons in this present Parliament, in their Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, 15 Decemb. 1641. published to all the Kingdom: That the charging of the Kingdom with billeted Soldiers (complained of in the Petition of Right, as aforesaid) and the Concommitant Design of German Horse, that the Land might either submit with fear, or be inforced with rigor to such ARBITRARY CONTRIBUTIONS, as should be required of them; was a product and effect of the Jesuited Councels, of Iesuites, Papists, Prelates, Courtiers and Counsellors, for private ends. And therefore not to be approved or endured in themselves, or in any Officers or Soldiers under their command, raised purposely to defend, and not invade our just Rights and Properties, especially since the Wars determination in this Realm, since they desire in that Remonstrance, That all Sheriffs, Iustices, and other Officers be sworn to the due execution of the Petition of Right, and those Laws which concern the Subject in his Liberty.] And that all Commissioners for the executing and putting of men to death by Martial Law, (except only in Armies in time of War) are wholy and directly contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm. And did in their said Petition grievously complain, That by means of divers Commissions directed to sundry Commissioners in several Counties, his Majesties people have been, in divers places, assembled and required to lend certain sums of Money to his Majesty (pretended for the publick safety) and many of them, upon their refusal so to do, have had an Oath tendred to them, not warrantable by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and been constrained to become bound to make appearance and give attendance before the Privy Councel and in other places, and other of them have been therefore imprisoned, censured and sundry other ways molested and disquieted, and divers other Charges have been layd and levyed on the people in several Counties by Lord Lieutenants, Deputy Lieutenants, Commissioners for Ministers, Justices of Peace, and others against the Laws and free Customs of this Realm. And that divers Subjects have of late been imprisoned without any cause, or any just or lawful cause shewn; and when for their deliverance they were brought before his Majesties Justices by Writs of Habeas Corpora, there to undergo and receive as the Court should order, and their Keepers commanded to certifie the causes of their detainer, no cause was certified, but that they were detained by his Majesties special command, signified by the Lords of his Privy Councel, and yet were returned back to several prisons without being charged with any thing, to which they might make answer according to the Law. And that of late great companies of Soldiers and Mariners have been dispersed into divers Counties of the Realm, and the inhabitants, against their wils, have been compelled to receive them into their houses, and there to suffer them to sojourn against the Laws and Customs of this Realm to the great grievance and vexation of the people. And that divers Commissions under the great Seal had been granted to proceed according to Martial Law against Soldiers, Mariners and others, by colour and pretext whereof some of his Maiesties Subiects had been illegally put to death and executed. And also sundry grievous offendors, by colour thereof, claiming an exemption have escaped the punishments due to them by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, by reason that divers Officers and Ministers of Justice have uniustly refused or forborn to proceed against such Offendors according to the said Laws and Statutes, upon pretence that the said Offenders were punishable by Martial Law, and by Authority of such Commissions, as aforesaid.

And therefore they did then in their said Petition most humbly pray his most Excellent Maiesty, that no man hereafter be compelled to make or yeeld any Gift, Loan, Benevolence, Tax or such like charge, without common consent by Act of Parliament. And that none be called to make answer, or take such Oath, or to give attendance, or be censured, or otherwise molested or disquieted concerning the same, or the refusal thereof. And that no Free-man, in any such manner, as is before mentioned, be imprisoned or detained. And that his Maiesty would be pleased to remove the said Soldiers and Mariners, and that his people may not be so burthened in time to come. And that the foresaid Commissions for proceeding by Martial Law may be revoked, recalled and annulled. And that hereafter, no Commissions of the like nature may issue forth to any person or persons whatsoever, to be executed as aforesaid; lest by colour of them any of his Maiesties Subiects be destroyed or put to death, contrary to the Laws and Franchises of the Land. All which they then most humbly prayed of his Maiesty, as their Rights and Liberties, according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm. And that his Majesty also would vouchsafe to declare, that all the awards, doings and proceedings to the preiudice of his people, in any of the premises, shal not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example. To all which the King then fully condescended, and gave this royal Answer in Parliament; Let Right be done as is desired.

These undoubted Rights, Franchises and Liberties, and that our Knights and Burgesses ought to enioy their ancient Priviledges and Freedom, and to be present at all binding Votes and Ordinances, we do here claim and challenge as our Birth-right and Inheritance, not only from his Maiesty, but from both the Houses of Parliament now sitting, who have in sundry printed Remonstrances, Declarations and Protestations, and in the Solemn League and Covenant, oft times promised and seriously vowed and covenanted, in the presence of Almighty God, inviolably to maintain and preserve the same, and to bring the Infringers of them to condign and exemplary punishment, and have engaged all the wel-affected Free-born people of England, by like solemn Protestations, Leagues and Covenants, to maintain and defend the same with their lives and estates: And therefore we at this present not only humbly desire but also require both the said Houses and every Member of them, even in point of Justice, Right, Duty and Conscience, not of favor or indulgence, inviolably, without the least diminution, to maintain, defend and preserve these our Hereditary Rights and Liberties, intailed on us and our posterities by so many Statutes, confirmed and ratified by such a multitude of late Declarations, Protestations, Remonstrances, Vows and Solemn Covenants, wherein they have mutually engaged us together with themselves, and for the preservation wherof against the Kings Malignant Counsellors, and Forces, and Party, (now totally subdued) have of late years put us and the whole Kingdom to such a vast expence of Treasure and Gallant English blood: and likewise pray their publick Declaration against, and exemplary Justice upon the present open professed Invaders and Infringers of them, in a more superlative degree then ever heretofore.

For not to enumerate the manifold Encroachments on, and Violations of these our undoubted Priviledges, Rights and Franchises, by Members, Committees, and all servants, of persons military and civil imployed by both Houses, during the late uncivil Wars, occasioned the inevitable Law of pure necessity, all which we desire may be buried in perpetual oblivion, we cannot but with weeping eys & bleeding hearts, complain & remonstrat to your honors: that contrary to these undoubted rights; Priviledges and Franchises; many of us who have always stood wel-affected to the Parliament, and done and suffered much for it, have partly through the power, malice and false suggestions, either of some Members of both Houses who have born a particular speen against us, but principally through the malice and oppression of divers City and Country-Committees, Governors, Officers, Souldiers and Agents imployed by Parliamentary Authority, been most injuriously and illegally imprisoned, sequestered, plundered, put out of our Offices, Benefices, Livings, Lands, Free-holds enforced to send divers sums of money without any Act or Ordinance, to take unlawful Oaths, enter into bonds to make appearance, and give attendance upon severall persons and Committees, both in the Country, London, Westminster, and other places, for divers moneths together, and have been confined, restrained, and sundry other ways oppressed, molested and disquieted, and utterly ruined; of which when we have complayned to the Houses, we can find either no Redress at all, or such slender and slow relief, as is as bad or worse then none at all. And when we have sought our Enlargement from our unjust imprisonments in a Legal way, by writs of Habeas Corpora, in the Kings Courts; our Keepers have either refused to obey them, or to certifie the causes of our detainer, or else have certified generally, that we were detained by order or command of one or both Houses, or of some Committees or Members of Parliament, whereupon we have been remanded to our respective prisons, without being charged with any particular offence, to which we might make answer according to Law; And if we seek to right ourselves against those who have thus unjustly and maliciously imprisoned, oppressed, plundered and disseised us of our Free-holds, Lands and Goods, by actions of false imprisonment, Trespass, Trover, Assise, or the like at the Common Law, which is our Birthright; These Members and their Servants, who have injured and ruined us, plead exemption from our suits, by reason of their Priviledges, so as we neither can nor dare to sue them; and Committee-men and others, when we sue them for any injuries, Trespasses or oppressions by Land or Sea, plead the Ordinances of Indempnity, to justifie their most unjust and exorbitant actions, warranted by no Law nor Ordinance whatsoever, and by colour thereof stay both our Judgments and Executions at Law, after verdicts given against them for our relief; and force us to travail from all parts of the Kingdom unto Westminster, and there to dance attendance upon Committees of Indempnity, and the like, or many weeks and moneths, til they enforce us to spend more then the dammages we justly recovered, and to release our just Actions and Executions, at the last, contrary to our just Rights and Priviledges, the express Letter of Magna Charta; We will deny, we wil deferr right and justice to no man; And to the very purport of the Ordinances of Indempnity, which never intended to exempt any Committees or other Officers, Agents, Souldiers or Sea-men imployed by the Houses from any unjust or injurious actions done out of private malice, or for private ends, or lucre, without, besides, or against all Ordinances, or from any gross abuses of their power and trust to the peoples prejudices and oppression (all which are now patronized and maintained by pretext thereof) but only to secure them from unjust vexations and suits, for what they sincerely acted for the publike good, according to their trust and duties. And which is yet more sad and dolefull, the very greatest Malignants, who have been most active against the Parliament, and for our good affections and service to it, have burnt down much of our Houses, seized upon our goods and estates, imprisoned, beaten, wounded and mained our persons, imposed heavy taxes on us, indicted us of high Treason for bearing Armes in the Parliaments defence, and enriched themselves with our spoyles and estates; by colour of the Articles of Oxford, Exeter, Winchester, and the like; exempt themselves from our Actions and Arrests, stay our Judgments and Executions after our expence, in suits and Recoveries at the Law, when we have received not one quarter of the damages we sustained by them, by verdict and tryall; and summon us from all parts of the Kingdom, to appear and wait for divers weeks before the Committe of Complaints at Westminster, to our intolerable vexation and expence, where they find more friends and favour commonly then we, and force us to release both our damages and costs of suit to our utter undoing: The very extremity both of Injustice and ungratitude, which makes Malignants to insult and triumph over us, out of whose estates we wer by divers Remonstrances and Declarations of both Houses, promised full satisfaction for all our losses and sufferings in the Parliaments cause; who are now on the contrary thus strangely protected against our just suits against them, for our sufferings by them, and are promised a general act of Indempnity and oblivion (as we hear) to secure themselves for ever against us, whom they have quite undone; which it obtained, wil break all honest mens hearts, and discourage them ever hereafter, to act or suffer any thing for the Parliament, who instead of recompencing them for their losses and sufferings, according to promise and justice in a Parliamentary way, do even against Magna Charta it self, and all Justice and Conscience, thus cut them off from all means and hopes of recompence or relief in a Legall way, and put Cavaleers into a far better and safe condition, then the faithfulest and most suffering Parliamenteers, a very ingrate and unkind requital.

Besides we cannot but with deepest grief of soul and spirit complain, that contrary to these our undoubted Rights and Priviledges, many of our faithfullest Knights and Burgesses, whom we duly chose to consult and vote for us in Parliament, have through the malice, practise and violence of divers mutinous and Rebellious Souldiers in the Army; and some of their Confederates in the House, without our privity or consents, or without any just or legal cause, for their very fidelity to their Country, for things spoken, done and voted in the Houses, maintaining the Priviledges of Parliaments and opposing the Armies late mutinous, Rebellious, Treasonable and Seditious Practises been most falsly aspersed slandered, impeached, and forced to desert the House and Kingdom too; others of them arrested and stayed by the Army, and their Officers, without any warrant or Authority: others of them suspended the House before any Charge and Proofs against them; others expelled the House, and imprisoned in an Arbitrary and Illegal manner, when most of the Members were forced thence by the Armies violence, without any just cause at all, or any witnesses legally examined face to face, and without admitting them to make their just defence as they desired: And that divers Lords and Members of the House of Peers have likewise been impeached of High Treason, sequestred that House, and committed to custody, only for residing constantly in the House, and acting in, and as an House of Parliament, (for which to impeach them of Treason, is no lesse then Treason, and so resolved in the Parliaments of 11. R. 2. & 1. H. 1. in the case of Tresilian and his Companions) when others who dis-honorably deserted the House, and retired to the mutinous Army, then in professed disobedience to, and opposition against both Houses, are not so much as questioned; and all this by meer design and confederacy, to weaken the Presbyterians and honest party in both Houses, which were far the greatest number, and enable the Independent Faction, to vote and carry what they pleased in both Houses; who by this Machivilian Policy and power of the Army (under whose Guard and power, the King, both Houses, City, Tower, Country have been in bondage for some moneths last pass) have extraordinarily advanced their designs, and done what they pleased without any publike opposition, to the endangering of all our Liberties and Estates. Nay more then this, we must of necessity Remonstrate, that the Representative body of the Kingdom, and both Houses of Parliament, by their late Seditious and Rebellious Army, have not only been divers ways menaced, affronted, disobeyed, but likewise over-awed, and enforced to retract and null divers of their just Votes, Declarations and Ordinances against their Judgments and Wills, to passe new Votes, Orders and Ordinances sent and presented to them by the Army, to grant what demands, and release what dangerous Prisoners they desired of them; to declare themselves no Parliament, and the Acts, Orders and Ordinances passed in one or both Houses, from the 26 of July, to the 6 of August meer Nullities, during the Speakers absence in the Army, by a publike Ordinance then layd aside by the major votes, and at last enforced to passe by a party of one thousand horse (a far greater force then that of the Apprentices) drawn up into Hide-Park to over-awe the Houses, because the Generall and Army had voted them no Parliament, and their proceedings null. Since which they have to their printed Treasonable Remonstrance of the 18th of August, not only protested and declared against the Members Votes and Proceedings of both Houses, both during the Speakers absence and since, but likewise thus Traiterously and Rebelliously closeup their Remonstrance with this protest and declaration to all the world, p. 23. 24. That if any of those Members Votes and proceedings during the absence of the Speakers, and the rest of the Members of both Houses, did sit or vote in thea pretended Houses then continuing at Westminster, that hereafter intrude themselves to sit in Parliament, before they have given satisfaction to theb respective Houses whereof they are concerning the ground of their said [Editor: illegible word] at Westminster, during the absence of the said Speakers, and all evidence, acquitted themselves by sufficient evidence; That they did not procure nor give their consent as unto any of those pretended Votes, Orders or Ordinances, tending to thec raising and levying of a war (as is before (falsly) declared) or for the Kings coming forthwith to London; WE CANNOT ANY LONGER SUFFER THE SAME; but shall do that right to the Speakers and Members of both Houses who were* driven away to us, & to our selves with them,d all whom the said Members have endeavoured in as hostile manner to destroy) and also to the Kingdom (which they endeavoured [Editor: illegible word] [Editor: illegible word] a new war) to take some speedy and effective course* WHEREBY TO RESTRAIN THEM FROM BEING THEIR OWN AND OURS AND THE KINGDOMS IVDGES, in these things wherein they have made themselvese parties, and by this means to make War; that both they and others who are guilty of and parties to the aforesaid treasonable and destructive practises and proceedings against THE FREEDOM of PARLIAMENT and Peace of the Kingdom, may be brought to condign punishment, (and that) at the judgment of A FREE PARLIAMENT, consisting (duly and properly) of suchf Members of both Houses respectively, who stand clear from, such apparant and treasonable breach as is before expressed: Since which, they have in their General Councel at Putney and in their printed Papers, Voted down the House of Peers and their negative Votes, prescribed the period of this present Parliament, and a new model for the beginning, ending, Members and Priviledges of all succeeding Parliaments received and answered many publick Petitions presented to them, and voted and resolved upon the question the greatest affairs of State, as if they only were the Parliament and Superior Councel both of State and War; voted the Sale of bishops. Deans and Chapters, and Forrest Lands for the payment of their (supposed) Arrears, notwithstanding the Commons Votes to the contrary after sundry large debates; voted against the Houses sending Propositions to the King; to prevent which, as they first traiterously seised up on his person and rescued him out of the custody of the Commissioners of both Houses at Holdenby, and ever since detained him in their power per force from the Parliament, so they have lately conveyed him into the Isle of Wight, and there shut him up Prisoner without the privity and contrary to the desires of both Houses. All which unparaleld insolencies and treasonable practises, we declare to be against our Rights, Freedom and Liberties, and the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament, and of our Members there who represent us, and to his Majesties honor, and safety, in whom we have all a common interest.

And we do likewise further complain and Remonstrate that the Officers and Agitators in the Army, and their confederates in the Houses, have contrary to our foresaid Rights and Liberties many ways invaded and infringed the Rights and Priviledges of the City of London the Parliaments chiefest Strength and Magazine, and Metropolis of the whole Kingdom, which extreamly suffers in and by its sufferings; and that by altering and repealing their New Militia established by Ordinances of both Houses when ful and free, without any cause assigned, against the whole Cities desire; in marching up twice against the City in an hostile manner, not only without, but against the Votes and Commands of both Houses; in dividing and exempting the Militia of Westminster and Southwark from their Jurisdiction and Command; in seising upon and throwing down their Line and Works (raised for the Cities and both Houses securities at a vast expence) in a disgraceful and despiteful manner; in marching through the City with their whole Army and Train of Artillery in triumph in wresting the Tower of London out of their power, and putting it into the Armies and Generals Custody; in removing the Cities Lieutenant of it without any reason alledged, and placing in a New one of the Armies choyce; in committing the Lord Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and divers Colonel, Captains and Common Councel men and other Citizens of London (who have shewed themselves most active and cordial for the Parliament and impeaching them of such grand Misdemeanors and Treasons, which all the City and Kingdom, and their accusers own consequences inform them they were more guilty of, without ever bringing them to a legal Tryal; only for doing their duties in obeying the Parliament in their just Commands, and standing up for their just defence according to their duty and Covenant, of purpose to bring in others of their own Faction into their places to inslave the City; and commanding two Regiments of Foot to come and quarter in the City, and levy some pretended arrears to [Editor: illegible word] by open force, which many by reason of poverty for want of trade and former loans and taxes to the Parliament, are utterly unable to satisfie. And when such affronts and violence is offered to London it self by the Army, by whose contributions and loans they were first granted and have been since maintained, and that under the Parliaments Noses, who are most engaged to them for their supplies and prefer action and constant affections since their first sitting to this present; the Free-holders and Free-subiects in the Country and more remote Counties, must necessarily expect Free-quarter, affronts, pressures and violations of our just Rights and Liberties from them: The rather, because the Garrison Soldiers of the City of Bristol, who not long since refused to receive the Governor appointed them by both Houses of Parliament, have lately seised upon one of the wel affected Aldermen of that City as he was sitting on the Bench with his companions, and carried him away per force, refusing to enlarge, or admit any person to see or speak with him, or bring any provisions to him, til they receive some, moneths Arrears in ready money and good security for al their remaining pay, and an act of Indempnity for this their insolency and injurious action in particular, and all other offences in general, from both Houses. Of which unparaleld oppression and injustice from Soldiers, who pretend themselves the only Saints and Profectors of our Rights and Liberties, we cannot but be deeply sensible, and crave your speedy redress in our Liberties, Rights and Properties.

But that which most neerly concerns us, and which we can no longer endure, is this wherin we expect your present redress; That this degenerated, disobedient and mutinous Army, contrary to the Votes and Ordinances for their disbanding and securing their Arrears in March and May last past, have traiterously and rebelliously refused to disband, and kept themselves together in a body ever since, offering such affronts and violence to the Kings own royal person, both Houses of Parliament and their Members and the City of London, as no age can paralel; and yet have forced the Houses when they had impeached and driven away most of their Members, and marched up in a body against them and the City in a menacing, manner, not only to own them for their Army, but to pass a new Establishment of sixty thousand pounds a moneth for their future pay, to be levyed on the Kingdom (who now expect ease from all such Taxes) besides the Excise and all other publick payments; which now they importune the Houses may be augmented to one hundred thousand pounds each moneth, and that they themselves may have the levying thereof: which insupportable Tax being procured by force and menaces, when the Houses were neither full nor free, against former Votes and Ordinances for the Kingdoms ease, and not consented to by most of our Knights and Burgesses then driven away by the Army, and dissenting thereto when present, and being only to maintain a mutinous and seditious Army of Sectaries, Antitrinitarians, Antiscripturists, Seekers, Expectants, Anabaptists, recruited Cavaliers, and seditious, mutinous Agitators, who have offered such insufferable violence and Indignities both to the King, (whose person and life was indangered among them, as he and they confess) the Parliament, City, Country; and so earnestly endeavored to subvert all Magistracy, Monarchy, Ministry, all civil, Ecclesiastical and Military Government, Parliaments, Religion, and our ancient Laws and Liberties (as their late printed Papers evidence) that they cannot without apparant danger to the Parliament, King and Kingdom, be any longer continued together, being now so head-strong that their own Officers cannot rule, but complain publickly against them: And therefore we can neither in point of duty, conscience, law or prudence, subject to pay the said monethly Tax so unduly procured by their violence, were we able to do it, being contrary to our Solemn League and Covenant, for the maintenance of such a mutinous and rebellious Army, who endeavor to enslave and destroy both King, Parliament, City, Kingdom, and monopolize all their power, wealth and treasure into their own Trayterous hands, which they have wel-nigh effected, having gotten the Kings person, the Tower of London, all Garisons and Forces in the Kingdom by Land, and the command of the Navy by Sea; into their power, and put the City and both Houses under the Wardship of their armed guards, attending at their doors and quartering round about them, and forced the run-a-way Speakers and Members not only to enter into and subscribe the solemn Engagement to live and dye with them in this cause, but likewise to give them a ful moneths pay, by way of gratuity, for guarding them back to the Houses, where they might and ought to have continued without any danger, as the other faithful Members did, and to which they might safely have returned without the strength of the whole Army to guard them. And to add to our pressures and afflictions, this godly religious Army of disobedient Saints, who pretend only our Liberty and Freedom from Tyranny, Taxes and Oppression, demand not only this new heavy monethly Tax, and the remainder of Bishops, and all Deans and Chapters and Forrest Lands in the Kingdom, and Corporation stocks for their Arrears (which if cast up only during the time of their actual service til the time they were voted and ordered to disband, wil prove very smal or little, their free-quarter, exactions and receipts for the Parliament and Country being discompted) but (which is our sorest pressure) do violently enter into our Houses against our wils, and there lie in great multitudes many weeks and moneths together, til they quite ruine and eat out both us, our families, stocks and cattel, with their intolerable Free quarter, and that in these times of extraordinary dearth and scarcity; for which they raise and receive of us of late twice or thrice as much as their whole pay amounts unto, devouring, like so many Locusts and Caterpillars, all our grass, hay, corn, bread, beer, fewel and provisions of all sorts, without giving us one farthing recompence, and leaving us, our wives, children, families, cattel, to starve and famish; the very charge of their free-quarter (besides their insufferable insolencies and abuses of all sorts) amounting in many places to above six times, or in most places to double or treble our annual Revenues. Besides the abuses in their quartering are insufferable; Many of them take and receive money for their quarters double or treble, their pay from two or three persons at once, and yet take Oats and other provisions from them besides, or free-quarter upon others: Some of them demand and receive free-quarter in money and provisions the double or treble the number of their Troops and Companies: Others take free-quarter for their wives, truls, boys, and those who were never listed: Others of them wil be contented with none but extraordinary diet wine, strong beer, above their abilities with whom they quarter, thereby to extort money from them; and if any complain of these abuses, he is sure to be relieved with an addition of more, and more unruly quarterers then he had before. If they march from their quarters to any randezvouz, or to guard the Houses, they must have victuals and money too, til their return. Divers of the Troopers and Dragooners must have quarter for two or three horses a peece, which must have at least a peck of corn or more every day (though they lye still) both Winter and Summer; their 7200 Horse, and 1000 Dragoons devouring above two thousand bushels of corn (besides grass, hay and straw) every day of the week, and this time of dearth, when the poorer sort are ready to starve for want of bread. In brief, the abuses of free quarter are innumerable, and the burthen of it intollerable, amounting to three times more then the whole Armies pay, who are doubly payd all their pretended Arrears, in the money & provisions they have received only for free quarter upon a just account; and therfore have litle cause to be so clamorous for their pretended Arrears from the State, who have received double their Arrears of us, and yet pay us not one farthing for all our Arrears for quarters when they receive their pay. Which free quartering we do now unanimously protest against, as an high Infringement of our Hereditary Rights, Liberties, Properties and Freedom, and contrary to Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, and warranted by no express Ordinance of Parliament, now the Wars are ended, and the Army long since voted to disband, and such an excessive oppression and undoing heart-breaking vexation to us, that we neither can, nor are any longer able to undergo it.

And therefore we humbly pray and desire this of both Houses of Parliament, as our unquestionable Liberty and Birthright, of which they cannot in justice deprive us, without the highest treachery, tyranny, perjury and injustice; that all these forementioned Grievances and unsupportable Pressures, under which we now groan and languish, may be speedily and effectually redressed without the least delay, to prevent a generall Insurrection of oppressed and discontented people, whose patience, if any longer abused, we fear, will break out into unappeasable fury; and by their publike votes and Remonstrances, to declare and order for our general satisfaction and ease.

Endnotes

 [a ] So they term them.

 [b ] To wit, the fugitive Members who withdrew unto & engaged with the Army, and by their engagement are made parties & incompetent Iudges.

 [c ] No, it was only for their own just defence against the Armys force & rebellious reproaches against them.

 [* ] They ran away before they were driven, & might have set on the said day as wel as others without disturbance, as they did the very next morning after the tumult.

 [d ] A detestable Parenthesis and horrid scandal.

 [* ] This is their maintenance of the Parliaments Priviledges & freedom, & the Liberty of Conscience the Army contends for.

 [e ] This disables all your fugitive Members.

 [f ] Those who treacherously fled to you, brought you up against the City, and signed your Engagement, are no such Members, but ingaged Parties.

THE Machivilian Cromwellist AND Hypocritical perfidious New Statist.

THe Machivilian Practises and Jesuitical Policies of the Cromwellists and Independent Confederacy, in the Houses, Army, City and Country, to accomplish their own ambitious ends, and engross all power into their own hands, by wicked, unjust, and most diabolical means, have been sufficiently laid open to the world by Mr Edwards in his Gangrænaes; and their own Champion, Iohn Lilburn, in his Iuglers discovered, his Letters to Cromwel and others; The Anatomy of the Army; The Grand Design or Discovery of that form of Slavery intended, and in part brought upon the free people of England, by a powerful party in the Parliament, and L. G. Cromwel, Commissary General Ireton, and others of that Faction in the Army; tending to the utter ruine and inslaving of the English Nation: and by other late printed Papers of their own Friends, the Agitators in the Army and City, who charge the Head of that Faction Cromwel (cryed up for the holiest Saint on earth without the least dissimulation, guile or falshood) with these remarkable treasonable Hypocrisies and Contradictions, detestable both to God and Men.

1. With making many solemn and deep Protestations in the House of Commons, in the presence of Almighty God, upon his faith and honor, that the Army should really disband when ever the House should give but the least order or intimation; And yea at the same time giving secret order and directions to his Creatures in the Army, not to disband upon any terms, but to keep together and march up to London to force the Houses and City, and compel them by fear to comply with all his unjust desires and designs.

2. With plotting and ordering in his own Lodgings, at a great meeting there on Monday night before Whitsonday last, the securing of the Garrison, Magazine, and Train of Artillery at Oxford seising the Kings own person at Holdenby, and removing him thence into the Army; and giving order to Colnel. Ioyce, with as much speed and scerecy as might be, to effect it; which he accordingly did by his special direction; and yet like a subtil Fox, protested to the House, the King and others, that it was done both without his Knowledg and approbation.

3. With impeaching the XI Members, and pressing theirs and others suspention from the House before any charge or proof of guilt (contrary to all Law, all rules of Iustice, and the Houses Votes) only to strengthen his own Faction in the House, though he knew and acknowledged them to be innocent of the Crimes pretended, in private: and yet exhibiting and printing a most false and scandalous Charge against them, to wound their reputations in publick, by charging them with such crimes, of which he knew himself more guilty then they.

4. With charging the wel-affecting Lords and Commons, who continued sitting and acting in the Houses, when the Speakers and some Members (under pretext of a force past and ended some two or three days before their departing thence) by his Solications and Menaces treacherously withdrew themselves from the Houses to the Army; and the Militia, Common Councel, and Citizens of London, for providing only for their own self-defence by Votes and Ordinances of both Houses; with no less then Treason, in levying a New War against the King, Parliament and Kingdom: When as he and his Confederates only were truly guilty of it, both in seising upon the Kings own person and rescuing him from the Commissioners of both Houses by a strong party of the Army; in causing the whole Army to march up to London in a warlike and assailing posture against the Houses express Orders, and forcing them to repeal their Votes, Ordinances, and yeeld up their Members to their fury; and after that, in marching up with the Army it self to the Houses doors, and City, in triumph, against the Houses express Letters and Orders, with the fugitive Members whom they engaged to live and dye with them in that quarrel, and in possessing themselves of all the Works and Forts about Westminster and of the Tower of London, removing the City Guards, and setting new of their own upon the Houses; marching through the City with their whole Army, like Conquerors, and then throwing down their Line and Ports, first raised for the Houses defence, in a most scornful manner, and beleaguring the disarmed King, City and Houses ever since, with the whole body of the Army (which they have doublyrecruited to the peoples infinite oppression) to captivate them all to their tyrannical pleasures: Which is a treasonable levying of War, and High Treason in good earnest, uncapable of excuse, transcending that of the impeached Members and Citizens.

5. With forcing the Houses to pass an Ordinance, on the 20. of August last, for declaring all Votes, Orders and Ordinances, passed in one or both Houses, since the force on both Houses, Iuly the 26. until the 6. of August, to be null and voyd; by reason of a force upon the House of Commons, by a company of unarmed boys and apprentices, only on Iuly 26. towards the Evening; who vanished that night and never appeared after: notwithstanding the Speaker and Commons House met and sate the very next morning without any disturbance, met securely at the Fast the next day in Margarets Church, where the Speaker protested, against he honor of his going to the Army under pretext of this sore, as a most dishonorable and unworthy act, which he would rather dye in the House, then be guilty of, to Sir Ralph Ashton and other; and the Friday following most of the Members met, elected a new Speaker, and voted and sate without the least violence or disturbance from the City; til the sixth of August, and passed all Votes, Orders and Ordinances, freely without any colour of force; upon which grounds this Ordinance of repeal, after long debate, was by the major voyce of the Commons House passed four or five times in the Negative, and layd aside, and so ought not by the Rules of Parliament or Justice to be revived. And yet he and his Confederates enforce the Houses to pass this repealing Ordinance upon a meer pretence of force, by a far greater armed force and violence then that of the Apprentices, which they made the only ground of this Ordinance of nullity and repeal, enforced to pass against the haire in this manner. First, by a Treasonable Remonstrance from his Evcellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Army under his command, sent to the Houses from the Head-quarters at Kingston, August 19. (but dated the 18.) in which p. 18. they take notice of the Commons carrying it in the Negative against this Nulling Ordinance, and thereupon used such high and treasonable Menaces and Expressions against the Members continuing in it during the Speakers absence, as no age nor persons ever heard or read the like; threatning to take them as prisoners of War, and try them by Martial Law; inhibiting them or any of them, to intrude themselves to sit in Parliament, til they had cleared themselves from giving their assent to any of the Votes, Orders or Ordinances, past in the Speakers absence, and to take speedy and effectual courses to restrain them from being their own, theirs, and the Kingdoms Iudges, and to bring them to condign punishment. Secondly, they put double Guards the next day upon both Houses, who openly threatned at the Doors, to pull out all the Members by head and shoulders that sate and voted in the Speakers absence, if they presumed to intrude themselves, or but enter into the House; Whereupon more Members by fear refrained the House, and went presently out of London, then those who fled to the Army. Thirdly, all the Officers, that were Members, came that morning from the Army into the House, where Cromwel and they made very high and menacing speeches which daunted many. Fourthly, Colonel Desborough came with a party of 1000 Horse drawn up in a body to Hide-park-Corner, threatning to force both the Houses and Members, if this Ordinance passed not. And by this Treasonable force, practise and Declaration, was this nullifying Ordinance, against a thousand fold less force, forced to pass the House when thin and empty, by head and shoulders, against the Rules and Freedom of Parliaments, through a thin House of Commons, when most of the Members were kept and driven away forcibly from it, by the whole Army and their Guards, And to evidence to all the world & posterity, that this Ordinance was wrested from the Houses by meer violence, it was even then by Special Order of the Houses, printed and published with that Treasonable thundering Declaration against the House and Members which procured it; dated the 18, sent the 19, of August, and read that day and the next in the Houses, and the same day (being the 20th) compelled the House to pass it. Which Ordinance declaring all Votes, Orders and Ordinances of one or both Houses to be null and voyd, if procured by force, being thus more forcibly procured then any it repealed, must needs be Felo de se, and declare it self to be more voyd and null then they; which being for the most part made, when the Houses were free by a unanimous Vote, without any division of the Houses, will remain firm and valid; notwithstanding this new forced Ordinance, promoted and carried on, till it passed with greater force then any it repeals.

Besides these detestable Machivilian and Hipocritical practises of Cromwel and his Confederates, be pleased to consider only of three or four more; which wil manifest them the greatest Machivillists and Hipocrites under heaven, never to be credited or confided in hereafter.

1. The first is, his gulling and deluding his own Confederates and Creatures, the busie Agitators imployed by him, to mutiny the Army into publike Rebellion; who underwent the greatest adventure with the hazard of their necks, to accomplish his designs upon the King, Parliament and City, who having served his turn; he now most ungratefully casheers, and endeavours to suppress, apostatizing from his first principles and pretences of seeking the Kingdoms welfare and peoples Freedom, to advance himself, his kindered and allies, though with the Kingdoms and Agitators ruin, playing the meer Jugler, and Hocus-Pocus with them; as their Advocates, Lilburn, Henry Martin, Scot and Rainsborough complain most bitterly, and others of their Fraternity, in sundry of their Pasquills.

2. The 2d is, his and his Confederates treachery and villany towards the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and imprisoned Citizens of London, to whom though they promised all fair quarter, indempnity and security of their first approaches to, and march through the City in triumph; yet soon after they cause them suddenly to be impeached of high Treason, committed to the Tower and other prisons; expell the Recorder (without any legal proof or hearing, from a sudden Report from a packed Committee of those who engaged with the Army) out of the House, and send him to the Tower to accompany the Mayor and Aldermen, where they yet detain them prisoners without any further prosecution; and all this to bring in an Independent Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and others of their own Faction, into their places, and keep them from acting in the City, and being chosen into publike Offices; In pursuance of which design, he and they have endeavoured, and lately threatned, to bring up the Army to quarter in the City this Winter, under pretext of levying Arrears; but in truth to bring in what Common-Councel-men, and other Officers they pleased, of their own Faction, upon the New Elections, and make Allen and Estwick Aldermen; That being prevented of this design, Mr Speaker must discover a New Plot to seize upon the Tower by a company of horse and foot (who must drop out of the clouds) & the Houses too; to bring up the Army to guard them til the new elections be past. But this not taking and proving as false as he that discovered it, there upon a new Ordinance must be suddainly drawnup, and passed in a moment before any notice of it, to deprive the City and Citizens of their free elections of their City Officers and Common Councell men, and make many of the best affected among them, who had any hand in the Cities Engagement &c. uncapable to be elected themselves, or give any voyce in the election of others; to exclude the Presbyterians and Anti-Sectarists, and bring in a New Independent recruit of Cromwels and the Armies Confederates, to undo and betray the City, Parliament and Kingdom, and enthrall them to their bondage; which their Confederacies, Engagements and Treasons against the King, Houses, City and Kingdom, must make them capable of all Offices and Preferments, and disable them from none.

3. The 3d is, his and his Confederates in the Armies damnable Hypocrisie and Dissimulation, both towards the Houses, City and Country, and meer cheating them of their money and free quarter. At first he and they pretended, that if the Houses and City advanced but so many moneths pay for the Souldiers, they should all presently disband, and not trouble the Country more with Free quarter or Taxes, and that they would pay their quarters out of it. Whereupon the pay desired, was sent and received, and yet never a Souldier disbanded, but new recruits, even of Cavaleers against the Parliament, entertained without the Houses Order, nay against it; and no quarters at all discharged: Since which, upon sundry complaints of the Countries oppression by free quarter, they have four or five several times, at least upon receipt of so many weeks pay set down, faithfully engaged to disband their supernumerary Forces, lessen the Army, and pay their quarters; yet no sooner is the money desired, received, but they refuse to do either, and grow more high and insolent in their demands then ever, and more oppressive to the Country. At the last general Randezvouze they made the like promise of disbanding and paying quarters, upon the recipt of forty thousand pounds, which with much difficulty was procured and sent (although the Forces in Ireland, in great want, and actuall hard service against the Rebels, are like to perish for want of pay, while these Idle droans devour all the money the Houses can take up by any means) and thereupon some supernumerary Forces and Recruits were actually disbanded, and word sent of it to the House; but within a day or two they were all again entertained, and others to boot, by Order from the General and Councell of War, contrary to their Engagement, and the Houses Order; and not one penny payd the Country for free quarter: and within two or three days after, a new Representation (ful of Arrogancy and Insufferable language) must be sent to the Houses, wherein they demand the sixty thousand pounds monethly tax, to be augmented to one hundred thousand; justify their not disbanding the supernumeraries, augmented by them now to such a number, that the whole Kingdom can neither pay, nor quarter them without ruin. And now they make demands of new sums, and then they wil obey the Houses Orders just as they did before; and thus they cheat the Parliament, City and Country of their money, and free quarter too; and though they pretend themselves no Mercenary people, but publike spirited Saints, who regard no pay but higher ends; yet they stick not impudently to press the Houses over and over, against their Votes, and vote it in their Councel of War in opposition to all the Houses; That all Deans and Chapters, Lands, Forrest-Lands, the remainder of Bishops Lands shal be sold, the fines of the Impeached Citizens, and Lords (whose only Treason is, that they are Rich and Faithful to their Country, and opposite to their real Treasons) and the third part of all Delinquents, of the Excise too, in course, designed for payment of their pretended Arrears, since their refusal to disband, and yet must have one hundered thousand pounds a moneth levyed on the Kingdom, besides, for present pay, to maintain them in their mutinies and Rebellions, and ruin the Parliament, King, Kingdom, and dying Ireland.

4. His detestable malicious Charging the XI Impeached Members most falsly, with* holding private intelligence with the Kings party, drawing up and sending Propositions privately to the King, for settling of a peace without the Houses privity; holding Correspondency with disaffected persons, to put conditions upon the Parliament, and bring in the King upon their own terms; undertaking to do more for the King then the Army would do; obstructing the relief of Ireland, favouring Delinquents and Malignants, giving no accompt for the great summes of money they received, driven away the Parliament Members. And thereupon by violent means enforced them to quit the House (and some of them the Kingdom too) though innocent, and not convicted of any of those crimes. And yet himself and his Creatures in the Army, at the self same time and ever since, holding private intelligence with the King and his Party; admitting them into the Armies quarters, and there keeping Cabinet Counsels with the chiefest of them, drawing up, and sending Propositions privatly to the King without the Houses privity, holding correspondency with Sir Edw. Ford, Sir Iohn Bently. Ashburnham, Legge, Dr Hammond, Dr Sheldon, and other desperate Malignants, and confederating with them to put conditions on the Houses, and bring in the King upon his own terms; undertaking to do more for the King then the Scots or Presbyterians, removing him from Hampton Court to the Isle of Wight (put into the hands of Colonel Hammond for that purpose some moneths before) to accomplish his designs the better; obstructed Irelands relief both with men and money almost a year together, and intercepting all the moneys, that should now supply the pressing necessities, to pay his mutinous idle Army, for undoing the Kingdom and eating out the Country: pleaded openly in the House for the exemption of the greatest Malignants in Arms out of the first and second Articles, because the Army had (without the Houses privity) engaged to mitigate their fines and interceed in their favor, though they aggravate the pretended offences of the injuriously impeached Lords and Citizens to the highest, pressed their exemption out of the general pardon and Act of Oblivion; and desire the confiscation of their whole estates: hath hitherto given no Accompt of the vast sums of Money, Horse and Arms he hath received from the State, professing that he cannot do it: and driven many of the faithfullest Parliament Members both out of the House and Kingdom. And therefore deserves to be suspended, imprisoned, cast out of the House, and driven out of the Kingdom as a most Treacherous Impostor and Traytor to the Parliament, City and Kingdom, whose ruine he endevors, to prevent his own.

This is the Faith, Honesty, Sincerity and plain dealing of these Cromwellists and Machivilian Saints; the infamy of the Gospel; the shame of Christianity; the Sinks of all Hypocrisie, Fraud and Treachery, and unsatiable Gulfs of avarice, whose consciences are now so free and large, that they can swallow down the greatest sins, contrive and carry on the grossest Villanies and Treasons against their King and Country, Church and State; betray and impeach their best and dearest Friends, blow up Parliaments, make use of any Iesuitical Policies, and unlawful means and instruments, to accomplish their exemplary, temporal and eternal ruine, if they repent not speedily, which God give them Grace to do in time.

Endnotes

 [* ] The Particular Charge of the Army.

The mournfull Cryes of many thousand Poore Tradesmen, who are ready to famish through decay of Trade. Or, the warning Teares of the Oppressed.

OH that the cravings of our Stomacks could bee heard by the Parliament and City! Oh that the Teares of our poore famishing Babes were botled! Oh that their tender Mothers Cryes for bread to feed them were ingraven in brasse! Oh that our pined Carkasses were open to every pittifull Eye! Oh that it were knowne, that wee sell our Beds and cloaths for Bread! Oh our Hearts faint and wee are ready to swoone in the top of every Street.

O you Members of Parliament and rich men in the City, that are at ease, and drinke Wine in Bowles, and stretch your selves upon Beds of downe, you that grind our faces and Flay off our skins, will no man amongst you regard, will no man behold our faces black with Sorrow and Famine, is there none to Pity. The Sea-monster drawes out the brest and gives suck to their young ones, and are our Rulers become cruell like the Ostrich in the Wildernesse, Lament. 4. 3.

OH yee Great men of ENGLAND, will not (thinke you) the righteous GOD behold our Affliction, doth not hee take notice that you devour us as if our Flesh were Bread? are not most of you eyther Parliament-men, Commitee-men, Customers, Excize-men, Treasurers, Gouernours of Townes and Castles, or Commanders in the Army, Officers in those Dens of Robbery the Courts of Law? and are not your Kinsmen and allies, Collectors of the Kings revenue, or the Bishops rents, or Sequestrators? what then are your ruffling Silkes and Velvets, and your glittering Gold and Silver Laces, are they not the sweat of our Browes, and the wants of our backes and bellies?

Its your Taxes, Customes, and Excize, that compells the Country to raise the price of Food, and to buy nothing from us but meere absolute necessaries; and then you of the City that buy our Worke, must have your Tables furnished, and your Cups overflow; and therefore will give us little or nothing for our Worke, even what you* please, because you know wee must sell for monyes to set our Families on worke, or else wee famish: Thus our Flesh is that whereupon you Rich men live, and wherewith you decke and adorne your selves. Yee great men, is it not your Plenty and abundance which begets you Pride and Riot? and doe not your Pride beget Ambition, and your ambition Faction, and your faction these Civill broyles; what else but your Ambition and Faction continue our Distractions and Oppressions? Is not all the Controversie whose Slaves the poore shall bee? Whether they shall be the Kings vassalles, or the Presbyterians, or the Independant factions? and is not the Contention nourished, that you whose Houses are full of the spoiles of your Countrey, might be secure from Accompts, while there is nothing but Distraction, and that by the tumultuousnesse of the People under prodigious oppression. you might have faire Pretences to keepe up an Army, and Garrisons, and that under pretence of necessitie you may uphold your arbitrary Government by Committees, &c.

Have you not upon such pretences brought an Army into the bowels of the City, and now Exchange doth rise already beyond Sea, and no Marchants beyond Sea will trust their Goods hither, and our owne Marchants conveigh their* Estates from hence, so there is likely to bee no importing of Goods, and then there will be no Exporting, and then our Trade will bee utterly Lost, and our Families perish as it were in a moment.

O yee Parliament men heare our dying Cry,The Merchants have already kept back from the Tower, many hundred thousand pounds, and no bullion is brought into the Tower, so that money will be more scarce daily. settle the Common-wealth, settle the Common-wealth! strive not who shall bee greatest untill you be all confounded. You may if you will presently determine where the supreame Power resides, and settle the Iust common Freedomes of the Nation, so that all Parties may equally receive Iustice and injoy their Right, and every one may bee as much concerned as other to defend those common Freedomes; you may presently put downe your Arbitrary Committees and let us be Governed by plaine written Lawes in our owne Tongue, and pay your ministers of Iustice out of a common, Treasurie, that every one may have Iustice freely and impartially.

You have in your hands the Kings, Queenes, and Princes revenue, and Papists Lands, and Bishops, and Deanes, and Chapters lands, and Sequestred lands, at least to the value of Eighteene hundred thousand Pounds by the yeare. Which is at least five hundred Thousand pounds a yeare more then will pay the Navie and all the Army, and the Forces which need to bee kept up in England and Ireland; and out of that the Kingdomes debts would bee payd yearely; whereas now you runne further into Debt daily, and pay One thousand pounds by the Day at least for use Money; besides you may if you will Proclaime Liberty, for all to come and discover to a Committee of dis-ingaged men, chosen out of every County, one for a County to discover to them what Monies and Treasure, your owne Members and your Sequestrators, &c. have in their hands, and you may by that meanes find many Millions of money to pay the Publique debts. You may find 30000. l. in Mr. Richard Darley’s hand 25000. l. in Mr. Thorpes hands*, a Member of Yours who first Proclaimed Sir John Hotham Traytor. And thus you may take off all Taxes presently, and so secure Peace, that Trading may revive and our Pining, hungry, famishing Families bee saved.

And O yee Souldiers who refused to Disband, because you would have Iustice and Freedome, who Cryed till the Earth ecchoed Iustice, Iustice; forget not that Cry, but cry speedily for Peace and Iustice, Louder then ever. There is a large Petition of some pitifull men that’s now abroad, which containes all our desires, and were that Granted in all things, wee should have Trading againe, and should not need to begge our Bread, though those men have so much mercy as they would have none to cry in the streets for Bread.

Oh though you bee Souldiers, shew bowels of Mercy and Pity to a hunger starved People; Goe downe to the Parliament, desire them to consume and trifle away no more time, but offer your desires for Vs in that large Petition, and cry Iustice, Iustice; Save, save, save the Perishing people; O cry thus till your importunity make them heare you.

O Parliament men, and Souldiers! Necessity dissolves all Lawes and Government, and Hunger will break: through stone walls, Tender Mothers will sooner devoure You, then the Fruit of their owne wombe, and hunger regards no Swords nor Cannons. It may be some great oppressours intends tumults that they may escape in a croud, but your food may then be wanting as well as ours, and your Armes will bee hard diet. O hearke, hearke at our doores how our children cry Bread, bread, bread, and we now with bleeding hearts, cry, once more to you, pity, pity, an oppressed inslaved people: carry our cries in the large petition to the Parliament, and tell them if they be still deafe; the Teares of the oppressed will wash away the foundations of their houses. Amen, Amen so be it.

Endnotes

 [* ] And since the late Lord Major Adams, you have put in execution an illegall, wicked Decree of the Common Councell; whereby you have taken our goods from us, if we have gone to the Innes to sell them to Countrimen; and you have murdered some of our poore wives that have gone to Innes to find Cuontrimen to buie them.

 [* ] M William Lenthall, Speaker of the House, to cover his cozenage, gave two and twenty thousand pounds to his servant M. Cole, to purchase Land in his own name, though for his use; which hee did, and then dyed suddenly, and the Land fell to his Sonne, and the widow having married a Lawyer, keeps the Land for the childs use, and saith he knowes not that his predecessor received any monie from the Speaker, and now Master Speaker sueth in Chancery for the Land. A hundred such discoveries might be made.

To THE READER.

THou hast here once more my endevour for to draw this our Nation from under the Right, Title, Effects, and Badges of the Normane (pretended) Conquest over us, to which by the iniquity of precedent times, and the ignorant negligence of the present, wee remayn still subject; Conquest (sayth Doctor Hudson) in its best attire is the most eminent of Curses, but sure it is a Curse far more eminent to be so difficult to be perswaded to come out of that quality, especially while undeniable Justice, power, and opportunity adde their invitations: If what is here made manifest shall meet with due and timely regard, and produce effects according, wee may happily recover that incomparable Freedom, Honour, Peace and Happinesse which we enjoyed under the glorious and our last right English King Saint EDWARD; but if such cold consideration shall attend it as seems to have befallen what hath been before sent abroad upon the same errand, I shall esteem it great pity, and am much deceived, if either by our old or some new Conquerours wee be not taught with more then words, what belongs to such as have not capacity to be either ingenious Subjects or dutifull Slaves. Vale.

Englands proper and only way to an establishment in Honour, Freedome, Peace, and Happinesse.

Endnotes

 [*] See Daniels Hist. p. 43.

 [* ] See M. Pryns S. P. fol. 59. b.

 [* ] See M. Pryns citation last mentioned.

 [* ] In lib. 1. de Bello Gallice.

 [* ] The example of the extorting of Magna Charta makes nothing to the contrary, for that was done (as Daniels History testifies) by the Nobility of those times, under the notion and quality of Normans and coheires of the conquest, which quality (I suppose) our Parliament will not (if they could) assume.

 [* ] Likewise by our own Laws, obligations extorted by duresse (as is fealty to a conquest) are voydable.

 [* ] See M. Pryns Pryns citations of testimonies to this purpose, in his S. P. p. 51, 52. and my Anti-Norm. p. 25.

 [* ] See M. Pryns citation of him in his S. P. p. 38.

A PLEA Made by L. Col. John Lilbvrne, Prerogative Prisoner in the Tower of London, the second of Decem. 1647. Against the proceedings of the close and illegall Committee, of Lords and Commons appointed to examine these that are called London Agents, with divers large additions; unto which is annexed a Plea for the said Citizens of London against the Committee for plundered Ministers, for their illegall imprisoning them for refusing to pay Tithes.

ALL Magistracy in England, is bounded by the known and declared Law of England(a) and while they Act according to Law, I am bound to obey them, but when they leave the rules thereof, and walk by the arbitrary rules of their owne wills, they do not act as Magistrates, but as(b) Tyrants, and cannot in such actings challenge any obedience, neither am I bound to yeeld it, but am tied in conscience and duty to my selfe and my native Countrey therein to resist and withstand them, and if their Officers goe about by force and violence to Compell mee to obey and stoop unto their arbitrary and illegall command; I may, and ought, (if I will be true to my native and legall freedomes) by force to withstand him or them, in the same manner that I may withstand a man that comes to rob my house, or as I may withstand a man, that upon the high way by force and violence would take my purse or life from me.

And therefore all Warrants comming from any pretended or reall Committees of Lords and Commons to command me before them, that are not formed according to the Law of England, I ought not to obey, but withstand and resist upon paine of being by all the unbiased understanding men of England esteemed a betrayer and destroyer of the Lawes and liberties of England, for the preservation of which I ought to contest as Naboth did with King Ahab for his vineyard, 1 King. 21, 2, 3, 4, 13. And by the Law of England, no warrant or processe ought to issue out to summon up any man to any Court of Iustice of England whatsoever, till a complaint by a certaine prosecutor be filed or exhibited, in that Court of justice, from whence the warrant, processe or Summons comes, which warrant, processe, or Summons ought expresly to containe the Nature of the Cause to which I am to answere,(c) and the name of my prosecutor or complainants, or else it is not legall, and so not binding, but may and ought to be resisted by mee, and the Court must be sure to have legall jurisdiction over the causes.

Secondly, All the Capacities that either the house of Commons or Lords can sit in, is

First, either as a Councell, and so are to be close, (and for any man whatsoever in that capacitie to come, or offer to come in amongst them, that do not belong unto them, is unwarrantable, and so punishable(d) or else,

Secondly, as a Court of justice, to try and examine men in criminall causes, and in this capacitie they or any of their Committees ought alwayes to Sit open, for all peaceable men freely to behold and see,e or else I am not bound to goe to any triall with them, or answer them a word, and therefore in this sence most illegall is the close Committee of Lords and Commons, for examining those (they call) London Agents, or any other whatsoever.

And, Thirdly, that close Committee is most illegall, being a mixture of Lords with Commons, seeing the Lords are none of their or my Peers and equall by Law, and so cannot; nor ought not to be there to be my examiners, tryers, or Iudges, and a traitor I am to the Lawes and liberties of England, if I stop or submitt to the Iurisdiction or power of such a mixt Committee.(f)

Thirdly, it is contrary to Law, and expresly against the Petition of right, either for this Committee of Lords and Commons; or any other Court of Iustice or Committee whatsoever, to force me or any man to answer to interrogatories against my selfe, or my neer relations.

Fourthly, Neither can they legally goe about to try or punish me for any crime that is triable or punishable at Common Law.(g)

Fifthly, and if in case there be no Law extant to punish their pretended London Agents for doing their duty in prosecuting those just things, that the Parl. hath often declared is the right and due, of all the free men in England, they ought to goe free from punishment; for where there is no Law there can (saith the Apostle Paul) be no transgression(h) but if that Committee or any other power in England shall Commit mee, or any Commoner in England to prison for disobeying their illegall and Arbitary Orders, it is more then by Law they can do; neither ought I to goe to prison, but by force and violence (which I cannot resist) and I ought to see that the warrant be legall in the forme of it, that is to say, that it be under hand and seale and that he or they in law, have power to Commit me, and that the warrant containe the expresse cause wherefore I am Committed, and also have a Lawfull conclusion, viz: and him safely to keep untill he be delivered by due course of Law, and noy during the pleasure of this house or Committee, or till this house or Committee do further Order(i) and I may & ought to read the Warrant, and to have a copy of it, if I demand it, without paying any thing for it; and if I be Committed for any Crime not mentioned in the Statute of Ed. 3. Cap. 15.(k) I am Bailable, which I may and ought to tender in person to the parties that Commit me, either (if I have them by me) before I goe to prison, or else as soone as I am in prison, or as soone as I can conveniently get fit baile for me; and in Case I be legally Committed, both for power Matter and forme, and be kept in prison after I have proffered baile (as before) I may bring my action of false imprisonment and recover damages therefore: but besides knowe this, that there is not one farthing token due to the serjant at arms or any other Officer whatsoever, that carries me, to prison, neither is there one peny due to any Goaler whatsoever for fees from me but one bare groat at most;(l) and when I am in prison, I ought to be used with all civillity and humanitie: for that great Lawyer, Sir Edward Cook expresly saith,(m) That imprisonment must onely be safe custody, not a punishment, and that a prison ought to be for keeping men safe to be duly tryed, according to the Law and custome of the land but not in the least to punish or destroy them, (or to remaine in it till the party committing please:) and he further saith, in his exposition of the 26 Chap. of Magna Charta.(n) that the Law of the Land favouring the libertie and freedome of a man from imprisonment, and so highly hating the imprisonment of any man whatsoever, though Committed or accused of heinous and odious crimes that by Law it self is not bailable, yet in such a case it alowes the prisoner the benefit of the Write called de odio & aria anciently called breve, de bono & Malo to purchase his liberty by, which (he saith) he ought to have out gratis, which Write is in force to this day, and therefore [he saith ibid:] that the Iustices of Assise, Iustices of Oyer and Terminer, and of Goale delivery have not suffered the prisoner to be long detained but at their next comming have given the prisoner full and speedy Iustice, by due tryall without detaining him long in prison. Nay [saith he] they have been so farre from allowance of his detaining in prison without due tryall, that it was resolved in the case of the Abott of St. Albon by the whole Court, that where the King had granted to the Abott of St. Albon, to have a Goale, and to have a Goale delivery, and divers persons were committed to that Goale for fellony, and because the Abott would not be at the cost to make deliverance, he detained them in prison long time without making lawfull deliverance, that the abbot had for that cause forfeited his franchise and that the same might be seized into the Kings hand.

And in case the party be Committed to prison unjustly, and no Baile will be taken for him, he ought to require a Copy of his Mittimus and to have it gratis, and if I should demand it and it would not he given me, I would not goe unlesse I were Carried by Force, by head and heels, and then I would cry out Murder, Murder,(o) and do the best I could to preserve my selfe tell I had got a Copy of it; for many times, when a man comes to prison the dogged Gaolers will refuse to let me have it [which may be a great detriment unto me] and if I stirre or bussle for it, his will shall be a Law unto me, to dungion me, boult and fetter me, contrary to Law It being [as Andrew Horne saith in his excellent booke called the Mirrour of Iustice in English, Chap. 5. Sect. 1 devision 54. page 231] an abuse of Law that a prisoner is laden with Irons, or put to paine before be he adtained of fellony. &c. And when I am thus in prison [committed by what authority soever] the first thing that I am to doe is to send my friend [be he what he will be] as well a private understanding resolute man, as a Lawyer] for either my selfe or any one I will appoint, may, and ought to plead my cause before any Iudge in England, as well as any Lawyer in the Kingdome, and neither ought by the Iudge to be forbidden, snub’d or browbeaten] to the Chancery for a habeas corpous, if it be out of terme: for as Sr. Edw. Cooke on the 29 Chap. of Magna Charta well(p) saith the Chancery is a shop of Iustice alwayes open, and never adjourned, so as the subject being wrongfully imprisoned; may have Iustice for the Liberty of his person as well in the Vacation time, as in the Tearme, but if it be Tearme time it is most proper to move for the habias corpus at the Kings bench barre, and if the Iudges refuse to grant it unto you [it being your right by Law as the Petition of Right fully declares(q) and the Iudges by their oath [before printed page 10. 34.] are bound to execute the Law impartially without giving care in the least to the unjust command of the parlm. or any other against it, then you may by the Law indict the Iudge or Iudges for perjury, and if then they shall deny you the benefit of the Law, I know no reason but you may conclude them absolute tirants, and that the foundation of Government is over turned and you [as the Parliam. hath taught you] are left to the naturall remedy to preserve your selves which selfe preservation they have declared no people can be deprived of; see their declarations 1 part booke declar. pag. 207.6, 90, 728, 150.

Postcript.

BUt while I was concluding this second edition of the London Agents plea, with the fore-expressed additions, newes is brought me that the Committee of plundred Ministers, summons up Londoners and commits them for none payment of Tythes; for whom I frame a Plea thus. That the houses of Parliament, have already made two Ordinances about Tythes of the 8. of Novem. 1644. and the 9. of August 1647. & by those Ordinances referred the London-Parsons, or Ministers in London, to get their Tyhes according to the statute of the 37. H. 8, 12. which Statute authoriseth such, and such men to be Commissioners therein nominated, or any six of them to make a decree, which decree shall be as binding to the Londoners as an expresse act of Parliament, in which they give the Parsons two shillings nine-pence in the pound, for all house rents, &c. which the Londoners are bound to pay unto their Parsons, if the said Decree had (as by the foresaid Statute it ought to have been) entered upon record in the High Court of Chancery, which it never was nor is not there to be found as Mr. Narborow the Lawyer in Roben-Hoods Court in Bow-Lane London, proved by Certificate under the record-Keepers hand, before Alderman Adams, when he was Lord Major of London; in a case betwixt Parson Glendon of Barkins by Tower-Hill, and one of his Parishoners, viz. Mr. Roberts a Marchant, as I remember, for I was by, and heard all the Plea.

And therefore the Parsons of London, can neither by law nor those Ordinances, recover or justly require, one farthing token of tythes from any Citizen of London.

And for the Committee of plundered Ministers by any pretended authority that yet is visible, to take upon them to execute those Ordinances, or to compell the Citizens of London to pay tythes to their Parsons or Ministers, they have no more authority, or right to do it, then a Theefe hath upon the high way to Rob me of my Purse, or life, and for them by the Law of their own will, to take upon them to send Summons to any freeman of England, and to force them to come before them; and without due processe of* Law; to pay so much money to the Parsons, upon any pretence whatsoever, & for unwillingnesse to pay, to commit him or them to Prison, is a crime in my judgement of as high a nature in subverting our fundamentall Lawes and liberties, and seting up an Arbitrary Tirannicall Government, as the Earle of Straford was accused of; and lost his head for: and as well doe the actors in this arbitrary Committee deserve to die for these actions, as traiterous subvertors of our lawes, as the Earle of Straford did for his; against whom in the fist Article of his additionall impeachment of treason, it is alledged, against him, That hee did use and exercise a power, above, and against; and to the subversion of the said fundamentall Lawes, extending such his power, to the goods, free-holds, inheritances, liberties, and lives of the people.

And in the six Article of his said impeachment it is laid unto his charge, as a transcendent treasonable crime, That the said Thomas Earle of Strafford, without any legall proceedings, and upon a paper Petition of Richard Rolstone, did cause the said Lord Mount Norris, to be disseized and put out of possession of his free-hold & inheritance, without due processe of Law.

And in the seventh Article, he the said Earle is charged, That in the terme of holy Trinity in the 13 yeare of his now Majesties raigne, did cause a case, commonly called the case of Tenures upon defective Titles, to be made and drawne up wihout any Iury or tryall or other legall processe, without the consent of parties, by colour of which lawlesse procedings, divers of his Majesties subjects (and particularly the Lord Tho: Dillon) were outted of there possessions and disseized of there free-hold by colour of the same resolution, without legall preceedings, whereby many hundreds of his Majesties subjects were undone and their families utterly ruinated.

And in the 8. Article, he is impeached, That upon a petition of Sr Iohn Gilford Knight, the first day of Febr. in the said 13 yeare of his Majesties raigne, without any legall processe, made a decree against Adam Viscount Loftus of Elie, and did cause the said Viscount to be imprisoned and kept close prisoner, on pretence of disobedience to the said decree or order; & without any Legall proceedings, did in the same 13 yeare imprison, George Earle of Kildare against law, thereby to inforce him to submit his title to the manner and Lordship of Castle Leigh (being of great yearly value) to the said Earl of Strafords will and pleasure, and kept him a yeare a prisoner for the said cause, two moneths he kept him close prisoner*, &c.

Now the Parliament it selfe or the Members thereof, being as Sr. Edward Cooke well declares (In his 4 part Institutes published for good Law by their owne speciall orders) as subject to the Law, as other men (saving in the freedome of arrests, that so their persons may not be hindred from the discharge of their trust in the house, which their Country hath reposed in them) and unto whome till it be repealed, it is a rule, as well as to any other man in England whatsoever, especially in all actions or differences betwixt party and party; and that Parliament man that still say, that any Committee of Parliament, or the whole house is the Law, shews, and declares himselfe either ignorant of the Law, or a voluntary and willfull deceiver: for what is within their breasts I neither can know, nor am bound to inquire after for to know or take notice of,* neither is any thing therein (till it be legally put in writing, legally debated, passed, and legally published) binding in the least unto me or any man in England: and indeed to speak properly, the Parliaments worke is to repeale old Laws and to make new ones, to pull down old courts of justice and erect new ones, to make warre and conclude peace, to raise money and see it rightly and providently disposed of (but themselves are not in the least to finger it*) it being their proper work to punish those that imbezle and wast it, but if they should finger it and wast it, may not the Kingdome easlly be cheated of its treasure, and also be left without meanes to punish them for it; and most dishonorable it is, and below the greatnesse of Legislators stoop to be executors of the Law, and indeed it is most irrationall and unjust they should for if they doe me injustice I am rob’d and deprived of my remedy, and my Appeale it being no where to be made, but to them, whose worke it is to punish all male or evill administrators of justice: and therefore I wish they would seriously weigh there own words in their declaration of the 17 of Aprill, 1646. 2 part booke declarations pag 878. where to the whole Kingdome they declare, that they will not nor any by colour of any authority derived from them, shall interrupt the ordinary courts of justice in the severall Courts and Iudicatories of this Kingdome, nor intermeddle in cases of private interest, other where determinable, unlesse it be in case of male administration of Iustice, wherein we shall see [say they] and provide, that might be done, and punishment inflicted, is there shall be occasion, according to the Lawes of the Kingdome, and the trust reposed in us.

And therefore seeing that by the Law of their owne will, without due course processe of Law, or any visible shadow or colour of Law; the Committee of plundered Ministers will Rob the Citizens of their proper goods, which is not in the least justifiable for as Iudge Cook in the sixty first pag of his Argument in Mr. Hampdens Cause against ship money, saith, that the Law book called the Dr. and Studient, Chap. 5. pag. 8 setting down, that the Law doth vest the absolute, propertie of every mans goods in himself; and that they cannot be taken from him but by his (legall) consent, saith, that is the reason, if they be taken from him, the party shall answere the full value, thereof in damage, and so (saith judge Crooke) I conceive that the party that doth this wrong to an other, shall besides the damages to the party, be imprisonn’d and pay a fine to the King, which in the Kings bench is the tenth part of as much he payeth to the party, so then if the King will punish the wrong of taking of Goods without consent between party and party, much more will be not by any prerogative take away any mans goods without his assent particular or generall.

But it they will either have your goods or your libertie from you by the Law of their own wills, be sure you play the Englishmen, not foolishly or Willingly to bettray your liberty into their hands, but in this case, part with them as you would part with your purse to a Theefe that robs you upon the high way, for the forementioned Lawyer in the forementioned 8 pag. saith, that by the prime Laws of reason and nature (which are the Laws of God) it is lawfull for a man to defend himselfe against an unjust power, so hee keep due distance, so that if they will have your goods, let them distraine for them, and then you may replevy them, and thereby at law try the title of their right, and if they will imprison your person, go not but by force, & be sure to stand upon the legality of the warrant, which that you may fully and truly understand the forme of it; I shall give you at large the words of Sr. Edward Cooke in the 2 part of his institutes fol. 590, 591, 592 published by the Parliaments owne authority for good Law, who being expounding the Statute of breaking prison, made in the 1. E. 2. upon the words, with out cause, &c. fo 590. expresly saith, this act speaking of a cause is to be intended of a lawfull cause; and therefore false imprisonment is not within this act.

Imprisonment is a restraint of a mans liberty, under the custody of another, by lawfull warrant in deed or Law lawfull warrant is, when the offence appeareth by matter of record, or when it doth not appeare by matter of Record.

By matter of Record, as when the party is taken upon an Inditement at the suite of the King, or upon an Appeal at the suite of the Party: when it doth not appeare by matter of Record, as when a felony is done, and the offender by a lawfull Mitimus is committed to the Goale for the same. But between these two cases, there is a great diversitie: For in the first case, whether any Felony were committed, or no, If the offender be taken by force of a Capias the warrant is Lawfull; and if he breake Prison, it is a felony albeit no felony were committed. But in the the other case, if no felony be done at all, and yet he is committed to prison for a supposed Felony, and breake Prison, this is no Felony, for there is no cause. And the words of this Act, are[a] [unlesse the cause for which he was taken require such a judgement] so as the cause must be just, and not feigned; for things feigned require no judgement.

If A. give B. a mortall wound, for which A. is committed to Prison, and breaketh Prison, B. dyeth of the wound within the yeare, this death hath relation to the stroke; but because relations are but fictions in Law, and fictions are not here entended, this escape is no felony, 11 H. 411 Plowd. Coun. 401 Coler case.

Seeing the weight of this businesse, touching this point, to make the escape, either in the party, or in the Goaler felony, dependeth upon the lawfullnesse of the Mitimus, it will be necessary to say somewhat hereof: First, It must be in writing, in the name, and under the Seale of him that makes the same, expressing his office, place and authority, by force whereof he maketh the Mitimus, and to be directed to the Goaler or keeper of the Goale or Prison: Secondly, It must containe the case [as it expresly appeareth by this Act[b] unless the cause for which be mistaken &c.] but not so certainly as an Inditement ought, and yet with such convenient certainty, as it may appeare judicially, that the offence requires such a judgement; as for high treason, to wit, against the person of our Lord the King; or for the counterfitting of the money of our Lord the King; or for Petty Treason; namely, for the death of such a one, being his master; or for felony, [Editor: illegible word] for the death of such a one, &c. or for Burglary or Robery, &c. or for fellony, for Stealing of a House, &c. or the like, so as it may in such a Generality appeare judicially, that the offence requires such a judgement.*

And this is proved both by reason, and authority. By reason; first, for that it is in case of felony [of which doth induce, or draw on the last Punishment] and therefore ought to have convenient certainty, as it is aforesaid. Secondly, Also it must have convenient certainty, for that a voluntary escape is felony in the Goaler. Thirdly, If the Mitimus should be good generally [for felony] then, as the old rule is, [the ignorance of the Iudge should be the calamity of the innocent:] for the truth of the case may be, that he did steale Charters of Land, or wood Growing, or the like, which in Law are no felonies; and therefore in reason, a case of so high a nature concerning the life of man, the convenient certainty ought to be shewed.

By Authority, The constant forme of the inditement, in that case for escape, either by the Party, or voluntarily suffered by the Goaler, is, That he was arrested [for suspicion of a certaine felony, namely, for the death of a certain man, M. N. feloniously, slaine, or the like; for the inditement must rehearse the effect of the Mitimus, which directly proveth, that the cause in such a generall certainty ought to be shewed. vid. 25 E. 3. fol. 42.

Also if a man be indited of Treason, or indited or appealed for Felony, the Capias thereupon, whereby the party is to be arrested, comprehendeth the cause (and therefore much more the Mitimus) where the party is to be arrested, having no such ground of Record, as the Capias hath; must, pursuing the effect of the Capias, comprehend the case in convenient certaintie, 25 E. 3. fol. 42. Pl. 32. there ought to be a certaine cause; and in the same leafe Pl. 35. in case of breaking of Prison, the cause of the Imprisonment ought to be shewed.

If a man bee indited (that hee breake Prison feloniously, &c.) generally, it is not good; for the indictment ought to rehearse the specialtie of the matter according to the Statute, that he being Imprisoned for felony, &c. brake Prison: We have quoted many other bookes, which though they be not certainly reported, as might have been wished, yet the judicious Reader will gather fruit of them. But see before the exposition of Magna Charta, Chap. 29. [by the law of the Land] and observe well the words of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, for a direct proofe, that the cause ought to be shewed.

Lastly, see, hereafter in the exposition of the Statute of Articuli cleri the resolution of all the Iudges of England; the answer to the 21 and 22 objections, which we will in no sort abridge for the Excellency thereof; but referre you to the fountain themselves.

Hereupon it appeareth, that the common Warrant or Mitimus, to answer such things as shall be objected against him, is utterly against law.

Now as the Mitimus must containe the cause, so the conclusion must be according to law; viz: The Prisoner safely to be keepe, untill he be delivered by due order Law, and not until be that made it, shall give order or the like.

Endnotes

 [a ] See the Petition of right and Sr. Edw Cooke, 4. part institutes, Chap. high Court of Parliament.

 [b ] See King. Iames his speech to the Parl. at White Hall. [Editor: illegible word] and 1 p. book Decl. p. 150. & my Book called the out crye of oppressed Commons. p. 16. 17. 18. and my Epistle to Mr. Martin of the 31. May. 1647. called Rash Oaths & p. 56.

 [c ] See Cooke 2 part institutes upon the 29. Chap. of Magna Charta. fo. 52. 53. & 590. 591. & regall tirany, p. 78. 79. 80. 81. & vox plebis, p. 37. & my plea before Mr. Marten of the sixt. Nov. 1646. called an anatomy of the Lords tirany. p. 5. 7. 8.

 [d ] See Cooks 2 part. insti. foll. 103. 104. & 4 part insti. Chap. High Court of Parlm. and the book called the manner of holding Parlmts. Mr. Prins relation of the triall of Coll. Nath. Fints, p. 13. & regall tirany. p. 82. 83.

 [(e) ] See 2 part institutes, fol. 103. 104. & my Book called the resolved mans resolution, p. 56 and regall tyrannie p. 81. 82, 83. and Mr. Prins relalation of Col. Nath. Finis his tryall. p. 11, 12, 13.

 [f ] See my gran plea and my letter 11. Nov, 1647 to every Indviduall Member of the house of Commons. See Sr. Edw. Cooks exposition of the 14 and 29 Chap. of Magna Charta in his 2 part institutes & regall tyrannie p. 43, 44, 72, 73, 74, 85, 86. & vox plebis p. 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, and my apistle to the L. of the Tower the 30. Ian. 1646. called the opressed mans opressions declared pa. 17, 18, 19.

 [g ] See vox plebis p. 38. my Anatomy of the Lords tyrannie. p. 10. and Thompsons plea against Marshall Law.

 [h ] Rom. 4. 15. Englands birthright p. 1, 2, 3, 4. & the resolved mans resolution p. 24, 25, 26.

 [i ] See the proves in the third Marginall note at the letere c.

 [k ] which Statute you may read before p. 6. & take notice of this, that all misdemeanours whatsoever are bailable.

 [l ] See the 3 E. 1 Chap. 26 & 4 E. 3, 10, & 23. H. 6, 10 & Nast. plea fo. 31. 7. vox plebis p. 55, 56, 57, & my late Epistle to Col. West late Leift of the Tower called the oppressed mans oppression declared p. 3, 4. 1 part Cooks insti. Lib. 3, chap. 13, Sect, 701. fol. 368, where he positively declares it was the native and ancient rights of all English men, both by the statute and common Law of England, to pay no fees at all to any administrators of Iustice whatsoever, or any Clearke or officer whatsoever, officiating under them, who were onely to receive there Fees, Wages, and Salleries of the King, out of the Publique treasure. See also a part institutes fol. 74. 209. 210. the Publique treasure of the Kingdome being betrusted with the King for that and such ends: see also that excellnt booke in English, called the Mirror of Iustice Chap. 5. Sect. [Editor: illegible word] pag. 231, and Iudge Huttons argument in Mr. Hamdens case: against ship mony, pag. 41.

 [m ] See 1 part institutes lib, 3, Chap, 7, Sect. 438 fo. 260 & the 2 part fo. 43, 315, 590. see my book called the oppressed mans oppressions declared p, 3 vox plebis p. 47, 55. 56. & liberty vindicated against slavery p, 14, 15, 16.

 [n ] in his 2 part institutes fol. 42, 43. which is exceding well worth your reading see fo. 315, 316. 590, 591 see the mirrour of Iustice in English Chap, 5, Sect. 1. devision, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, pag. 231.

 [o ] only this is to be taken notice of, that if I commit an offence before the view of a Iudge or Iustices sitting upon the Bench I ought to goe to prison with or by his verball command, with any officer of the Court he shall Command me to goe with, only he ought to enter a Mittiter and send it after me when the Court riseth, and I may if I please proffer him baile to answere the Law when he Committe me, which he ought not to refuse and if he do, it is fals imprisonment if my pretended or reall crime were bailable and my action I may have against him.

 [p ] in his 2 part institutes fo. 52. 53. in which pages you may read the very words of an habeas Corpus as also in the 79. 80. 81. pages of Regall tirany where you may have them in English, as well as Latin.

 [q ] upon which habeas corpus, if you be brought up to the barr, you ought if wrongfully imprisoned, clearely to be discharged without baile, & with baile if justly imprisoned if your crime be bailable or else the Iudge forsweares himselfe for which you may indict him for perjury and also have an action at Law: for false imprisonment against him that falsly committed you, or they that forced you hither, yee & in diverse cases against the Iaylor himselfe, who ought not by Law [upon their perills] to receive or detaine you, but by a legall warrant flowing from a legall power, as before I have more fully noted, see also 1. p. book decla. pa. 205.

 [* ] And what due processe of Law is, you may read in the 2 part instituts upon the 29 Chap. of Magna Charta, and vox plebis pag. 11, 12, 14, 15, &c. and my booke called The resolved mans resolution, page 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. and my grand Plea against the Lords, and Thompsons Plea against the new tirants at Windsore executing Marshall Law.

 [* ] All which charges you may at larg reade in the 123, 124, 125 pages, of a book called Speeches and Passages, printed for W. Cooke, a. Furnivalls-Inne gate in Holborne, 1641.

 [* ] see Englands birthright p 3. 4. 5, 6, 7, 8.

 [* ] for the third Article in the first impeachment of the Earle of Straford in the abovesaid book pag 118 runs thus; that the better to inrich and in able himselfe to to go thorow with his traiterous designes, he hath detained a great part of his Majesties revenue, without giving legall account, and hath taken great sums out of the Exchequer, converting them to his owne use when his Majesty was neccessitated for his owne urgent occasions, and his army had been along time unpayd.

 [[a] ] See Magna Charta Chap. 1.

 [[b] ] 9 E. 4. 26. 41. ass. 5. 22. E. 3. Coron. 242, 243, 248. 43. E. ibid. 424. 3. E. 3. ibid. 312, 328, 333, 345, 346. 2. E. 3. fol. 1. 26. ass. 51. 21. E. 3. 13. 27. ass. 42. 27. ass. pag. 116. 15. E. 2. Coron. 38. 9. H. 4. 1. 10. H. 4, 7. 11. H. 4, 11. 8. E. 2. Coron. 422, 430, 431. 27. H. 6. 6, 7. 36. H. 6, 33. 1. R. 3. cap. 3. 2. H. 5. cap. 7. 21. H. 7, 17.

 [* ] 25 E. 3. 42. B. Coron. 134. 32. E. 3. Coron. 248. 9. E. 4. 52.

TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL JOHN KENRICK Alderman of London, Governour of the Merchant Adventurers of England. TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL ISAAC LEE, Deputy of the said Company of Merchant Adventurers residing at Hamburgh.

IF in this brief Argument (which here treats of your Charters, and maintains your priviledges) there be any thing beseeming an Advocate of yours: I desire the intire advantage thereof may redound solely to your selves. For indeed the Merit of your Cause is such, as would require an able Orator: and when I first applyed my self to serve you herein, I perceived your interest was the same as the Common interest of all Merchants, and that could have no termination, but in the common interest of our Nation: But if there appear any Error, or Fayler in these papers: if the workmanship be found too unworthy of the stuffe: I shall then desire of all my Readers, that the blame may be onely mine: and that none but my self may suffer the least disadvantage by my defects, and disabilities. I am certain all wise, impartial Judges will distinguish betwixt that which is mine in this weak peece, and that which is yours: and if they cast some disdain upon me for not pleading your cause, as I might: they will not proceed to a condemnation of your cause, for being no better pleaded here then it is.

In Queen Elizabeths dayes a Tract to this very purpose was Printed by Mr. Wheeler (a learned Gent: that preceded me in this place) were that Tract now re-printed, perhaps our Times would be better satisfied in this Case. It came not to my sight, till after I had formed the lump of this, and given it all those rude lineaments almost, which it now bears: and I was induced then to persist in my resolution of finishing this, and not of retroceding; the rather; because I saw my stile and method varied much from his: because, the face of the times (which has great influence upon the State and fate of Merchandize) was not the same when He wrote, as it is now:, because, his Tract was in bulk more then twice, as great as mine; because, He might give some light to me in some things, and I adde some to Him in other things; and so both might be more effectuall for the ends proposed by both, then either: because, if He was more satisfactory in matters of this particular Company, I had some thoughts in my self, that I was more proper for the affairs of Merchants in generall. These reasons kept from abortion this Essay of mine at that time: but for how long a space it was repreived, I cannot prognosticate: nor do I much regard how soon its fatall houre approaches, so the businesse which it aymed at may survive, and prosper. Gentlemen, my reputation in this case must run some hazard, and stand or fall, as the vogue of this age pleases: yet my intention is to be judged of onely by you; wherefore let that onely finde your fair acceptation, and favourable construction, and that shall be a sufficient encouragement to

A DISCOURSE CONCERNING Freedom of Trade.

Man is taught by the rules of Wisdom to begin at the End of his Actions, and to give the first place in his intention, to that which is to have the last in Execution. Now the end of this discourse is improvement of Trade; and it being a thing of late much controverted by divers; whether Freedome in Trading be a proper means, or no, to improve Trade: These two Termes (Freedome and Trade) must be the subject matter of this Discourse. As for Trade the word is plain, and needs no explanation: and the thing is as obvious to every mans understanding, and so needs no definition. I will therefore premise something very briefly concerning the value, and importance of Trade, that my end here aymed at, to which my intention must needs give the precedence, may not seem inconsiderable to any: and then cursorily from my first Terme, I shall addresse my self to my second.

My Lord Cook in his Commentary upon our Great Charter (where the Merchants contentment is so prudently provided for) tels us, that Traffick is the Merchants livelihood, and that the livelihood of the Merchant is the life of the Common-weal, such as the King himself, and every Subject of the Land has an interest in. He observes also that the Merchant is the good Bayliffe of the Realme, aswell to export Native, as to import forrain Commodities for the benefit and necessary defence of the same. This Politick Argonante in Law amongst matters of Law, thinks it no extravagance to deliver his judgement of matters in Trade; and if we rightly analyse his judgement herein, we shall finde, that not a word of it falls to the earth without its due weight. The Merchant indeed has a great dependance upon him both of Land and Water men, and is often commander of great summes of ready mony (greater then other men commonly though better landed, and estated can raise upon suddaine, publick exigences) and so in his gowne at home he is a proffitable member of the the Commonwealth to but look upon him in his imployment serving the State by his traffick, and so he is more then profitable, He is necessary to the well beeing, nay to the beeing of the State. Those things which he exports conduce perhaps more to profit, and things imported to securance: yet tis well intimated here that both exportation, and importation do conduce to both. Native Commodities more immediatly afford us Treasure: yet Treasure is as well firmamentum belli, as ornamentum pacis: and forrain commodities more usually are materialls for Shipping, Armes, supplyes in times of dearth, and distresse, &c. yet sometimes we retayle the same to strangers for gaine, and thereby convert them into ornaments of peace, as well as instruments of defence. How prodigiously did Antwerpe formerly in a very few yeares aggrandize it selfe? and what an excesse of splendor has Amsterdam attaynd to since? yet (for ought I know) Nature has bestowde no more previledge upon those two Townes whereby to advance themselves with such facility: then it has upon Bristoll, & Newcastle amongst us. Sure then, the Hollander and Fleming may infuse this secret into us from that wonderous degree of opulence, and pompe, which both by Trade have ascended unto; that importation of exotick commodities, if subtilly managed, may become as great an improvement, as exportation is to others. It is visible in the Hollander that the mines of Perne are as serviceable to Him, as to the poore Indian, that diggs in them: that the Furrs of Rushia are equally parted betwixt Him and the Muscovite: that the plaines of Cots-would, and Lemster do as well graze his sheepe, as they do the Englishman. And there was a time when the Antwerpian might have boasted as truly, that Arabia was his gardine, that Spayne was his Orchard, that Norway was his Forrest. That City (’tis true) which abounds with commodities of its own, has an easier, & shorter way to prosperity then that City which is destitute of the like helpe, and opportunities, and yet experience discovers daily to us, that some Cities which have little of their own, being industrious, flowe with more abundance, and swim in greater superfluity; then some other sloathfull Cities, that naturally want nothing. Hence is the difference betwixt the Merchant and the Husbandman, the Husbandmans thrift is in vendendo, not emendo as old Cato tells him: But the Merchant has found out a way, how he may be emax, and vendax in the same thing, and often times the retaylor findes the second sale more beneficiall to Him, then the first was to the Proprietor. Nay even the more unusefull Crawmerys of Nirinlurgh though they argue no thrift in them, that buy them at last hand, yet they also are no contemptible mines of Gold and silver to those which make, or buy them for a second utterance. Furthermore, if from Merchandize it selfe, and these good Bayliffes of the Realme, which so actively purvey in all parts of the world habitable, and uninhabitable for Treasure, armes, and all other things, that partaine to pleasure, helth, and necessity: if from them, we turn to the instruments, of their negotiatious our Ships, the wooden walls, and fortification of our State, of what respect ought these to be? Even these (under God) in times of Peace prevent War: in times of War procure Peace: in times of plenty they releive our Friends abroad, in times of dearth they releive us at home. For examples, tis losse of time to offer any in this argument, every man can tell how stupendiously Tyre, Sydon, &c. of old, and Venice, Belgia and other latter Signioryes have flourisht since by the gaines of Merchandize, whilst their puissance, and magnificence has been more raised, and propagated by Merchant, then either by the Husbandman, souldier, or Scholler. Tis admirable to see what vast revenues are purchast by some Nations (especially where Democracy takes place) out of meere commerce; and how far other Nations in the mean time (especially such as are swayde by Monarchs) though more commodiously situated, and advantagiously qualified otherwise do neglect the same. The reason hereof may be, because in popular States the Merchant usually has more share in administration of publick affaires: whereas in Monarchies, those that have the charge of the rudder, have commonly little insight into Trade, and as little regard of Traders. Howsoever either some singular happinesse has hitherto attended Spaine, and Portugal, or else doubtlesse the feats of Merchandice have been in more then ordinary esteeme with their Kings: for both these have not onely inriched their own homes by Sea adventures, but also acquired thereby greater Dominions then their own. For indeed besides those purchases which have been made in the East Indies, we see in Mexico, and Peru, there is a new Hemisphere adjoyned now to that old half world, which the Assyrians, Persians, Grecians, Romans with so much sweat, and blood laboured to subjugate heretofore. And if the Sun find no degree in all his circuit, where He can obscure himself from the Crown of Spaines Subjects; the thanks thereof is due to the Art of an old Navigator: and probably had Hen: 7. given as much credit to Columbus as Ferdinand did, either the Austrian Family had not spread its wings so wide, or the Kings of England had not been so closely intrenched within the foure British Seas, as now they are. But I purposely wave the ostentation of many, and great instances, and therefore the whole weight of this Argument shall onely be hung upon the single epitome (as it were) of this pety jurisdiction here, wherein we now reside.

All the Land-intradoes, which tillage or pasturage yeelds to this Town of Hamburgh are not much more considerable then some Gentlemen and Esquires inherit in England; yet the wilde Ocean, as these restlesse Copemen plow it with their Fleetes, and harrow it with their nets; (though they creep into that too through a River, not wholly at their command) is forced to pay them as great a Tribute, and ample a rent as three the richest and goodliest Counties of England are annually worth. Neverthelesse England more abounding with all habiliments, and necessary accommodations of Trade, and seeming to be as much courted by the circumambient Sea, as any part of the Universe, for want of incouragement to her Merchants at home, and Plantators abroad owes little of her grandour, and power to that Element. Forrein Nations easily become greater gainers by trading into England, then the English can by trading abroad: ’tis too probable, that Forrein Merchants reserve an intire gain to themselves out of all their own Commodities brought in hither: yet share a half profit with us, in all our Commodities exported hence by them. And thus whilest we leave many benefits to our emulous hostile neighbours, which by the same industry (as they commendably use) might by us be anticipated to our own behoof; our own supine sluggishnesse is the cause that we remain so much the weaker, and our Enemies become so much the stronger. Thus much of the advantages of traffick; thus much of the necessity of that noble profession, which teaches us to be the curious, & laborious marriners of all the worlds Oceans, Straits, and Creeks; if we have any desire to be more formidable to our Enemies, or more aidfull to our Friends, or more gainfull to our selves, this may be held sufficient.

From the benefit, I come now to the Freedom of Trade: I mean, that particular degree of freedom, which is at this day pleaded for, and patroniz’d by some, that professe themselves no unfriends to Trade. Herein this method shall conduct me: In the first place, I shall inquire, whether that Freedom, which is affected by these times can stand with due order, and discipline, or not: secondly, whether Trade probably can flourish, or not, without due order and discipline: and in the last place, I shall answer such Arguments, as are framed for liberty, and do militate against our Order and Discipline.

Liberty in a right acception, and understanding, is that which delivers, and exempts us from some evill noxious, and offensive to us; such as is oppression, too much restraint, &c. but it includes not any wilde condition, such as leaves us loosly in all things to our own discretion. That famous Roman, that had the happines to set Greece (in that age the Eye of the world) at liberty, and did break in sunder the yoke of Macedon, when He saw in the people too much wantonnesse, and immoderation, He advised them to more continencie, and to retire into narrower bounds; Vt saltem meram libertatem non haurirent. Herein he seemed wisely to distinguish betwixt that sheere, unmixt freedom, which uses to intoxicate us, and to bring detriment, and danger with it; and that allayed, or mixt freedom, which God, and Nature have made so sweet to all Generous mindes: whose property it is ever, to set restraints to it self in some things, as well as to take restraints off from us in other. In politicks, there are Free Monarchs, and there are Free Subjects: and the freedom of Monarchs is not incompatible with the freedom of Subjects: for neither is it necessary to the freedom of a Prince, that He should be unlimitable in all things, and beyond controll as well when He destroys, as when He saves: nor to the freedome of a Subject to live absolved from all Laws, and obedience. Without all question, He is the freest Prince that has the most power to do good, and the least to do harm: and He is the freest Subject, who is to pay his obedience to the mildest Laws, and indulgentest Magistrates. So in Ethicks: He injoyes the purest and most refined freedome in his own breast, which has the least furious passions to serve, and the least impetuous appetite to master; not He that is becalmed, as it were, and finds no mobility at all in his spirit. The variovs Luminaries in Heaven have their distinct magnitudes, motions, and stations: and the blessed Intelligences in the Heaven of heavens (nay even those spirits that are falne from blessednesse) retain severall distances of power, place, and office. All these things prove to us, that restraint, and liberty, are relative things, and not to be accounted simply good, or simply bad in themselves. When restraint deprives us of that good which is in temperate liberty it degenerates into oppression: when it onely saves to us that good, which is in harmonious order, it is fully answerable to Liberty. So liberty when it onely discharges us from that evill, which is in oppression, it approaches to the perfection of Order: but when it dissolves all Order, it precipitates us headlong into confusion.

Liberty is either intensive, or extensive, and both wayes it must be reduced to a just standart: for if it be in degree too void of temperature, and qualification the ruder sediment of the people cannot bear it, it strangely inebriates them: and if the degree of it be moderate, yet the dilatation of it to too many makes it incommodious. There are two vitious extreames in government; the one is rigorous, and makes nothing lawfull, or safe to any: the other is remisse, and leaves all things free and safe to all: now by the consent of all; that extreame, which straitens too much, is not so desperately ill, as that which inlarges too much. The reason is, because those which govern are fewer in number then the governed: and therefore clashing, and confusion (which must needs inevitably follow, where all limits, and restraints are taken away) is lesse dammageable amongst a few, then it would be amongst many.

Liberty therefore may well be compared to fresh waters, it is potable, and sweet whilst it endures a just confinement in the vaines and channells of the earth. But when it once refundes it selfe into the bosome of the briny Ocean, it retaynes no longer its former rellish. And even so we must censure of Liberty by the last, whilest it produces good effects it remains Liberty, the name and thing agree well: but when it supplyes to us no good at all, or bereaves us of some good greater then it supplyes, it remaines no more then the shadow, or meere misnomer of Liberty. Exempli gratiâ: If all Land-inclosures were every where layde open, and all evidences cancelled, upon which mens private interests, and proprieties depend, many poore men would expect to have their conditions meliorated; yet undoubtedly their expectations at last would faile them; and together with community in all things a generall confusion of all persons, and things would breake in to the fatall destruction both of poore and rich.

Our common Proverbe puts us rightly in mind, that he which dwells every where, dwells no where: that every mans interest is no mans intrest, & that every mans businesse is no mans busines: now this being true in matters of Husbandry, and in all other interests, and negotiations, why should it not be as true in matters of commerce, for if agriculture generally be more necessary then trade: and if confusion in agriculture be more mischeivous then confusion in Trade, yet by the same consequence confusion in trade? is as mischievous to Traders, as confusion in tillage would be amongst those that till the earth.

Thus much of the word Freedome generally taken, I must now speake more particularly of that Freedome, whose expedience, or inexpedience is so much question’d in the busines of Trade.

Freedome and restraint are things opposite (we see) yet both admitting of severall degrees, and limitations, they are not so opposite but that some kinde of restraint may be reconciled to some kinde of freedome, for in as much as it is sometimes convenient to be restrained, though not alwaies, and from all things; and sometimes it is inconvenient to be loosed, or inlarged though not alwaies, and from all things: in regard that restraint at sometimes onely upholds Order, and liberty at other times introduces confusion: Our mayne Quære, is onely this; Whether that restraint in Trade which hitherto has been establish’t amongst such and such Companies of Merchants, be conducing to Order, or no: And whether that Freedome of Trade which irregular Interlopers dispute for be the usher of confusion, or no.

For the just discussion of this, the benefit of Order, regulation, and approved discipline amongst Merchants, is to be considered and brought into the scole of this hand, whilst the advantage of opennes, loosenesse, and unconfinednesse in trading is to be brought into the other.

For out of all question, liberty is not to be poized by the meer sound of its name, but by the solid priviledges which it brings with it, & in like manner restraint is not to be rejected except onely for the certaine, substantiall disadvantages which are found to accompany it. Let us then draw up an exact ballance.

The 1. Benefit which we now injoy by our government, and incorporation is in things appertaining to Gods worship, & the true Religion: though we live amongst Lutherans, Papists, Jews, Mahometans, Pagans: Yet we have a free exercise of our Religion, and in some places the Ordinances are as duly, profitably, and comfortably administerd amongst us, as if we were in the bosome of our own Church.

How much this priviledge tends to the honor of God, the propagation of the true faith, how much to the prosperity of trade (Godlinesse having not onely the promises of the world to come, but also of this life) & how much to be bewail’d the want of the Word, and Sacraments is amongst our Merchants in Spaine, Italy, Portugal; let all men judge. Yet how this divine blessing can be continued amongst us, after that we are bound together by no links of Association, but that we may trade at large arbitrarily where we list, how we list, and when we list, is worthy to be considered; and I beleive all men who have a true fence, and tincture of Religion in their hearts will consider it seriouslly. The next benefit is in matters of Justice: Though we are far distant from our own Judges & Courts, and cannot have timely recourse to the remedie of our owne Laws, nay though we should otherwise be exposed to the snares, and rigors of forrein Laws, and Magistrates, we are now (in matters where appeale is not requisite) tryed by men of our own Religion, of our own Nation, and education, and such also as are present upon the place.

All Partners that enter into a joynt Trade for the most part Covenant here mutually, and voluntarily in all cases of dispute, and doubt to stand to the judgment of this Court, I never saw any Indentures hitherto without that expresse clause in them. Nay even strangers here have often declined their owne Tribunals, and submitted their cases to our decisions, and I never yet heard of any of them that departed not from our Court fully satisfied both with our Justice, and expedition: it cannot therefore be expected, that our own Merchants which know so well what a priviledge it is to be judged by Merchants, especially being present upon the place, and such as guide their judgments by the same Merchants Law, as is in force in England, should not set a great price upon this especiall priviledge. Hen: the 4th. and Hen: the 7th. were as wise Kings as ever raign’d in England, and when the one of them granted our Charter, & the other inlarged the same, the main consideration, which both of them had in their eyes, was the prevention of many mischiefs empeachments, & obstructions which at that time sensibly oppressed Merchants, and confounded Trade, ob defectum boni, & sani Regiminis.

A Third Benefit which we are now capable of by being incorporated into Companies is, that hereby we are inabled to do many egregious works of charity, which by our disfranchisement would all be utterly lost, and extinguisht.

The Merchant Adventurers are but one branch of the Merchants of England, and the Merchants here residing are but one branch of the Merchants Adventurers, yet how many hundreds has this branch sustained, and releived in cases of necessity? and how many widowes, and poore families doth it constantly feed and refresh? About 16 yeers since, when the expedition of Marquise Halmilton had miscarried here in Germany many, sick, distressed souldiers that were the wofull splinters of his broken army came hither, and were not onely saved from peristing, but also shipt for England at this Companies charge. M: Ant: Bedingfield was then our Deacon, and had the charge of the poores box, he is now a Parliament man, and can averre upon his knowledge that this society issued no lesse at that time within 6 months space then 400 pound, for such devout purposes.

A Fourth Benefit afforded by our present Government, is, that hereby we are render’d far more considerable instruments to serve and honour our own Country, then else we should be, and that not onely in Trade, but also in diverse other eminent, publick Offices.

As we are now imbodied, and compacted, we can by our common seales raise great summes of mony: We are in a qualification to entertaine Princes, to oblige Cities, to procure right, and timely intelligence, and sometimes to prevent publick misunderstandings: and so to merit much oftentimes of the Nation, from whence we are.

That formidable Armada which in 1588 was designed to swallow us up, had inprobability been far more fatall then it was if it had been appointed sooner, and arrived when Queen Elizabeth was not so well appointed as it found her afterwards. And yet this is well known, that Gresham and other Merchants by taking up the monys at Genoa, and our Company by doing the like at Keeler Mart in Holsteine: did so prevent Philip that his Invasion was retarded thereby for a whole year, and that retardment being so much to the disadvantage of Spaine, and to the advantage of England, was under God a powerfull meanes of preserving us. Charles the 5th. by calculation found that in Antwerpe 20000 Soules, and in all the Low Countries at least 60000 had a lively-hood, and subsistance from the English Trade: wherefore when he was very resolute to bring the inquisition into Antwerpe, and remained unmoovable against all other arguments, and supplications of that Town: yet this motive, that the English Company would be dislodged by introducing of that rigor, diverted him from his purpose.

Also when the same Charles had transferred all his signiories, & Dominions to his son Philip, that branch of the Merchant Adventurers appeared in gallant state to grace those Solemnities, consuming above 2000 Crowns in sumptuous furniture, shewes and triumphall arches. In the yeer 1581. likewise the Duke of Alanson in the same City was entertained by 80 English Merchants of the same Company, all bravely mounted on horse back, apparelled in black velvet, & most of them with brooches & chains of gold about their necks: for which they received thanks from Queen Elizabeth and the Lords of her Councell. The King of Bohemia, and some of our Kings Nephews (besides diverse Embassadors) have found some seemly receptions also from us here at Hamburgh, and from our brethren at Roterdam, upon severall occasions, but I forbeare prolixity in this point. An other excellent singular Benefit of our government is, that thereby we are put into a capacity of injoying all that is good and profitable in union, and all that is good, and profitable in division withall. Take away that Order, and Harmony that is now setled amongst us, and has been setled by all our Kings, and countenanced by all our Parliaments from Hen: the 4th. till this very day, and as fully confirmed by this Parliament as by any: and our Trade will become instantly both stragling, and confused: and as a stragling Trade will deprive us of whatsoever is good in union, so a confused Trade will abridge us of all that is good in a due method, and distribution.

This may be demonstrated most plainly in a military bodie: 20000 men well armed, and imbattaild, are of greater force, then 40000 drawn together in an unformed, undigested heap; and when that shall be accounted an Army of so many Souldiers effective, this shall be despised as a rout of so many men rudely conglomerated, and thronged together. For ’tis not sufficient that there be together in one Feild a due proportion of Commanders and Souldiers, of Horse and Foot, of Arms offensive, and defensive: all these must be severally ranged, and distantly imployed: the Commander must move here, the Souldier there, the Horse must charge here, the Foot there; such a Regiment must be assigned its post here, such a Brigade must advance there: wise men know experimentally, that there is an art in division sometimes, such as in many cases gives life to Union: and it is as true on the contrary: that the queintest division makes miserable Musick, when it is not subservient to Union. For let a Battail be marshall’d in all its members, and parts according to the most exact rules of souldery either ancient, or moderne: yet if the Trumpets sound contrary points of warre, if the superior Commanders give contrary Orders, if all these curiously fashion’d digestions, and divisions be not inspirited with one, joynt designe, which like the soul is to over-rule all the Organs, what can be expected from this great, moliminous frame? Now if we make any doubt whether or no the use of Tacticks be as great in mercatorian, as in military affairs let us come to neerer application, and bend our selves to consider, as well what the want of union, as what the want of distribution usually occasions amongst Traders.

Union amongst Merchants cannot be denyed to be of exceeding great importance, for in all places where we fix our residence, we see, it makes us more valuable, and acceptable: Whilest we are lookt upon as an orderly, united Society, we are known to be able to make, or direct a Trade in or from any one Town, or Province. How soon was Bruges in Flanders despoyl’d of its fame, and opulence after our Company withdrew from it? and how soon did Antwerpe transcend Bruges in fame, and opulence after our Commodities were stapled in Brabant? When ’twas too late, Bruges, besides inlargement of former priviledges, could offer us moneys, and descend to strange intreaties for the wooing and winning of our return: but Antwerpe had first prevailed with us, and having prevailed, it sent forth its Magistrates to meet, and welcome us with processions. And well it was for Antwerpe, that the English were so taken with their civilities, for in the space of 60 or 70 yeers, whereas it had, before it was our Mart, not above foure able Merchants, and six Ships, it became the glorious Magazine of all Europe. The like instance might be given in Stadt, and Hamburgh, the same cause that now makes Hamburgh rich, did once do the like at Stadt: and the same cause that made Stodt poore, may hereafter perhaps work the same effect in Hamburgh. Who sees not therefore that from the benefit which strangers receive from us, whilest we are thus associated, and made capable or marrying our Company to them, arise those reciprocall obligations, and speciall dowries, as it were, which they by their concordates confirm unto us? Where we are unprofitable, we must expect to be held despicable: and what what extraordinary profit can other Nations expect from our Merchants, when they appear onely as so many individuall persons, of stragling Traders.

The English had at the Narre in Leisland a good Trade, and good sales for our Native Commodities for a while, but about 1565. divers strangling Merchants resorted thither out of England and so brought themselves, and their wares into great contempt. Divers of them went about the Town with Cloth in their arms, and Measures in their hands, and so when they had shamefully imbased our English Draperies, to the disreputation of our Countrey, and decay of themselves, the Lords of the Councell at the next Parliament were inforced, for prevention of the like sordid, Pedlar-like traffick thereafter, to comprise the Narre within the Muscovie Companies Charter.

Thus is Union, or a politick Association amongst Merchants beneficiall to the places where we trade, and by resultance beneficiall to our selves, and in the last resort beneficiall to our whole Nation: for all these interests are so interweaved, that the benefit of the Stranger is requited with the benefit of the English Merchant; and the benefit of the English Merchant is to be regarded as the benefit of the English Nation. For in some things that which immediately advantages the English Merchant, advantages mediately the English Nation: even as in other things that which immediately brings prosperity to the English Nation, mediately brings prosperity to the English Merchant. This is to illustrate the Commodities which flowe from our Union, now the Commodities which flowe from a due distribution, and division in Trade are no lesse visible. The whole world almost is now aptly cantoniz’d amongst several Societies of our Merchants, whilest some trade East, some West, some neerer, some further off; and were it not for this apt partition, it would unavoidably fall out, that some Mart Towns would prove over-pester’d, or like a Common of Pasture over-layd, whilest others in the mean time would be left utterly unfrequented. And sure if the world were not spatious enough for all our Traders, some pretence might be framed, why all men ought to be licenced in all places: but since the contrary is most true, and no man is so straited for want of roome, but that He may trade in some places to his own advantage, though he be bounded that he may not trade in all places to other mens disadvantage: nothing but an emulous desire to interfere with others, and to incumber trade could provoke men to be opposite to our regular distributions. I need not amplifie hereupon, tis enough that I further refer to the example of our thriving Neighbours in Holland; whosoever will behold Order in its beauty, and perfection amongst Merchants there, He may observe them so politickly associated, and their Associations so equally distributed, that no one impedes the other abroad, nor no one Town ingrosses all Trading to it self at home.

Hitherto I have instanced in the manifold expediences of Order, and Government, especially in matters of piety, equity, charity, and policy as well in relation to the Common weal of Merchants, as to the Common-weal of England: now whether there be any thing in freedom of Trading that can preponderate, and excell all these, I leave to all sober men to discern; if there be, I wish it may prevail, and obtain a just preference before all these: if there be not, more need not be inferred out of these premisses: sober men cannot be affected with the name, or empty sound of a relative, that is rather to be judged by its circumstances, effects, and additions then by it self: sober men cannot but distinguish betwixt that true freedome which alwayes dis-inthrals us of some evill, and that shadowy ghost of freedome, which often denudes us of our greatest priviledges. I hope I have now discharged, what was to be expected from me in my first point, and made it apparent that the freedom in Trade which is to be admeasured, and ballanced with all these expediences here enumerated had not need to be of large extension.

It remains now that I come to my next head, and therein inquire whether trade be likely to flourish or no, being stripped, and robbed of all those powers and preeminences which our Charters convey to us.

I have hitherto lookt upon Merchants as Travaylers sojourning abroad, I must now come neerer, and looke upon them as very Merchants, buying, seeling, bartering, bargaining, &c. with other Nations; & from generall Order, and harmony amongst Merchants, I must come to instance in such, and such species of that Order, and harmony, which has hitherto been so fortunate to them. And first let us looke into that provision of our Government, which limits the education, and admission of Apprentices, & though I have not leisure to cite all our rules concerning the same which are very many, & each of them very usefull, yet consider the sumum genus it self, see if the breeding of Apprentices be not absolutely necessary. Grant to all without exception an open license to trade at large, & who will indure the strict duty and bondage of Apprenticehood? and yet without that strict duty, and bondage, who can be sufficiently instructed, and prepared to gaine all those Arts, and subtilties, which we know are absolutely necessary to all Traders. In all sciences, and occupations breeding is necessary, but amongst Merchants it is more then ordinarily necessary: For if Divines may pretend somthing to divine, secret illapses from above; and souldiers by their generall tacticks learned in one Countrey, may be qualified for command in all Countries; and if agriculture be a skill that depends much upon naturall sagacity: yet with Merchants ’tis far otherwise. For unto a Merchant not onely a breeding, but a particular breeding in such or such a place, in such or such a Trade is requisite. He that is experienced to trade in Russia is not thereby inabled to trade in Spaine, and he that can deale warily enough with Indians, Turks and Barbarians, is not alwaies prepared enough to cope with the Jews, Hans Townes, and Hollanders. Questionlesse to license all men to trade without breeding, nay without the particular advertisements, and preparations of such a breeding is to send men naked into battell, and to render them up as a prey to vulpine, circumventing neighbours. I might here take occasion to commend the training up of our Youths on this side the seas, as it is publickly advantagious, there being infused into them thereby somthing of the Souldier, and somthing of the Scholler, and indeed (if I am not deceived) there is commonly instilled somthing into them, that better qualifies them to serve the State, then what we see in meere Schollers or Souldiers. I wish our young gallants which learn in France to weare ribbons, and in Spain and Italy to be perfidious, and do worse things, did alwayes return home as much improved, and as well accomplisht as our Merchants use to do. But this is not within my lists, and that thought shall supersede me.

For our next evidence, we may appeal unto our many Orders made to prevent, and reform, the ill and faulty making or Cloth, and other English woollen Commodities, without which Orders all our Manufactures would be falsified, and corrupted, and consequently our Nation disparaged, all buyers of Cloth at home, and abroad abused, and Trade it self much desolated. At the sollicitation of our Merchants, wholsome Statutes have been Enacted, and to second them strict Proclamations have been publisht: and to back them the Merchants have appointed Officers, furnisht stipends, and applyed divers other preventions, that our Draperies might be kept to their just measures, weights, and numbers; yet we find all is too little. The Clothiers begin to sophisticate of late more then ever, and all our power will be insufficient to withstand them; except the State reach forth their helping hands yet further; and do more exactly poize both our ends and pretensions. The clamors of the Clothiers against the Merchants priviledges arise chiefly from this offence, though they are commonly palliated with other pretexts, and tis a wondrous thing, that when they are sensibly gainers by transgressing Laws, and we are as sensibly at a charge to maintain them, they should be so well, and we so ill interpreted.

In my Lord Cooks opinion nine parts of ten of all our English Staple Commodities, are such as we sheere from the Sheeps back, we had need therefore be carefull how abuses break in upon us in these Commodities, and how we countenance those that are the abusers, and yet thereby discountenance the zealous reformers of the same. M: Anth: Wither is now a Justice of Peace about London, He was once imployed by the Merchant Adventurers besides others about reforming of these abuses, let it be inquired what a liberall yeerly stipend He obtained for the same.

In the third place we may produce our many prudent Orders against mis-shipping, whereby, first, the Shipping of the Kingdom is the better maintained, in as much as by our government it is not permitted to any particular men for cheapnesse sake either to ship in forrein bottoms, or in vessels of our own that are undefensible. Secondly, by our regularity in shipping many fraudulent attempts of such as use to steal customes, bribe searchers, colour strangers goods, &c. are disappointed. Thirdly, by the due observation of our rules, whilest we ship our goods hand in hand together we go stronger through the Seas, are in lesse fear of Rovers, and other dangers. We also are lesse injurious to our common Trade, yea and to particular persons amongst our selves: in as much as now we forestall not one another, nor bring down our common prices by the precipitate haste of some few; by this means also forrein buyers are accommodated by their certainty, knowing in due season when to repair to our Marts; and we are not disaccommodated by our uncertainty, because we know when to sell, and when to forbear selling, and thereby we keep our Commodities from being blown upon, either by having our Ware-houses too full at sometimes, or too empty at others.

In the fourth place, the many Cautions, Orders made by us for the reglement of our sales may justly be here cited: by some of these, we are limited to such certain shew-dayes partly for our own ease, and partly for the buyers advantage. The Cities of Lubeck and Bremen have lately been urgent with us to set more shew-dayes here at Hamburgh then two in a week: but we seeing our Trade no ampler, then it is at present, found the inconvenience of altring our Shew-dayes, and so denied them satisfaction in that point. By others of our Orders we are restrained from giving gratifications to Merchants or Brokers, from all pety sales, and retails, which (if allowed) would reduce us soon to ignoble, vulgar Pedlars: by others we are bound from giving credit without liquid Bils, and specialties, also from pawning Bils, or rebating under such a certain rate, and hereby we prevent many Suits with strangers, and many strifes amongst our selves. By others we are inhibited from allowing Tare out of the Mart Town, or out of due time, or without due inspection: and we are all convinced, that were it not for regulation in this matter of Tare, there were no abiding in Germany. How our Trade languishes in Holland at this time by reason of Oppression in matter of Tare is known too well, our Councell Table in King James his dayes took notice of it, and sought the redresse of it: and sure our Merchants hitherto have onely continued trading there, out of some hope of better times, and conditions hereafter, as Husbandmen use to manure the earth in times of dearth, as well as in times of plenty. Commissioners from Lubeck and Bremen seconded by the Senate of this Town have assailed us lately, and eagerly pressed us to allow the same Tare, as is in Holland, but our answer was resolute, that rather then to submit to such a thraldome we should be forced to abandon all Trade in Germany.

Many more instances then these (if it were not for prolixity) might be made: but as those which have any knowledge in Merchandice will acknowledge these are matters of grand moment, and importance: so to other men that are ignorant, or carelesse of our affairs, more would be to little purpose. I will onely adde this, that as we injoy many conveniencies by being an united, imbodied Fraternity, so by vertue of the same we are guarded and protected from many inconveniences. As we have a jurisdiction amongst us, we are inabled upon all new emergencies to contravene new devised arts of fraud, and circumvention in bargaining, selling, &c. by making new Orders against them.

Also as we are a Corporation, we are armed thereby with a competence of power to inforce, & execute our Orders so made, and if any violence of forrein States, and Potentates contrary to our Intercourses, and Treaties of amitie enterposes to our prejudice, or if any new Tolls, imposts, or exactions oppresse us, we are in this posture better qualified to relieve, or vindicate our selves, then else we should be. A thousand private men intending their own particular interests as so many particular men, having no common purse, nor publick Officers to solicite the busines of them all, cannot expect that authority with forrein States, nor hope to make so vigorous a resistance against oppressions and innovasions, as one hundred Merchants may, that are closely linked, and cemented together under one, and the same policie. For want of such policie, all other Nations were long since eaten out of their Trade by the Antwerpians, and Esterlings, and had the Merchant Adventurers been destitute of those powers, and immunities which Hen: the 4th. Hen: the 7th. and other famous Kings of England establisht amongst them, they also had been long since driven out of Trade in like manner.

One man is woolvish to another, as the old Proverbe advertises, nay when Bears will not prey upon Bears, nor woolfes upon woolfes, man will scarce prey upon any other then man. And yet this notwithstanding private man to private man is not so unnaturall; as Nation is to Nation: for amongst particular men the primary Lawes of our Creation, which injoyne us to do as we would be done unto, and to be kindest to them that are neerest in kinde, are not so totally abrogated to us, and eraced out of our consciences, as they are amongst Nations.

If there be any fiercer feude, and violenter antipathy then other, tis commonly seen amongst those States that are most consanguineous, and neerest conjoyned in other relations, and as for doing to other Nations, as we would have done unto us; that sems a ridiculous principle amongst Stats-men, inasmuch as to do justice to a stranger when he is plaintiffe against a Native, is no lesse reputed then to do injustice to a Native: and to let slip any advantage whatsoever that is offered us of spoyling forreiners, is the same accounted as to spoile domesticks.

Republicks have no breasts, or seats where any such thing as conscience or true honour can reside; were it not for fear of requital, and return of injuries from those that are injured, all people would be at the same passe, as Argiers is now at.

That bold Roman that expostulated with Alexander, why it might not be as lawfull for him to seize boats, as it was for Princes to invade whole Empires, seemed to conceive that the Laws of Nature extended to communities of men, as well as to individualls: but alas that would neither justifie his private roving at sea; nor condemne Alexanders royall roving by land.

In matters of warre Monarchies especially, and in matters of Trade Republicks, lay hold of all advantages, as if their patrimoniall rights were never bounded by any thing but invincible difficulties, and necessities, nor honour had any rules to measure things by but those of profit, and disprofit.

This is the reason why the Jewish Lumbards are odious for their excessive gains exacted, and extorted out of all such as they contract with, and therefore are pursued as petty Pirats: but the Hollanders and Hans Townes for the same exploits done more publickly are extolled as great Merchants, nay are crowned as glorious Conquerors. We that live here in Hamburgh, and our Brethren in Holland are too sensible of this: our often removals from one Mart Town to another, to ease our selves of insupportable pressures most fedifragously brought in upon us, have preserved that life in our English Trade that is yet remaining in it: yet the vast expences of our removings have left us in a sad condition.

This concludes my two first points: I am now in order to answer such arguments as are brought for a free Trade, and such objections as are urged against our priviledged way of Trading.

The first Argument is founded upon this maxime: Bonum quo communius, eo melius: If Merchandize (say our Adversaries) be good for the Common-weal, then the more common it is made, the more open it is layd, the more good it will convey to us. But all grant Merchandize to be good, Ergo. Ans. To detect the fallacies of this Argument: we must confesse that this maxime is true of all such good things as are absolutely, or infinitely good: yet we may deny that Merchandize is either absolutely, or infinitely good. For first, Merchandize secundum quid, that is, if it be rightly managed, and regulated may be profitable to such a man, or such a State: but (we all see) that Merchandize at sometimes, for want of good government, and order, undoes many private men, and in their undoing proves injurious to the State. Secondly, Merchandize may be reckoned amongst good things, but not amongst things infinitely good, therefore though the diffusion, or inlargement of it may bring profit to the State unto such bounds, and degrees; yet this is no proof, but that there are bounds, and degrees beyond which it may not be diffused, nor can be inlarged without disprofit. Those good things which are ample enough to satisfie all, may be extended to all, and the further they are extended, the more good they do: but Trade is not of that amplitude as to satisfie all men in all places, and at all times, and therefore not within the same Maxime. If there were in the fruits, and increase of the earth an over-flowing abundance to sustain all, and answer all mens desires without our labour and sweat, then hedges and ditches would be to no purpose: but since the earth is not so profuse of its favours, nor so immense in its revenues, we must maintain mounds, and terriers; priority of possession, expence of toyl, purchase, &c. must be regarded, or else we shall all be soon at a losse.

Before the Land of Canaan was fully stockt, Abraham and Lot might intercommon freely, and graze their Herds sociably in all places where they travelled; but in processe of time, when their flocks became more numerous, and when consequently the surface of that milk-and-honey-flowing Countrey began to shrink before them, they were both necessitated to journey severall wayes, and to provide for themselves more fixt, and distinct habitations. The water is a more unmeasured element then the earth, and therefore formerly it was ever held a common patrimony to all: yet since Navigation is improved to this degree, even this also is now disterminated, and made subject to imaginary lives for avoiding of incroachments, and strife about fishings, &c. And not onely navigable Rivers, but Seas, and Oceans begin to submit to particular Proprieties, and to own the speciall prerogatives of such, and such signiors. Lawyers say, Cujus est Solum, ejus est etiam usq; ad Cœlum: wherefore if neither Aire, Water, nor Land resist the Laws of propriety, we cannot think the Trade of Merchants is a thing more emptie, and uncapable of limits and rules, then any of the Elements: if our grounds may be pester’d with cattell; if Ponds may be over-stockt with Fish; if the several Climates of the lower Region be severally peopled, and frequented with fowl that seem to understand their severall seasons: we can hardly imagine that such a Countrey, or such a Mart Town in such a Countrey should not be over-charged with too great a confluence of Merchants.

Second Argument. That which seizes too great matters into the hands of too few, and so is in the nature of a Monopoly, has been alwayes condemned as a preventing Trade, and held injurious to the major part of mankind: but such is the Trade which priviledged, and incorporated Merchants drive, &c.

Ans. The force of this Objection is, that if Trade may not be set at liberty to all, yet it may be set at liberty to more then it is, except we will incur the name and blame of Monopolists. In behalf of the Merchant Adventurers who have, I think, the fullest Charters, & have ever met with the greatest oppositions, though I am not so well acquainted with other Companies, I may with much confidence give these Answers hereunto. First, though Wools endraped be the main matter of our Trade, yet we deal not onely in those Draperies, but also in all kinds of Wares, and, other Merchandizes. Secondly, neither doth our Company alone transport these Draperies: all other English Merchants, nay the Hans Towns, and all other Strangers in amity with the Crown of England, at their pleasure may buy, and vend again all sorts of English Wares that are fully manufactured, as uncontrollably as they bring in their own Commodities. Wherefore it cannot be said that this chief Trade of the Kingdom is ingrossed, or monopoliz’d by us in either of these two respects, for as much as our priviledges neither confine that Trade to us alone, nor us to that Trade alone.

Thirdly, The name of Monopolists cannot be fixed on them in respect of the bounds allotted them for their Trade: for by calculation we finde there are above 6000 persons free of our Company, and from the Some in France to the Scaw in Germany, (the nihil ultraes of our commerce) is no extraordinary proportion, for such a proportion of men, let the number of the Merchant Adventurers be compared with the number of all other Merchants, and then compare this space of earth in France and Germany with all the globe besides; and it will soon appeare, that the confines of our Trade are rather too narrow, then otherwise. Some hundreds, nay thousands of our Company that are capable of our freedome by service, or by Patrimony are faine to leave their callings, & to betake themselves to other imployments: and necessity hath now taught us to confine our selves to a certaine stint of Apprentices, in regard that our Trade is too narrow for our Traders, & therefore whilest we are inforced to break out, what can invite other men thus to break in, and to invade our precincts?

Fourthly, The price that is set upon our priviledges cannot condemne us of monopolie; for if a sufficient number could not be admitted by service, or patrimony: yet the State hath left a door open for any that are qualified for trading to be admitted upon a meane, inconsiderable rate.

Any Out Port Merchant might have had his freedome for 25. l. sterling, and any of London for 50. l. and those which neglected that opportunity, are yet capable for the double summe.

Fifthly, The stint which we set upon our selves in buying cloth cannot be objected to us, as savouring of monopolie: For first the whole Company by common advice, and consent sets this stint for its own good; and as the whole Company best understands its own interest, so neither has it, or can it have any interest, but such as is consistent with the interest of the State. 2ly, the Company had never resolved upon any such stint, but in contemplation of the narrownesse of Trade: and so far is this stint from making trade more scarce, that it self was ordained meerly as some ease and remedie against the scarcity of Trade.

We know well that tis possible for some one Merchant to exceed fourty others in purse, or credit; yet sure it cannot be expedient for the Common-wealth, that one Merchant should graspe too much, and swell up to an excessive bulk, whilest fourty other Merchants being overshadowed by him, can attain to no growth at all. Thirdly, As the stint of Clothes is now set, it remains larger then is made use of by diverse, the fourth part of our Merchants scarce ever buyes to the fourth part of Clothes that is allowable by the stint, wherefore it is a most indirect and preposterous thing to call that a monopolie, or straitning of Trade; which is the onely remedie against monopolie, & the meer effect of straitnesse in Trade.

They which know the difference betwixt Common certain, and Common sans number; and see how the Husbandman in dressing his vine, makes it more fruitfull by paring away the luxuriant products of its fertility, wil easily judge by these stints, that the Merchants were grown too numerous for their Trade, and not that their Trade was grown too copious for their mannaging. Sixtly, As our Trade cannot be called an ingrossing Trade, or a monopolie in respect of any other of its priviledges or powers, so neither can it be accused thereof in regard of our covinous, false dealing in Marchandize. Tis true, our Company in Qu: Elizabeths daies found such opposition from the Hans Townes, and in that bando which was procured against us, to remoove us from Stadt, the main pretence was monopolie used by the English Merchants, but for a further Account of that matter, we are to be informed: that the Hans Towns had antiently by their great skill in Merchandize, made themselves very famous, and procured to themselves priviledges in many Countries. Amongst other Nations also that did priviledge them, the English was not the last, or least.

In London therefore they had the Steelyard assigned them with power to exercise Merchant Law there, for their own better regulation: and amongst many other old immunities, they were to pay for wares brought in, and carried out one and a quarter per cemum custome, and no more.

This Custome whilest the cheife Trade of the land was in Wooll undraped, was no great losse to us: but after that the ful Art of clothing was made ours in Ed: the 3ds. daies, and the Wooll Trade was almost quite decayed, our State found that it lost exceedingly by passing out cloth at the old Custome, and that the Hans Towns priviledges were diverse other waies abused to our publick detriment. Hereupon after some contests, (Ed: the 6th. raigning Anno 1550.) the said priviledges were lookt into, and found both defective in themselves, and also forfeited by diverse breaches of conditions: the formalities of their incorporation were so voide, that none could safely contract with them, and therefore being detected of diverse injuries in colouring of forrein goods, not within the verge of their priviledges, and other falshoods: it appeared, that they were such an uncertain, misconstituted body, that they were not liable to any account, nor answerable for any trespasse.

This procured a judgment to annull, and abrogate the Hans Towns priviledges, and in Anno 1557. under Phil: and Mary, our Customes were improoved from 14. d. to 6. s. 8. d. per Cloth payable by the English, and 13. s. 4. d. by strangers, and this improovement did but equall the old Custome of wooll undraped. Till the death of Q: Mary, whilest Spain and England were united, the Hans Townes seeing their profit so far impared, and Trade in England in so good a measure advanced, grew sullenly envious, but durst attempt nothing.

Neverthelesse Anno 1564 when Queen Elizabeth was at enmity with the Spanyard, with more resumed courage the Hans Towns laboured to suppresse the growth of our Merchandize: and therfore to make the King of Spaine their abettor against us in Germany, and the Netherlanders, they made themselves parties against us in Spaine, by furnishing armes, amunition, &c. Thus some acts of hostility were done on both sides, Queen Elizabeth in a defensive way seized some of their Ships sent to supply the Spanyard, and the Spanyard at their solicitation banisht us out of the Low Countries, and caused us to be interdicted Germany also.

Anno 1567. the English Merchants being expelled out of the Netherlands, contracted for entertainment at Hamburgh for 10 yeers: these 10 yeers being expired, no longer residence could be had there, inasmuch as all the Hans Towns could not injoy us wholly to themselves, & for any one to injoy us, they thought it unequall, and prejudiciall to the rest.

From Hamburgh we remooved to Embden, and there the same parties prosecuting and renewing their clamors of a monopolizing Trade in the English, a new Edict from the Emperor Anno 1582. was thundered out against us. The Grave of Embden nothing troubled at this Edict, sent his Chancellor Doctor Moller, since Syndicus of Hamburgh to the Spiers, who there defended the English Trade against the slanderous imputation of monopolie, and for a while gave such satisfaction, that the Emperours Edict was not put in execution against us.

Queen Elizabeth also in 1595. wrote thus to the Emperour, Monopolium de quo Hanseatici subditosnostros criminantur calumniæ potius quam veræ accusationis rationem per se ferrevidetur. To wipe off this calumny, we can also instance in severall letters of attestation under the Common Seals of Antwerpe, Midlebourgh, Embden, Stadt justifying our faire, and just manner of trading: and if such legible proofs be not so available, wee could appeal to all the places where ever we resided, as so many visible arguments, prooving fully for us, that our way of traffick hath not been onely blamelesse, and just, but also strangely fortunate and propitious.

From Embden (for the Spanyard prevailing in Freisland had now made those parts dangerous to us) we betook ourselves to Stadt, and there we continued till 1597. so desirous was each of the Hans Towns singly to have harboured us, if all jointly had not envied that single advantage: and being there then disaccommodated, 10. or 11. of the cheife Towns under the States sent to invite us, and made offers of large accommodations amongst them.

We may further take notice, that Ed: the 6th. reserved for the Hans Towns after forfeiture of their priviledges, as ample a freedome of commerce, as for any strangers whatsoever: That Queen Mary restored the said Towns upon ingagement that their inordinate Trade should be forborne, and this ingagement being violated, She yeelded to a new Treaty about a fit moderation of their Intercourses. Yet the Hans Towns did not onely neglect to send Commissioners within the time perfixed, but at the same time publisht an Edict at Lubeck, prohibiting all Trade with the English, Queen Mary for her husbands sake was much a freind to the Austrian familie, and for the Austrians sake to these Easterlings, and therefore she offered again another Treatie in 1557. but this offer was rejected likewise with an opprobrious pretence, that in England they could expect no competent Judges of their cause. If they durst not trust their cause to England in Q: Maries dayes, because it was a Monarchy, then they judged dishonorably of all Monarchies: if they made no difference of Monarchies, but diffided in it, because it was a forrein State, where they should not be their own Judges, this reflects also upon all forrein States: but the truth is, they had an ill cause, and so were diffident of all Judges, but themselves. Howsoever Queen Elizabeth in 1560. offered yet a new Moderation, and this not accepted of from the beginning of her Reign, she commanded they should be used here as her own Subjects, and better then any other Forreiners. This is also most certain, till She saw her Subjects driven from Hamburgh in 1578. and an exaction of 7¾. per centum set upon all English Goods at Lunenburgh in 1579. and all the English generally ill Treated at Dantzig, Deventer, &c. and not onely her Enemies of Spaine assisted by them, but other Princes also exasperated against Her, She made little difference betwixt them and her own Subjects. I hope this will be a sufficient justification of our English Trade: and now since it appears, that this opposition was procured to us by strangers and enemies, that sought not to reduce us to a fair Trade, but to eject us out of all Trade: me thinks it should be very unworthy of any Englishman to make use of the same Objections.

3. Arg: That Trade which is not onely complained of by Strangers, but Natives also, and in all ages has encountred with so many Complainants, is likely to be a Monopolie, or some private, anticipating, indirect way of commerce: but such is that of all Merchants incorporated by particular Charters, &c. All priviledged Merchants, especially the Adventurers of England (whose priviledges are lookt upon as so ample) have had Adversaries alwaies to wrestle, and contest with both abroad, and at home: yet this may be truly said of them (as of Cato) they have been as often absolved, as accused: and their Patrons have ever been far more honorable, then their Adversaries. Clothiers, Interlopers, some Officers of the Outports, and Court projectors have molested them on the one side: but on the other side Parliaments, Kings, Privy-Councellors, and the wisest of Statesmen have protected them, and their Cause; and upon a full, and due hearing it continually appeared, that their friends had honourable, but their opposers dishonourable ends. As for the Clothier, He stomacks much that He must be so strictly held to the Statute, and may not digresse from the just weight, and measure, that is there set for his Clothes. The Interloper takes offence, that without contributing for Himself, He may not injoy the benefits of that policy, which is maintained at other mens charge: that the same hedges which keep other men from trespassing him, should keep him from trespassing other men. The Outport Officer is prevented of some bribes, for stolne customes, false-colour’d goods, &c. by the regular shipping of our Merchants, and by our Ministers, which keeps too severe a check upon him, and therefore his indignation is raised. In the mean time the begging Courtier, He finds it profitable for the Common-wealth, that accusations should be favoured, and that all Complainants should be heard: for whether the Complaints be true or false, just, or unjust, profit comes in to Him both wayes, and the Innocent must gratifie him for his quietus est, as well as the nocent for his impunity. King James anno 1613. found that his Progenitors had been deceived in their Grants to us, and therefore suspended and sequestred our Priviledges: but in anno 1616. and 1617. after that the Merchants had been drained of 20, or 30000 l. and Cockayns new project (so obstructive to Trade) was falne to the ground of it self, the same ancient Charters, and Liberties were revived with more honourable testimonials then ever; the Courtiers were again sensible that King James and his Progenitors had been well advised in their Grants.

The Merchants Adventurers long before the Art of Endraping Cloth was introduced into England, had Priviledges abroad from the Dukes of Brabant, and other Potentates. Edw: the 3d. having transplanted the Manufacture out of the Netherlands, for the better watering, and cherishing of it, confirmed to the said Adventurers whatsoever had been granted in the yeer 1248. by John D: of Brabant. Hen: the 4th. seeing the good effects of his grandfathers indulgence, added a more beneficiall and large Charter of priviledges in Feb: 1406. H. 5. H. 6. Edw: 4. and R. 3. were followers of that good example by severall ratifications, But H. 7. seeming to transcend all his Predecessors in policie, and desiring to testifie the same by his care of Merchants, proceeded further to dilate their priviledges, and preeminences. Polydor Virgil gives him this Encomium: Mercateres ille sæpenumerò pecuniâ multa data gratuito juvabat, ut Mercatura (Ars una cunctis eque mortalilus tum commoda, tum necessaria) in suo regno copiosier esset. In his Reigne (enmities and hostilities interrupting our commerce with the Burgundians) we had a Staple provided for us at Calais; and then under our own Soveraigne, within our own Dominions we saw our own fellow Subjects as tenderly entertained with divers Franchises, and Indulgences, as if they had capitulated with a strange Prince.

Since H. 7. all his Successors have confirmed, or inlarged what was granted before; within few yeers also this King; and since that, this Parliament in 1643. have added strong ratifications, and that not without honourable acknowledgements of this famous Companies services to the publick. Moreover in the times of Hen: 4. and Hen: 7. some Complaints were preferred by Clothiers, &c. against the Merchant Adventurers: but after due examination, and hearing, the Company had a favourable issue, and not onely obtained a fuller establishment of former Charters, but also new expresse clauses against stragling Merchants, and all other intermedlers, that might empeach, or disturbe their Trade. Other Informations were under Edw: 6. exhibited against the same Company by some of their own Brethren: but after the Councell Table had taken a full cognizance thereof, the two chief of the Informers were committed to the Fleet, and the rest were Fined, and more strictly injoyned to submit to the Companies Orders for the future. The same Informers also not so acquiescing, made new addresses to the Parliament held after by Queen Mary: but the busines was soon quashed there also, and the accusers without further remedie dismissed.

The like or more grievous Complaints were revived by the Clothiers, &c. in Queen Elizabeths dayes, but what event did attend them? after that the Cloth Trade was set at liberty for a while, after that the George at Westminster was made as free a Mercat for Cloth as Blackwell-Hall in London, and upon triall the poore people of Wiltshire, Glocestershire, &c. saw their miseries not relieved, but increased by dissolving the Company of Merchant Adventurers: The Lords of the Councell anno 29 Eliz: to prevent mutiny in those parts, were fain to send for the Merchant Adventurers, and desire them cheerfully to proceed in their Trade, to which no countenance, nor assistance from them should be wanting for the future.

Alderman Cockayns Project in King James his dayes was guilded over with a more specious pretext then that in Queen Elizabeths, and when our Company was at that time dissolved, Trade was not absolutely layd common (as before) without all manner of regulation: but to prevent general confusion (which had proved it self continually so fatall) a new Company was erected, and incorporated: yet neither so could this project prosper, or subsist. King James in his Proclamation Anno 1617. publisht for the restitution of our Company and its ancient Priviledges, (after that the consumption, and miserable languishment of Trade for above two yeers space had better instructed him) attestated to the world the excellent method, and discipline of our ancient Corporation, and how ineffectuall his new, looser jurisdiction had proved for the vending of our English Cloth-manufactures. And it should seem this was sufficient to satisfie the world, yet the Courtiers would not be so satisfied: for they thought they had gratified the Common-wealth in restoring the ancient Company of the Adventurers, and that they had gratified the Merchant Adventurers in restoring them to their due rights, and therefore to inclose by bargain for themselves a gratification of 20, or 30000 li. was no ill office.

There is another clog remaining upon our Trade to his day, and it is continued still upon the same reason: the Merchant Adventurers at first were stinted to a certain number of Clothes, which number in their exportations they might not exceed: now it appears since to the State, that that number was too strait, and that it is very inexpedient for Trade to circumscribe our Merchants rigorously with that stint; and yet notwithstanding Courtiers must be still feed for releasing Trade of this inexpedience. The Earl of Cumberland in Queen Elizabeths dayes was sweetned with a Present for obtaining an inlargement of our stint; but that Present now is become a Rent, and is successively granted by Patent; and though the Patentee be a single person, and cannot be said properly to gratifie the Common-wealth, yet He receives such a yeerly revenue in consideration that the Common-wealth shall not be disserved: and this revenue it self being an Incumbrance upon our Draperies, and raised out of Woollgrowers, Clothiers, Merchants Retailors, and so charging Trade in generall, is no lesse then a disservice it self to the Common-wealth. Thus we see our Charters have been often times, and severall wayes attempted against: and yet if they had not been so much shaken, their power of resistance had not been so experimentally known; for the more the Anchor is straitned, the faster hold it ever gains.

4th. Arg: Since every man is presumed to be most knowing in that Craft wherein He has been bred up; we may presume the Clothiers in matters of cloth to be more knowing then the Merchant.

Ans. First, in the making of Cloth we deny not but there may be more skill in the Clothier then in the Merchant: but the question here is about the uttering and vending, not about working or preparing of cloth: and therfore, it follows not that the breeding of the Clothier does so much inable him to sell cloth, especially in great quantities, and that to forrein Nations, as the Merchants: but rather the contrary, even by the truth of the same granted rule. Forasmuch as there is not onely an Art and Mysterie in the sale of cloth as aforesaid, but also an Art more abstruse, eminent, and exquisite then that is which consists in the Mechanicall way of making and dressing the same.

Secondly, the State is not to consider what is most beneficiall to the Merchant, what to the Clothier separatim, or whether the benefit of the one alone, or of the other be more to be favoured, but how they may be both favoured conjunctim, and how the State may be most benefited by twisting their interests both together. Now then generall interest of the State requires that all our lanificia, or English commodities be raised in price unto other Nations as high as may be without injustice, or inconvenience, and that as many persons and professions in England as may be, may come to be sharers in the generall interest. If the question then be, whether the Merchants interest, or the Clothiers do more conduce to this publick reason of State; sense it self will presently distinguish, that the Merchants advantage is more compliant with the publick then the Clothiers. For the Clothiers ayme is to drown that gain, which the Merchants industry and imployment now serves for, and which by his service is kept within the bounds of our own Island, to the maintaining of so many families at home, and busying so many men, and Ships abroad, and thereby to abridge the same the more to Natives, the more it is publicated unto strangers. The Hollanders are so subtill as to clog our English Woollen manufactures with great Impositions, and to free their own of the same, that the prices of their meaner Draperies may be raised up to our better ones, or the prices of our better Draperies may be beaten down to their meaner ones: but our subtiltie must be for the pleasure of our Clothiers to intercept from the Merchants all that livelihood which they now earn, and by vilifying of our own Wares to prostitute the same unto Strangers: nay and by the same means to expose themselves to the danger of having worse treatance from forreiners, then now they have from their own Countreymen.

Thirdly, if more regard be had of the Clothier, then of the Merchant, or State, yet constant experience teaches us, that this favour and preference which the Clothier challenges herein above the Merchant, is no reall favour, nor preference at all. For it has been alwayes seen, that the setting at liberty of the Merchants Trade has proved more obstructive to the Clothier then to the Merchant, in as much as the Merchant has a more large imployment, and can better subsist without the Clothier, then the Clothier can without the Merchant. Moreover as it doth not alwayes fall out, that the breaking up of the Merchants Trade brings any present quicknesse to Trade: so if it doth, that quicknesse never lasts; ’tis but bonum presens; ’tis but like cold water to a feaverish man, it procures some short refreshment, but repays that short refreshment within a short space after with a prolongation of sharper extremities. So it proved it in Qu: Elizabeths times; so it proved in King James his times; and so it is likely to prove hereafter: wherefore if men of Mechanicall education will onely contemplate present things, and neither look forward nor backward, Statesmen may, and must disaccommodate them for the present, that they may be accommodated the better for the future.

5th. Arg: That power in private men which onerates the chief Commodities of the Realm with arbitrary impositions to maintain it self, is dangerous: but such is the Merchants power, &c. Ans. Our Companies ordinary charge is scarce considerable in respect of the great summes we deal for; and the extraordinary charge is alwayes drawn on by some extraordinarie, unavoidable inconvenience: for example, the removals of our Residence from one Mart Town to another is commonly a great burthen to us, but that burthen is undertaken to avoid some greater detriment, and without it either we should loose old priviledges, or be made to submit to some new exactions: or be some other way aggrieved in a worse degree. Now this is for the common good, and we may rather expect favour from the Kingdom, then disfavour for such services.

Secondly, we have a Bill now in the Houses, prepared for His Majesties Assent, and in that Bill the future Impositions of our Company are reduced to a certaintie.

Thirdly, there is an absolute necessity of these Impositions, for neither can our Trade prosper without government, nor government be maintained without some charge: neither is our government necessary onely for our selves, but also for the Clothier, for as much as we are a good skreen, or bank betwixt the Merchant stranger, and the English Clothier, and were not the prices of our clothes kept up by us, and that partly by the charge of our government, the Clothier would be more inslaved to the Stranger, then now He is.

Lastly, our Accounts are kept most exactly, and audited punctually, and the hands through which all things passe are so many that there can be no error, nor fraud. The Hans Towns in Germany, anciently 72. in number, found it expedient to incorporate, and maintain a common correspondence: for which end Lubeck of the Wendish, Brunswick of the Saxon, Dantzig of the Prusse, and Cullen of the Westphalish Towns was appointed to be chief; and the chief of all was Lubeck. These Towns so united for adjusting all common, and particular interests obtained severall places of Residence in England at London, in Norway at Bergen, in Russia at Novograde: in the Netherlands at Antwerpe: and in each of these residencies they had their Alderman, Assistants, Secretaries, Treasurers, Stewards, and other Officers, by whom their publick affairs were administred, and Merchant Law was exercised. Wherefore if the expence of their government was more then countervailed by the benefit of their unity; and if they were gainers by that expence, why should that be imprudent in us which was prudent in them? or why should that be dammage to us, which was profit to them?

The ordinary pleas for Freedom are thus answered, and the Objections against Reglement in Trade removed; we will now onely re-inforce all that has been said in a word, or two.

The most solid glory, and magnificence that ever dazel’d humane eyes upon earth: was that of Solomons royall Court, at that time, when his unparralleld wisdome had made Silver as stones in Jerusalem, and Cedars as vulgar as Sycamores used to be in other places.

Tis written of his raigne (by an inspired Author) that it made Silver of no account, that in one yeer there flowed into his Exchequer 666 Talents of pure Gold; that besides all his Masses of Ophir gold, he abounded with other various Treasures, precious stones, &c. such as the Merchants of Spices, the Governours of the Countrie, and the Kings of Arabia did import. Solomon was no warriour, nor born Lord of many Nations, nor did his Jewish Signiory extend it selfe over any large Tract in the universe: tis onely written of him, that he had at Sea a Navie of Tarshish with Hirams, & the same Navie once in 3 years returned home fraighted with gold, silver, ivory &c. Hiram being hitherto straitned in the mediterranean Seas, could not gaine the Strands of Arabia, Persia, India, China, &c. without incompassing the Capes or Africa, and crossing the Suns torrid line: but upon terms of partnership Solomon is now able to let him in to that Southern Ocean by a way far more compendious.

Pharaoh on the further side of the red sea is Solomons neer Allye: and the Edomites on this side are his tributary servants: hereupon things are so composed betwixt the Jews, and Tyrians, that it is as beneficiall for the Tyrians to serve the Jews with their skill in Astronomy, and Hidrography, as for the Jews to serve the Tyrians with their harbours, and ships. Therefore the Queen of Sheba (till her eyes were ascertained with substances) might well withhold her beleife from entertaining, that stupendious report which was blowne about the world concerning Solomon; and well might her spirit after sinke within her, when her eyes had once encountered with the radiant Majesty of Solomon, whereby the blasts of Fames Trumpet were so far drowned, and transcended. Of all Solomons successors we read of none but Jehosaphat, that ever thought of rigging new navies in Ezion-geber; and He neverthelesse though he had the Edmites his homagers, and was also much renowned for his wisdome, and grandour, found this designe unfeasible, and the way to Ophir altogether unpassable. This is a cleer chrisis to indicate how profound the judgment, and how broad the comprehension of Solomon was, before whom (till apostacie had alien’d his God from him) no difficulties were able to stand: yet ’twas not so admirable in Solomon, that he amassed such incredible treasures, as that he amassed them by Peacefull arts, and not by the dint of his sword.

The tragicall exploits of Alexander, and Cæsar, may be accounted magna, & splendida Latrocinia, if they be compared to the feats of Merchandize excercised by Solomon and the other Kings of Tyre and Arabia; and yet we may doubt too, whether the spoile of the East to Alexander, or of the West to Cæsar were equall in value to all Solomons Cargazoons.

Whilest the cruell depredations of war impoverish, dispeople and by horrid devastations root up, and so shrinke (as it were) great Empires into small Provinces: Merchandise on the other side beautifies, inriches, impowers little States, and so alters their naturall dimensions, that they seem to swell as it were, into spacious Empires. This martiall Hero has inscribed upon his Statue: that he has faught so many picht battells, that he has: with his rapid lightnings spread a suddain conflagration over so many Kingdomes; that with the losse of 100000 fellow Souldiers he has purchased the slaughter of 1000000 Enemies, at least such as he would needs make, and [Editor: illegible word] his Enemies. But in the mean time that gentle unbloody Prince which by his severall dispersed Carricks visits each climate of the world onely to plunder the Earths caverns of her Mettalls, or the Rocks of their Diamonds, or the Deepe it self of its pearles; merits to be celebrated for the common benefactor of mankind, as well for the necessaries which he convaies unto other Nations, as for the more pretious wares which he recovers out of the darke abisse of nature, and relades for the use of his own Subjects.

Howsoever this one instance of Solomon (to lay aside all other instances of Princes, that have engaged themselves in such like mercatorian negotiations) makes it plain, that the most Majesticall of all Kings that ever raigned, was the most ample adventurer that ever traffickt, and that he had not been so great a Prince, if he had not been so ample a Merchant: for it is more then probable that al the Tributes of Judæa were inconsiderable in comparison of the returns which Tarshish did afford.

It must needs follow therefore from the same very instance, that the devouring, piraticall Trade of war is not so honourable, or so fit to magnifie Princes, and make happie Nations, as that ingenious just Art of commerce, which may be exercised without rigor, or effusion of blood.

I shall then close up all with this application to our own Nation: if Merchandise be truly noble: if the raises which streamed so plentifull from Solomons diadem were more supplyde by traffick, then by tribute; let not England totally neglect Merchants. Let us look into the causes that make Trade so dead amongst us at present, and the fittest remedies that possibly may recover it. In the East Indies we know who they are, that by cruelty have opprest us; In Russia we may take notice who they are, that by subtilty have supplanted us. Here in Germany our Priviledges are ill kept; in Holland they are worse.

In many Countries the manufactures in Silkes, and Cotton woolls increase. In High, and Low Germany the store of sheep is increased, and of late the kinde of them especially in Silesia is much improoved, hereby, and by the help of Spanish woolls, nay of English woolls too & Fullers Earth daily exported against Law, our English Draperies are extreamely brought low.

The late obstructions and calamities of civill war in our Kingdome, concurring with other annoyances done us by the Kings Agents abroad, and millitary Commissions upon the Sea, have added more to our ruine. Moreover, in other things the Times seeme to looke towards a Reformation, but in matters of Trade Order and regulation it self is opposed, and confusion under the Name of Liberty is now more then ever publickly pleaded for. The King by his Proclamation had formerly abetted his Progenitors grant to us, and the Parliament lately has corroborated the Kings Proclamations, yet nothing can secure us against intruding Interlopers. By this meanes Merchandize is brought to a low ebbe, 20 Ships yearly in former times did attend us here in Hamburgh, now 6. are sufficient to supply us, and though our Company be in this Consumption, some other Companies waste away worse then ours. All these mischeifs perhaps are not remediable, yet let us use the best remedies we can, and such as are most seasonable.

In Platoes Opinion those Common-wealths were most likely to prosper where learned men ruled, or Rulers were learned. Within the circle of Platoes learning let us comprehend the mysteries of commerce. In Solomons dayes that kinde of learning did wonderfull things towards the advancing of States; and of late as Venice a City of Merchants has been the Bulwark of Europe against the Turk: so the States in the United Provinces by Trade more then Arms, have gotten the sword of Arbitration into their hands. Spain, and France, and other Nations no ware fain to court those Merchants, which not long since were belowe their scorn. Let it then be lawfull to propose: either that a certain number of able Merchants may be made Privy Councellors: or so many Privy Councellors specially designed to intend matters of Trade; or let some other Honourable Councell be impowred solely to promote the Common-weal of Merchants.

By the King.

Die-Merc. 11. Octob. 1643.

The Parliaments proceedings Justified in Declining a Personal treaty with the King.

MY late endeavours of this kind were bestowed upon a few Strangers, in telling them that the waters were yours, and not theirs, wherein they went about to fish: my present desire (from a double engagement I finde upon me, one of my own making, the other made when I was born) is to shew you, that you are the fish they went about to catch. First in a net which they spread for the whole shoal of you, where you were represented; being disappointed there, they go to it now with paper Angles, laying for you (man-meal) what you may be most apt to bite at, according to your severall pallats, as they are probably set, some to the Court-way, some to the Presbyterian, or, as they are disgusted, some with your Honorable drudges, and others with your gallant champions.

These new Peter-men (more dangerous to you in point of profit, as wel as in point of honour, then those that fetch your Herring from off your coasts) are the Scotish Commissioners: and these four considerations which I have enumerated, are the corner stones whereon they build their confidence of perswading some of you, that five persons trusted by another Kingdom for quite another purpose, should settle your peace, should manage your affaires of Church and State, with more advantage to you, then that numerous Body that was entrusted by you, hath adventured for you, & must partake with you of all the good or ill their councell shall produce. But since it is possible for a stander by to see more then a Player, and since we might perhaps hope to find as much faithfulness in Forreigners as we have done treachery in many of our own country-men, let us consider in this advice offered unto and rejected by the Parliament, not from what hand it comes, but upon what foot it stands.

The particulars insisted on, are these.

First, (before the primum quærite, and with more earnestness then the unum necessarium,) That there be a treaty upon all the Propositions, and that a personal one; & that for that end, the King be invited to come to London, with honor, freedom, & safety, as the most equal, fairest, and just way to obtain a well grounded Peace.

The most equal. How like Umpires they speak? not like Councellers; or as if they had entered into a Covenant with the King, as well as with us, whereas I thought it had been their part to have managed the Agreement with the common enemy, to the most advantage of their confederates, and not as persons indifferent, wherhen the Hounds catch the Hare, or the Hare deceive the Hounds: I have not skil enough to distinguish such Ambodexters from detestable Neuters.

Secondly, The fairest! What is that? the smoothest, easiest way, why every fool can tell you, that the easiest way to Peace, is by leting your enemy do what he list; and so they would have it on this side Tweed: and so they would say, but for shame. Therefore the fairest way of couzening you, is not by surrendering up your Liberties all at once, but by suffring you to be formally disputed out of every one of them, and by drawing on your shackles link by link.

Thirdly, Peace is then in a just way, when the disturbers thereof are so suppressed, as the disturbed cannot, or need not fear a new disturbance from them.

—Neque enim ad Pacem via rectior ulla est,

Quam belli Authores, Marte Perire suo.

Where they say the King should be invited to London, they mean admited, for He hath invited Himself. But why to London? His houses (as He calls them) sit at Westminster, White-Hall is in Middlesex, unless they can confide more in Colonel Titchbourn, then in Colonel Hammond.

Then he is to be received with honor, freedom, and safety. What honor He is capable of, that shall come with a Pass like an enemy, where he might have staid with the dignity of a King, I know not; but I beleeve if ever the Parliament did Him any wrong, it was with giving Him, after the desertion of His Trust, the same respect which is usually rendered unto the Kingly Office, when duly administred.

As for safety, the Parliament should not do it Self honor, if whosoever they please to send for, upon a Treaty, might not come and go with all the safety in the world.

As for freedom, though I confess, the consideration of restraint doth very much invalidate the credit of a grant made by a person restrained; yet since a Prisoner may be as voluntary an Agent in many things as an other; and since Liberty it self, is as valuable to Him, as any thing that can be received from Him; especially, considering the danger of His being loose, I see no reason why we should so easily give Him His freedom, who hath made us pay so dear for ours. But now come their Reasons.

Argu. 1. The sending of Propositions without a Treaty hath bin often without success, and the new Propositions are less to the advantage of the Crown, then the former; and so no reason to expect better satisfaction, then formerly we had.

Ans. This is a two-edged Argument, and therefore if it should be beaten down to the Fencers pate, he might be hurt with either side of his own weapon; for do they not confess, that if the new Propositions were as much or more advantagious to the Crown, then the former, a treaty might be dispenced withal, and yet better satisfaction expected then formerly we had?

Again, Doth it not intimate, that if we admit Him to a Treaty, He needs not greatly care what our Propositions be?

There is a little mistake too in matter of fact; for Propositions have been sent as well with a Treaty as without, and still returned with the same success, unless by Treaty they mean a Personal one; and that indeed we have not yet been so inconsiderate, as to venter upon. Therefore say these Councelors, do it now, which Reason stands good to justifie what we, in the Votes of January, lately resolved, far otherwise then they advised us. Thus, addresses, and applications to the King, by Propositions with treaty, and without, when He was in a considerable condition for strength, and when he was not, have been often assayed without success; therefore we will make no more addresses nor applications unto Him.

Arg. 2. The Kings removal from His Parliament, is acknowledged by the Houses in several Declarations, to be the chief cause of all the war, mischief, and calamities of the Kingdoms, then His Majesties presence with his Parliament, must be the best, if not the onely remedy, to remove our troubles.

Answ. In their first Argument, they mentioned Treaty and left out Personal; so in this they speak for a personal presence, nor caring whether there be a Treaty, or no; so they can bring Him in upon us. But weigh their Reason: First, they quote our own Declarations in such places, as themselves do not beleeve the truth of. For I would ask them, if His absence from the Parliament of England be so pernicious here, why is not His absence from the Parliament of Scotland as formidable to that Kingdom? Why do they not imploy all this earnestness in procuring to themselves the blessing of His company?

Then (allowing it true against us, who affirmed it,) the consequence thereof will hang thus; My groom being drunk, and falling asleep with a candle by him, hath set my stable on fire, and burnt it down to the ground; therefore his awaking and coming to himself will set it up again. Because Agag by drawing his sword, had made many women childeless, it seemed to be Sauls opinion. That the putting up his sword again would restore the children to their mothers: But the ways of God were more equal in that case, where by the way you shall observe two remarkable Acts of retaliating justice; One of the Kings had his thirst after mans blood quenched with his own; and the other, for thinking that Laws did not extend to the punishing of Kings, was himself punished with being unkinged.

Argu. 3. In a Personal Treaty the Commissioners of both Kingdoms may give Reasons for the Equity and Expediency of our desires, but without a Treaty or giving Reasons for asserting the lawfulness and expediency of the Propositions to be presented, they may be esteemed Impositions.

Answ. Here they would make you beleeve, that if there were a Treaty, they would joyn with your Commissioners in pleading your Cause against the King; and all the while they are telling you so, do joyn with Him in pleading for a Personal treaty against your Commissioners in Parliament. But admit they would be true to their trust, and would remember on which side they were first retained; What kinde of Reasons be they, that enemies use to shew one another in their treaties? One party saith, such and such things we will have, or the war shall go on; and the other, such and such things you shall accept, or do your worst; and if there happen any communication besides of it is concerning the advantages or disadvantages, standing out, the probability or desperateness of relief; but our shewing the King how expedient the things we ask him, would be for us is a sure way to be denied; how expedient for Him, as sure a way to be laughed at.

Our Propositions might indeed be more properly termed of Grace then Peace, because we give Him therein the honor of granting what we are able to give our selves without Him: Propositions though, and not Impositions, because we leave it in His power to deprive Himself of that Honor, without forcing Him to take His Office up again; and yet I beleeve, if the chance of War had turned the Dy on his side, as it did on ours, we should have had Impositions from Him upon Impositions, and of another kinde of nature; and so should our dear Brethren too in their turn, and that for having made themselves our Brethren; I mean the generality of the Nation: the Negotiators perhaps, and Treators of both Kingdoms might have saved their own stakes well enough.

Argu. 4. The King may have some just desires to move for the Crown, and for Himself, as that He may have His Revenue, and that He may be restored to His Royal Government, which may be done with greater honor and satisfaction unto Him by a Treaty then otherwise.

Answ. As for the Kings being restored to the Crown, as well officio, as beneficio; I thought every body had understood that the Propositions, being signed on His part, that was the onely thing to have been performed on ours. In respect whereunto the things we sent, might well be esteemed Suppositions; and if the greatest Honor and Satisfaction of the conquered, must be aymed at by the Conquerors; I dare say, both these Considerations would better be complied with, by submiting wholly to Him, then by treating at all with Him.

Arg. 5. A personal Treaty with the King, is the best way to beget a mutuall confidence between him and his Parliament, it is the best way to cleer His doubts, and to remove all difficulties; and it is the absolute best way to give and receive mutual satisfaction.

Answ. Do you mark how they talk still of mutuallity? Of equal giving and receiving? As if the Parliament and their Prisoner were upon a Level.

Besides no treaty can indeed be altogether equal betwixt the King, and the peoples Parliament, for he deals but for himself and perhaps for some of his own Family or Posterity, they for two whole Nations. Again, the matters to be Treated on, concern him in the extent, or the Retrenchment of his power to do hurt: They concern us in our wel being, if not in our being. Hic prudam petit, nos salutam. And therefore if the Parliament should not make the best use in your behalf, of those advantages which God hath put into their hands, they were not only indiscreet for themselves, but unfaithfull towards you.

It is true, that the enterview of friends doth use to strengthen friendship, but the meeting of enemies is a new way to Reconciliation. A confidence, I confess, it would argue, though not in him, of us, (for God Almighty, not he, hath trusted him with us already) yet in us of him, but such a one as would be less for our credit then a diffidence, unless we could see some change wrought in the affections of him, or of his party.

Arg. 6. We cannot expect that his Majesty wil grant in terminis, whatsoever Propositions shall be sent unto him, nor can every thing in the Propositions be of that Importance, as that the not granting of it ought to hinder the peace, neither will be Houses of Parliament, give ful power to thir Commissioners, to make alterations in the Propositions, as they shall see cause upon debate; wherefore a personall Treaty with his Majesty in London, is the most probable and expedient way to remove or reconcile all differences.

Answ. Wee had Reason to expect without any plenipotentiary authority delegated unto Commissioners, as is used in cases of a doubtfull war; That the King should have granted in terminis, whatsoever Propositions the Parliament thought fit to send him, especially being to be made up into Laws, whether he consider us as a free people, and therefore fit to give our selves the Law, or as his victors, and therefore fit to give it him.

If some few things in the Propositions were of less Importance then the rest; could any man have Imagined, that rather then he would grant them, he should hinder his own Inlargement, and his Reception into so fine an office?

The words [at London] seem to be foisted in by the Printer, for they have no more dependance upon any one syllable in the half dozen of Reasons then Warwick-Castle hath.

The way to remove or reconcile al differences betwixt the King & us, had been worth the shewing before the war began, that it might have bin prevented. But for the Parliament (when after so long & serious consideration, they had Resolved upon what tearms they would re-admit the King to the Excercise of his function, had addressed themselves 6 or 7 times unto him, had reduced their desires into 4 particulars, whereof one was necessary to our safety, some others not to be abated for honors sake, and put them into the form of Bils. Whereby, if he had passed them, he had been owned for King again, though he should have denyed all the rest) to be perswaded to let go their hold, to turn all loose again, and go to it a new with Syllogisms, whether we shal be freemen or slaves to hazard a gained cause upon a treaty; I say not a personal one, but a Treaty upon all the propositions, is a thing which I think the King (though he doth desire and press it) cannot be so weak as to flatter himself with the hope of ever bringing it about.

Obj. His presence may breed division and continue our troubles, and when his Majesty desired to come hither from Oxford with freedome and safety, it was thought unfit, and denyed by the Houses, and the Commissioners from Scotland. Look ye (Countreymen) the Scottish Commissioners are on our side once again, and dispute against the King, but how long it will last? you shall see.

Sol. That argument now hath no force at all, for the case of affairs, the Kings condition and ours, (which were given for reasons in that answer to his Majesty) are quite altered from what they were then. Then the King had armies in the field, he had garisons and strong holds to return to. Now he hath none of these. And his Majesty offers a full security against all hostility or danger that can be expected, by granting to the Houses the power of the Militia by sea and land, during his reign.

Rep. First, A man might tell them, that sure the King hath still as many Armies in the field, as we have Garrisons as many, and strong holds, or else his granting or not granting our Propositions for peace, could not be so considerable to us, as they would make it.

Secondly, what ever they think, Sir Thomas Fairfax knows he hath indeed no open force at all, and yet the objection hath force enough, for the Parliament knowes that there is need of keeping of Sir Thomis Fairfax and the army under his command, or else they would not put the Kingdome to the charge of sixtie thousand pounds per moneth; they are not ignorant, that besides their first enemyes (who are rather kept under then brought in) there is a daily swarme of discontented persons in all parts, some from the unquietnesse of their own disposition, some for want of employment, some for want of what they earned when they were employed, others for pure want, some from unsatisfaction in point of Church-government, and not a few from a wearinesse of expecting the issue of our Parliaments long animity towards the common enemy, and whether it be their purpose rather to continue us for ever in our distractions, then to settle the Commonwealth without him, who first diserted it, and is to this day set in his heart, upon being either an absolute Tyrant over us, or no King; I leave you now to reckon how strong the presumption is, that when such a paire of bellowes shall come to blow the ashes from off the coales, that were (as I told you,) raked up but not put out, when such a brand shall be brought into the midst of a house full of bituminous matter in every corner thereof, we may assure our selves to find our divisions heightned, and our troubles renewed.

But they tell you (so grossely, as if they did not mean to cozen you,) you may be fully secured against all the dangers of his comming into the thickest of you, by the offer he makes us of treating after he shall be with us concerning the power of our Milit. [Editor: query] for he declares himselfe plainly, that no one particular desired by us, shall be understood to be so granted by him, as not to be null and void, in case the whole be not agreed betwixt us, from whence you may gather, that either we must not be safe at all, or else we must be content with that shadow of safety that is to determine, (at the latest) with his breath in stead of all other things which the Parliament can propose for the present Peace, or for the future weal of England or of Ireland; and indeed some of his freinds with whom I have occasion to converse, will by way of discourse ask me what a Devil We would have besides the strength of the kingdome by Sea and Land? let him have that but for a month, and he shall ask nothing else. I answer them almost in their kinde: the prince of the aire (whom they mention so often) seemes more reasonable in his demands then our heavenly Father, for where God requires the whole heart, he will accept a little peece whereby he craves in effect no lesse then all, since he is sure God will have no partnership with him. When a Serpent would obtaine an entrance, he needs not capitulate save for his head, it is not so with other creatures. The power of the Sword is to a Monarch of absolute necessity for the maintenance of his tyrannicall government, and that power had need to be alwayes actuated; the same in the hands of a Parliament (or the representatives of a free Nation) is not so much the power of the Sword as of the Buckler, and will not be exercised at all, but in cases of Rebellion or Invasion; if all the quarrell betwixt the Parliament and the King were (as is preached in some Pamphlets and libelled in some Sermons) which of them should domineer over the people, the forenamed offer might perhaps serve their turne; and yet I should advise them to consider that if the temptations of the Court, either by Sugar-plums, or by bug-bears, have beene able (as by sad & frequent experience appeares) to deboche so many of the peoples deputies in this very Parliament, as (if they were altogether in the Commons House againe, and could but perswade most of those Moderate Members to joyne with them whose estates during the late warre have lyen in Roundheaded quarters) might carry what Vote they pleased without much opposition, though for the making a Forrest of all England, and a God of Nimrod. I should advise them (I say) to consider that the like inference may in short time work upon the Members of the Army, and then the Heyfer indeed is Ours, that is, of our breed, and for us to keep; but her service will be his to plough his ground for him, and bring him home that croppe, which all his Bazan-Buls, and nobly descended horses have beene foyled in.

A Publike Declaration and Solemne Protestation of the Free-men of England and Wales, against the illegall, intollerable, undoing Grievance of Free-quarter.

WE the Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, Free-holders, Citizens, Burgesses, and Free-men of the Realme of England and Domion of Wales, do hereby publikely declare, remonstrate and protest to the Honourable Houses of Parliament, the Army and Souldiery and all the world, that the keeping up of an overnumerous burthensome Army, since the Warres determined, and their forcible entring into our Houses, taking and eating up our provisions for horse and men, and free-quartering upon us, against our wills, to our ineffable vexation, oppression, and undoing (especially in these times of extraordinary dearth, famine, and decay of trade) is an expresse high violation of our fundamentall Lawes, Rights, Properties and Liberties, in the late just defence whereof against the King and his Malignant party, we have spent our estates, blood, and hazarded our dearest lives in the field; a direct breach of Magna Charta c. 22. and 29. (purchased with so much Noble blood of our Ancestors,) prohibited by the(a) Satutes of 3. E. 1. c. 7. 28. E. 1. c. 2. 1. E. 3. c. 7. 4. E. 3. c. 3. 5. E. 3. c. 1. 14. E. 3. c. 19. 25. E. 3. c. 1. 36. E. 3. c. 2. 6. 9. 7. R. 2. c. 8. 2. H. 4. c. 14. 20. H. 6. c. 8. 21. H. 6. c. 2. 14. 28. H. 6. c. 2. which declare and enact the taking away of our provisions and goods of any sorts without our consents, agreeing with and paying us for them, even by Purveyours authorized by Law and Commission, to be no lesse then felony, (much more then when taken by Officers and Souldiers authorized by no Law nor Commission, under the great Seale to doe it) and contrary to the very latter of the Petition of right, 3. Carols, which declares the quartering of Souldiers and Mariners upon the Kings people against their wills in their Houses to be AGAINST THE LAWES and CUSTOMES OF THE REALME, and A GREAT GREIVANCE and VEXATION TO THE PEOPLE, and enacts, That they shall not be burthened therewith in time to come.

We likewise further remonstrate, that King Richard the second in the Parliament held at Westminster Anno 1. H. 4 number 22 was among other things impreached and deprived of his Crowne. for raysing a guard of Cheshire Souldiers and quartering them as his Court to over-awe the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament at Westminster in the 21. yeare of his reigne, to vote what he prescribed them, and to put the power of the whole Parliament into the hands of a few Lords and Commons of his party; which(b) Souldiers did assault and beat the Kings good Subjects, and take from them their victualls against their wills, and payd therefore little or nothing at their pleasure, and not redressing the same upon complaint to their great oppression and discontent.

That the whole House of Commons this present Parliament in their(c) Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome December 15. 1641. (published by their speciall Order) declared. That the charging of the Kingdome with billeted Souldiers heretofore, (complained of in the Petition of Right) and the concomitant designe of GERMAN HORSE, that the Land might either submit with feare or be enforced with rigour TO SUCH ARBITRARY CONTRIBUTIONS as should be required of them. was a product of the Jesuites, Councells OF JESUITES, Papists, corrupt Prelates, Courtiers and Counsellors, to enslave the Subjects and deprive them of their just Liberties. And that both Houses of Parliament and the King himselfe upon the House of Commons impeachment,(d) arraigned, condemned and executed Thomas late Earle of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland for high Treason, by a speciall Bill this Parliament, for quartering and setting souldiers upon the Kings Subjects in Ireland, and levying forces and moneys on them by Officers, and Souldiers of the Army against Law, by billeting on them till they were payd, (declared to be a levying of Warre against the King and his people, and so High Treason within the Statute of 25. E, 3. for which he lost his head on Tower Hill) contrary to the Statute of 18. H, 6. made in Ireland, ch. 3. which enacts; That, no Lord, or ANY OTHER of what condition he be, shall bring or lead Hoblers, Kearnes or horded men, nor any other people nor horses to lie on horse back or on foot upon the Kings Subjects without their good wills and consents: but upon their owne costs, and without hurt doing to the Commons of the Country; And if any so doe, HE SHALL BE ADJUDGED A TRAYTOR. And the Statute of Kilkenny in 3. E. 2. c. 1. 2. which enacts and declares it to be meer felony and open Robery for any Kerne, to live idle on the tenants, farmers and poore people of the Country, or to take any prises, lodging or sojourning from them against the consent of the owners, or paying and agreeing with them for the same.

We doe moreover further declare, that by the very(e) Statute and Common Law of the Land, every mans house is and ought to be his Castle which he his servant and friends may lawfully defend against all who shall forcibly, and illegally attempt to enter it against his will; and justify the killing of any who shall violently assault the same or enter it feloniously against his consent, which to doe is Burglary, and a capitall Offence, and that every Subject, may by the Common Law defend his goods with force and armes against any who shall illegally offer to take them away, against his consent, and not paying for them which to take is direct robbery and felony for which the party taking them ought to suffer death and that the owner and his servants may lawfully justify the beating and killing of such theives in defence of their goods; and may assemble his Neighbours and friends to defend his house and goods against such violence.

Which are antient Rights and Priviledges of ours, both Houses of Parliament, in above thirty Remonstrances, and by their Solemne League and Covenant, have promised and are daily engaged, under paine of breach of Faith, Honour, Trust, Oath, and the Highest disreputation, inviolably to maintaine.

Yet notwithstanding all the premises, the Generall and Officers of the Army have ever since the votes of both Houses for the Armies disbanding in Aprill and May last, not only doubly recruited their forces farre above their first establishment when the King had two Armies in the field, and many strong Garrisons, without the Houses Order or privity, but quartered them upon us in our houses against our wills, and the Lawes and Statutes aforesaid, to the utter undoing of many thousands of us, not paying us one farthing for their quarters out of the many months pay they have since received; but insteed thereof have levyed treble their pay upon us, under colour of freequartering and compositions for it, the horse enforcing us to pay them 14. 16. and 20. shillings a weeke, and the foote, 6. 7. 8. 10. 12. and sometimes 14. shillings a man towards their quarters, and yet take quarters upon us and others, and sending fresh quarterers on us as soon as the former are removed: which we here protest and declare to be direct Burglary and Felony in them, and no lesse then Treason in their chiefe Officers, and a levying of Warre upon us by this present Parliaments resolution in the Earle of Straffords case: for which we must now crave reparations and justice against them, and satisfaction for all the quarters thus forcibly taken on us; being resolved to pay no more Taxes towards the Army, till &illegible; our quarters, and the mony raysed and extorted from us for compensation of it, be fully satisfied.

And seeing divers Officers and Souldiers of the Army, notwithstanding the late Ordinances of both Houses against Free-quarter, and their and the Generalls and Officers engagements published in print, that upon our paying in of six moneths Contribution towards the Army upon the sixty thousand pounds tax, (principally intended for Ireland, but now wholly Monopolized by the Army) no Officer nor Souldier should after the 15. of January take free-quarter upon us under paine of death, against our wills, which notwithstanding they doe in many Counties, which have payd in their six moneths Contribution, refusing to obey the Parliaments Orders, and protesting they will take Free-quarter notwithstanding, and forcibly breake into our houses, and take away our provisions with more insolency then before: Wee doe here publikely remonstrate, and protest against this dishonorable breach of faith and promise, and this intollerable oppression, and cheating of us to our faces; and demand open and speedy justice and reparations for the same, from the Houses and Generall; and doe require and enjoyne all our Knights Citizens, and Burgesses (who are our Substitutes, and derive(f) all their authority and Commission from us, whom we have authorized only to maintaine our just Rights, Liberties and Properties, not to invade or betray them) as they will answer the contrary at their perills to the Kingdome, and the respective Counties, Cities and Burroughs, for which they serve, to right themselves and us; and make good the Houses and their own promises to us herein; otherwise we are resolved never to trust, nor believe them more, and to disclame them for our Trustees or Representatives in Parliament for the future, for breaking of their trusts, and disobeying our Instructions. And because the quartering of Souldiers in our Houses against our wills, against the Houses and Generalls engagements, is such an intolerable Grievance and Vexation, as utterly deprives us of the freedome comfort, and command of our own houses, wives, children, servants, beds, stables, bread, beere, provisions for horse and men, which are all exposed to the arbitrary commands of every base dominiering, deboist and insolent Souldier and Officer, who command all we have, and may cut our throats at pleasure every houre in our own houses, where we cannot sleep nor remain secure, & now renders our condition worse then any Turkie-Gally-slave, undoing and enslaving us at once, even to those who were once our servants, and now become our Lords and Tyrants over us, who doe nothing but pick quarrels with us, and will be content with no ordinary provisions, purposely to extort compositions from us in money, above double and treble their pay: whereby they grow, rich, and the whole Kingdome poore, even to extremity, all trading being now utterly gone and decayed by reason of Free-quarter and excessive trades [Editor: query] daily multiplyed, which ingrosteth all the Treasure of the Kingdome, whereby trade should be supported and the poore employed; who are now upon the point of starving, and are ready to rise up and mutiny in City and Country for want of bread and employment; whiles many thousands of strong lusty boyes, youths, Souldiers and their horses (whose labours might much enrich the Common-wealth) lye idlely like so many drones and Caterpillers upon us, taking both pay & free-quarter too for doing nothing, but eating, drinking, swearing, whoring, stealing, robbing, and undoing us, and the Realme too: We doe here publikely Protest and declare, against allowing any more free-quarter to any Officers or Souldiers on us for the future as such an intollerable and undoing Grievance, as we neither can nor will any longer undergoe; and that if any of them shall hereafter, against our wills, forcibly enter our houses, or take away or devoure our provisions and goods (as they have injuriously and feloniously done for many moneths last past) wee are unanimously resolved to proceed against them for it, as Burglairs, Theeves and Felons, and to defend our houses and goods, against them with force and armes, with the hazard of our lives; resolving rather to die Free-men, then live any longer Slaves, especially to those who have been our mercenary servants, and pretend they have hitherto sought and continued in armes together by their own authority, almost a full year against both houses Votes for their disbanding, of purpose (as they pretended in their printed Declarations, though we find it otherwise) to make us absolute Free-men; Whereas we feele and discerne by wofull experience, that their designe is quite contrary even to make us, the King, Kingdome and Parliament no other then conquered slaves, as many of them stick not to terme us to our faces, who dare not be any longer accessories and contributors to our owne and the Kingdomes imminent ruine, bondage and captivity in the least degree against our right and Covenant, and will no longer sit still, like so many tame silent fooles, and conquered slaves, whiles they put new yoakes of bondage on our necks, and fetters on our feet, to inthrall us to a more intollerable Arbitrary Power and Tyrannie, then ever the King or his Cavalliers intended in England, or Strafford himselfe in Ireland; and rule us only by the Sword and Martiall Law; And our very Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, representing us in Parliament, whom they impeach, suspend, expell the House, and over-awe by their power, new Guards and Garrisons put upon them, and the Lords House too, at pleasure, so as they neither can, nor dare to doe us that right, ease and reliefe against the Souldiery, as otherwise they would, and are bound to doe, being enforced daily to passe new Ordinances of Indempnity from them, even for their very felonies, burglaries, plunders and murthers too, for which they must not be questioned, which encourageth them now to commit the like offences with greater boldnesse then ever, in hopes of the like indempnity for the future, as they have forcibly obtained for what is past.

Our(g) Historians record, that in the Reigne of King Egelred the Danish Souldiers exercised such pride and abusive oppressions over the people in England, on whom they quartered, that they caused Husband-men to doe all their vile labour, and the Danes held their wives in the meane time at pleasure, with daughter and servant: And when the Husband-man came home he should scarsly have of his owne as his servants had so as the Dane had all at his commandement, and did eat and drinke his fill of the best, when the owner had scant his fill of the worst. And besides this, the common people were so of them oppressed, that for feare and dread they called them (in every such house as they had will of and quartered in) LORD DANE, which so vexed and discontented the people, that by secret Commission, from the King directed to all the good Towns, Burroughs and Cities of the Land, they were on St. Brice day, at a certaine houre assigned, all suddenly assaulted, and slaine by the people, every mothers sonne of them throughout all England: this slaughter of theirs beginning in Hertfordshire, at a little towne called Welden, for the which deed it took the first name, because the Weale of that County (as it was then thought) was there first won. And the Sicilians did the like to the Dominiering French forces, who oppressed them with their insolencies and free-quarter, cutting all their throats in one evening, and so freeing their Countrey from captivitie.

Truly our condition now under the Lording Army and Souldiery hath been and yet is altogether as bad, if not worse in many places, then our Predecessors was under their free-quartering Lord Danes, or the Sicilians under the French forces: and we heartily wish it may not now produce the like Tragicall and bloudy effects, which pure necessity will enforce the Malignant and poorer sort now ready to starve, and the very best friends to the Parliament unto, for their own selfe preservation and defence, as we may justly feare, if not timely prevented by the Houses and Generalls strict care and discipline, in making good their Engagements to us, wherein they have hitherto failed, and speedily reduce the Army to such a small proportion of five or six thousand only, as they may well pay and master; and quarter in Innes and Alehouses without any pressure to us. Being peremptorily resolved in their defaults, by Gods assisting power to right and ease our selves of them, and all other oppressing Grievances, by the best and most expeditions meanes wee may, to preserve our selves, our Posterities, Kingdome and neglected Ireland, (whose supplies are wholly frustrated and engrossed by our idle super-numerary, and super-necessary Army and Souldiers) from utter vassalage and ruine. And therefore we doe hereby earnestly desire and admonish all Officers and Souldiers at their utmost perill, from henceforth after this our publike Remonstrance, to take no more free-quarter, nor force any more moneys from us, against our wills; but carefully to follow Iohn Baptist’s Lesson to them (a burning and shining Light) Luk. 2. 14. And the SOVLDIERS likewise came to John, saying; And what shall we doe? And he said unto them: Doe violence to no man; neither accuse any man falsely, and be content with your wages; Lest they so farre discontent and enrage us so farre, as to fall a quartering of them in good earnest, which we heartily desire (if possible) to prevent by this timely admonition, and notice of our unalterable, just and necessary resolutions, from which neither feare nor flattery, nor intreaties shall remove us.

And shall likewise humbly importune the Honourable Houses of Parliament to order and declare according to the Tenor of the Petition of Right that all Officers and Souldiers whatsoever shall be liable to the Jurisdiction, Arrests, Warrants and power of High Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, Mayors, Bayliffs, Constables, Tything-men, and other publike Officers of Justice, for Felonies, Breaches of Peace, and other misdemeanours punishable by the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme, as farre-forth as any other Subjects are and bee; and that all those may be particularly enjoyned to discharge their duties herein; and all Officers of the Army ordered to be ayding and assisting to them therein under paine of Fellonie and being casheered; without which wee shall enjoy neither security nor peace in Country or City, no nor in our owne beds and Houses.

Endnotes

 [(a)] Rast all. Tit. Purveyours; and Warre.

 [(b) ] Graftons Chron. p. 390.

 [(c) ] An exact Collection.

 [(d) ] Mr. St. Iohns his Majesties Sollicitor Generalls argument, as a Committee of both Houses, concerning the Earles Attainder by Hill, p. 35. 56, &c.

 [(e) ] 24. H. 8. c. 5. 21. Ed. 1. de Malefactoribus in Parcis, Fitz. Coron. 192. 194. 246. 258. 261. 330. 22. Asse 46. Stamford. Pleas. l. 1. c. 5. 6. 7. 11. H. 6. a 16. 14. H. 6. 24. b. 35. H. 6. 51. a. 9. E. 4. 48. b. 12. E. 4. 6. a. 27. H. 7. 36. 12. H. 8. 2. b. Brooke Corone. 63. Tresbas. 207. Cooke. 5. Report. 91. [Editor: illegible word] Tables. Coron. 6. 7.

 [(f) ] This is evident by this clause of the Writ for their Election. Ita quòd iidem Milites, Cives & Burgenses [Editor: illegible word] potestatem pro se & COMMUNITATE, Comitatus Civium & Burgensium pradictum ad [Editor: illegible word] & [Editor: illegible word] his, &c. Ita quod pro defectu ejuusmodi potestatis dicta [Editor: illegible word] infecta non remaneant quovis [Editor: illegible word]

 [(g) ] Graftons Chronicle, p. 162. 163. Cambdens Brittania, p. 143.

A Declaration, &c.

THere can be nothing more evident to any that will give themselves leave maturely to weigh and compare the past and present state of affaires in this Kingdome with an impartiall Judgement, than that all the pressures formerly imposed, the late Warre, the present distempers, and future threatned danger thereby, doe all grow out of the same root, and flow from the same fountaine; and will lead, if they be pursued, to one and the same end, Even that which was first in the intention of the first Designers, The setling of Tyranny, and inslaving the People. And although he that shall look upon these things only en passant, will scarce believe that such different Principles and pretentions as are held out to view, should serve the same ends. And though it should seem there could be nothing at greater distance to the intention of some, who are abused into these distempers, than to promote slavery and hasten ruine. Yet they who are uninteressed and uningaged in them, and instructed in, and convinced of the Grand Designe of those who began our troubles, and how it is still carryed on; can both see the Artifice by which they are raised and fomented, and the End to which they tend, and where at they are like to arrive; There is no need to reckon up what the state of this Kingdom was before the breaking out of these troubles, being in such condition of wealth, and all mnaner of prosperity, as made it the Subject of Envie to those who knew not what was designed against it. But no lesse than an absolute Tyranny would please the King, to command the hearts of his people by a just Government, according to the Lawes, and the Limits of his Trust, and thereby to command their persons, and purses, and all; for the good of all, was beneath Royallity. And that it was fitter for a King to take, than ask, was then State Doctrine, and the practise suitable. We were to be modelled to a forreign pattern, and in pursuance thereof, all manner of Arbitrary exactions, and impositions were laid upon the people, the particulars will not be forgotten this Age, and need not a recapitulation. A Consumption had seized the people, and their usuall Physick was denyed them; and when twas grown dangerous even to sigh for a Parliament, the Kings necessities by the stirres in Scotland inforce him to call one. But that was not the first the King had broken, and he then knew well enough when it would not serve his turne, and verefie Edicts, How to keep it from serving the people for the recovery of their Liberty: His necessities encrease; this present Parliament is called; and in regard of so many broken before, this was not able to serve the necessities of the Kingdome, unlesse it were put beyond his power to break; And therefore was continued by Law till the Houses by joynt consent should dissolve it; Now the King being fast, as to usuall Court Stratagems, hath recourse to force, deales with one Army, tempts another, frustrate in both; impeacheth Members, comes himselfe to fetch them, nothing takes; He retires into the North, resolves a Conquest of the Parliament, the People, the Lawes, and though to blind the short-sighted multitude, He forbids the repaire of Papists to the Court, yet his principall Assistants in it are those his good Subjects; He set up his Standard, raiseth an Army, maketh Warre against the Parliament and Kingdome, and put it to the tryall of the Sword, whether he shall govern by the Lawes, or by his Will without Law. In the prosecution of which appeal to the Lord of Hosts, he hath lost his Cause, which stands determined against him by a full Conquest of all his forces; And thereby an happy opportunity given, not only to deliver from those late Exactions, and to make their returne impossible, but for the recovery and establishment of all that just Freedome that may make a people happy, as they stand in the Naturall Constitution, and Civill Consociation, and distinct and mutuall relations of the people of England; if themselves hinder not.

The way of force being at an end, but there being no end of the malice of our Enemies, but the slaverie of the Nation, and the ruine of all those faithfull Patriots that hath hitherto hindred it.

They convert now their whole industry to the mannage of that Maxime (Divide and Rule) as to the only Engine left them to attaine their ends, yet this is not now first in practice amongst them, it hath had its part during all the time of the Warre (though not so strenuously pursued, while they had other hopes) by raising and fomenting of factions, and divisions in all places, Armies, Councels, Cajoling all sorts by all those Artifices, whereby their Interests, humours, and discontents, might be wrought upon. Thus they have had their Emissaries under every disguise, who have laboured to divide the people among themselves; and Characterize that division by distinguishing Names, and to divide them all from the Parliament by severall pretences; that it being naked of the protection of their force, might be unable to protect the people by their Authority. The Pulpits have served the Kings Interest, while they thought they pursued their owne. (The Instruments putting them on, being a New Malignant party, under a disguise, they not discerning they were acted by the old one, through the entremise of these,) and while they have divided the people, they have left them lesse able to defend themselves: Division among themselves is not al, they divide also from the Parliament: for the people being wont to believe what ever they hear from that place, by those men, have from thence been abated in their respect and opinion of the Parliament. Hence the City Remonstrance, and hence the first visible turne to their Actings toward the Parliament: The same Instruments tell the souldiers of their Arrears, strengthen their reflections upon their merit, help them to heighten the sense of their present wants, and sufferings, and in the meane time labour all they can possibly, both in the Houses, and among the people, to hinder the advancing or levie of moneys to satisfie them. And what workings there hath been, both toward, and in the Army under the Command of Sir Thomas Fairfax, to breed faction and division there, to irritate it, or to break it, by whom it was done, and whose interest those men carried on, all men know. And how incredible soever it seem, yet even the Cries for liberty, endeavors of levelling perfectly play the Kings Game; his Tyranny can with greater ease overflow a levell, then where it meets with the opposition of the power of the Kingdom in the Parliament. The Instruments of those designes, know that it is impossible for Tyranny ever to grow again upon Us, till that power be taken away, or disabled, by which it hath been broken, and our right recovered; and that so long as the people acknowledge their Protectors, and own their Protection, they will be safe under it. The Woolves perswade the Sheep, if the Dogs were away, there would be a happy peace between them. The difficulty now is, to make the Sheep believe they are Woolves that make the overture.

The truth is, tis the greatest pity in the world that plain and simple integrity, and well-meaning innocency should be deceived. But their unhappinesse is, there is nothing easier, it is necessary the Serpent & the Dove should go together, else he that only consults his own Candor and Integrity, will never believe that another mans Propositions or Designs have any worse principle. When Absolon went about to dethrone his father, there followed him three hundred men from Jerusalem, that went in the simplicity of their hearts, knowing nothing: the man pretended only a Religious Vow, and these poor, believed him, And every age produceth sufficient numbers of as little foresight; and there is no doubt, but if many among those that promote the dividing destructive Agreement of the people, and indeavor an Anarchicall levelling, had had but as much light to have judged the designs of their leaders, and to have foreseen the end of their motions, as they have good meaning, their Musters had never swelled to the numbers they account them, though in that there is very little credit to be given to their own Roll.

It hath not been the least part of the Art of those that drive on these designs, to imploy such to serve their turns, whose former merit might seem to priviledge a mistake in their duty, and that it must be ingratitude at least, if not cruelty in the Parliament to proceed to any severe animadversion against men of so much merit as the Leaders, or so large and good affection as their followers.

In which Stratagems, they have not failed, for by the Parliaments lenity and forbearance toward such men, (in hope they would see their mistakes, and return to the wayes of their duty and safety,) they are grown to that height, both by making Combinations; Printing and dispersing all manner of false and scandulous Pamphlets and Papers against the Parliament, to debauch the rest of the people, gathering monyes, and making Treasurers and Representors of themselves, as it is necessary to obviate by present and effectuall means. And the Parliament can no longer suffer them in these seditions wayes, without deserting their trust in preserving the Peace of the Kingdom and the freedome and property of peaceable men.

Among all the Instruments they have out witted to carry on their designs with this sort of people, there are none have visibly done them more service then Lieutenant, Col. Iohn Lilburn, a man who hath made himselfe sufficiently known to the world, by those heaps of scandalous Books and Papers that he hath either written, or owned against the House of Peers, and such as have done him greatest courtesies; filled with falshoods, bitternesse, and ingratitude, whereby he hath given himself a Character sufficient to distinguish him (with the Judicious) from a man walking according to the rules of sobriety, and the just deportment of a Christian: ’Tis true, he suffered much from the Bishops, in the time of their exorbitancies, and he was one of the first the Parliament took into their care for liberty and redresse. But the present temper of his spirit, gives some ground to beleeve, that he added much to the weight of his pressures, by his want of meeknesse to bear what Providence had laid him under.

’Tis also true, that he hath done good service for the Parliament, and adventured his life, and lost of his blood in the Common Cause. But some that know him, well observe, that he brought not the same affections from Oxford, that he was carried prisoner thither withall, though indeed he hath also done service since that time. And the Parliament hath not been unmindfull either of his sufferings, or of his services, but hath given him severall sums of money, notwithstanding the Committee of Accounts reported to the House, that in their judgements there was nothing due to him.

But let his services be as great as himself, or his friends will have them, yet ’tis possible for a man to reflect too much upon his own desert, and mens overvaluing their services, have oftentimes produced such subsequent Actions, as have buried their first merit in a punishment.

It is very probable, many of those that he misleads into these dangerous Actions, look upon him as a Martyr in the Cause against the Bishops; and believe that all his zeal is only for the promotion of Righteousnesse, and just things, and for the Vindicating and Asserting the peoples liberty against Oppression and Violence, and that only by Petition, and indubitably just, and allowed way for all men to seek their grievances by, and by which they may without offence, addresse to any authority or greatnesse whatsoever.

To take off this disguise, and disabuse well meaning men, who cannot judge him by his Character drawn of himself, by himself, in his severall books; It will be necessary to give the world a Narrative of what his deportment and carriage was toward the House of Peers, upon which he was imprisoned, it having yet been spread to the World, only as he and his friends have pleased to dresse it, all which is taken out of the Records of that House, and is as followeth.

UPon the publishing of a Book by him written, called, The just mans Iustification, and complaint thereof made to the House; It was Ordered the 10. of Iune, 1646. That Lieutenant Colonel Iohn Lilborne shall appeare, and answer such things as he stands charged with, concerning a Book entituled, The just mans Iustification. The 11. of Iune he appeared, and there delivered at the Barre a paper, entituled, The Protestation, Plea, and Defence of Lieut. Col. Iohn Lilborn, given to the Lords at their Barre, the 11. of Iune, 1646. with his Appeal to his proper and legall Tryers, and Judges, the Commons of England assembled in Parliament. In which Protestation, after he hath acknowledged an Obligation to the House, for dealing justly and honourably with him in a Parliamentary way, in a businesse of his, lately before that House, you that he would not submit to any Judgement of this House against him in a criminall Cause; but would rather undergoe all deaths or miseries which the wit of man can devise, or his power and Tyranny inflict; And closeth his Protestation in these words, Therefore doe from you, and from your Bar, as Inchroachers and usurping Judges, appeal to the Barre, and Tribunal of my competent, proper, and legall Tryers and Judges, the Commons of England assembled in Parliament: which Protestation being contrived, and prepared by him upon premeditation, and given in at the Barre with so much contempt of and affront unto the Priviledges of this House, It was upon consideration thereof had, Ordered that the said Lieutenant Collonel Iohn Lilborn should stand committed to Newgate, for bringing into the House a scandalous and contemptuous paper, And that the Keeper of Newgate doe keep him in safe custody.

The 23. of Iune following, the House Ordered he should be brought into the House as a Delinquent, being formerly committed as a Delinquent. At which time being brought to the Barre according to the said Order, he refused there to kneele, which is the constant posture, and so known to be; and accordingly practised by all who are sent for as Delinquents by either of the Houses. And upon that refusall, the House Ordered, That he should for that his contempt to the House, be committed close prisoner to Newgate, And that none be suffered to resort to him, nor any pen and inke to be allowed him, untill the House should take further Order therein, And it was then further Ordered, That the Kings Counsell, with the assistance of Mr. Hailes, Mr. Herne, and Mr. Glover, should draw up a Charge against him with all convenient speed, and that they should advise with the Judges herein, and acquaint them with precedents: Which Charge being by the said Councell drawn up into certaine Articles, and brought into the House by Mr. Nathaniel Finch, his Majesties Serjeant at Law. Iuly 10. Containing matter of high crimes, and misdemeanors, (and such as only concerned the House of Peers in the Priviledges thereof, and some of their Members, of which matters, We are certainly the unquestionable and undoubted Judges) which Charge was then and there read. And it was then Ordered, That the said Iohn Lilborne should be brought to the Barre next day, which was done accordingly. And he being there, was required to kneel at the Barre (as is usuall in such cases) and to hear his Charge read, that he might make his defence thereto, he did not only refuse to kneel, as before he had done, but when the House commanded his Charge to be read, he said he would not hear, and upon reading thereof he stopped his eares with his finger. Being commanded to withdraw (after the House had taken this his contemptuous carriage into consideration) it was Ordered, That he should be called in again, and admonished, and told, that by his stopping of his ears, his ill language, and contemptuous and scornfull deportment, he had deprived himself of what favour he might have had in the House. And commanded him againe without stopping of his ears to hear his Charge. He answered, he had appealed from this House (as not his competent Judges) to the House of Commons, to which he would stand so long as he had any bloud in his body. The House again commands his Charge to be read, and he again told them he would not hear it, And accordingly he again stopped his eares while it was reading, being asked what he said to his Charge, he answered he heard nothing of it, had nothing to doe with it, tooke no notice of it, but would stand to his Protestation, having appealed from this House, and protested against it, as unrighteous Judges, to those Judges who were to judge him and them, namely the House of Commons assembled in Parliament. Being again commanded to withdraw, the House took his refusall as an Answer pro Confesso to the whole matter of his Charge. And taking into consideration, the high contempt to the honour and dignity of the House of Peers, shewed by his words and speeches at the Barre, which were also contained in his Charge. It was amongst other things adjudged, That Lieutenant Colonel Iohn Lilborne for his high contempt to the honour of the House, should be imprisoned in the Tower of London, during the pleasure of the House. And upon consideration of the whole matter of his Charge, it was likewise amongst other things adjudged, that he be imprisoned seven years.

Had this Contemptuous carriage been shewed to the meanest Court in the Kingdome, or to a single Justice of the Peace, he would certainly have been committed for misbehaviour. Courts and Magistrates are no longer able to execute the duty of their places, and discharge their trust in the administration of Justice, than they keep up and maintain their Dignity and Authority from the tramplings and contempt of Delinquents. And there is no doubt but these approaches made by Lieutenant Colonel Iohn Lilborne, and carried even within the walls of the Lords House with so little losse, was a maine encouragement to that generall assault and force upon both Houses, upon the 26, of Iuly last, by that Rable of Reformadoes, and of the Prentices set on and encouraged, by the known Malignant-then-ruling-part of the City. This carriage of his might seem sufficient to discover the Man, and being known, might warn every well-tempered and peaceable disposition, to take heed of engaging in any Designe that may be the conception of such a Spirit: the birth whereof can portend nothing but Distraction and confusion. And the better yet to undeceive welmeaning men, who may perhaps believe the Results and productions of the late frequent, and numerous meetings of him, and his party, in and about the City, are of a contrary complexion and tendency, and can serve no other end than a firme and speedy setling the peace and tranquillity of the Kingdome, which all good men desire and should promote; They may here take notice of what was delivered to the Houses of Parliament, by Mr. Masterson Minister of Shoreditch, who was present at one of those meetings, And which was also (after many denials, tergiversations, and prevarications, by the said Lieutenant Colonel Iohn Lilborne, and the lie given (or words that signified as much) to Mr. Masterson in the House of Commons (who was confronted there with him at the Barre) confessed by himselfe, in every particular one only excepted. The whole Relation whereof is here printed from the Copie, signed by the said Mr. Masterson with his own hand, and is as followeth.

At a meeting in Well-Yard, in, or neer Wapping, at the house of one Williams a Gardiner, on Monday the 17 of Ianuary. 1647.

BY this testimony of Mr. Masterson (which was all but one particular, as was said before, confessed by Lieutenant Colonel Iohn Lilburn himselfe) Its hoped all men truly conscientious will take heed how they comply with these men, who have conceived those black designes in the dark, and think to bring them forth by murders and assassination; certainly these Councels look as if they were suggested from him that is a Murtherer from the beginning, and yet many are drawn into the same guilt, danger, and disservice to the peace of the Kingdome. The Conspiracy seemes to be formed, and the actings to be at hand, Treasurers chosen, Collectors appointed, moneys gathered, Emissaries sent abroad to stirre up the people; Murders and assassinations are undertaken, and Lilburn, and Wildman know the Instruments. Can any man now that desire to have Peace, and prosperity setled, and conserved, and that abhorres to think of Confusion of all things, and the effusions of innocent bloud, wonder if the Parliament takes care in discharge of their Trust, to make abortive these monstrous conceptions, and prevent the like for the future, by present securing in order to punishing the Authors of these?

To say any thing further upon this relation seems needlesse, it being not imaginable, That after so clear and full a discovery, there should be found any man, either so simple, or so wicked, as not to discover the monster under the mask, to see the danger, hate the design, and feare the Event; and that will not flie from the Councels & Companies of these Pests and Incendiaries, who while they cal themselves Christians, do yet project, or else at least conceal, and applaud designed murthers and assassinations. And that all men may the better see, what is like to be the end to which these actions tend, let them here take this account given from a sure hand in forreign parts, Namely, that a Priest, a Chaplaine of a forrain Minister of State, whose name (which is to be concealed) seemes to make him an English man, was lately employed hither as a Spie, and at his returne gives this account to his Master, and to other Confidents, That there are foure hundred Missionaries now in London, and in the Army, under severall disguises, and that some of them act the Preacher, all which, with all diligence attend the service of their Mission, with hope to give a very good account to their Superiours: Are not these Designes, these Councels, and the violent carrying thereof, more like to be the Doctrine of those Wolves under Sheeps skins, than of any man that hath resigned up himself to be led by the Spirit of God?

But that which covers all is, that you doe but Petition, and addresse to the House of Commons, with much seeming respect and deferencie. But, what account you make of their Authority, is seen by Lieutenant Colonel Lilburns Answer to Lieutenant Levet his Objection, and what account of all the Parliament hath done, in asserting and vindicating the just freedome of the Nation, is seen in the said objection. And how farre you meane to attend upon, and acquiesce in the Judgement of the House, to which you addresse, is likewise seen in some of the Letters mentioned by Mr. Masterson, to be sent to their friends, the wel-affected of such and such a County. That, to all the peaceable and wel-minded people in Kent, who desire present Peace, Freedome, Justice, and common Right, and good of all men, is, as followeth, the Originall whereof is ready to be produced when occasion is.

To the Supream Authority of England, the Commons Assembled in Parliament.

’TIs indeed called a Petition, but the whole frame and matter of it is nothing else but a Calumnie against those they seem to petition, charging upon their account all those Evills that are upon the Kingdome, and a great number more imaginary ones which they have created, and make men believe they are pressed with; and publish all this to the Kingdome, to render the Parliament odious to the People, to divorce their affections, and withdraw their assistance, without which, the Common Enemy know very well, they are not able to settle the peace and tranquillity of the Kingdome from forraigne and domestick Force, and calme and compesce those civill and intestine æstuations, the remaining distempers of our late (almost mortall) Disease, (of which the motions of the Petitioners are a very considerable part) that thereby a faire way might be paved for a free and equall course of Law and Justice, (which is a fitter meanes to preserve peace, then restore it) whose lower voice cannot be heard while the Drums beat, or the People tumultuate. It pursues that common and hatefull Maxime, Calumniate boldly, something will stick. It runs in generals, which ever covers deceipt: why descend you not to particulars? The Cries are loud against injustice, oppression, bribery, exacted, extorted Fees, and can you name no man that is guilty? You would make all the World believe you were in an iron furnace, and that the Kingdome were an Hell to its Inhabitants; and yet tell not who hurts you: But ’tis easier to calumniate then accuse, and yet to accuse, then to prove. Be not abused by them that serve their designes by you; Accuse no man falsly, though upon others informations; look upon the File in which false accusers march, and consider who may be like to the Leader. A good name is above riches, ’tis sooner taken away then restored: name those Oppressors you complaine of, bring forth the matter and the proofe, and then if you have not justice, you may have reason to complaine. You complaine of unnecessary Courts, and Courts exceeding the limits of their jurisdiction, you desire the one to be abolished, and the other to be limited; neither is here any particular: Hath not this Parliament taken away the Starre-Chamber, High Commission, all the Bishops Courts, the Cours of Wards? and are not all the jurisdictions of the other Courts well knowne? What have any of the Petitioners suffered by those Courts transgressing their limits? or what are the unnecessary Courts you meane? was it your modesty, or want of matter, that you omit particulars? Untruths are boldly affirmed upon heare-say; why are you silent in the things that presse your selves?

A word or two to your Margent, and then the particulars of the Petition it selfe shall be a little toucht upon. The Margent you have filled, with Authorities and Quotations of Magna Charta, Statutes, Comments on them, Declarations of &c. Speeches in Parliament; to what purpose serve these? Would you have the Parliament bound in their Parliamentary proceedings by precedent Lawes? Were not those Lawes made by Parliament, and is it not the proper work of the Parliament, to repeale, as well as to make Lawes? Els why doe you desire in your twelfth Particular, to have the Statutes there mentioned repealed? Either put out your Margent, and deceive not the ignorant with a shew of that which signifies nothing, or els reconcile it with your text; unlesse you meane to say, you will appoint the Parliament what Lawes they shall repeale, and by what they shall govern themselves. If it be onely to tell them what hath been done before, you may take notice, that there are those in that House, to which you addresse, that can as well tell what the Law now is, or heretofore was, without your index, as they are able to judge what is necessary for the present or for the future, without your advice or intimation. But you would faine make the People believe, the Parliament neither have wisdome enough to know how, nor fidelity enough to make them willing to discharge their trust, unlesse you direct and incite them.

The Petition is large; to give it an answer in proportion, were to write a volume, which few could buy, and fewer would read: and perhaps there is something of policy in the length, least their seduced numbers should be satisfied by a just confutation. Yet because perhaps there are some among them of that sort of people, to whom a word is enough; therefore they may please to consider, ’Tis called onely the Petition of many Free-borne people of this Nation; ’tis not then, by your own confession, of all, or of the major part: remember this, and be modest for once, act not as if you were all. But why many Free-borne People of this Nation? are there any Englishmen that are not Free-borne? why doe you distinguish your selves? what need of that Epithete, while you addresse to the House of Commons, who have asserted, and by the blessing of God upon the Councells and Forces of the Parliament, vindicated the English Freedome from the Common Enemy, under the slavery of whom, by these your dividing distempers, and weake and out-witted designes, you seek to returne, and carry the Kingdome with you.

To give it the more Authority, the prefacing part of it is forc’d to speak Scripture; but not with the Idiome of the Spirit that wrote it, your Hebrew hath much of Ashdod, the breathings of that Spirit are purity and peace; and the fruits of that Spirit are love, joy, peace, and the rest of that Catalogue.

You begin with a sad complaint, that the fire of the Lords wrath hath been among us, which must be acknowledged; and it may be justly conceived it is so still; what meane else the distempers of the people, that will not be healed, and the actings of division, together with the Cries for peace? But to say as you do, that it is almost consumed, were to lie against the truth, and sin against that mercy which he hath remembred in the middest of his wrath. This Kingdome hath found the effects of the rowlings of his bowells, while it hath been under his chastising rod, that bush hath burned, but ’tis not consumed; and ’tis an evidence that God is in it. ’Tis true, in many places of the Land the scarres of great wounds remaine, but not as in Germany; the lands in England are not untilled for want of men, the thistles grow not in the furrowes of the field, the Oxen are yet strong to labour, and the Sheep bring forth their thousands; if you had not intended an ill use of the complaint, the matter would have borne a mixture of thanks: but it seems you had rather God should lose the praise of his mercy, then you would omit this Engine, to move the People to murmure and discontent.

’Tis true, that for injustice and oppression God hath threatned woes, confusion and desolation to any People or Nation; but if your search had been as due as you affirme it was, you might have found other besides those, which you may light upon perhaps, if you would make a review. It is not to be denied, that oppression and injustice cause loud cries to heaven, onely remember justice is to render to every one his owne, and not to doe to another what you would not should be done to you.

The rich may be oppressed as well as the poore, propriety is to be preserved to all: and a poore man that oppresseth the poore, is like a sweeping raine that leaveth no food.

You observe the Kings oppressions and how God hath brought him low, and executed fierce wrath upon his adherents. Why will ye suffer your selves to be abused by those adherents, into those dividing destructive courses whereby you contribute directly to the restoring of the Kings affaires; you are acted by his Counsells, and you will not see it, and every man shall be the Enemy of the people that tels you of it, and if his party shall againe get head to the indangering of the Kingdome, which God forbid, thank your owne petulant importune and unseasonable interpellations of those Councells, by which through the blessing of God, your deliverance had been perfected, if your selves had not hindred; can you believe the Kings Counsells are changed: or that he wants a party waiting an oportunity to bring that upon you which you feare and complaine of? why doe you then give them hope and the Parliament worke, who have yet so much to doe to preserve the vitalls and recover strength, that they cannot attend to prescribe a topike to cure the Morphew on the face? trust them with your cure, and allow it time, over-hasty ones prove palliate ones, and not found. It is the Patients part to declare his griefe, and take his Physick, but he must let the Physitian write the Recipe, if he desires the cure should succeed.

That your Petitions were burned, and your selves imprisoned onely for petitioning, serves to irritate and inrage those whom you have misled and deceived, a Petition may well deserve to be burned and the Petitioners punished, if the matter be unjust, false, scandalous, seditious, read over some of your old copies, and see if there be none of those faults, ’tis true, it is your liberty to Petition, and it is also your duty to acquiesce in the Parliaments jugement upon it; a Petition is to set forth your grievances, and not to give a rule to the Legislative Power, if you meane it shall be an Edict, which you must compose, and the Parliament must verifie, call it no more a Petition.

You say your Estates are expended, how come you then to lay Contributions upon your selves for the promoting these destructive designes: is that the way to reimburse your selves? or is it to enable you to fly to the prime laws of nature for refuge? your Margent will teach the Legislative Power to suspect you, and that if you be not wicked, it is because perhaps you may not have oportunity or strength enough, which it will be therefore their care to prevent: and however perhaps it may be true, that these sad troubles have caused some diminution in your Estates, yet if you had used as much diligence since in your owne callings, as you have done in those you lesse understand, and had let out the current of your thoughts, which have been misimployed about Politiques, to the Oeconomy of your families, the account of losse had not run so high, and your private reflections (if ever you assume the trouble of viewing your selves) had imbraced you with the smiles of a sweeter peace within, and your actions abroad had lesse procured the guilt of others.

Thousands of families you say are impoverished, and mercilesse Famine is entring into your Gates, and therefore You will once more essay to pierce their ears with your dolefull cries for Justice and freedome, before the Parliaments delayes consume the Nation. What justice, what freedom is it you mean? Which of all the particulars in your Petition being granted, will be able to turn this famine you so aggravate, into a plenty? what an odious aspersion is this, to lay upon the Parliament, to make them hatefull to all men? To tell the World in Print, That there is something in their power (for otherwise you say nothing) that they delay, whereby this Dearth and Famine, as you call it, is upon the Kingdom? Have you learned this from those of old? That whenever Famine, Pestilence, or any publicker calamity, invaded the World from the just hand of God, then to cry out, Throw the Christians to the Lions, attributing to them the cause of all, as you do now to the Parliament. Do you not know that the unseasonable seed-time in 1646. and the unkindly Spring following, might well cause a Dearth, which is not yet in England, (through the mercy of God) as it is in other places? And do you think it is in the power of the Parliament to give a Law to the Heavens, to restrain the Pleiades, or loose Orion, to give or withhold rain? can the Parliament make windows in heaven, or create a plenty? Why do you say you care not what, and abuse the people without blushing?

Your large Petitory part in 16 Articles, might well receive a very short Answer, That it offers many things as grievances that are removed, desires many things that are already granted, of which you will take no notice, that you may multiply the Odium, mistake the present state of things, as if all were an unformed matter, or abrasa tabula fitted for the projection of a new modell, or for the compiling of a new body of Laws.

He that will build a City upon a Plain, hath the place obedient to his projections, and succeptible of any form; And if he be not prejudiced by forreign extrinsicall observations, to which he will conform his lines, he may exemplifie the best Ideas his minde offers him: But he that would reedifie or beautifie an old one, will meet with many things that will not submit to pure technicall rules; And where it will not, it is not presently to be pulled down, or set on fire. Rome had a greater beauty and uniformity as it was built by its first Kings, then after the Burning by the Gaules, and Rescue by Camillus, where each man built as it was most Commodious for him, and not as it was most comely, or convenient for the whole: And yet Catiline and his Complices were judged Traytors for designing to burn it, and it was only becoming Nero to put it into flames.

The dispute is not now of what is absolutely best if all were new, but of what is perfectly just as things now stand: It is not the Parliaments work to set up an Vtopian Common-Wealth, or to force the people to practise abstractions, but to make them as happy as the present frame will bear. That wise Lawgiver of old, acknowledged that he had not given his people the Laws that were absolutely best, but the best they were able to receive. The perfect return of health after sicknesse, is to be left to nature and time; he that will purge his body, till there remain nothing peccant, will sooner expell his life, then the cause of his sicknesse. And he that out of a desire to repaire his house, shall move all the foundations, will sooner be buried in the ruines of the old, then live to see the erection of a new structure.

1. You forget that universall rule of Justice (to do as you would be doneby) which is not only one of those con-nate and common Notions which are written in the hearts of all, which every one capable of reason, and under wrong, can quote from that internall writing, though he that inferrs the injury, will not: And it is given also as a Compendium of the Law, and an Universall rule of Christian Practice, by him who is the one Lawgiver, who is able to save and to destroy; To whose Commands and Dictates, whoever will profess contradiction, and pursue a contumacious disobedience, is more worthy the name of a Renegado then a Christian.

Upon forgetfullnesse of this rule it is, that you would by force spoil the Lords of their part of the Legislative power, which they hold by a claim of an older date then any of the Petitioners can shew for their Land: Ask your selves the question, Would any of you be content to be disseized of his Land, to which he can derive a title, or prescribe to for so long a time? And your contumelious expression of Patent Lords might have been spared, seeing the Houses have resolved that none shall be made Peers of Parliament hereafter, but by consent of both Houses, whereby your Representors and Trustees have a Negative voice against any such Creation for the future? Were it not to inlarge this particular beyond what is intended for the rest, you might be informed, That there were Princes of the people, and heads of the Tribes, amongst the Israelites; and the first choyce of them, when they were new come up out of Ægypt, and were then receptive of any form, was not by the people, but by Moses; and as it is expresse of the Priesthood, so it is evident in the rest of the Tribes, that the first of the first line was still Prince of the Tribe.

And the longest lived, best governed, most Potent and florishing Common-wealths that ever the sun saw, have alwayes had their Orders of Nobility or Patricians, in succession from Father to Son, preserved with a kinde of Religion in a cleer distinction from the people: Those two of Old Rome, while a Common-wealth, And Venice at present, are known Examples. But this particular with divers others concerning Government, require a fuller Tractate then this occasionall glaunce.

2. Secondly (besides their right) there is at least a very great conveniency, if not a necessity, that the Legislative power should be in several and distinct bodies for the review of what might else be perhaps at first overseen: There is scarce any man but findes, that revising in the morning his evenings conceptions, he meets with something or other to be added or altered.

3. Are not all Officers and Ministers of Iustice, and all other Civill Officers, all military Officers both by sea and land, chosen, and put into their places, by both Houses of Parliament, wherein, as in all other things, the Commons have a Negative Vote?

4. Is not there a Committee that hath been a good while since appointed to receive Informations of grievances, and propound them with remedies to the House? What addresse have you made to them? Have they refused to take your Informations? Why doe you complain before you have been refused redresse?

5. You complaine of the imprisonment of faithfull and publike spirits, for matters not criminall, and would have no imprisonment to be but for crimes, according to Law. But are there not some actions in these unsetled times that may deserve a punishment, for which no former Law hath explicitely provided any? You would have no man kept in prison longer, than till he be delivered by due course of Law. You know there are two wayes of delivery by due course of Law; And he that hath deserved the one should not complaine he is still a Prisoner; And for what is a Crime, the party guilty is no Judge; it cannot be denyed, that as the Parliament is the supream Judge, so it is the most competent; and if they Judge it necessary, that seditious Incendiaries should be restrained, for the Peace of the Kingdome, must they give an account to the Delinquents of the reason of their Actions?

6. You would have the Lawes in our known tongue, and all writings and proceedings in the present knowne hands; they have been so heretofore; What are you now the better for it? Which of you understand the Saxon Lawes, written in the then vulgar tongue? And the Norman-French, though not then Nationall, yet was very generally understood. And if most of the Petitioners shall look upon the language of two or three Centuries past, they will meet with so many words they understand not, as will disable their understanding of the sense of those they doe. And if those which are in other tongues, were in English, there were a possibility you might mistake them, as well as you doe those that already are so. And if there should be a disuse in the Courts, of writing those hands which now are obsolete to vulgar use, the reading of those hands might in time come to be lost, and thereby a losse of all the Records that are written in them.

7. If any shall denie to doe you Justice, according to Magna Charta, unlesse he may sell it, why doe you not accuse the man? Strike not through all by such oblique insinuations, but let the guilty bear his shame and punishment. You might have taken notice, that the Parliament hath doubled the salaries of the Judges: but to pay all ministeriall Officers from the publick Treasurie, were to waste the States treasure to maintaine the quarrels of the contentious against them that are peaceable.

8. You would have no Judge continue for above three years; What shall he doe the rest of his life? Were not this to put them upon the temptation of the unjust Steward? You will say he may returne to private practice at the Barre againe. Will any of you when he hath set up for himself for the space of three yeares, be content to serve journeyman for the rest of his life? If it be so comely or easie a matter, Why did Lieutenant Colonel Lilburn refuse the Command of a Troup of Horse offered him in the Army of Sir Thomas Fairfax, because he had the title of a Lieutenant Colonel before, And would not accept of lesse than a Regiment? Consider who they are that binde heavie burthens for other men, and grievous to be borne, but themselves will not touch them with one of their fingers.

9. For the buying of Offices; suppose both parties agreed, yet he must have a large purse who can buy of a Parliament, and ’twill be hard where so many must be bribed to be secret in all.

10. For that speedy tryall of offenders; your desire may interferre with Justice, matter cannot be alwayes presently proved, Will you free a man accused of murther done the day before the Assises, because that which hath vehement presumptions, cannot have a legall Evidence till some dayes after.

11. The Monopolies you so much complain of are condemned by Law, You may take your course against any, and no man can hinder you. If there be any Monopolizer in the House, why doe you not declare it to the House, and prove it? Have they not formerly put out some for that offence? if there be none there, that piece might have been spared.

12. You complain, That the Members of the House of Commons are chosen onely by Free-holders, and not by all the free-borne people of the Kingdome. If you conceive it be an Injury to all the rest, that they are chosen only by Free-holders, Consider seriously, and then tell Us, whether it be not an injury to all the rest, that they so chosen must be directed and ordered by you. Tell the world how you came by your Priviledge, To make a Collection of such as this is, of some things good; with a mixture of divers mistakes in the rest, and then magistically obtrude it upon the House, presently to passe and confirme, the highest affront to the Legislative power, and the highest injury to your free-borne fellowes that can be well imagined.

13. You take notice of the shame of the Nation, by the begging of the poor, and it is undeniably a great one, and Peace being setled, the remedy of it were one of the most desirable things to be undertaken, and this Kingdom wants not materialls for industry, and there is not any doubt, that the encouragement of fishing in this Kingdome, might produce it a profit of exceeding value; but doe You not know that the Parliament hath had so hard a taske to preserve the Land, that they have had no time left to improve those advantages of the Sea? neither can they give industry to men, which if any will exercise in it, they may be sure of all acceptation. And certainly that, and divers other things for the good of the Kingdome have been thought upon by the Parliament (though you would faine have the world believe they mind nothing, unlesse You be their remembrancers) and had been in effect before this time, had not such consultations been diverted by the necessity of providing against these, and some other distempers. In the meane time, till care can be taken for prevention of beggery, increase not their number by the addition of your selves; neglect not your Callings, forbear your clandestine Contributions, You may perhaps thrive in your own way, but your unhappy and ill advised Statizing will ruine your selves, and hath a naturall tendency to the ruine of the Kingdome.

14. You complaine of the heavie burthen of the Excise, and there again you pretend to be the Advocates of the poore, but in nothing are you more the Kings Atturneys, That standing and constant Revenue being that, which of all others with greatest case, supplyed the Exigencies of the Warre when it was hottest, and contributed most to the breaking of the Enemy. Every thing must serve to heighten your discontent, and to stirre up the ignorant people. Otherwise tis obvious enough to every discerning eye, that as tis least grievous of all other wayes, because it passeth from a man unseen, so it cannot but be most Equall, because every man is in a sort his owne assessor, it being in his owne power by his frugallity, to reduce it to as small a summe as he please, the greatest burthen of it lying upon things not necessary, lesse necessary, or, if necessary, yet there in such a proportion, as those which are for the use of the richer sort have the greatest imposition, there being nothing but only strong beer, wherein the poore seeme to be touched, which for the too much abuse of it, and that even by the poore, it may justly afford something toward the maintenance of the publick, while it is so deeply accessary to the undoing of many private persons. For that other, that it is the decay of Trade, and the discouragement of all ingenuity and industry, You may, if you will but send some of your Emissaries into the united Provinces, be informed there, That that people could never find a foundation of money for those vast charges they were forc’d to be at, to defend themselves from those who tyrannized their Liberties, and to settle the free State they have since managed, till they had fallen upon the Excise; And that notwithstanding it, their Trade is so growne upon them since, that they have in a great measure engrossed it from the rest of Europe, and yet have little matter to raise it upon, but their Industrie, which is not so discouraged by the Excise, but it produceth that effect, and were worth our Imitation; but there was but a word intended, If twere necessary, there is nothing more easie than to justifie this way of Levie by Excise, before all other wayes whatsoever.

15. You doe very magisterially appoint the House how to regulate their Members, and especially those of the long robe, who by no meanes may exercise their calling, because they are called thither to serve the publique; Other Gentlemen have their rents and profits come in without their owne particular care, and they who have trades can drive them by their partners and servants, only these whose employments must be personall must needs suffer losse in their Estates, because they are Members. And what reason is there why a just Judge, who judgeth according to Law, and proceeds according to the rules of the Court, should be awed by, or afraid of, the person of any, though a Member of the House? for though that House be a Iudge of the Iudges, yet the Judge in his Court is Superiour in that qualification to whosoever pleads at his Barre.

Your Epilogue might have been spared; the first part of it, in regard the Committee You desire hath been long appointed, to whom any man hath Liberty to bring his grievances, and there is doubt they will be received, and their sense of the justnesse and necessity of them be reported to the House, though tis probable ’twill not please you concerning yours, unlesse it be your own sense also.

Your second might be with more Justice retorted; Poore deluded people! When will yee begin to turne a deafe Eare to those who seduce you? When will you remember your duty, and come out of your dreame, in which you have believed that you are all the people, and therefore supreame, and have arraigned all men in a suitable Style? Act not a part, dissemble not with Heaven, remember you are in the light and view of omniscience; Complain not of Famine before you feele it, lest you provoke him that can send it. There is a difference between scarcity and Famine. God is the God of order, forbear to endeavour any further to dissolve all government into Confusion, lest you compell the Parliament to prevent it in your just punishment; Remember that God stands in your Clandestine Conciliables, as well as in the Congregation of the Mighty, and as he requires of Magistrates to defend the poore and needy, so he hath also forbidden to countenance a poore man in his cause.

Together with this Petition, there was at the same time brought to the House of Commons, by Colonel Barkstead, another scandalous printed paper, of which two quires had been delivered to one Lazarus Tindall, a private souldier of Captaine Groomes Company, in the Regiment of the said Colonel, the papers were delivered to him, to spread among the souldiers of that Regiment, and that same person that delivered them, told him he should have one thousand of the large Petitions also, to disperse in that Regiment, so soon as they were reprinted, which they were about to do in a smaller leter, for the saving of charges. By which it appears that paper also springs from the same root with the foresaid Petition, of which it also takes notice, and helps to promote the same ends with it; and who ever shall put himselfe to the trouble to read them both, will finde them speak the same Language, and discern the same spirit in them both; and is yet more evident by the latter clause of the first Marginall note, which were Lilburns words to a syllable, at the Barre of the House of Commons; And by that paragraph of the paper, which begins [have you not upon such pretences] &c. which were Wildmans words at that meeting in Well-yard, which is mentioned in Mr. Marstersons relation, and at the Commons Barre; and by the last clause of the next paragraph, which were the words of Lilburn and Wildman, or one of them, at the Barre of the House of Commons, and are also to be found in the Petition it selfe, so as a very dim sight may discerne it to be a Whelp of the same litter.

The mournfnll Cryes of many thousand poor Tradesmen, who are ready to famish through decay of Trade.

OH that the cravings of our Stomacks could be heard by the Parliament and City! Oh that the Tears of our poor famishing Babes were botled! Oh that their tender Mothers Cryes for bread to feed them were ingraven in Brasse! Oh that our pined Carkasses were open to every pitifull Eye! Oh that it were known that we sell our Beds and Cloaths for Bread! Oh our Hearts faint, and we are ready to swoon in the top of every Street!

O you Members of Parliament, and rich men in the City, that are at ease, and drink Wine in Bowls, and stretch your selves upon Beds of Down, you that grind our faces, and flay off our skins, Will no man amonst you regard, will no man behold our faces black with Sorrow and Famine? Is there none to pity? The Sea Monster drawes out the brest, and gives suck to their young ones, and are our Rulers become cruell like the Ostrich in the Wildernesse? Lament. 4.3.

OH ye great men of England, will not (think you) the righteous God behold our Affliction, doth not he take notice that you devour us as if our Flesh were Bread? are not most of you either Parliament-men, Commitee-men, Customers, Excise-men, Treasurers, Governors of Towns and Castles, or Commanders in the Army, Officers in those Dens of Robbery, the Courts of Law? and are not your Kinsmen and Allies, Colectors of the Kings Revenue, or the Bishops Rents, or Sequestratours? What then are your ruffling Silks and Velvets, and your glittering Gold and Silver Laces? are they not the sweat of our brows, & the wants of our backs & bellies?

Its your Taxes, Customs, and Excize, that compells the Countrey to raise the price of food, and to buy nothing from us but meer absolute necessaries; and then you of the City that buy our Work, must have your Tables furnished, and your Cups overflow; and therefore will give us little or nothing for our Work, even what you* please, because you know we must sell for moneys to set our Families on work, or else we famish: Thus our Flesh is that whereupon you Rich men live, and wherewith you deck and adorn your selves. Ye great men, Is it not your plenty and abundance which begets you Pride and Riot? And doth not your Pride beget Ambition, and your Ambition Faction, and your Faction these Civil broyles? What else but your Ambition and Faction continue our Distractions and Oppressions? Is not all the Controversie whose Slaves the poor shall be? Whether they shall be the Kings Vassals, or the Presbyterians, or the Independent Factions? And is not the Contention nourished, that you whose Houses are full of the spoils of your Contrey, might be secure from Accounts, while there is nothing but Distraction? and that by the tumultuousnesse of the people under prodigious oppression, you might have fair pretences to keep up an Army, and garrisons? and that under pretence of necessity, you may uphold your arbitrary Government by Committees, &c.

Have you not upon such pretences brought an Army into the bowels of the City? and now Exchange doth rise already beyond Sea, and no Merchants beyond Sea will trust their Goods hither, and our own Merchants conveigh their* Estates from hence, so there is likely to be no importing of Goods, and then there will be no Exporting, and then our Trade will be utterly lost, and our Families perish as it were in a moment.

O ye Parliament-men hear our dying cry, Settle a Peace, settle a Peace! strive not who shall be greatest untill you be all confounded. You may if you will presently determine where the supream Power resides, and settle the just common Freedomes of the Nation, so that all Parties may equally receive Iustice, and injoy their Right, and every one may be as much concerned as other to defend those common Freedoms; you may presently put down your Arbitrary Committees, and let us be Governed by plain written Lawes, in our own Tongue, and pay your Ministers of Justice out of a common Treasury, that every one may have Justice freely and impartially.

You have in your hands the Kings, Queens, and Princes Revenue, and Papists Lands, and Bishops, and Deans, and Chapters Lands, and Sequestred Lands, at least to the value of eighteen hundred thousand pounds by the year, Which is at least five hundred thousand pounds a year more then will pay the Navy; and all the Army, and the Forces which need to be kept up in England and Ireland; and out of that the Kingdoms debts would be paid yearly; whereas now you run further into Debt daily, and pay one thousand pounds by the day at least for use Money. Besides you may if you will Proclaim Liberty, for all to come and discover to a Committee of disingaged men, chosen out of every County, one for a County, to discover to them what Monies and Treasure, your own Members, and your Sequestrators, &c. have in their hands, and you may by that means find many Millions of Money to pay the publique Debts. You may find 30000. li. in Mr. Richard Darley’s hand, 25000. li. in Mr. Thorpes hand*, a Member of Yours, who first Proclaimed Sir Iohn Hotham Traytor. And thus you may take off all Taxes presently, and so secure Peace, that Trading may revive, and our pining, hungry, famishing Families be saved.

And O ye Souldiers who refused to disband, because you would have Iustice and Freedom, who cryed till the Earth ecchoed, Iustice, Iustice; forget not that cry, but cry speedily for Peace and Iustice, louder then ever. There is a large Petition of some pittifull men, that is now abroad, which contains all our desires, and were that granted in all things, we should have Trading again, and should not need to beg our Bread, though those men have so much mercy, as they would have none to cry in the Streets for Bread.

Oh though you be Souldiers, shew bowels of Mercy and Pity to a hunger-starved People; Go down to the Parliament, desire them to consume and trifle away no more time, but offer your desires for us in that large Petition, and cry Justice, Justice; Save, save, save the perishing People; O cry thus till your importunity make them hear you.

O Parliament men, and Souldiers! Necessity dissolves all Laws and Government, and Hunger will break through stone Walls; Tender Mothers will sooner devour You, then the Fruit of their own womb, and Hunger regards no Swords nor Canons. It may be so great oppressours intend tumults, that they may escape in a croud, but your food may then be wanting as well as ours, and your Arms will be hard dyet. O heark, heark at our doors, how our children cry Bread, Bread, Bread; and we now with bleeding hearts, cry once more to you, pity, pity an oppressed, inslaved People: carry our cries in the large Petition to the Parliament, and tell them, if they be still deaf, the Teares of the oppressed will wash away the foundations of their houses. Amen, Amen, so be it.

It seemes to be written by some of the Professors of Rhetorick in Newgate, or Ludgate, whose long practice of that kind of Oratory had made him as great a stranger to truth, as to blushing. The whole matter of it composed of so grosse an hypocrisie, that it scarce deserves that name; mixed with impudency, and lyes, of the same Genius with the Petition, boldly affirming in generals, and brings not forth one particular with proofe. Where are those famishing babes? and where are those pining carkasses? Why are they not brought forth to the view of some pitifull eye? You cry for pitie, why shew you not the object? Where are those faces black with sorrow and famine? Spend no longer your breath in vaine, Let the famishing pined Carkasses, those black faces be seen, the view gives a deeper impression then heare-say. If you be not of those that have said in their hearts, There is no God, (though your paper abuse the repetition of that sacred Name) Remember that the al-seeing God beholds your hearts, and knowes your distempers, murmurings, and black designations as well as your wants, And sees with what a frontlesse boldnesse you affirme any thing, be the untruth never so notorious. The language looks more like the ebullition of wine than the cries of want.

You complaine of the rising of the Exchange abroad, that Merchants will not trust their goods hither, and our Merchants convey their Estates. And what is the reason thinke you they doe so? (if the matter of fact be true) Why an Army is brought into the bowels of the City. Doth one Regiment of Horse, and one of Foot make an Army in your account? And is White-hall, and the Mewes, in the bowels of the City? The Parliament hath had a guard these five yares; when it was furnished from the City, and places within the lines, it was held a great grievance. And what security the Parliament had by it was evident on Monday the 26. of Iuly last, when either by the Cowardise, or Complyance of the then guard, so horrid and dishonourable a violence was put upon the Houses by an inconsiderable Rabble of people. And what a danger to trade these Regiments are like to be, You might be able to judge, if you would but make an Estimate of the Millions the City suffered in, when the whole Army, whereof these Regiments are a part, marched in Armes through the City, upon the sixt of August, after they had been sufficiently irritated by some of the City: Yet you are not able to bring so much as a loaf of bread to the account of losse to the City by all their march, though the shops were open, and the market furnished.

But you would faine use any pretence to remove these faithfull forces, because you see as long as they are here, you will hardly be able to make use of your pistolls and daggers, or to dissolve all Lawes and Government, or to have recourse to the prime Lawes of Nature. But indeed twere worth the enquirie, what it is that causes this great exporting of Estates, and that hinders all importation, ’tis certainly a disease that must needs destroy, though not in a moment. There hath been a good while a rumour of a pestilence that walketh in darknesse; And hath been known to have infected some that frequent your meetings, and are accounted as your own; and this rumour is not a whispering, it hath spoken almost as loud as some of your Cries for bread, And ’tis the Doctrine of Parity or levelling, bringing all mens Estates to an Equallity; A notion that Merchants, and men of great Trade, are as little edified with, as either the Lords are with being devested of their Honours, and part in the Legislative power, or other Gentlemen to part with their Lands, and therefore having so good meanes to put them out of your reach, which other men have not, may perhaps transport them, not willing their large personall Estates should come under your Distribution, from which there can be no recovery. And if you thinke that Merchandize be good for the Kingdome, and if you have any care of that good, you must consider how to satisfie Merchants, that you intend not to levell; for their Trade runs such an hazzard, and must be managed with such a diligence, and industry, as will hardly receive incouragement from your Vtopian parity. And however the Croud of those that follow you intend no such thing, but thinke these are wayes to secure their own property; yet just suspition is upon many of you. And tis not your bare deniall will serve, good words will not satisfie. You know who said Hayle Master, when the salutation was a watchword. It might be thought there would be nothing of greater deferency and respect, than the addresse of your Petition in the superlative inscription, yet Lilburn told you at the meeting in VVellyard, that when you had once raised the spirits of the people, you would then force the House to grant what you ask. Confide not in your present intentions, remember Hazael. There is not the most clear and Candid soule amongst you that knowes to what (now abhorred) actions he may be driven by the violence of the people, if that Sea shall once break over his bankes, and twill not be then in their power to stop, but only is his that calmeth the Sea and rebuketh the raging of the people, who can say to both, hitherto shalt thou come and no further, and here shall thy proud waves be stayed. But to passe by all the rest, be perswaded to examine the truth of fact with a little more care when you compose your next seditious Harangue; You may take notice, how ill your intelligence hath been in this; It’s possible indeed, much of the publique money may be in Collectors, Receivers, and sequestrators hands, and it were a meritorious service to the Common-wealth to discover it, and would no doubt be of universall acceptance; but be sure you be rightly inform’d, accuse no man falsly, specially in print, ’tis against Charity, to which Grace no Christian should be a stranger. Bring the particulars and proofes to the House, that a course may be taken to bring that money in to supply the necessities of the Common-wealth, which are great; some paines taken to the purpose in this service, will be more worth than all your Petitioning. But for these particulars here produced, they are so farre from truth, as makes your whole paper suspected to proceed from the Father of lyes. You say there is 25000. l. in Mr. Thorps hands, a Member of the House of Commons. He was never appointed or authorised Treasurer, or Collector of any publique moneys, either by the Parliament, or any Committee, or any others, nor ever received one penny of the publique moneys. Mr. Richard Darley was indeed appointed to receive some moneys in the East riding of Yorkeshier, But he never received more himselfe than sixty three pound or therabouts, which was upon occasion of calling the Sequestrators of Beverly to account; At which time his Deputy receiver, Mr. Richard Thornton, being not there, he received it himselfe, and put it to account. All other moneys were received by his said Deputy, who hath from time to time paid out the same, according to such Orders as he received for that purpose. Mr. Darley knowes not particularly what is at present in his Deputies hand, in regard he is here at London, attending his service in the House of Commons, and his Deputy is in Yorkeshier, neither yet can he tell whether he may not have already accounted with the Committee of the County; how ever he knowes it cannot be any great summe, and the account for the whole is ready, when it shall be called for. And so is also the money remaining, when Order shall be given for it. But your famous mistake, is that of your margent concerning Mr. Speaker, The truth of which story upon through inquiry, instead of what you have Printed, is clearly thus, That Mr. William Lenthall Speaker of the House of Commons, never purchased Land, either in his own, or any other mans name since these troubles; neither did Mr. Cole purchase any for him; Mr. Cole died not suddenly, but of a Fever, and that after ten or twelve days sicknes; his wife is still a widdow, and not married either to Lawyer, or any other; there is no sute against her by Mr. Speaker, nor cause of any. You say an hundred such discoveries might be made as this latter, and indeed its true, they may be done with great ease, it is but to sit down and write an hundred particulars what comes upermost, taking only care there be never a true word in them, which the suggestor of this will easily enable you to do, and then there will be an hundred such discoveries made; but indeed he that would take paines to examine both your Petition, and this Paper, and had so little to do with precious time, as so to imploy it, might finde among your Complaints, Suggestions, & Calculations, some convenient number of truths of the same Complexion with these: But as you may know the Lion by his claw, so you may know the Devill by his tongue, he is a liar, and the Father of lies; and certainly this your mistaken confidence may be sufficient to command belief from such as are content to be deceived in all your Generals, for information in which, it is not credible you would take more care, then in these particulars, which both concerned the reputation of particular Gentlemen, and whereof the truth might be inquired out. But now how will you do these Gentlemen right in this, and give them reparations? perhaps your scandalous Paper, by the great diligence of your selves, and Emissaries to spread them, may come to many hands where their just defence may not follow, and perhaps they may escape more proper uses, so as to remain when the Gentlemen shall be at rest, and be a black Epitaph upon their innocency, and an unjust and unworthy Blot upon their fair reputation. If any man shall after this be misled by these guides, it will not be an easie matter to undeceive him, but he is to be Pitied, as one of those who being fallen out with truth, is given up to strong delusions to beleeve a lye. Be yet advised not to feign a necessity, and hold out that as a Vail to your Resolution to dissolve all Laws of Government, it may confound propriety, and levell Estates, the thing perhaps that some aime at: But it may cause a promiscuous mingling of blood too, and in such a confusion as you seek to introduce, it is not impossible you may lose your own in the Croud. Call not up therefore more spirits then you know how to conjure down, your Spels may fail you, there may be some have Pistols and Daggers, that neither care for your Spels nor you, nor your Petition neither. While you plot tragedies, and indeavor thus to bring them upon the Stage, take heed there enter not some who will neither take their Cu from your Prompter, nor Act according to your Poets design.

We shall adde noe further trouble to the Reader, and indeed very much of this might have been spared, as to those who have their parts exercised to diseern good and evill. The evill of this is so written, that they that run might read it, if prejudice did not blinde them, if perhaps there be not also some that do not see, because they will not see; but because there are some, who in the simplicity of their hearts, have followed those Impostors, let them suffer themselves to make halt in this furious march, and a little to consider their leader, and then think whither they are going; let them take a measure of Lilburn by his books filled with falshoods and bitternesse; by his ingratitude to those who have obliged him, by that behaviour in the House of Lords, that wants a name; by the Pistoll and Daggar he speaks of, by which murder was designed, which he cals a noble resolution, by his company, the most desperate Malignants, by their opinion of him, as being wholly the Kings, by all these Actions which tend to stir up the people, to force the power which your Petition acknowledgeth supream, and thereby to dissolve all Government, and mingle all with ruine; then judge impartially, if this be the Character of a Christian, or a Banditto; of a man acted and guided by the Spirit of God, or moved and driven by the Devill: And think if it be becoming men professing Religion to be found in these wayes. To be Religious is no more in despising forms then in adoring them, The power of it is in Conforming the will of man to the will of God, and in all the goings out of that will, either into affection, or action, with an unreserved resignation to give up tho man to be guided still by the eternall rule of truth and gooddesse, of which there is sufficient, and cleerely enough laid down in the word of truth, for direction in all things to him that humbly seeks it, of which You should have made more use in sincerity and humility to direct your selves, and lesse in prevaricating and misapplyng it with a spirit of bitternesse, to make it serve for the language in which you would falsly accuse, not your brethren, but your confessed Superiours. Be perswaded to study to be quiet, and doe your owne businesse, to live in peace, and the God of love and peace shall be with you; and leave the publique affaires to those, to whom God and the Kingdome hath committed them; abuse not lenity, but make use of thus much for your faire retreat, and charge no more, nor undertake any further to practise till you be a great deale better studied in, and have more universall comprehension of, that very important, and yet very little known art of Statizing.

Endnotes

 [a ] Amos 5. 9, 10. 11. 12. Micah 2. 2. 3. Micah 3. 3. 4. 9. 10. 11. 12. Habba 2. 8. 17. Joel 3. 3.

 [b ] See the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, Decem. 1641. p. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15.

 [c ] See the Kings Answer to the Parliaments Remonst. of May 19 1642. 1 part book Decla. page 254, 284, 285. See the Kings Answer to the Parl. Decla of May 26. 1641. page 298.

 [d ] See the Ordinance for the Militia, Feb. 1641. 1 book Decla. page 89 & pa. 96, 105, 106, 114, 126, 175, 176, 182, 243, 289, 292.

 [e ] See the Parliaments Votes May 20, 1642 1 part Book Decla, 219, see also page 509, 576, 577, 580, 584, 617.

 [f ] See the Kings Decla. of the 12 Aug. 1642. 1 part book Decla. page 522, 526, 528, 548, & pa. 617.

 [g ] See 1 part book decla. pa. 44. 150, 382, 466, 637, 690.

 [h ] See Col. Nath. Fines his Speech against the Bishops Canons, made in 1640 in a book called Speeches and Passages of Parliament, from 3 Nove. 1640. to June 1641, page 50. 51, 52.

 [i ] See your Remonstrance of the state of the kingdom, book decla. pag, 6, 8. See also the Acts made this Parliament, that abolished the Starchamber and High Commission.

 [k ] See the Statute of Westmin. 1, made 3 Edw. 1 chap. 26, & 20 Edw. 3, 1, and the judges oath made in the 13 Edw. 3, Anno 1344, recorded in Pultons collections of Statutes fol. 144.

 [l ] See the 29. chap. of Magna Charta, and Sir Ed. Cooks exposition upon it, in his 2, part instit. fol. 187, and the Petition of Right.

 [m ] See the Petition of Right made in the 3 of the King, & Sir Edward COOKS 2 par, insti. fol. 52, 53, 589, 590, 591.

 [n ] See Psal 15, 4.

 [o ] See Rom 4, 15.

 [p ] See the 36 Edw. 3, 15, and 1 Con. 14, 7, 11, 16, 19, 23. See also the English Chronicles, in the Raign of Wil. the Conqueror.

 [q ] See Deut 30, 12, 13, 14.

 [r ] See Sir Ed. Cook in his 1 part insti. lib, 3 chap 13, Sect, 701, fol, 308, where he positively declares it was the native & ancient Rights of all Englishmen, both by the Statute & Common Law of England, to pay no Fees at all to any Administrators of justice whatsoever. See also 2 part insti. fol, 74, 209, 210, and 176, and he there gives this Reason, why Judges should take no fees of any man for doing his office, because he should be free, and at liberty to do justice, and not to be fettered with golden fees, as fetters to the subvertion or suppression of truth and justice.

 [s ] See the Articles of high treason in our Chronicles against Iudg Tresilian, in Rich. the seconds time.

 [t ] See 1 part book decla. p. 9.

 [u ] See Sir Edward Cook 1 part Insti. lib. 3 Cha. 7. sect. 438 fol. 260. who expresly saith, that imprisonment must be a safe custody, not a punishment; and that a prison ought to be for keeping men safe, not to punish them See also a par. instit. fol. 589. 590. 591.

 [w ] See the Statute of the 4. E. 3. 2. 12 R. 2. 10.

 [x ] See 1 part book decl. pa. 14.

 [y ] See the Armies last Representation to the House.

 [z ] 28. Edw. 1 Chap. 1, 18, and 13. See 2 part Instit. fo. 174-175 where Sir Ed. Cook positively declares that in ancient times by the common law of England, the Coroner, the high Sheriff, Iustices of Peace, Verderors of Forests yea and in times of war, the leaders of the Counties soldiers, were chosen in ful county by the freeholders.

 [a ] It hath been a maxime amongst the wisest Legislators, that whosoever means to settle good Laws, must proceed in them with a sinister, or evil opinion of all mankind; and suppose that who soever is not wicked, it is for want of opportunity & that no State can be wisely confident of any publick minister continuing good longer then the Rod is over him.

 [b. ] See your Declaration of May 19. 1642 1 book dec. pag. 207. And your Declaration Nov. 1642. pa. 728. as also pa. 150.

 [c ] Psal. 83. 1, 2, 3, 4.

 [* ] And since the late Lord Mayor Adams, you have put in execution art illegall wicked docree of the Common Councels whereby you have taken our goods from us. If we have gone to the Inns to sell them to country men; and you have murdered some of our poor wives that have gone to Innes to finde country men to buy them.

 [* ] The Merchants have already kept back from the Tower, many hundred thousand pounds, and no bullion is brought into the Tower, so that mony will be more scarce daily.

 [* ] M. William Lenthall, Speaker of the House, to cover his cozenage, gave 22000 li. to his servant Mr. Cole, to purchase land in his own name, though for his use; which he did, and then died suddenly, and the land fell to his son, and the widdow having married a Lawyer, keeps the land for the childes use, and saith he knows not that his predecessor received any mony from the Speaker, and now Mr. Speaker sueth in Chancery for the land. A hundred such discoveries might be made.

To all the peaceable and well minded people of the Counties of Hartfordshire and Buckinghamshire, who desires present peace, freedome, justice, and the common right and good of all men, but more particularly, to all those honest Nown substantive men, that were the promoters and managers of that affectionate Petition for my self, and Mr. Richard Overton, to the House of Common, (about 12. moneths agoe, which is printed in the 10. and 11. pag of the second edition of our book called the Outcryes of oppressed Commons.) But in a most especiall manner to my honest friends, in and about Watford, that lately were in trouble severall Sessions at St. Albans, for not comming to their parish Church to heare Common prayer, &c.

WOrthy Gentlemen, and dearest Country-men. The sencible knowledge of the sufferings of you last named, by your severall times sending to me, and comming to me for advice, drew out my heart according to my weake talent, to bend my braines to the study of something that might be for the effectually future good of yours, (to whom I have so many indeared obligations,) and all the rest of your neighbours, which I here present unto your courteous acceptation in this following discourse, or small collection of Statutes, being necessitated to acquaint you, that J have not a little been tossed and tumbled by the mallice of corrupt minded men (who because their deeds are evill, and therefore cannot endure they should come to the view of the Sun) and the presses have been as much as I, or else you had some weeks ago had it presented in print to your view, but being (upon the 19. of Ian. last,) by the House of Commons clap. by the beeles for traiterous and seditious practises against the State, that is to say (as I interpret it) for my carnest and honest endeavouring to promote a righteous, iust, and gallant petition (for the good of my poore Country) which I sent unto you some weeks agoe with a letter, which letter is partly for my vindication, I am necessited bert to insert; which thus followeth virbatum.

WOrthy Gentlemen and deare Friends. The fervency of your love to me, and your endeavours for my freedome, by petitioning the Parliament, hath taken such deep impression upon my heart that I cannot but often renew my thankfull acknowledgement, and study to serve you in particular, while I endeavour to serve my whole Country in Generall. And truly the best service that I can doe you in this iuncture of time, in my opinion is to study your peace: For if the red Horse of Warre should againe enter into our gates, the paile Horse of famine will certainly tread upon his heeles, and then nothing can be expected but desolation, now the only effectuall meanes to establish your peace, is the healing of divisions and that only can be effected by uniting in the common principles of freedome and iustice, and for that end is the Petition which I have sent you framed, certainly if all the people did but heare the freedome which we petition for opened. And if you did informe them, that those you account the price of your blood, and that you should never disagree nor think any thing worth a war, if those principals of freedom & justice were setled, & if it were cleared to them of how great concernment it is to gaine the speedie settlement of those, if I say some paines were taken in this way, I am perswaded all people would ioyne together as one man, to cry uncessantly to the Parliament for establishing those foundations of iustice and freedome, that their peace might be secure to them.

O, my friends, that God would give you light and power, to see and endeavour after the things which belong to your peace and freedome, before they be hid from your eyes, there is now an opportunity and if this be neglected, I feare God will not betrust us with another, and in reason if we doe not act speedily and vigorously it will be impossible to prevent Warre and confusion. Now in your actings in this businesse, I desire if my advice might be of any weight with you.

First, that in such places as you cannot gaine liberty to have the Petition read on the first day in the week in the meeting house, there desire as great a meeting of the people some other day as you can get, and read the Petition, and explain it, and then select some active men as Trustees, to take care for gaining subscriptions. 2. Engage as many persons as possible you can, to come to London with the Petition, and to try resolutely to the Parliament, Iustice, Iustice, and we intend to give you notice when we intend here to deliver it, that at the same time you may come up. 3. If you can chuse an Agent to reside here at London constantly to give you constant Intelligence of all affaires and to send you books for your information, bought by a publique stock, which you should be trust with your Agent, J conceive this would be of great concernment to your peace and welfare. I have no more to trouble you with at present, but only to tender you the service of. London this 8th. of Janu. 1647.

A proeme, to the following collection and discourse.

WHen Israel would turne their backs upon God, (who alone was their King, 1 Sam. 10. 19. & chap. 12. v. 12. 17. 19.) and be like all the Heathen and Pagan natitions round about them, to have a King to rule over them. Deut. 17. 14. God himself layes this expresse command upon them, that they shall in any wise set a King over themselves, from amongst their brethren, and that they shall not in any wise set a stranger over them, which is not their brother, but (saith God) he shall not multiply Horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Ægypt (that is to say, to vassalage, slavery, or the house of bondage.) Neither shall he multiply wives to himself, that his heart turne not away, neither shall he greatly multiply to himself, silver & Gold.

And it shall be when he sitteth upon the Throne of his Kingdome, that he shall write him a copy of this law in a book, out of that which is before the Priests the Levits. And it shall be with him, and he shall read therein all the dayes of his life, that he might learne to feare the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law, and these statutes and do them. That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, (marke that well) and that he turne not aside from the commandement, to the right hand or to the left. Deut. 17, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20.

Here is a cleare declaration by God himself, that Kings (the single greatest of Magistrates,) are not to walke (and act upon the people) by the rules of their own wills, but by the law of God, which is as binding to them as the meanest of the people, (and for my part I say and aver, that, that man (whether King or Parliament man) that declares himself to be lawlesse, was never in that condition of Gods creation but of the Divils (And pertinent to this purpose is the complaint of our antient English Lawyer Andrew Horne, in his Mirror of Iustice in English, ch. 5. Sect. the first, division the first, and second, pag. 225. where complaining of the abusions of the Common law, he saith, the first and chiefe abusion is, that the King is above the law, whereas he ought to be subiect to it, as it is contained in his oath. Which as Sir Richard Hutton, one of his own Iudges in his Argument in Mr. Iohn Hampdens case against Ship-money, pag. 32. (which argument was made before this Parliaments doctrine was broached) saith, that by the Kings Oath, he agrees to give consent to such lawes, as shall (in Parliament) be propounded for the profit and good of the Kingdome, and he further declares, that he is to rule and govern thereby, see also the petition of Right in the following pages, 1. 2, So that by this it clearely appeares, that in his own imagination, nor the opinion of his Iudges, he is neither omnipotent nor unlimited, but his office is an office of trust, conferred upon him for the good of the people. And therefore saith our forementioned Author (Andrew Horne ibim.) the second abuse of the common Law is, That whereas Parliaments ought to bee for the salvation of the soules of Trespassors, twice in the yeare at London, that they are there but very sildome, and at the pleasure of the King, for subsidies and collections of Treasure, &c. And the Act made the first yeare of this Parliament, in the 16. of the present King, called an Act for the preventing of inconveniences hapning by the long intermission of Parliaments, expresly saith.

Whereas by the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm, the Parliament ought to beholden at least once every yeare, for the redresse of Grievances &c. Which Lawes and Statutes are the 4. Ed. 3. 14. & 36. Ed. 3. 10. (which are printed virbatim in the following discourse, pag. 9. 12.) and which are expresly ratified and confirmed to be duly kept and observed. In which Acts the Parliament are prescribed their worke what to doe, which is to maintaine the Lawes, and redresse the mischiefes and grievances that dayly happen, but not in the least to our destroy Lawes, unlesse they give us letter for them, nor to make our mischiefes and grievances greater, nor to rob and poule the Kingdome of their treasure by taxations, Excize, &c. and then share it by thousands and ten thousands amongst themselves, which is expresly against the Lawes of the kingdome, for Fee [Editor: illegible word] in trust, (and they are no more at most,) by the Law of this Land, can give nothing to themselves, and therefore their sharing (as daily they doe) the Common wealths money amongst themselves, is no better then absolute state robbery, against whom an indictment, or an Action of recovery, (if not of death†, ought in equity and reason to lye as well as against robbing and cheating servants and stewards. And for them for ever to shelter themselves from the lash and stroak of justice, or for ever from being called to accompt, for all their Cheats, Robberies, and murthers, by getting the Kings hand to an Act to make them an everlasting Parliament, no more lyes in the Kings power Justly and legally to do, then to give them power to make usual absolute Vassels and Slaves, and to destroy all our Lawes, libertys and propertys, and when they have so done, then to cut the throats of all the men in England besides themselves, therefore it behoves the people to keep up the interest of a Parliament, but yet annually at least to chuse new Parliament men, to call their predicessors to a strick accompt, and for my part I conceive that not onely by the rules of equity and reason, but by the strength of the Law of the land, (which requires a Parliament to be chosen and held at least ouce every yeare) the people that are willing in the severall Sheires, Cities and Burrowes, may call home their Parliament men; and send new ones in their places to call them to accompt; and to make Laws to punnish such betrayers of their trust, as men, as full of unnaturalnesse, as those that murder and kill their owne fathers; which is an act abhorred even amongst bruts, and yet this very thing is acted upon us by the grandees amongst our trustees; who themselves have told us, that it is as old a law, as any is in the Kingdom, that the Kingdome never ought to be without a meanes to preserve it selfe, 1. part book decl. pag. 207. & pag. 690. And that those things which are evell in their owne nature, cannot be the subject of any command, or induce any obligation of obedience upon any man, by any authority whatsoever, 1. par book pecl. pag. 201. & pag. 150. And therefore, the conclusion that I draw from Gods subjecting of all men equally alike to his law, is by way of advice to all my Countrymen, earnestly to prosecute the obtaining the things desired in the 3 first heads of our great Petition especially (for promoting of which, I am lately as a trayter committed by the House of Commons) that the powers of King, Parliament and people may be destinctly and particularly declared and setled, that we may be no longer in confusion, by having the little ones to be subject to the punishment of the law, & the great ones to be (subject to none, but their lusts & the law of ther own wils, & therfore I do with confidence beleeve those expressions of my imprisoned Comrade Mr. Iohn Wildman in the 11. pag. of his late masculine English peace called truths triumph or treachery anatomized, where he saith, that he beleeves the freedome of this Nation will never be secured, until the extent of the power and trust of the peoples representatives, and the peoples reservations to themselves be clearly declared in reference to the Legislative power.

And for my particular, after the grand and superlative Apostacie of so tall a Caeder as Lievt. Gen. Cromwell† pretended to be, for the liberties and freedomes of the people of this nation? I shall never hereafter in state affaires, (for his sake) trust either my father, brother, or any other relations I have in the world, but shall always to all I converse with, inculcate the remembrance of that deare experienced truth or maxime, recorded in the margent of our forementioned large Petition, which is “That it hath been a maxime amongst the wisest Legislators that whosoever meanes to settle good lawes, must proceed in them with a sinister opinion of all mankind, and suppose that whosoever is not wicked, it is for want only of the opportunitie, And that no state can wisely be confident of any publique Ministers continuing good, longer then the rods is held over there heads.

Now as God hath made all men subject to his lawes alike, so in the.

Second place, he hath been very sure, positive, and plain in his lawes: see Gen. 2. 17. and 9. 5. 6. Ex. 20. see also the the 10. 11. 13. 14. pages of my Epistle to Iudge Reeves edition the 2. where these particulars are largely and pithly discursed.

But Iuglers, deceivers, deluders, and Tyrants’s study how to make their Lawes ambiguous and doubtfull, that so the people may continually be together by the eares, in the true understanding of them, that so the mysterious and jugling lawyers (who are the principall makers of them) may under pretence of opening them, continualy pick the peoples pockets, with a kind of Hocus Pocus or Clenly conveiance; and have made them so voluminous, that it shal be almost impossible for an ordinary man ever to reade them over, or if he doe reade them over yet, it shall be impossible for an ordinary braine to carry all the contradictions of them, one against another in his head.

Thirdly, God gave all his lawes, and the proceedings therein to his people, in their owne mother tongue, and commanded them to teach them to their Children and Servants (and that their Iudges that did execute them, should sit openly in the Gates) and judged it farre below, and beneath that Iustice that is inherant in him, to give his Lawes, or any proceedings in them; so unto his people, that it was impossible for the most of them, to know them, read seriously for proofe hereof. The forementioned pages of my Epistle to Iudg Reeves, for writing of which al my present troubles are come upon me.

But juglers, deceivers, deluders, and tyrants, will have their lawes not in the peoples mother tongue, but will have them put into Lattin, or French; that so the people that are governed by them, may never come to understand them,* that so their lives liberties and estates may be at the wills of those that ride and tyrannise over them, (as Mr. Daniel in his history well observes the people were in Will, the conquerours time,) and if possible they git their pleadings to be in English, as the people of this Kingdome did theirs (with much strugling in Edward the thirds time) as appeares by that remarkable statute of the 36. Ed. 3. chap. 15. printed in the following discourse page 12. yet they shall be fettered with this bondage, that their [Editor: illegible word] proces, and procedings shall be in Lattin, and that in such a hand, that not one lattin scholler in twenty shall reade them, and if any follow the command of God, to teach the people the understanding of their Lawes; O cry the knaves and tyrants like Bishop Gardiner in the book of Marters, open this doore and we are all destroyed; and therefore by any meanes suppresseall such schooles as Henry the third did those schooles, that were in his dayes set up to teach the people the knowledge of Magna Charta; as Sir Edward Cook well declares, in the 3. page of his proeme to his 2. part institutes. And therefore it is that those makke bate firebrand Lawyers in the House of Commons; have bin so transendently active, to burne and crush in peeces all such honest, and just petitions as have desired our lawes and proceepings therein, may be put into a short plain and easie to be understood method in the English tongue, yea and have made it their study, to grinde to powder the promoters of all such iust & honest, petition as they and their accomplisses lately did in Mr. Iohn Wildmans case and mine, and indeed to speak truly without feare, they are the grand supporters of all corrupt interests in the Kingdome, that make it their study to keepe the people in bondage, and vassolage, and therefore O ye Commons of Enland as one man cry out by petition, speedily to the Parliament; to throw them all out of the House as unsavery salt never to sit there any more unlesse as assistance, who I will maintaine it with my life, have been and still are, (for the preservation of their owne corrupt interest) no small instruments, in the by past and present subversion of our liberties; and occasion of the blood shed, and late warre in the Kingdome, and the main hinderers of the granting, setling and accomplishing, of those many just and righteous things that hath so often bin petitioned for to the Parliament, though hither to all in vaine. O therefore cry, and cry mightily against them as the vermine of the House and Common-wealth.

But because I have longed and still doe, to have this collection abroad, I shall draw towards a conclusion: and let my Country men here reape the benefit of the answer I sent to the querys of some of my friends, mentioned in the Epistle Dedicatory (which was the originall and principall occasion of my compiling this book) which thus followeth.

By the statute of Westminster the first, made in the 3. of Edward 1. chap. 26. (which you may reade verbatim in the 7. page of the following collection) their are no fees due from any free man of England to any Officer of Iustice whatsoever, but what they have immediatly from the publique treasure of the Kingdom, for ther sallories or wages; and it is against a Iudges Oath to take any: whose oath you may at large read in the 10. page following, read also that remarkable page in the merror of Iustice pag. 258. 233. for the proof of this, but especially read the marginall notes in the 69. page following and he that exacts any, shal by the formencioned statute pay back again twice as much &c. but it is true by some latter statues (as the 23. Hen. 6. chap. 10. which you may reade verbatim in the 18. 19. following pages) and 33. Hen. 6. 12. and 21. Hen. 7. 17. &c.) there are some small fees to be paid. And also Sir Edward Cook in the 1. part of his institutes (lib. 3. chap. 13. sect. 70. fol. 368.) saith such reasonable fees as have been allowed by the Courts of justice of an ancient time, to inferior ministers and attendants of Courts for their labour and attendance if it be asked and taken of the subject it is no extortion.

But there is none at all due for entring and recording of apperance, nor for the removing upon a Certionary.

But against Sir Edward Cooks opinion in this particular, I offer this to consideration, that by the Petition of right the King himselfe with all his Lords, cannot justifiably lay a penny upon; (nor take a penny from) the meanest man in England, without common consent in Parliament and if the King &c. the greater cannot doe it, then undeniably the Iudges or justices the lesser can much lesse doe it. And besides by the same right, that under pretence of dues or fees by their arbitrary wills and pleasures, they take one farthing from you or me, they may take a penny, yea a shilling, ye a pound, yea a thousand pound, and so ad infinitum, and so Levell and destroy al property of meum & tuum; [see for the power of an act of Parliament, the notable arguments of Iudg Hutten & Iudg Crooke in the case of ship money, but especialy the Parliaments votes annexed to those arguments] for which very thing divers of the Iudges in the case of ship money, were this very Parliament impeached of Treeson, and the Bishops for makeing their cannons by the Kings single authority to binde their Cleargies pursses without authority of Parliament, were for that and the like defunct of all their power†.

a. The presentment is often brought in English; but it it must be entred and recorded in lattin by the statute of the 16. Ed. 3. 15. which you may reade in the 12. following page and no processe is to be awarded, but if the presentment is entred and recorded in lattin; &c. the presentment must mention the offence, and so must the writ or processe, as clearly appeares in the last forementioned most notable and remarkable stature; see also Sir, Edward Cooks second part instituts upon the 29. chap, of Magna Charta fol. 51. 52. 53. see Vox plebis page 37. and the merror of Iustice chap. 5. sect. 1. division 98. page 238, nay the last author (in his 233. page division 71.) saith that it is abuse of the Common Law, that any plaint is received to be heard without sureties present, to testifie the plaint to be true.

3. The Iustices siting upon the bench, may verbally commit a man for an offence Iying under their cognizance, but there must be a Mittimus or Commitment entred upon Record: See the 14. Henry 7. fol, 8. in Sir, Thomas Greenes case. See also the 70. page of the following discourse.

4. The Iustices of peace cannot continue a man bound above two or three Sessions at most, and if they continue him more, they may as well continue him for thirteen, and so for thirteen score, for it is a vexation, and the Law gives him remedie, by an action of the case, against the Iustices, wherein they shall be fined to the King for the vexation, and pay damages to the partie Plaintiffe.

5. An Indictment for extortion, must be in the proper County before the Iustices of Oyer and Terminer, or Iustices of the peace.

6. Vpon an arrest, the Officer must declare at whose suit, for what, and what returne the processe hath, see the Countesse of Rutlands case of arrest, in the sixt part of Cookes Reports.

7. For a Plea against an Indictment, for not comming to Church to heare Common Prayer, &c. It is framed to your hand, in the 20, 21, 22, 23. pages of my large Epistle to Col. Henry Martin of the 31. of May, 1647. called Rash Oaths, to which I referre you.

8. Though you be committed justly and legally, be sure as soon as you are committed (if possible you can) proffer legall Baile, in person to those that commit you, but for this I wholly referre the Reader to the 70, 71, 72. pages of the following discourse, in which I have given some directions to my Country men, how to guide themselves by the rules of the Law of England, in all ordinary molestations that can befall them, by Knaves malicious men, or Tyrants, saving in the point of panniling of Iuries upon them, in case they come to any triall for their lives, &c. and for that point, I doe wholly referre the Reader to the 24, 25, 26. pages of my notable book called the Resolved mans resolution (where also the cheats and illegallities of Committees procedings are anotamised) and to the 1. part of Sir Edward Cooks Inst. lib. 2. chap. 12. Sect. 234, fo. 156, 157. and his 3. part fo. 32. 33. My labours herein I [Editor: illegible word] may find a courteous acceptation at the hands of my oppressed friends and Country-men, and I have my reward, and shall therein reioyce, and be incouraged for the future improvement of my poore talent to doe them further service.

For upon the 19. of Ian. last, the House of Commons committed me to prison, as their prisoner, for treasonable and seditious practises against the state. And unto the power of the House in committing me J stooped, but at their doore desired to be committed by a legall Warrant, which by their own Law (published in Sir Edward Cooks institutes) Votes, and Ordinances, all warrants of commitments whatsoever ought expresly to containe the certaine particular case, wherefore a man is committed, and ought to conclude, and him safely to keep till he be delivered by due course of Law, and for the full proof of this, read the 68, 69. pages of the following discourse, and the 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. pages of Mr. Iohn Wildmans late defence, called Truths Triumph, or Treachery anotamised.

But if the Warrant be in generall words, and be also to keep him during their pleasure, and made by the Parliament, the prisoner is murthered and destroyed by such an imprisonment. For he must either stoop to their wills, and so betray his liberties and sin against his own soule, or else he must remaine in prison till he starve and rot, before any Iudge in Westminster Hall will grant him a Habeas Corpus to bring him up to the barre of Justice, either to receive his punishment according to Law, or else his liberties as uniustly imprisoned, and this made me the other day at the House of Commons, to contest for a legal warrant, before I would go to Prison; but that mercinary Turkish Ianisary, Col. Baxster laid violent hands upon me, telling me expresly he was not either to reason or dispute the Houses commands, but to obey them; & caused his Soldiers to draw their swords upon me, & in halling of me away by force & violence he stabed Magna Charta, & the Petition of Right & c. to the very heart and soule, & did asmuch as in him lyes, by that act destroy all our Lawes and liberties, for if authority must be backt with the sword, to put in execution all their unjust commands, then farwell all law and liberty forever, and accursed be the day, that ever the Parliament raised an Army to fight for the preservation of our lawes and liberties, if now they convert their power, and turne their swords and guns against us by force of armes to destroy our lawes and liberties.

In the third yeare of the reign of Charles, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland.

AT the Parliament begun at Westminster the seventeenth day of March. An. Dom. 1627. in the third yeare of the reigne of our most gracious Soveraigne Lord, Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, & c. And there continued untill the 26. day of Iune following, and then prorogued unto the 20. day of October now next ensuing: To the high pleasure of Almighty God, and to the weale publique of this Realme, were enacted as followeth.

The petition Exhibited to his Majestie by the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, concerning divers Rights and Liberties of the Subiect; with the Kings Majesties royall answer thereunto, in full Parliament

To the Kings most Excellent Majestie.

HVmbly sheweth unto our Soveraigne Lord the King, the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in Parliament assembled, That whereas it is declared and inacted by a Statute made in the time of the reigne of King Ed. the first, commonly called Statutum de Tallagio non concedento,a That no tallage or aid shall be laid or levied by the King or his Heires in this Realme, without the good will and assent of the Arch Bishops, Bishops, Earles, Barons, Knights, Burgesses, and other the free men of the Commonalty of this Realme. And by authority of Parliament holden in the five and twentieth yeare of the reigne of King Edward the third,b it is declared and inacted. That from thenceforth no person should be compelled to make any loanes to the King against his will, because such loanes were against reason, and the franchise of the Land. And by other Lawes of this Realme it is provided, that none should be charged by any charge or imposition, called a Benevolence, nor by such like charge,c by which the Statutes before mentioned, and other the good Lawes and Statutes of this Realme, your Subjects have inherited this Freedome. That they should not be compelled to contribute to any tax, tallage, aid, or other like charge, nor set by common consent in Parliament. 1. R. 3. 2.

Yet never the lesse of late, divers Commissions, directed to sundry Commissioners in severall Counties, with instructions have issued; by meanes whereof your people have been in divers places assembled, and required to lend certaine summes of money unto your Majestie, and many of them upon their refusall so to do, have had an oath administred unto them, not warrantable by the Lawes or Statutes of this Realme,* and have been constrained to become bound to make appearance, and give attendance before your privie Councell, and in other places: and others of them have been therefore imprisoned, confined, and sundry other wayes molested and disquieted. And divers other charges have been laid and levied upon your people in severall Counties, by Lord Lievtenants, Deputy Lieutenants, Commissioners for Musters, Iustices of Peace, and others by command or direction from your Maiesty, or your privie Councell, against the Lawes and free customes of the Realme.*

And where also by the Statute called THE GREAT CHARTER OF THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND,d It is declared and enacted, That no freeman may be taken or imprisoned,St. 37. Ed. 3. 18. or be disseized of his Free hold, or Liberties, or his free Customs, or be outlawed or exiled, or in any manner distroyed, but by the lawfull iudgement of his PEERS, or by the Law of the Land.St. 38. Ed. 3. 9.

St. 42. Ed. 3. 3.And in the eight and twentieth yeare of the reigne of King Edward the third,e it was declared and enacted by authority of Parliament, That no man of what estate or condition that he be, should be put out of his Land, or Tenements, nor taken, nor imprisoned, nor disherited,St. 17. R. 2. 6. nor put to death without being brought to answer by due processe of Law.

Neverthelesse against the tenour of the said Statutes, and other the good Lawes and Statutes of your Realme to that end provided,f divers of your Subiects have of late been imprisoned without any cause shewed:* And when for their deliverance they were brought before your Iustices by your Majestics Writs of Habeas corpus, there to undergoe and receive as the Court should order, and their Keepers commanded to certifie the causes of their detainer, no cause was certified, but that they were detained by your Maiesties speciall command, signified by the Lords of your privie Councell, and yet were returned back to severall prisons without being charged with any thing to which they might make answer according to law.

And whereas of late great companies of Soldiers and Marriners have been dispersed into divers Counties of the Realme, and the inhabitants against their wills, have been compelled to receive them into their houses, and there to suffer them to sojourne, against the Lawes and Customes of this Realme,† and to the great grievance and vexation of the people.

And whereas also by authority of Parliament, in the five and twentieth yeare of the reigne of King Edw. the third,g it is declared and inacted, that no man should be fore iudged of life or limbe against the form of the Great Charter and the Law of the land; And by the said Great Charter, and other the Lawes and Statutes of this your Realme, no man ought to be adiudged to death, but by the Lawes established in this your Realme,h either by the Customs of the same Realme, or by acts of Parliament. And whereas no offender of what kind soever, is exempted from the proceedings to be used, and punishments to be inflicted by the Lawes and Statutes of this your Realme: Neverthelesse, of late divers Commissions under your Majestes great Seale have issued forth by which certaine persons have been assigned and appointed commissioners with power and authority to proceed within the land, according to the Iustice of Martiall Law, against such soldiers and Martiners, or other dissolute persons joyning with them, as should commit any murther, robberie, felony, mutinie, or other outrage or misdemeanor whatsoever, and by such summary course and order, as is agreeable to Martiall Law, and as is used in Armies in time of warre, to proceed to the tryall and condemnation of such offenders, and them to cause to be executed and put to death according to the Law Martiall.

By pretext whereof some of your Maiesties Subjects have been by some of the said Commissioners put to death, when and where, if by the Lawes and Statutes of the Land they had deserved death, by the same lawes and statutes also they might, and by no other ought to have been iudged and executed.†

And also sundry grievous offendors by colour thereof, claiming an exemption, have escaped the punishments due to them by the Lawes and Statutes of this your Realme, by reason that divers of your officers and Ministers of Iustice have uniustly refused, or forborne to proceed against such offendors according to the same Lawes and Statutes, upon pretence that the said of fendors were punishable only by Martiall law, and by authority of such Commissions as aforesaid, which Commissions and all other of like nature are wholly and directly contrary to the said Lawes and Statutes of this your Realme.

The Petition.They doe therefore humbly pray your most excellent Maiestie, that no man hereafter be compelled to make or yeeld any gift, loane, benevolence, tax, or such like charge, without common consent by act of Parliament. And that none be called to make answer, or take such oath, or to give attendance, or be confined, or other ways molested or disquieted concerning the same, or for refusal thereof. And that no Freeman, in any such manner as is before mentioned, be imprisoned or detained. And that your Maiestie would be pleased to remove the said Soldiers and Marriners, and that your people may not be so burthened in time to come. And that the foresaid Commissions for proceeding by Martiall Law, may be revoked and annulled. And that hereafter no Commissions of like nature may issue forth to any person or persons whatsoever to be executed as aforesaid, lest by colour of them any of your Maiesties Subiects be distroyed or put to death contrary to the lawes and franchise of the land.

All which they most humbly pray of your most excellent Maiesty, as their rights and liberties, according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme. And that your Maiestie would also vouchsafe to declare that the awards, doings and proceedings, to the prejudice of your people, in any of the premisses, shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example. And that your Maiestie would be also graciously pleased, for the future comfort and safety of your people, to declare your royall will and pleasure, That in the things aforesaid all your officers and Ministers shall serve you according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme,† as they tender the honour of your Maiestie, and the prosperity of this Kingdome.

The Bill of Atainder that passed against Thomas Earle of STRAFFORD.

VVHereas the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, have, in the name of themselves, and of all the Commons of England, impeached Thomas, Earle of Strafford of high Treason, for endeavouring to subvert the Antient and Fundamentall Lawes and Government of his Maiesties Realms of England and Ireland, and to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Government against Law in the said Kingdoms; and for exercising a tyrannous and exhorbitant power, over and against the Lawes of the said Kingdomes, over the Liberties, Estates, and Lives of his Maiesties Subiects; and likewise for having by his own authority, commanded the laying and asseising of Soldiers upon his Subiects in Ireland, against their consents, to compell them to obey his unlawfull commands and orders made upon paper Petitions, in causes between party and party, which accordingly was executed upon divers of his Maiesties Subiects in a warlike manner, within the said Realm of Ireland; and in so doing did LEVIE WARRE against the Kings Maiestie and his liege people in that Kingdome; And also for that he upon the unhappie Dissolution of the last Parliament did slander the House of Commons to his Maiestie, and did councell and advise his Maiestie, that he was loose and absolved from the rules of Government, and that he had an Army in Ireland, by which he might reduce this Kingdome; for which he deserves to undergoe the pains and forfeitures of high Treason.

And the said Earl hath been also an Incendiary of the wars, between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland: all which offences have been sufficiently proved against the said Earle upon his impeachment.

Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most Excellent Maiesty, and by the Lords and Commons, in this present Parliament, and by authority of the same, that the said Earl of Strafford for the hainous crimes and offences aforesaid, stand, and be adiudged and attainted of high Treason, and shall suffer such pain of death, and incurre the forfeitures of his Goods, and Chattells, Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments of any estate of free-hold or Inheritance in the said Kingdoms of England and Ireland, which the said Earl, or any other to his use, or in trust for him, have or had the day of the first sitting of this present Parliament, or at any time since.

Provided that no Iudge or Iudges, Iustice or Iustices whatsoever, shall adiudge or interpret any Act or thing to be Treason, nor in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act, and as if this Act had never been had or made. Saving alwayes unto all and singular persons and bodies, politique and corporall, their Heires and Successors, others then the said Earl and his Heires, and such as claim by, from, or under him, all such right, title, and interest, of, in, and to all and singular, such of the said Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, as he, they, or any of them, had before the first day of this present Parliament, any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

Provided that the passing of this present act, and his Maiesties assent thereunto, shall not be any determination of this present Sessions of Parliament, but that this present Session of Parliament, and all Bills and matters whatsoever depending in Parliament, and not fully enacted or determined. And all Statutes and Acts of Parliament, which have their continuance untill the end of this present Session of Parliament, shall remain, continue, and be in full force, as if this Act had not been.

Now after these small collection of Statutes. I shall give you some generall heads of things that I conceive are very necessary for you to know, for the preservation of your lives, liberties, and estates, in this murdering robing plundering, and law and liberty destroying age, and because tythes are of such concernment to al the honest & nown substantive freemen of England; and so dayly a grievance to the conscientious and moral iust men of this Kingdome, by reason of the Priests and persons coveteous indeavouring to rob the people of there truly comeby goods, which they have no right unto, either by the Lawes of God, reason, equity or nature, against which that you may be the better fortified, I shall insert here the plea and answer of William Browne unto the bill of the parson of Stepny, with some marginall notes upon it, and some other things depending upon it. The plea thus followeth.

Englands Freedome, Souldiers Rights:

Vindicated against all Arbitrary uniust Invaders of them, and in particular against those new Tyrants at Windsore, which would destroy both under the pretence of Marshall Law.

OR,

The just Declaration, Plea and Protestation of William Thompson, a free Commoner of England, unjustly imprisoned at Windsore.

Delivered to his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and that which is called his Councell of Warre, the 14. of December, 1647.

Unto which is annexed his Letter to the Generall, wherein the said Plea was inclosed. Also a Petition of the rest of his Fellow-Prisoners to his Excellency.

The Petition thus followeth.

Which petition the said Moore delivered to Col. Henry Martin, and divers other Parliament men, but can not so much as get his petition read in† the House, upon whom he hath long attended, and still waiteth, & most earnestly, and deplorably cryeth out to be releived from this intollerable oppression, by which the said Moore is damnified (as in his printed complaints to the House he declares) above ten thousand pound, to the hazzard of his utter ruine.

Now I shal here crave the liberty, to insert the epittomy of my own cruel & barbarous sufferings, with this desire to al that reads it, seriously to consider that what hath befaln me, by the cruell tyrany of by past Tyrants and oppressors, if not strongly remedied and repaired, may for future be incouragement for the present Tyrants to inflict (when they dare for fear of being dismounted) the like if not worse upon the first Nown-Substantive Englishman, that shall resolutely stand in their way.* The summe of what I have here to insert, I shall lay down in the very words that I delivered in print to the Members of the House of Commons at the House doore, the 23. Novemb. last, which thus followeth.

A new complaint of an old grievance, made by Lievt. Col. Iohn Lilburne, Prerogative prisoner in the Tower of London. Novemb. 23, 1647. To every Individuall Member of the Honourable House of Commons.

MY exceeding urgent necessities, and my extraordinary sufferings by your neglect in doing me justice and right, according to your many oaths and declarations, presseth me above measure still to play the part of the poore importunate widdow, mentioned in the Gospel, and to resolve whatever befalls and never to give over till I have attained her end, viz. Iustice.

You may please truly to take notice (and the rather because many of you are new Members that in the year 1637. and 1638. I suffered a most barbarous sentence by the Star Chamber, occasioned by two false oaths sworne against me by Edmond Chillington,† now a Lievtenant under Col. Whaly, and by my refusing to answer interrogatories against my self, in executing of which sentence the 18. of April 1638. I was tyed to a Cart-tayle at Fleet bridge, and whipt through the streets to Westminster, and had given me above the number of 500. stripes, with a threefold knotted corded whip, the weeles made in my back thereby being bigger then Tobacco pipes, &c. And set two houres upon the Pillory bare head in an extraordinary hot day, and a gag put into my mouth above an houre, to the almost renting of my jawes in sunder. See my printed relation of my businesse before the Lords bar the 13. Feb. 1645. where all this with much more is proved upon Oath.

And upon that very day, 10. Iudges of the said Star Chamber made an Order to murther and starve me,* the very words of which Order being, that the said Iohn Lilburn shall be laid along with irons on his hands and leggs, in the wards of the Fleet, where the basest and meanest sort of prisoners are used to be put and that the Warden of the Fleet, take especiall care to hinder the resort of any persons what soever unto him, and particularly, that he be not supplyed with money from any friend. And yet they not any for them during all my imprisonment never allowed me the value of one farthing taken to live upon, but executed the said Order upon me with so much barbaritie, that my pining, tormenting condition, was a thousand times worse, and lesse to be indured, then any sudden death whatever, under which without doubt I had perished, had it not been for the timely rellese of this Parliament, by which said sufferings I was rob’d of a profitable trade, in the flower of my dayes.

And being by you set at liberty the first weeke of your sitting, I was by the malice of one Littleton a Courtier, by the Kings especiall command arrested of high Treason, and the 4. May 1641. by the Kings own direction, I received a kind of an Arraignment at the Lords bar, where the said Littleton most falsely swore point blanke against me, to the apparant hazzard of my life and being if he had not been contradicted by the oath of his own friend Mr. Andrewes a Counceller, upon which day and at that very time, the House of Commons were so sencible of my sad and suffering condition, that they were pleased upon the report of Mr Francis Rouse to make these Votes for me.

Resolved upon the question, That the sentence of the Star Chamber given against Iohn Lilburne, is illegall and against the liberty of the Subiect, and also bloody, wicked, cruell, barbarous, and tyrannicall.

Resolved upon the question, that reparations ought to be given to Mr Lilburne, for his imprisonment, sufferings and losses sustained by that illegall sentence.

And yet I never had to this houre one penny of reparations, although J dare safely say it, I have spent above a thousand pound one way and another in following you therefore, above the space of seaven yeares, which is alonger time, for any thing, I can read of in Scripture, then ever the importunate widow followed the unrighteous Iudge (that neither feared God nor reverenced man) and yet obtained justice at his hands.

That upon my deliverance, by the assistance of one of my friends, I betook my self to a trade for my livelyhood, and of my own and my foresaid friend, stockt it with almost 1500. l. ready money, and the late wars comming on, at the desires of many eminent men of this Kingdome my then choice friends, I left my trade, and in iudgement and conscience girded my sword unto my thigh, with an honest resolution to spend my heart blood for the preservation of the lawes and liberties of my native country, which then the Parliament by their Declarations, made me and the Kingdome believe was endeavoured to be destroyed by the King and his evill Councell. And having like a man of undaunted resolution adventured my life at Edgehill and Brainford, with good and advantagious successes to the Parliament, though with ill to my self, being to a good value plundered at both places, and at the last taken prisoner, where by the inhumaine barbaritie of severall Lords and others, I was divers times in danger after quarter given (before I came at Oxford) to be hung in pieces, being pinioned with my armes behind me, and tyed to another, and forced on foot through all the dirt and mire to march two dayes together. And being arrived a prisoner at Oxford Castle, J was visited by foure Lords, (viz. the Lord Newarke, now Marquesse of Dorchester the Lord Dunsmore, now Earle of Chichester, the Lord Mattravers now Earle of Arundell, and the Lord Andiver) as messengers from the King (as they told me) and in his name proferred whatever in reason I could desire, in his then prosperous condition, so J would forsake the Parliament, and my present principles, and desire his pardon which they all unanimously promised to get for me, but I told their Lordships they were mistaken in me if they thought I was to be courted out of my principles, and as for his Maiesties pardon I told them I scorned either the craving or accepting of it, having in obedience to the Parliaments then commands done nothing but what I did then believe was just and legall, and for which I would willingly lay my life down, and the desiring or accepting of a pardon would argue guiltinesse, which I told them I believed I had no need to confesse. Whereupon I was clapt in irons night and day, forcd to lye in my cloaths upon the flore, lockt up close in a Chamber, when I had not a penny of money about me, being lately plundered of all I had, and a centry set at my doore, that I could not speak with any of my fellow prisoners, to borrow a penny to buy me bread, by meanes of which I was exposed to the greatest of straights, and immediately in irons arraigned as a Traytor, before Sir Robert Heath, and Sir Thomas Gardner, &c. for levying war against the King, by authoritie from the Parliament, and I pleaded to my indictment, telling the Iudge, I girded my sword unto my thigh in judgement and conscience, by vertue of the greatest authority in the land, with a resolution to speed the last drop of my blood, for the preservation of the just lawes and liberties of my native country, being seduced thereunto by no flesh alive, acting not by an implicite faith, but upon principles of iudgement and understanding, in the defence whereof I told him I was then as ready to dye by a halter, as before I had been either by a Bullet or a Sword, and having escaped that danger of hanging by a letter of the Speakers of this House, threatning unto them, Lex taliones, As you may read in the first part book Decl. 802. 803.

I contracted there, by hard usage, a desperate and dangerous sicknesse, of which I lay speechlesse divers dayes, the inhumanity of the barbarous Marshall Smith, being such toward me, that he would neither suffer Phisitian, Apothecary, Surgion, nor Nurse to come neare me, and though some Gentlemen then in bonds with me, got a poore half starved Prisoner to looke to me, yet he was clapt up twice close Prisoner for helping me in those great straights, and I could not freely inioy his helpe, till I purchased it for money at the hands of one of Smiths cruell tormentors.

By which imprisonment (besides my large expences there) I lost at London in debets, &c. (my Debtors taking the advantage of my araignment for treason, would as they said pay us Traytors debts) about 600. l. every penny of which lay upon mine own particular shoulders. And comming out with the same Principles I went in, I be took my selfe to my sword againe, having refused here at London; divers places of ease profit & honour & with much resolution & integritie, in the midest of many discouragements, I fought under the Earle of Manchesters command so long, tell (by his and others visible apostatising from the first declared ends, and by the wickednesse, treachery basesse, and perfidiousnesse J found there) I had lost all my principles, and could not for all the world any longer kill Caveleeres, in whose service I was plundered the third time at Newarke, to the value almost of 100 l. besides many scores of pounds of my owne mony in that service I spent, more then ever there I received, there being due unto me at this day, for my arreares there, the greatest part of a thousand pounds, as I doubt not upon just and true grounds clearely when you please to make appear.

That at the laying down my command* J rigorously, with all the interest J had in England betook my selfe to an earnest prosecution to obtaine at the hands of your house, my iust and long expected and promised reparations from my cruell Star-Chamber Iudges, (one of which viz. old Sir Henry Vaine sits in your House at this day) in the following of which I met with such hard and unreasonable measure (not only from the hands of your house it self,* but also from its Committees, in being causlesly tossed and tumbled out of the hands of one Messenger to another, and from one Goale to an other) that it made me almost as weary of the Land of my nativity as ever the Israelites were of Aegipt when the cruell Tyrant Pharoah made them to make bricks without straw, especially when I considered that all this was done unto me by those for the saving alive, and preserving of whom, J had so often, freely, and resolutely, with my sword in my hand adventured my life, and in the dayes of their greatest straights and calamities been as faithfull to them, as ever Jonathan was to David, when he hazzarded ruine and distruction from his father for siding with him. Yea, and if it had then been in my power, could have done a thousand times more then I did, verily believing they would have performed their just Declarations to the Kingdome. But before the storm of your indignation was well blown over the fearcenesse of which had almost overwhelmed me, behold such a furious tempest the 10. of Iuly 1646. ariseth against me by the House of Lords, as if it would have blown me into an other Horzian, or have Metamorphased me into the shape and habit of a bruit beast, and have robbed me of all things that might give me the denomination of a man, LEVELLING thereby the Liberties and freedomes of all the Commons of England, unto their arbitrary, Lordly wills. And having about 18. moneths ago fled unto you (as justly I might) for shelter, protection, and justice against them, which by my severall Pleas before your Committees I have proved you ought long since to have afforded me; and having the 11. of this instant in halfe a sheete of Paper, presented (here at your doore, as now I doe to your hands) an abstract of the Lords tyrannicall; illegall dealing with me. And of all by way of Plea, I have for my selfe to say; with a desire to stand or fall under your Judgement there upon, which yet J cannot obtaine from you, and therefore referring you to that Abstract, and to my Grand Plea before Mr. Maynard upon the 20. October last, and my Additionall Plea annexed unto it, for all the particulars I crave and challenge at your hands as my right and due. I adjure you before Heaven and Earth, and before the Lord Yehovah, and his mighty and glorious Angells, without any more delay, to adjudge my cause betwixt the Lords and me, either to my justification or condemnation; and to doe me Justice and right by helping me to my owne, kept from me by you, and doe not by your 7. yeares delay of justice, lay more provocations upon me, then my strength and ability is able to beare, and then go about to distroy me, for my crying out of your oppression; when in the eye of reason I have no other remedie left me in this world but that, or to distroy my selfe, wife and Children, which even nature it self abhores or else to live upon the kindnesses of those, that in future time to my reproach shall (as some from whom I should little have expected it have lately done) hit me in the teeth with it, which makes the proffer of their courtesies a scorn unto me, and the thoughts of not being able to repay them againe; a burthen to my spirit. And therfore to conclude, let me in the bitternesse of my spirit, say unto you as the unrighteous Judge said unto himselfe, although by your actings towards me, you declare that you neither feare God, nor, reverence him, yet for my necessitie and pressing importunities sake, now at last to doe justice and right; for if I must dye by yours, and the Lords murthering oppression, I am resolved if I can helpe it, I will not dye alone, nor in a corner in silence. Therefore helpe me unto my owne, to leave subsistance unto my Wife and Children, that they may not beg their bread when I am dead and gone. And if nothing but my blood will serve my cruell adversaries, if they be men, I challenge the stoutest of them in England, hand to hand, with his sword in his hand like a man, to put a period to my dayes, being ready to answer any man in England, Lord or Commoner, that hath any thing to lay to my charge: Either.

First as a nationall man: Or,

Secondly, as a resolved man; Or,

Thirdly, as an English man.

In the last of which I shall desire no more favour then every Trayter, Rogue, or Murtherer, that is arraigned for his life at Newgate Sessions injoyes, viz. the benefit of the declared known law of England. And so at present I rest.

Be pleased to take notice, that divers hundreds of this halfe sheete of paper I delivered the day of the date of it to the Parliament mens own hands at their doore, and the Soldiers, and the by Standers, and while I was delivering them at there doore out came Mr Iohn Ashe the clothier to me, (a man that hath fingered about ten thousands pounds for his pretended losses of the States mony, besides what he hath got as Chair man to the Committe for composition at Gold Smiths Hall, which if common fame he not a lyar, hath been largely profitable to him, as well as other of the like places are said to be to others of his bespoted bretheren) and told me to this effect, that he had formerly honoured me for my great sufferings, but I had of late Ioyned with David Ienkins to destroy this Parliament, which he was pleased to say was the bases and foundation of the peace, and being of this distressed Commons wealth, for which I very well deserved to be executed, as he said; unto which, with a good resolution I replyed: (having my back against their house doore.) to this purpose: Sir, I scorne your words and charge, of joyning with Iudge Ienkins, or any other whatsoever, either to destroy the Parliament, or the Common wealth, for I am the same man in principles, that ever I was, and as true to mine, as Iudge Ienkins is to his, though you, and the most of the Members of your Home, be changed from yours, & Sir I tel you, that before ever I see Judg Jenkins face, I had law enough to deale with twenty such as you are, though I confesse I have lost nothing in that particular, by my acquaintance with him, but have gained, much by my imprisonment with him, in the knowledge of the Law, but Sir, I retort your owne words, back upon you, and averre that it is you, and such as you are, by that palpable injustice, that so acted by you, that will not only destroy this House, but hazzard the totall distruction of the whole Kingdome, for I my selfe have waited upon you seaven yeares for Iustice, to my large expence, but yet cannot obtain one dram of right, from your hands, although you can finde time enough to shaire the Common, wealths money amongst your selves, by thousands and ten thousands, & whereas you say, that I deserve to be executed, I would have you to know, I scorne your courtesie or mercy, and desire you from me to tell your house, that I am ready to answer the whole house or any particular Member in it according to the Law of the Kingdome, at any barre of Iustice in England, when and where they please, without craving or desiring the least drame of favour or Courtisie at their hands, and here upon the Gentleman went away as though he had had a flee in his Eare.

And by and by came out of the House an ancient man (as I was told, called Mr. Jenner) and he rufly demanded where the man was that delivered those bookes, one of which he had in his hand, and I having my back fast against their doore, and looking him full in the face, told him after this manner, that I was he, that not only delivered them, but also made them, and would justifie them to the death; saith he can you expect any good at our hands to give as such language as at the conclusion of it you doe? unto which I replyed; Sir, I wish you had not given me too much cause, by your delaying to doe me justice, and right, and tossing and tumbling as you have done from one Goale to another, to give you a great deale [Editor: illegible word] whereupon hee departed and left me, and I went on giveing away the aforesaid papers.

But now in regard I can neither obtaine law nor justice, at the hands of the House of Commons, either upon my Star-chamber Iudges, nor yet upon, nor against the present House of Lords, most barbarous, tyrannicall, arbitrary, and murdering dealing with me, and seeing it is clearely discovered every day more then other, and obvious in my apprehesion to every rational mans eye, that the designe of the present seeming sanctified swaying faction; (which who they principally are, I have named before) is totally to subject the freemen of this Kingdome to vassaledge and slavery, and subdue there fundamentall lawes and liberties, by crushing in peices (arbitrarily and tyrannically,) every cordial hearted and Noun-Substantive English man, that due peepe out in the least to owne his freedome and liberties, or stand for them, thereby demonstrating that they have learned their lesson well, from that old guilded Fox the Lord Say, whose maxime it is (if he be not wronged) that it is as dangerous to let the people know their liberties and freedomes, as to let a stomackt House know his strength, and therefore it is, that my Lord and the rest of his new factionated Independents (who in my Judgement are grown more tyrannicall already, then either the Episcopalls of old, or the late swaying Presbyterians I have so many Beagles and Cur-doggs; not only to snarl at, but to bite the shins of every man they can find out, that dare presume to write, print, or publish any light or information to the people; and if they hold on but a little longer as they have begun, it is to be feared they will make it death, as the great Turke doth, for any man to keep a printing presse. And seeing they have (in my eyes) laid aside the studying the Gospell of truth and peace, or practising any thing that is commended by it, and are totally studying and practising of Machiavell and are closing and dabbing with the interest of the publique Priests, to make the publique pulpits sound forth their rotten praises, and uphold their new confused Babell sandy interest, though in this book (by reason of the great distractions of the kingdome) I thought to have been very tender of the House of Commons and its committees: yet because slavery and tyranny is already got over the threshold, I must furnish my friends with some weapons to keep it out of the kitchine and Hall, least it get possession speedily of the whole house, and for that end I shall insert my Defiance to Tyrants in a plea, which thus followeth.

And to conclude this book, I shall only add a breviate of my grand Plea against the Lords, as I delivered it to the House of Commons, in half a sheet of paper the 11. Nov. which thus followeth.

Endnotes

 [† ] For Andrew Horne declares p. 219. that it is an abuse of the common Law, that Iustices and their Officers, who kill people by false judgement, be not destroyed, as other murtherers, which King Alfrid caused to be done, who caused 44. Iustices in one yeare to be hanged as murtherers, for their false judgements, and page 241. he saith, that he hanged Arnold because he saved Boylife, who robbed the people by cullour of distresses, whereof some were by selling distresses, some by extortions of fines, &c.

 [† ] See that notable discourse of him in Putney Projects, and also in a little book, called the Grand Design, and the justification of Sir Iohn Maynard prisoner in the Tower called the Royall Quarrell.

 [* ] But saith the aincient Lawyer Andrew Horne, in his Mirror of justice, chap. 5. Sect 1. de. 3. page 225. it is an abuse of the common Law of England, that the Lawes and customes of the Realme, with their occasions are not put in writing, whereby they may be known, so as they might be knowne by all men.

 [† ] See Mr. Nat. Fines his notable speech against the Bishops Cannons made 1640 and printed in a book called Speeches and passages presented for Will-Crook at Furnivals Inne gate in Holborne 1641. page 49. 50. 51. and the house of Commons vote Dec. 15. 1640. ibim. page 328. and the statute made this Parliament that abolished Eccelesiasticall Iurisdiction.

 [a ] 34. Ed. 1. chap. 1.

 [b ] 25. Ed. 3. Rot. Par.

 [c ] 25. Ed. 1. 6. 1. Ed. 3. 6. 11. R. 2. 9. 1. R. 3. 2.

 [* ] Oaths Ex Officio unlawfull.

 [* ] All Magistracy in England is bounded by the law thereof.

 [d ] 9. H. 3. 29.

 [e ] 28. Ed. 3. 3.

 [f ] 25. Ed. 3.

 [* ] Imprisonment without cause shewed is illegall. See also Cooks 2. part institutes, upon the 29. chap. Magna Charta.

 [† ] Compulsive billiting of Soldiers unlawfull, and it is very observable that the King at the time of this complaint had warres with France.

 [g ] 25 Edw. 3. 9.

 [h ] No man ought to be adiudged but by the established lawes. 9. H. 3. 29. 5. Ed. 3. 9. 25. Ed. 3: 4. 18. Ed. 3. 3.

 [† ] Marshall law altogether unlawfull in England in times of peace especially, and therefore that Soldier of Col. Robert Lilburnes Regiment that was lately shot at the Rendezvouz neere Ware, was meerely murthered.

 [† ] All the administrators of the law, are to execute their places according to the law and not otherwise.

 [† ] And the reason was because in this his first answer be doth not grant that the things claimed in the Petition as they are laid down, are the lawes, rights, and liberties of England, and so had left it in the Iudges breasts to have given their Iudgements as well against as with the Petition, but his second answer, let right be done as is desired, is full to the purpose.

 [† ] Especiall in the 2. Edition of my Plea in bar, to Iudge Reeves reprinted Aug. 1647. and called the iust mans iustification, & my book called the resolved mans resolution, pag. 19, 20. 21, 22. and my epistle to Mr. Martin of the 31. May, called rash oaths unwarrantable, pag. 27. 28. 48, 49, 50. See also Englands Birth Right, pag. 30. 31. 32, 33.

 [* ] Chap. 8. and 13.

 [† ] 36. Ed. 3. 12. 14. R. 2. 11. See also the wages of the Clerke of the peace, in the Statutes of 27. H. 8. 16. and 5. Eliz. 12. and 13. Eliz. 25.

 [* ] This is a Statute of bondage and losse of liberty.

 [† ] Suits for withholing of tyths shall bee in the Eccllesiasticall Court and no where else.

 [a ] Dyer fo. 377.

 [b ] Cook l. 6. fo. 29.

 [a ] Dyer fo. 377. 346. 369. Co. ll. 6. fo. 29.

 [a ] 9. H. 3. 29.

 [b ] 5. E. 3. 9.

 [c ] 25. E. 3. 4.

 [d ] 28. E. 3. 3.

 [e ] 42. Ed. 3. 3.

 [f ] 36. Ed. 3.

 [† ] This is a mistake of the councell that drew the plea, for tythes by the statute law of this Kingdome, are only recoverable in the ecclesiasticall courts, and not at the common law, as fully and clearly appeares by the 1 of Ed. 6. chap. 13: and the ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction is totally abolished by act of Parliament, this present Parliament anno Caroli Regis 17. so that by law the Parsons can recover no tythes.

 [* ] Penalty for maintaining the authority of the Bishop of Rome 5. Eliz. chap. 1. Penalty to draw any subjects from their obedience to the King to the Roman religion. Idem.

 [† ] The names, functions and stiles of Bishops are taken away. Ord. 9. Octob. 1646. and their Episcopall iurisdiction and power with their tythes, vicarages, personages, &c.

 [* ] See the 13. Eliz. chap. 12.

 [* ] Hierarchy exterpated root and branch, and government by Prelacy, whereof Vicars be part. See the Ordinances of the 9. of Octob. and the 16. Novemb. 1646 2. part book decl. fol. 922. 932. see also the Covenant.

 [† ] See the Ordinances of the 3. Ian. 1644. and 23. August, 1645. Parl. Decl. 2. part fol. 715. 716.

 [* ] Tyths are not due iure divino, and at this present there is no law to compell their payment Cook Rep. 2. Quen. d. Winchester.

 [* ] 2. & 3. Ed. 6. 13. Coe. li. 2. fol. 43.

 [* ] See the act of the 17. of C.R. for abolution of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

 [* ] See Andrew Horns mirror of iustice in English, chap. 5. Sect. 1. pag. 239. 240. 241. 242. &c. printed for Mat. Walbank at Grays Inne gate, 1646 where all their crimes are set down, which book is most extraordinarily well worth your reading.

 [* ] Which writs of Replevy, you may have out of the Cusiters office belonging to every County, but get at one and the same time a writ of Replevin, a writ of Alias and a writ of Pluries, which last Writ runs with a penaltie, and if the Sheriff doe not execute it, there lyes an attachment against him, and in case he return that the goods are sold, and gone before he could repleve them, or drove into another County, then you may have a Capias in witbernam to distrain and take the parties own goods, that caused the first goods to be distrained, or any of those that had a hand in distraining, and no supersedeas whatsoever will lye to controule, or dam the writ, or hinder the execution of it, which writs with all other in force, you may read in the Law book called the Register, by the help of which, you may make all the Parsons in England goe whistle for their Tyths Which Register doth very well deserve your care and pains by authority to be translated into English.

 [* ] And it is but a bad belief, so I say and wil maintain it against all the procters of the present House of Lords have in England, that they have no more right to their pretended legislative power then a thiefe that by force take my purse from me. Nor no more right to be called the legislator of England, then a man to be called an honest womans husband, that by force and violence robs her of her virginitie, and so commits a rape upon her, and by threat to save her life compells her to hold her peace. And I desire all the Commons of England seriously to consider how the Lords that flow from William the Conquerers sword, and the meer will of his successors can rationally pretend to a legislative power, when in their joynt Declarations with the present House of Commons they have declared the King their Creator hath none, but is bound by his Coronation oath to pass all such lawes as the folk or Commons shall chuse, and what greater evill can there be in the world, then seeing that all legislative power in the nature of it is Arbitrary, that for life an arbitrary power should be placed in the Lords, and heriditary in their sons, be they fooles or knaves, therefore up with them by the roots, and let no power hereafter be exercised in England, but what acknowledgly flowes as a trust from the people, or their Representatives, and who are subiect as other men to the Lawes.

 [* ] See Paultons collection of statutes p. 1431. 1432.

 [† ] See Sir Edw. Cooks Exposition hereof in his 2. part Institut. fol. 46, 47, 50, 51.

 [* ] See the 5. Ed. 3. 9. & 25. Ed. 3. 4. & 28. Ed. 3. 3. & 37. Ed. 3. 18. & 42. Ed. 3. 3. and the Petition of Right in the third of the King, and the Statutes that abolished the Starre-Chamber and Ship-money, made this present Parliament; and Lievtenant Col. Iohn Lilburnes Book called the Resolved mans Resolution, p. 2, 3, 8, 9. and his Grand Plea against the Lords, pag. 7, 8, 9.

 [* ] Well saith Sir Edward Cook in the 2. part of his Institutes fol. 48. that every oppression against law by colour of any usurped authority, is a kind of destruction: for when any thing is forbidden; all that tends to it is also forbidden; and it is (saith he) the worst oppression that is done by colour of justice. See also Lib. 10. fo. 74. in the case of the Marshalsea.

 [† ] And therefore you, with your dealings with me, that am meerly a free Commoner of England, and so not in the least under your Marshall Discipline (but solely and only under the discipline of the known declared, and established Lawes of England) by your arbitrary, tyrannicall actings upon me, have absolutely as much as in your lyes, destroyed the fundamentall Lawes of England, and therefore are as absolute Hedge breakers and Levellers as ever were in this Kingdome.

 [* ] Read also to this purpose Mr. Iohn Pyms speech against the Earl of Strafford, the 12. of April, 1641. printed Iohn Bartlet, but especially p. 5. 6. 8. 9. 13. 18. 23. 24.

 [* ] And in the 1. 2. 3. pages before.

 [† ] See the 9. H. 3. 29. 5. Ed. 3. 9. & 25. Ed. 3. 4. & 28. Ed. 3. 3.

 [† ] Yet it is very observable, that at the very time when this Martiall Law complained of was executed; the King had warres with France, a forraign enemie, but there is no such thing now; and therefore the Army, or the grand Officer; thereof have not the least shadow or pretence to execute it in the least, or to deale with me a free Commoner, as they have done.

 [* ] See the late Plea for the Agents, printed before. pag. 42, 43, 44.

 [† ] See the ingagement in the Armies book of Decl. pag. 24, 25, 26, 27.

 [* ] And if you do what are you better then a company of Rebels & Traytors to the Parliament, for your then opposing their power, authority, orders, and ordinances.

 [† ] As is cleare by the Statutes of 3. Ed. 1. 33. & 37. Ed. 3. 18. & 38. Ed. 3. 9. & 42. Ed. 3. 3. & 2. R. 2. 5. & 12 R. 211. 5 part Cookes reports. pag. 125. & 13. H. 7. Kelway & 11. Eliz. Dier. 285. & 30. Assiz. pla. 19. & Liev. Col. John Lilburnes Grand Plea of 20. October 1647. pag. 7. 8.

 [* ] See Vox Plebis pag. 38. & Lievt. Col. Jo. Lilburnes Anatomie of the Lords Tyranny, pag 10.

 [† ] See 8. H. 6. fol. 21. & Eliz. Dier 220. & Dr. Bonhams case, 8. part of Cooks Reports and Lievt. Col. Jo. Lilburnes grand Plea, pag. 10.

 [* ] See Mr. Henry Martins answer to the Scotchpapers, called the Independency of England at the last end.

 [† ] But besides all this I doe confidently believe, that the Parliament never gave power unto the Generall since the wars ended to execute Martiall Law, neither doe I believe that some chiefe Executors of Martiall Law, have any Legall Commission from the Parliament, who never that I could heare of, ever gave power unto the Generall of himself to make generall Officers: and besides, all the Parliament men that are Officers in the Army were, (as I have been groundedly told formerly) taken off by an Ordinance of both Houses, which was never repealed since.

 [* ] See Sir E. Cooks 2 part institut. fo. 47, 48. & 3. part, fol. 22. and 4. part, fol. 23. 25. 48. 291. all of which bookes are published for good law to the Kingdom by 2. speciall Orders of the present House of Commons, as you may read in the last pa. of the second part institut. see also the Petition of Right.

 [† ] See the Armies Declaration of the 14. Iune, 1647. Book of their Declarations, pag. 39. and their Letter from Royston to the Lord Mayor of London, of the 10. Iune. 1647. which the Printer hath neglected to print in their book of Declarations.

 [* ] See 2. part Instit. fol. 51. & 4. part. fol. 41. 196. 197. but especially read their Jndictment virbatim set down ibid. fo. 198, 199.

 [† ] Which you may read before, pag. 1, 2, 3, & 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51.

 [* ] For whom the Statute law in such a condition, hath appointed punishments to be inflicted upon them in the ordinary Courts of iustice, either for false musters, cheating the Soldiers of their pay, or for [Editor: illegible word] giving them leave to depart, or for the Souldiers going from their Cullours without lawfull leave, or for imbeasing Horse or Armes, &c. See the 18. H. 6. 19. and 2, and 3. Ed. 6. 2. and 4. and 5. P. and M. chap. 3. and 5. Eliz. 5. and 5. Iames. 25.

 [† ] Whom those godly, pious and righteous Gentlemen of the Councell of Warre tryed for his life, for no other crime, but for his honesty, in prosecuting that just paper called The Agreement of the People, and his life was saved but by two voices, O malicious and bloody men!

 [† ] See the 5. Article in the impeachment of the Earl of Strafford. See also the 15. and 19. Article of that Impeachment.

 [* ] Viz. Lievt. Gen. Cromwell, & his politique Sonne in Law, Com. Gen. Ireton, who are I will maintaine it the principall supporters, upholders, abetters, preservers, and defenders of the usurping House of Lords, in all their usurpations, illegall oppressions, tyranny, and murthering crueltie, for which if there were any justice to be had, they deserved better to be impeached of High Treason, for subverters of our lawes and liberties, then the Earle of Strafford, did in that before their eyes, they have seen his severe punishment, and yet walk in his steps.

 [* ] For the Parliament owes me for my just arreares, the greatest part of a 1000. pound and my Ordinance for 1000. l. reparations against my uniust Star-chamber Iudges, hath layd dorment in their house this two yeares, although since then, I know severall of there owne Members, to whom out of the publique money they have given 5000 l. a a peece unto that I will upon the losse of my life evidently make it good, never suffered one hundreth part, of that which I did before this Parliament, and yet I am told some of them have received all there 5000. pounds.

 [† ] And then they and some of there Pencionary Imps, lyingly get their Diurnall Mercuries to print to the view of the whole Kingdome, that they all had acknowledged their faults, and cry’d peccavie, when as some of them that are named in the Diurnall so to doe, have told me that it is the falsest lye in the world, for they never did any such thing, but ever did and still doe abhorre the thoughts of such a base and wicked acknowledgement.

 [† ] For opposing whose interest till the peoples liberties were first setled, they sought the ruine and destruction of all those in the Army that appeared against it.

 [† ] Which is clearely evident, by both their pleading and plotting for the supportation of the Lords usurped Legislative power, which I will maintaine it against Cromwell and Ireton, they have no more right to, instrict justice, then a thiefe and robber hath to a purse which he takes by force upon the high way, which pretended legislative power alone, hath brought all the warrs upon this Kingdom, for if they at first had concurred to the Ordinance of the Militia, the King could never have been able to have raised an Army, and to continue an arbitrary power for life, and also hereditarily to their heires, be they fooles or knaves, is the greatest vassalage and bondage that can be, therefore I say again down with them.

 [† ] It is worth the taking notice, the Speaker is Sir John Lenthalls brother, and it is almost grown to a common proverb in England, that Parliament mens neer Allyes as well as themselves are above the reach of all law and justice, which I am sure if they look not speedily well about them, will destroy them every man.

 [* ] And it is the clearest demonstration to me in the world, that the present men in power alwayes intended to walk in the oppressive & tyranous ways of the Star-chamber, High commission, & councel board, in that they have done no man effective iustice or right that suffered by them, least their own Acts should be binding presidents to pay their own Acts should be binding Presidents, to pay themselves by in future times.

 [† ] The substance of which, with my defence against them in open Star Chamber, and when I stood upon the Pillory at Westminster, you may largely read in the relation of my first sufferings, called The Christian mans tryall, reprinted by Will. Larner 1641. now dwelling at the black boy within Bishops. Gate.

 [* ] Which Order you may read at the last end of my above mentioned relation.

 [* ] Which I did upon this ground, at the first medalizing of Sir Tho. Fairfaxes Army, the Parliament voted that none should beare office in that new Modell but he that would take the Covenant, whereupon though I was profered better imployment then before I ever had, yet I told Lieu. Generall Cromwell whose white Boy then I was, that upon them tearmes I scorned to be so base as ever againe to draw my sword for the Parliament, for hitherto I had served them, faithfully and uprightly out of principles of Conscience, and not as a Mercenary, for their money, and what [Editor: illegible word] soever he was, that should grow iealous of me without a cause. I would never againe upon any tearmes in the world serve that Master any more. As for, the Covenant every Knave and Rascal that had no more conscience then a dog, would take either it or any other with whatsoever for his own advantage, and for his gaine and profit breake it as soon as he had taken it, but J told him, I for my part was compelled to be honest out of a principle of conscience, and not out of the force of Oaths. And besides I for my particular would never be such a Traytor to the lawes of my God, and to the liberties of my native Country, as to take such an insnaring, intangling, dishonourable Scotch Oath.

 [* ] Who by Mr. Speakers meanes Commiteed me at eight a clock at night, without hearing me, though at your doore, or without seeing those that accused me, and afterward made an Order to arraign me for my life at Newgate Sessions, and yet releast me without telling me wherefore I was imprisoned. See my book called Innocency and Truth iustified.

 [a ] See the Petition of right, and Sir Edw. Cooks 4. part institutes, Chap. high Court of Parliament.

 [b ] See King Iames his speech to the Parl. at White Hal 1609. and 1. par. book Decl. pag. 150. and my book called the Outcryes of oppressed Commons. pag. 16, 17. 18. and my Epistle to Mr. Martin of the 31. May 1647. called Rash Oaths, pag. 56.

 [c ] See Cooks 2. part inst. upon the 329. chap. of Magna Charta, fo. 52. 53. and fo. 590, 591. and regall Tyrany, p. 78. 79. 80, 81. and Vox Plebis, p. 37. and my plea before Mr. Martin of the 6. Novem. 1646. called an anatomy of the Lords tyrany, pag. 5. 7. 8.

 [d ] See Cooks 2. part. inst. fol. 103. 104. & 4. part inst. Chap. High Court of Parlm. and the book called the manner of holding Parlmts. & Mr. Prinns relation of the triall of Col. Nath Fines. p. 13. and regall tirany, pag. 82, 83.

 [e ] See 2. part inst. fol. 103, 104. and my book called the resolved mans resolution, p. 56. and regall tyrany p. 80, 82, 83. & Mr. Prinns relation of Col. Nath. Fines his tryall, p. 11, 12, 13.

 [f ] See my grand plea, and my letter 11. Nov. 1647. to every Jndividuall Member of the House of Commons, See Sir Edw. Cooks exposition of the 14. and 29. Chap of Magna Charta in his 2. part inst. and regall tyranny, p. 43, 44, 72, 73, 74, 85, 86. and Vox Plebis, pag. 38, 39, 40, 41, 42. and my Epistle to the Lievt. of the Tower the 13. Ian. 1646. called the oppressed mans oppressions declared, p. 17. 18, 19.

 [g ] See Vox Plebis, p. 38. my anatomy of the Lords tyrany, p. 10. and Thompsons plea against Marshall Law.

 [h ] See Rom. 4. 15. Englands Birth right, p. 1. 2, 3, 4, and the resolved mans resolution, p. 24, 25, 26.

 [i ] See the proofes in the third Maginall note at the letter C.

 [k ] Which Statute you may read before, p. 6. and take notice of this, that all misdemeanore whatsoever are Baileable.

 [l ] I See the 3. E. 1. c. 26. and 4. E. 3. 10. and 23. H. 6. 10. Rast. plea. fo. 31. 7. Vox Plebis. p. 55, 56. 57. and my late Epistle to C. West late Liev. of the Tower, called the oppressed mans oppressions declared, p. 3, 4. 1. part Cook inst. Lib. 3. chap. 13. Sect. 71. fol. 368. where he positively declared, it was the native & ancient, rights of all Englishmen, both by the Statute and Common Law of England, to pay no fees at all to any administrators of justice whatsoever, or any Clarke or Officer whatsoever officiating under them, who were only to receive their Fees, Wages, and Salleries of the King, out of the publique treasure. See also 2. part inst. fol. 74. 209. 210. The Publique treasure of the Kingdom being betrusted with the King for that and such ends: see also that excellent book in English, called the Mirror of justice, chap. 5. Sect. 1. pag. 231. and Iudge Huttons argument in Mr. Hamdens case against ship money, pag. 41.

 [m ] See 1. part inst. lib. 3. Chap. 7. Sect. 438. fo. 260. and the 2. part fo. 43, 315, 590. see my book called the oppressed mans oppressions declared, p. 3. Vox plebis p. 47, 55. 56. and liberty vindicated against slavery, p. 14, 15, 16,

 [n ] in his 2. part inst. fol. 42, 43. which is exceeding well worth your reading, see fo. 315, 316, 590, 591. see the mirror of justice in English, chap. 5. Sect. 1. devision 53, 54, 55, 57, 58. pag. 231.

 [o ] Only this is to be taken notice of, that if I commit an offence before the view of a Iudge or Iustices sitting upon the Bench I ought to goe to prison with, or by his verball command, with any officer of the Court he shall Command me to goe with, only he ought to enter a Mittiter & send it after me when the Court riseth, and I may if I please proffer him baile to answer the Law when he Commits me, which he ought not to refuse, and if he doe, it is false imprisonment, if my pretended or reall crime were baileable, and my action I may have against him.

 [p ] In his 2. part inst. fo. 52, 53. in which pages you may rend the very words of an Habeas Corpus, as also in the 79, 80, 81. pages of Regall tiranny, where you may have them in English, as well as Latin.

 [q ] Vpon which Habeas Corpus, if you be brought up to the barre, you ought if wrongfully imprisoned, clearely to be discharged without baile, and with baile if justly imprisoned if your crime be baileable, or else the Iudge forsweares himself, for which you may indict him for perjury, and also have an action at Law for false imprisonment against him that falsely committed you, or they that forced you hither, yea, and in divers cases against the Gaoler himself, who ought not by law (upon their perills) to receive or detaine you, but by a legall warrant flowing from a legall power, as before I have more fully noted. See also 1. p. book decl. p. 201. And you are to know, that any house keeper that stand not committed of crimes, but are legall men, paying scot and lot (though they be no subsidie men) are good baile, and if refused, you have your action of false imprisonment against him that so doth, and you are further to know, that if the prisoner he in a Country Gaole, who is to be brought up to the Bar in Westminster Hall upon the Habeas Corpus, that he is only to beare his owne charges, but by law is not bound to beate the Gaolers, or to pay him any thing for bringing him.

 [* ] And what due processe of Law is, you may read in the 2. part institutes upon the 29. Chap. of Magna Charta, and Vox Plebis pag. 11, 12, 14, 15. & c. and my book called The resolved mans resolution, page 3, 4, 5, 6. & c. and my grand plea against the Lords, and Thompsons plea against the new Tyrants at Windsore executing Marshall Law.

 [† ] All which you may at large reade in the 123, 124, 125. pages of a book called Speeches and Passages printed for Wil. Cook. at Furnivalls-Inne gate in Holburn, 1641.

 [* ] See Englands Birth-right p. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8.

 [† ] For the third Article in the first impeachment of the Earle of Strafford in the above said book page 118. runs thus; that the better to inrich and inable himselfe to go thorow with his traiterous designs, he hath detained a great part of his Maj revenue, without giving legal account and hath taken great sums out of the Exchequer, converting them to his own use, when his Maiesty was necessitated for his owne urgent occasions, and his Army had been a long time unpaid.

 [† ] See Magna Charta, Chap. 29.

 [* ] 25. E. 3. f. 42. B. Coron. 134. 32. li. 3. Coron. 248. 9. E. 4. f. 52.

 [* ] 9. E. 4. f. 26. 41. ass. 5. 22. E. 3. Coron. 242, 243, 248. 43. E. ibid. 424. 3. H. 3. ibid. 312. 328. 333, 345. 346. 2. E. 3. fo. 1. 26. ass. 51. 22. E. 3. 13. 27. ass. 42. 27. ass. pag. 116. 15. E. 2. Coron. 38. 9. H. 4. 1. 10. H. 4. 7. 11. H. 4. 11. 8. E. 2. Coron. 422. 430. 431. 27. H. 6. 7. 39. H. 6. 33. 2. R. 3. cap. 3. 2. H. 5. cap. 7. 21. H. 7. 17.

THE LEVELLERS LEVELLED.

It was the Apostle Pauls Doctrine; and that he likewise gave in speciall charge to Titus c. 3. 1. Put them in minde to be subject to principalities and Powers, to obey Magistrates, to bee ready to every good work: But this Doctrine now is little lesse then Heresie, and meere Arbitrary Tyranny, in the opinion of a New Generation of Levellers, and seditious Sectaries, sprung up among us since the Warres; the very persons of whom Peter prophecyed in the latter times;a Who despise Dominion; presumptuous, selfe-willed, they are not afraid to speake evill of Dignities, and the things that they understand not, and shall perish in their owne corruption. How active and industrious these Fire-brands of Sedition have been by writing and petitioning to extirpate Monarchy and Magistracy, Nobility and Gentry; and how they move every stone to pull downe the House of Peeres, and levell the Lords to the Commoners, by bringing them downe into the Commons-House to sit and vote together with them as one, or else not to sit or vote at all, is visible to most; and how many thousands of ignorant simple people they have ingaged to confederate with them in this pernicious designe, hath been already discovered in part to the Houses; the false suggestions and dangerous consequencies whereupon it is grounded, I shall succinctly discover, to undeceive the seduced people, and take them off from such a desperate attempt, which will prove destructive both to the Parliament, and themselves too in conclusion.

These Lilburnists and Levellers pretend, that it is not fit the Lords should sit and vote in a distinct House by themselves, as they have done of latter times, but that they and the Commons should now sit all together in one House, (to wit, the House of Commons, theb ONELY SOVERAIGNE POWER OF THIS KINGDOME, as they stile it) as they did of* old at first, and be new moulded into a single House; that so Bills, Ordinances, Votes, and businesses of Parliament might passe with more expedition upon one Debate and Vote, and not stay the Debates and Votes of two distinct Houses ere they be consummate. And because the Lords are but few in number, the sonnes of Conquest, not of election, representing onely themselves, but not the Commons of England, represented onely by the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses chosen and intrusted by them; therefore it is just and reasonable the Lords should be levelled and brought down to the Commons House to sit and Vote with them; and not enjoy any distinct or negative Votes among themselves, as now they doe.

To answer these pretences, I shall not insist upon thec Lords ancient and undoubted Right to sit and Vote in Parliaments long before the Conquest, from the first beginning of Parliaments to this present: Nor on their activity and readinesse in all ages, to oppose with the losse and hazzard of their estates, heads, lives, the encroachments of our Kings upon the Subjects Liberties, and vindicate the peoples freedomes, in thed Reigns of King John, Henry the 3. Edward 2. Richard 2. and other oppressive Princes, against whose invasions of the Kingdomes Lawes and Rights they have ever beene the principall Bulwarkes; and of late the chiefe procurers of this present Parliament, and undertakers of our defensive warre against the King, wherein the Earle of Essex, Lord Brook, Lord Willoughby, and others of them first appeared; Nor yet to debate their ancient and undoubted power and right of Judicature in civill and criminall cases of Commoners as well as Peers, in all times and Ages since there were Parliaments, of which there are infinite presidents in Histories, Parliament Rols and Journalls, and sundry disclaimers of the whole House of Commons of being Judges in Parliament, as in 1. R.2. Rot. Parl. n. 38, 39, 40. 1 H. 7. Rot. Parl. n. 79. and Plac. Corone. nu. 11. to 17. and other Rolls: I shall wholly addresse my selfe to answer such Allegations as are most pertinent, touching the point of reducing both Houses into one, in such manner as is projected.

First then I answer, what though it be probable by Modus tenendi Parliamentum, that the King, Lords and Commons anciently sat in one roome, and went in at one common doore in King Edwards the Confessors time; yet it follows not, they all sat and voted together, as one intire house: no more then it follows; all the Judges and Officers of the Kings Courts of Chancery, Kings Bench and Common Pleas sit in one common Room, and go in at one doore, at Westminster Hall: therefore they all sit, judge and heare causes together, and are or ought to be reduced to one Court; and do not judge, and heare causes severally, nor ought to do it: there being no one Author or record of credit extant, which proves directly, that the Lords and Commons did ever sit, vote, or act together as one intire house, and passe Billes, Judgements, Ordinances, Orders, by one undivided and united Vote; the thing which should be proved.

Secondly, when, by whom, and upon what occasion the Houses first came to be divided, is altogether uncertain, for ought appeares by history or records.e Sir Edward Cook conceives, that both houses sat together in 5. & 6. Ed. 3. and that about that ime, or a little after, they were first divided, when the Commons first chose a Speaker. But the Records of these Parliaments do not necessarily warrant his conjecture herein; since they speak only of the meeting together of the three Estates in Parliament, (as now they oft times do, on the first and last day of the Parliament, at conferences, passing Bills, and upon other occasions) not of their sitting and voting together. For my part, I conceive the division of the Houses farre more ancient, for this reason, because our historians writing of our ancientest Parliaments, as well before as after the Conquest, do many times make mention only of ourf Kings, Archbishops, Bishops, Earles and Barons present in them, not of any Elders of the people, Senators, Knights or Commons to represent the people, (which at other times they speak of) as present in our Parliaments, and Councells: occasioned only as I conceive, by the distinction of their sitting places and debates. unlesse it be granted, that many of our ancient Parliaments were held without Commons, Knights, and Burgesses, (as some affirm) but never without Peers & Lords; which would much invalid the Commons authority, and that supream jurisdiction of theirs which the Levellers now plead for. But admit they sat together in one roome in Edward the third his reigne, yet it is clear to me, their debates, votes, judgement, were long before distinct as now they are, by that memorable passage in Stephanides (transcribed out of him byg Master Selden; concerning the judgment given in Parliament at Northampton against Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury, in the eleventh yeare of King Henry the second, Anno Domini 1165. Where the Bishops, Earles, and all the Barons of England, resolving upon the Kings motion there, that Becket refusing to appeare in Parliament, upon summons to answer the complaint against him, being neither hindered by sicknesse, nor sending any reasonable excuse for his not appearing, should forfeit all his moveable goods, and be at the Kings mercy: thereupon there arose a difference between the Bishops, and Barons, which of them should pronounce the judgement: the Barons alleadged, that the Bishops ought to pronounce it, because he was a Bishop, and they but Laymen; the Bishops Ecclesiasticall persons, and his fellow Priests, and Bishops. To which one of the Bishops answered; it belonged to the Barons and not to them, because it was no Ecclesiasticall but Secular judgement; that they sat there as* Barons, not as Bishops: you are Barons, and we are Barons: here we are Peeres. But you insist in vain upon the reason of our Order: for if you regard in us our Ordination, you ought likewise to consider the same in him: Now in this that we are Bishops, we cannot judge our Archbishop and Lord. The King hearing this controversie about pronouncing the judgement, was moved, & thereupon this controversie ceased: and the Bishop of Winchester, (then Henry de Bloys) being at last enjoyned to give the judgement, pronounced it against his will. There being no mention, speech, or interlocution of the Commons in this whole Parliamentary debate or censure, but onely of the King, Bishops and Barons; it makes it more then probable to me, that even then the Houses were divided; at least, that they sat and voted not together but distinctly: and if the Commons were present, yet it is most cleare, the Barons only were the Judges, and gave and pronounced the sentence in Parliament, even without the Commons. Of which more in some other Treatise.

Thirdly; admit, the division of the Houses no ancienter then King Edw. the third, yet their division being made at first upon good grounds, to prevent confusion and delayes, and to passe things with more mature advise and deliberation upon double debates, and second cogitations, and continued constantly ever since upon good grounds, without any alteration oropposition. And this division of them being ratified and approved by the Law and custome of Parliament, The Parl. Rolls, and Journalls, yea confirmed by sundry* Acts of Parliament, and among others by 31. H. 8. c. 10. 33. H. 8. c. 21. 3. Jac. c. 1. it can be no way just, nor safe, nor convenient, nor honourable, to confound them both together now, in the manner propounded, yea a cleare dissolving of the Parliament being contrary to the Act for its continuance, & a breach of the solemn League, Covenant, and all engagements, to obey and defend BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT; and a great dishonour to to the Lords, who cannot without apparent perjury and ignominy submit thereto: without whose full and free consents, and the Kings too by speciall act of Parliament, it is no wayes feasible, if by it,

Fourthly, it will introduce a world of contradictions, confusions, absurdities, and inconveniences, as these particulars evidece. First, both these houses, as they are now divided, have, (and always since their divisions have had) their severall distinct Speakers, and one chief cause of the division (ash Sir Edward Cook conceives) was the Commons chusing of a continuall Speaker. If then you will unite both Houses into one; you must have either these two Speakers in that one house (which would breed confusion and disturbance, and be like two heads upon one mans neck;) Or but one, both for Lords & Cõmons, who then cannot debate nor Vote distinctly, but joyntly with the Commons. If but one, then which of the two shall be the man? Not the Commons Speaker, because they had no Speaker at all before the Houses were divided, & so can claim none when reunited. And the Lords Speaker being of greatest antiquity, Dignity, and Superiour to the Cõmons in place and degree, ought of right to be preferred, and enjoy the Speakers place upon the reducement. And how a Peere; who is not* elected either a Member or Speaker by the Commons, can by the Law of the Land, or custome of Parliament be Speaker of, and for the Commons, as their mouth and representative; or a meere Commoner, a Speaker to the Lords to represent them, transcends my Law and skill; and wil require 7 yeares time to settle and resolve. Secondly, if the Houses be united, then how and where shall the Lords, and their assistants sit, and how and where the Cõmons? If all promiscuously, this would unlord, unpeere them, and make the meanest Commoner their equall: If distinct, then why not in distinct Houses still, as well as Classes and Seats? Or shall the Lords sit covered and the Commons sit bare, as now they do at meetings and conferences of both Houses? This would be but ill Physick for the Commons this winter season, and too great a penance to such of them who have crazy heads, and weak legges, to stand bare so long, and some of their spirits (especially those who are the Levellers best friends) I doubt are so high, they would hardly brook such a pennance and daily observance. Thirdly, If the Houses be reduced into one, then theiri manner of voting and dividing being distinct and different, as all know: the one by a generall Ay, and No; the other by a particular Content and not content, beginning at the puny Lord: the one determined by dividing the House, to take the Poll; the other without dividing: the one having no power to enter a Protestation of dissent, the other enjoying it: the one power to vote by Proxy, the other onely in person without proxy: then whether shall both retain these their differences still in voting, which will bring absolute confusion, and much delay: or else the Lords vote as the Commons do, or the Commons as the Lords? If the Lords only as Cõmoners, that were a disparagement and disadvantage to them, and a meanes to deprive them of their priviledges and votes as Peers, the Commons now having above twenty to one for number. If the Cõmons shall vote as Lords, that would make them Peers; and make each Vote if given particularly by the poll, & the entring of protestations, spend above half their time. Fourthly, if both houses should be mingled together, then the Lords alone must be judges, and give Oathes and judgement as now they do, in writs of Error and other causes, with which the Commons are not to intermeddle; or the Lords and Commons joyntly. If the Lords alone, then why should both Houses be united, or they the onely Judges in the Commons House, or presence, which their greatnesse doubtlesse would not well digest? If Lords and Commons joyntly, this would subvert and alter the ancient proceedings and judgements of Parliament, and give the Commons a new power of Judicature and giving Oathes, and reversing errours, they never claimed nor enjoyed.

Fifthly, if the Houses be thus confounded, then what will become of their distinct Servants, Officers, Clerkes, Doorekeepers, & c.? Shall both continue? that were a superfluity and needlesse charge: Shall one of them he discharged? then whether the Lords on Commons? and whether the black Rod will not be quite casheered with the Lords house? will be a greate question, and require much time to resolve. Sixtly, if both Houses be new-modelled into one, then what will become of all the Assistants of the Lords house? they certainly must be cashiered, especially such who are onely employed as Messengers to the Commons House, of which there will be no use at all when they sit together. Eighthly, what will become of the forme of endorsing all Bils sent from the Commons to the Lords: Soit bayle al Seignieurs: les Seigneurs ont assentus: and the old forme of reading Bils thrice in both Houses ere they can passe them; and so of our Acts of Parliament? In respect therefore of all these severall contradictions and inconveniencies which can hardly be reconciled, and no wayes altered, but by speciall Act of Parliament (if by it) without dissolving the present Parliament, to please a company of seditions ignorant Lovellers and Schismaticks, who never pondered all these particulars; it can neither be convenient nor safe to confound both Houses together into one, as is endeavoured and desired.

Fiftly, the Act of 16. Caroli Regis, entituled, An Act for the preventing of incõveniences, happening by the long intermissions of Parliaments; (made with abundance of care and pains this Parliament, before the King’s departure) distinguesheth the house of Commons from the house of Lords; prescribes an oath in hæc verbe, to the Lord Chancellour, Lord Keeper, and Commissioners of the great Seal of England, You shall swear, that you shall truly and faithfully issue out, and send abroad all Writs of Summons to Parliament FOR BOTH HOUSES. And in default thereof, enacts, That THE PEERS of this Realm shall be enabled and ENJOYNED to meet in the old Pallace of Westminster, AT THE USUALL PLACE THERE, on the third Monday on November: and that they, or any twelve or more of them THEN AND THERE ASSEMBLED shall issue out Writs in usuall form, under the hands and seals of twelve or more of them, to the respective Sheriffs, and other Officers, for the electing of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament. That on the third Monday in January, and second Tuesday in March, ALL AND EVERY THE PEERS OF THE REALM shall make their appearance and assembly at THE PALLACE aforesaid; and shall EACH OF THEM be liable unto such pains and censures for his and their NOT APPEARING AND SERVING then and THERE in Parliament, as if be or they had been summoned by Writ under the great Seal of England, and had not appeared and served, and to such further pains and censures as BY THE REST OF THE PEERS in Parliament assembled THEY SHALL BE JUDGED UNTO: And that the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses assembled IN THE COMMONS HOUSE of Parliament, shall be liable to such pains and censures as he or they shall be adjudged unto.

After wch it enacts, That neither the HOUSE OF PEERS nor THE HOUSE OF COMMONS shall be adjourned within fifty dayes at least, after the meeting thereof, unlesse it be by the free consent OF EVERY THE SAID HOUSES RESPECTIVELY: And that the PEERS assembled in Parliament, may FROM TIME TO TIME choose and declare such person TO BE SPEAKER FOR THE SAID PEERS as they shall think fit: And that the said Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, shall and may FROM TIME TO TIME DURING THEIR ASSEMBLY IN PARLIAMENT, choose and declare one of themselves to be SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, as they shall think fit: VVhich said SPEAKERS, as well for the said PEERS as HOUSE OF COMMONS RESPECTIVELY, shall be perfect and conpleat Speakers FOR THE SAID HOVSES RESPECTIVELY, and shall have as full and large power, jurisdiction and priviledges, to all intents and purposes, as any SPEAKER OR SPEAKERS OF EITHER OF THE SAID HOUSES RESPECTIVELY heretofore have had and enjoyed. Therefore the levelling and reducing of both Houses into one, or abolishing the Lords House and Peerage, will utterly null and repeal this Act, (the best that was ever yet made for the Kingdomes safety, and Parliaments advantage) and deprive both Parliament, Kingdome and people of all future benefit by it, (which I wish our Levellers and Lilburnists seriously to consider) and likewise null and repeal the Act to prevent Inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning, proroguing or dissolving of this present Parliam. An. 17. Car. which enacts, That THE HOUSE OF PEERS shal not at any time or times be adjourned during the present Parliament, unlesse it be BY THEMSELVES OR THEIR OWN ORDER: And in like manner, that THE HOUSE OF COMMONS shall not at any time or times during this Parliament, be adjourned, unlesse it be BY THEMSELVES, OR BY THEIR OWN ORDER. Which I hope both Houses, as they desire their own continuance, and being of the Parliament, will well advise of; and all those whom Lilburn or his Emissaries have seduced to engage against the House of Lords, or levell them to the Commons.

Sixthly, admit the Houses might without any inevitable mischiefes and contradictions, be modeled, and united into one, yet to bring downe the Lords into the Commons House, to sit and Vote like Commons with them, is no wayes tollerable, or to be thought on but with indignation, for these reasons. First, because the whole Commons House it selfe, when they present their Speaker to the King and Lords (which will be abolished by this union) or when any Bills are to be passed by the Royall Assent, upon thek beginning and ending of every Parliament, and upon some other speciall occasions have alwayes used to goe up and wait upon the House of Lords in person, yea to stand bare at their Barre, and to send their Members in person* up to the Lords upon any Message, Coference, or other occasion; but never did the whole House of Peeres in any age come downe in person to the Commons House, or any Peeres of late bring Messages to them, but onely send them by some Assistants, as Judges, Masters of Chancery, &c. Therefore now to talk of bringing down the House of Peeres to sit with the Commons in their House, (all one, as to reduce a Noble mans Dining-roome to his Hall or Kitchin, and levell the roofe and upper roomes of a house with the lowermost floore) is such a dishonour and affront to the Lords, that none but degenerate and ignoble spirits can so much as heare or think of it with patience, nor no Peere resent it but with just scorne and contempt, and rather dye then consent unto it, without whose consents it cannot be done without both Houses ruine: And to bring up the House of Commons to sit and Vote joyntly with the Peeres, would be to advance the Cõmons above their degree, not level the Lords; to make some men Lords before they are Gentlemen, & every Commoner no lesse then a Lord, which would too much puffe and bladder them with pride, and make them slight those whom they represent; who being but Commoners, cannot be represented by Peeres, or any sitting and Voting in the House of Peeres, by the true fundamental Law and Custome of Parliaments, as Sirl Edward Cooke resolves. Secondly, if the Lords should bee brought downe into the Commons House, (which is much like the reducing of the head and shoulders of the naturall body, into the belly or legges, which would make a Monster and destroy the man) there would be no roome for them, their Officers and Assistants, unlesse enlarged and metamorphosed into another forme. Thirdly, If the Lords must bee brought downe into the Commons House, then the* King and Prince as well as they, or else they must be totally excluded the Parliament, or sit alone by themselves in the House of Lords, without any Lords to attend them: An indignity which no King or Prince can brooke, and no modest Commoner seriously thinke of but with detestation; nor Lord, nor King consent to, but by force and violence; and without their voluntary consents it will not be valid, but destructive.

Seventhly, The false pretext for it, of expediting Bills, Ordinances, and Votes, is an absurd and ignorant fancie of overhasty spirits, who would act all things in a hurry without good deliberation: For first, nothing ought to bee done in Parliament but upon full and mature debate and deliberation of all the circumstances and probable consequences of it in future time (a thing now seldome considered:) Diu deliberandum quod semel statuendum, &, Festina lente, are safe rules in Parliament, especially in passing publike Acts and Ordinances, in making Warre or Peace, or any Nationall Leagues and Agreements. Secondly, Hasty Dogges bring forth blinde Whelpes: and hasty Votes, over sudden Councels and Motions, lame, blinde, contradictory, unjust, and inconsiderate Orders, Ordinances, Acts, which must either be corrected, supplyed, or repealed by Additionals, of which we have had too many experiments since this Parliament; which in many Votes, Ordinances, Orders, and Impeachments hath made more haste then good speed; and Voted sometimes both absurdities and impossibilities (witnesse the Commons Votes, for the Tryall of Mac-Guire and Mac-Mahon in the Kings-Bench, the very first day of the Terme, before any Indictment drawne, found, or any Jury summoned to finde it; for the Tryall of Judge Jenkins in the Kings-Bench, by a short day, for Treason aleaged to be committed in Wales, before any Indictment found in the Country, or removed into Court, and the like;) which I only mention to satisfie and answer the Objectors, nor to defame the House or Houses, whose Honours and Reputations have beene much blemished, through the inconsiderate rashnesse of some ignorant Members, who poasted on such Votes and Impeachments. Thirdly, this dividng the Houses will breed infinite disorder and confusion, not expedition, in their proceedings, as the premises manifest, and destroy their very formes and method; upon which ground Sir* Edward Cooke writes they were first divided. Fourthly, it will be a great retarding and obstruction to publike Justice, especially in Writs of Errour, and all such things which the Lords may dispatch or judge without the Commons House; where many hundreds of Petitions and businesses heard and Voted above seven yeeres since, doe yet stick without report, or transmission to the Lords (to the great dishonour and scandall of their proceedings and speedy justice) which had* been dispatched and ended many years past, had they first petitioned to the Lords for redresse. So as the Lords House is clearly no cause of delay, but the Commons rather, through their long debates or want of method, which debates would bee increased and lengthned by adding of the Lords unto them, who can now debate and determine things apart, and resolve two or three things, or more, whiles the Commons are debating one: And therefore, if delay be the onely cause of reducing the Lords House to the Commons, the Commons certainly are rather to be reduced then the Lords, and may bee better spared of the two (even byk Lilburnes and his Confederates Libells and Petitions) their delayes being not a quarter to one so many, nor one quarter so long as the Commons, as themselves must and do acknowledge. Eightly, this whole design is a direct breach of the solemn League and Covenant, a subversion of the Law and Custome of Parliaments, a device to destroy both Houses, under pretext of reducing them into one; an engine to dissolve this present, and all future Parliaments; to alter the fundamentall Lawes and Government of this Kingdom, to unking the King, unprince the Prince, unlord the Lords, and quite destroy their House (almost effected by expulsions, and impeachments of most of their Members by degrees, who have scarce enough left to make up an house, which it is high time for them & the Commons to observe;) yea, a project to extirpate Monarchy and Nobility, and set up a popular Anarchy and Polarchy: And therfore who ever hath plotted and fomented it, is more guilty of high Treason then Straford, Canterbury, or the Gun-powder Traitors, and deserves a severer punishment then they underwent, even by the hands of the Parliament it self, and all that are wel-wishers to Parliaments or Kingdom, though no friends to Peers.

Ninthly, this division of the Houses is; First, a great honour to the Parliament and Houses, savouring of greater Majesty, State, and Order, then their joyning into one, and giving every estate its* due place and ranke. Secondly, a great case and benefit to the Subject, who may make his Addresses and Petitions to either at his election for reliese. Thirdly, a great dispatch and expedition to all publike affaires, one House sitting and preparing them for the Debat, & concurrence of the other, at one and the same time, as Committees of each House prepare and expedite businesses for the whole House. Fourthly, a means of more speedy justice, by the Commons preparing of Articles and evidence for complaints and impeachments, presented by them to the Lords, whiles they are dispatching other businesses; and their hearing Writs of Errour, and other causes, whiles the Commons are upon other debates; which they could not do in one house, but joyntly together, and successively, not with so quick dispatch, and such good order as now. Fifthly, a thing very necessary and advantagious to the Kingdom and people, and safest for the Parliament, in that the Lords upon their second debates and conferences with the Judges and others, many times amend and rectifie divers errours, imperfections, and mistakes in the overhasty Votes, yea & deliberate Orders, Ordinances, Bils and Declarations of the Commons, which the Commons acknowledge by their assents unto their amendments; and oft times the Commons stay some Votes, Orders, Bils, Ordinance, sent down to them by the Lords; and their severall amendments and dislikes, with the conferences and debates occasioned thereupon, and second considerations of Businesses, Votes, Ordinances, Orders, Bils, Declarations, and the like, make them more profitable, compleat and valid, and lesse liable to exceptions and evasions then else they would have been. In all which respects, this division of the Houses, and the Lords and Kings negative voyces rightly considered and used, are not onely convenient, but expedient and absolutely necessary for the publike good, whatever Lilburn and his ignorant Levellers fancy to the contrary.

I shall therefore close up this with that wholesome and seasonable advice of Solomon, Prov. 24. 21, 22. My sonne feare thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with those WHO ARE GIVEN TO CHANGE; For their calamity shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth the ruine of them both?

Object.There is onely one Objection to be removed, wherewith I shall arme the Levellers, that so I may leave nothing unanswered, that may be hereafter insisted on. And that is, this passage in Modus tenendi Parliamentum, We must know, that for the granting of such help and ayd (to the King) it behooveth That All The Peers Of The Parliament Agree: And we must understand, that two Knights which come to the Parliament for the Shiers and Countries out of which they come, have a greater voyce in Parliament TO GRANT, then THE GREATEST EARL in England: And after the same manner the Procters for the Clergie, or Clerks of the Convocation-house for one Bishoprick, have a greater voyce in Parliament, if they all agree, then the Bishop himself: And this is true in all things which ought to be granted or denyed to the party, or are to be done therein. And this is manifest, Because The King May Hold A Parliament With The Commomalty And Commons Of The Kingdom Without Bishops, Earls And Barons; yet so, as they be summoned to the Parliament, although no Bishop, Earl or Baron come according to their summons: Because In Times Past, Neither Was There Bishop, Earl Or Baron; and yet Even Then Kings Kept Their Parliament. But it is far otherwise on the other side; for though the Commonalty, to wit, Laity and Clergie were summoned to the Parliament (as of right they ought to be) yet for some certain causes they would not come; as if they did pretend, that the King did not govern them as he ought, and in speciality point out the Articles in which be misgoverned them, as he ought; Tunc Parliamentum Nullum Est Ommnol then there is no Parliament at all, though all the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls and Barons, and all the Peers should be present with the King: And therefore it behooveth that all things which ought to be affirmed or informed, granted or done by the Parliament, should be granted by the Commonalty of the Parliament; which consists of three degrees or kinds assembled in Parliament, to wit, of the Proctors of the Clergie, the Knights of the Shires, the Citizens and Eurgesses, who represent the whole Commonalty of England, and not of Noble men; because every one of them is for his own proper person present at the Parliament, and for no other: Which Masterm John Vowel in his Order and Usage how to keep a Parliament; seconds in these words:

If the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons, and they will not come; or if they come, they will not yet appear; or if they come and appear, and will not doe nor yield to any things THEN THE KING WITH THE CONSENT OF THE COMMONS MAY ORDAIN AND ESTABLISH ANY ACTS OR LAWS WHICH ARE AS GOOD, SUFFICIENT AND EFFECTUALL, AS IF THE LORDS HAD GIVEN THEIR CONSENTS. But on the contrary, if the Commons be summoned, and will not come; or comming will not appear, or appearing will not consent to do any thing, alledging some just, weighty or great cause, the King in those cases cannot with the Lords devise, make or establish any Law. The reasons are these; When Parliaments were first began and ordained, there were no Prelates or Barons of the Parliament, and the temporal Lords were very few or none, and then the* King and his Commons did make a full Parliament; which authority was NEVER YET ABRIDGED. Again, every Baron in Parliament doth represent his own person, and speaketh in the behalf of himself alone; but in the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, are represented the Commons of the whole Realm; and every of these giveth consent, not onely for himself, but for all those also for whom he is sent: And the King with the consent of the Commons,n HAD EVER A SUFFICIENT AND FULL AUTHORITY TO MAKE, ORDAIN AND ESTABLISH GOOD AND WHOLSOME LAWS FOR THE COMMON-WEALTH OF THE REALM: Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned, and yet refusing to come, sit or consent in Parliament, CANNOT BY THEIR FOLLY ABRIDGE THE KING OR THE COMMONS OF THEIR LAWFULL PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. So he.

From which two passages it may be probably inferred; first, that a Parliament may now be held, and Acts and Laws made by the King and Commons alone, without the Lords; but not by the King and Lords without the Commons; and so their sitting in Parliament is not simply necessary, so as they may quite be taken away and reduced to the Commons house. Secondly, that they have no negative voice, but ought to assent to whatever the Commons shall vote to be good and necessary for the Commonwealth.

Answer.To which I answer; first, that the compiler of the first Treatise, is both unknown, & the time who it was first compiled, not so ancient as is imagined by some hundreds of yeers: It is said in the preface, it was first composed in Edward the Confessor’s time, and shewed to William the Conquerour, & approved and used by him: but he that made this Preface to it (addes) That it was used IN THE TIMES OF HIS SUCCESSORS KINGS OF England, and therefore lived long after the Conquerours time) and so writes but at random, not of his own knowledge, there being no History nor Record to warrant any such thing: and by his Discourse touching the Members places and sitting in Parliament, manner of Marshalling the Bishops and others, and by other passages, it should seem, a great part of this Treatise is but of late composure: As for its exemplification by King Henry the second, and his sending it into Ireland, and King Henry the fourth his exemplification of it there, I find no warrant for it, but Siro Edward Cooks assertion, and that grounded upon a bare report from another: these exemplifications (for ought I can learn) being neither of them extant, nor yet so much as once mentioned by Master Richard Bolton (a great Antiquary) in his Collection of the Statutes of Ireland: Besides, the election of* two Knights to serve for every County, two Citizens for every City, and two Burgesses for every Burrough, and the Procurators of the Clergy, cannot be proved by any History or Records extant, to be formally chosen by Writ, and sent to the Parliament, in Edward the Confessors reign; nor that all those assistants wch this Treatise mentions did then sit or were present in Parliaments, in such manner & form as is expressed in this Treatise: Yea, the very objected passage, & reason therin rendered, proves it self to be of punier date then the Confessors or Conquerours dayes. Secondly, admit it as ancient as the Confessor or Conquerour, then it is apparent, that even in those times the Houses either sate not, at least voted not both together, as is pretended: For first, this Treatise distinguisheth the Bishops, Earls and Barons, as distinct ranks and degrees of Parliament, both from Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, throughout the Treatise: Secondly, it distinguisheth them in the times and dayes of their calling in the beginning of the Parliament, and in their fines for not appearing: Thirdly, in the charge the King gives to them: Fourthly, in the places and manner of their sitting, all the severall orders of Peers, and Assistants of the Lords house being mentioned, as sitting together, without any Knights, Citizens or Burgesses sitting among them. And he addes, that between the Bishops, Earls, Barons, all must keep their places, and the Steward of England is to look to this, THAT NONE SIT BUT AMONG HIS PEERS AND EQUALS: Fiftly, he subjoyns, That the Justices of England are no Justices in Parliament, unlesse so far forth as new power shall be assigned and given them then by the KING AND THE PEERS of the Parliament: That the Peers of the Parliament are to examine Petitions BY THEMSELVES: That the King shall assigne five skilfull Clerks of the Parliament: the first where of shall be Minister to serve the Bishops; the second, the Procters of the Clergie; the third, the Earls and Barons; the fourth, the Knights of the Shire; the fift, the Citizens and Burgesses: who shall write and register their severall answers and doubts to the King; that all doubtfull cases are to be put in writing, and delivered to the Clerk of every degree; that so every DEGREE BY IT SELF MAY GOE THERE BY IT SELFE AND DEBATE IT, and then bring their ANSWER AND ADVICE IN WRITING; and if any discord arise, that the businesse be handled and amended by all the Peers of the Kingdom: And that none of all the Peers may depart from Parliament, unlesse be have obtained leave OF THE KING, and of ALL HIS PEERS. All which proves the devision and distinction of the Houses in that Age, in Votes and Debates.

Thirdly, both these Writers grant; First, that the Commons can doe or conclude nothing without the Kings presence and consent: Secondly, that all the Lords ought to be summoned to the Parliament, and if they appear not, that they shall be amerced: Thirdly, that ALL PEERS OF THE REALME OUGHT TO AGREE TO WHAT IS GRANTED OR PASSED IN PARLIAMENT; so are their words: Therefore if all the Peers, or the major part of them disagree, no ayde can be granted nor Act passed, by their own confessions: and by the same reason they affirm, that the King and Lords, or either of them alone, without the Commons, can grant or enact nothing that is firme or stable; nor yet the Commons themselves without the Kings assent; they must of necessity grant, that the King and Commons without the Lords can do nothing, that is binding to the Kingdom, the Lords assent being as requisite as theirs, and they entrusted by the Laws, Statutes and Custome of the Realm, to consent and dissent in the granting of aydes, and making Laws as well as the King and Commons, and have a share in both as well as they.

Fourthly, the holding of a Parliament, granting of aydes and making Laws by the King and Commons, without the Lords, is onely in one speciall case of obstinacy and extremity in the Lords; which never yet fell out, nor is likely to happen: To wit, when the Lords are all summoned to Parliament, and yet wilfully refuse to appear, sit or agree to any thing propounded by the King and Commons joyntly, without giving a sufficient reason for their so doing: To conclude therefore from such a remote possibility of a case which never yet fell out, nor is likely to do, the necessity of the Lords reducement at this present, or in future times to the House of Commons, or the abolition of the House of Peers, or their negative voyce, is as great nonsence and frenzy, as to argue; that all the Lords and Commons ought presently to be sent to Bedlam, because one of our Parliaments was stiled, Insanum Parliamentum, The mad Parliament, and they may possibly prove now as mad as the Parliamẽt was then reputed; as they will do in good earnest, if they should go about to levell the Lords, and detrude them to the Commons house, as these mad Sectaries and Levellers would perswade them.

Fiftly, neither of these Writers were good Lawyers, Historians or Antiquaries versed in Parliament Records: for first, ouro Law-books are expresse in point, That no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made by the King and Commons without the Lords concurrent assent, no more then by the King and Lords without the Commons: And Sir Edward Cook (the greatest Lawyer in this latter age) is positive, in his 4. Inst. c. 1. (where he writes particularly of Parliaments) f. 25. There is NO ACT OF PARLIAMENT BUT MUST HAVE CONSENT OF THE LORDS, the Commons, and royall assent of the King, as appeareth by RECORDS AND OUR LAW-BOOKS: Therefore this fancy of theirs, that the King and Commons may make Laws without the Lords, is a cleer mistake even in point of Law; which the very form and penning of all our Statutes (Be it enacted by the King, &c. THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL, and Commons in this present Parliament assemblea; and the like) refutes: Secondly, all our Historians and Antiquaries concur herein, That there can be no Parliament, nor ever was in any age since Parliaments were in England, held by the King and Commons alone without the Lords; there being no such Parliament ever heard or read of, neither do these Authors instance in any one President; therefore this ground of their opinion, That in times past our Kings kept their Parliaments, when & before there were any Bishops or temporall Lords, is a meer groundlesse assertion, contradicted by all our Antiquaries and Historians; which alwayes make mention of Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Dukes, Princes, Earls, Lords and Barons in our ancientest Parliaments, but* no mention at all of any Knights of Shires, Citizens and Burgesses: Thirdly, all our Parliament Rolls contradict this fancy, that there can be no Act nor Ordinance of Parliament without the Lords consent as well as the Commons; as is evident by the penning of all our printed Acts, and by 6 Edw. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 5. 17 E. 3. n. 59, 60. 43 E. 3. n. 3, & 10. 14 R. 2. n. 14, 15. 13 H. 4. n. 25. with many more: yea, the Lords presence in Parliament hath at all times been so absolutely necessary and expedient; that our Parliaments from time to time have been adjourned from the day that they were first appointed to sit, till some few days after; upon this very reason, That All The Lords (by reason of the foul weather, shortnesse of summons, or some other occasion) were not yet come up to the Parliament, OR SOME OF THE LORDS NOT COME; and the Declaration of the causes of calling the Parliament by the Lord Chancellour, or chief Justice, and all Parliamentary businesse deferred till their comming, (as well as because some of the Knights and Burgesses were not come, nor all the Writs for their elections returned:) upon which reason, and the absence of some Lords, the first day of the Parliaments sitting, hath been oft adjourned, as the Parliament Rolls of 6 E. 3. nu. 1. 6 E. 3. Parl. 2. n. 5, 6, 8, 9. 13 E. 3. Parl. 2. n. 4. 15 E. 3. n. 5. 17 E. 3. n. 2. 6. 18 E. 3. n. 1, 2, 5. 20 E. 3. n. 5. 21 E. 3. n. 4. 22 E. 3. n. 1. 25 E. 3. n. 1. 29 E. 3. n. 4. 36 E. 3. n. 1. 37 E. 3. n. 1. 42 E. 3. n. 1. 50 E. 3. n. 1. 51 E. 3. n. 3. 1 R. 2. n. 1, 2 R. 2. n. 1. 3 R. 2. n. 1. 4 R. 2. n. 1. 5 R. 2. Parl. 1. n. 1. & Parl. 2. n. 1. 6 R. 2. Parl. 1. n. 1. & Parl. 2. n. 1. abundantly* manifest, it being the custome of all former Parliaments to Debate, Vote and determine nothing but in FVLL PARLIAMENT, when all, or the most part of the Members of both Houses were present, and not in a thin or empty House, when above half or three parts were absent: an innovation of dangerous consequence, brought in of later times, and fit to be redressed, for which some Parliaments and Parliamentary proceedings have beenp repealed and judged voyd by Parliament; especially when accompanied with any armed forces and violence, over-awing the Houses or their Members: to prevent which in former ages, by theq ancient law and custome of Parliament, a Proclamation usually was and ought to be made at Westminster in the beginning of every Parliament THAT NO MAN, VPON PAIN TO LOSE ALL THAT HE HAD, SHOVLD DVRING THE PARLIAMENT, in London or Westminster, or the Suburbs, &c. wear any privy coat of Plate, OR GOE ARMED, or use any Games, Playes, Justs, and other pastimes, or shewing Shewes during the Parliament: The reason whereof was, That the high Court of Parliament should not thereby be disturbed, nor the Members thereof (which are TO ATTEND the arduous and urgent businesse of the Church and Common-wealth) be thereby WITHDRAWN OR FORCED AWAY: as is apparent by 5 E. 3. nu. 5. 6 E. 3. nu. 2, 3. 6 E. 3. Parl. 2. n. 2. 6 E. 3. Parl. 4. n. 4, 5. 13 E. 3. n. 1. 14 E. 3. n. 1. 14 E. 3. Parl. 21. n. 2. 15 E. 3. n. 2. 17 E. 3. n. 3. 20 E. 3. n. 1. 24 E. 3. n. 1. 25 E. 3. n. 5, 8. & Stat. 2. n. 4. A law and custome now fit to be revived. Fourthly, the very Writs of Summons for the Lords, and of election of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, refutes this grosse mistake, requiring them all to appear personally in Parliament, on such a day, at such a place, and there to treat of the great and urgent affairs of the Realm, not onely with the King himself, but cum Prælatis, MAGNATIBUS ET PROCERIBUS dicti Regni nostri; with the Prelates, Noblemen and Lords of our said Realm: And therefore to dream of holding a Parliament, or making Lawes without the Lords, is a sign of an intoxicated brain. Fiftly, I find in 21 E. 3. nu. 58. 21 E. 3. n. 60. 37 E. 3. n. 12, 34. 50 E. 3. n. 12, 13. and the yeer-book of 39 E. 3. 7. b. that the King and Lords in Parliament* have made binding laws without the Commons, in some cases, but not the King and Commons without the Lords: And in the Parliament of 6 E. 3. Parl. 2. n. 7. the Commons had license to depart the parliament, but the Lords were commanded to attend the King the next morning, to advise him: So that there is far more colour in point of Presidents to prove, that the King and Lords may make Laws and grants of aydes, (as the Lords did by and for themselves, 3 E. 3. n. 4, 5. & Parl. 2. 13 E. 3. n. 7.) without the Commons, then the King and Commons without the Lords.

Sixtly, to this, that the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses in parliament, have a greater voyce then the greatest Earl in parliament, because they represent the Countries, Cities and Burroughs from whence they come, and the Earl but himself.

I answer, first, that the reason holds not; for if this were true then every Knight, Citizen and Burgesse that serves for the greatest Counties, Cities and Burroughs, should have a greater voyce and power in the Commons house, then those that serve for lesser, and the smallest, because they represent, and assent, and vote for more Freeholders, Citizens and Burgessers then they; and by the same reason, the lesser and poorer Peers should have a lesser voyce in the Peers house then the greatest and richest; which we know is false and absurd. Secondly, many Peers are of greater worth, value, estate and interest in relation to the Kingdom, then many poor Burroughs; and therefore by this reason their voices should be greater then both Burgesses serving for them. Thirdly, every Peer votes not onely for himself, but for all the Nobility and whole State and Kingdom whereof he is a member, as well and as much as any Commoner; and therefore his voyce is as great as theirs.

As to the Lords negative voice in Parliament, I answer, first, the King, common Laws and Statutes of England, have ever allowed and acknowledged it in all Ages: Secondly, to deny them this Priviledge, is to make the whole house of Peers meaner then the meanest Burgesse, who hath a negative voyce in all debates and votes that passe the Commons house; yea, to deny them to be freemen, and make them worse then the Philistine Lords, who had a negative voyce, 1 Sam. 29. 2, to 12 And to make them give their cõsents to whatever the Cõmons shall carry by their plurality of Votes (though it be but by one or two) is to set up Popish blind obedience, and implicit faith, yea, to destroy that liberty of conscience and judgement which the Objectors, Levellers and Army do pretend they fight, and so earnestly contest for. Thirdly, there are sundry presidents in our Parliament Rolls, of the Lords negative voyces in Parliaments; I shall instance onely in two or three, The first in print, in the Statute of Marlbridge, 20 H. 3. c. 3. The Bishops and Clergie importuned the Lords, that they would consent, that all such as were born afore Matrimony should be legitimate, as well as those who were born within Matrimony, as to the succession of Inheritance, for so much as the Church accepteth such for legitimate. And ALL THE EARLS AND BARONS WITH ONE VOICE answered, NOLUMUS, &c. WE WILL NOT CHANGE THE LAWS OF THE REALM which hitherto have been used and approved. Here the Lords negative voyce hindered the alteration of the common Law, against the Bishops and Clergies importunate Vote to change it. So in the Parliament of 28 E. 3. nu. 25. the Commons desired, that any man attainted upon a writ of Oyer and Terminer, might bring his Attaint hanging the suits against the other. To this the answer on the Roll is, THE LORDS WILL NOT ALTER THE ORDER OF THE LAW. The like negative answer you may read in 21 E. 3. n. 12, 29. 1 R. 2. n. 34, 69, 111. 2 R. 2. n. 57, 58. Parl. 1. & Parl. 2. n. 48. and sundry other Rols. Therefore to inferre any thing from these erronious passages against the Lords House, Votes, Judicature or negative voyce, is but the blind following of the blind, and contradict all Parliament Records, History, Antiquity and Law it self, and approve and establish their authority, judicature and distinction from the Commoners.

Finally, it is evident by the Parliament Rols of 6 E. 3. Parl. 2. n. 3. 13 E. 3. Par. 2. n. 7, 8. 15 E. 3. n. 6, 7, 9, 17, 18, 35, 37. 17 E. 3. n. 9, 11, 12, 59. 18 E. 3. n. 10. 21 E. 3. n. 4, 5, 70. 22 E. 3. n. 3, 4, 29. 22 E. 3. Parl. 2. n. 6, 7. 27 E. 3. n. 4. 29 E. 3. n. 10. 36 E. 3. n. 6, 7. 40 E. 3. n. 8. 42 E. 3. n. 7. 47 E. 3. n. 5, 6, 12. 50 E. 3. n. 3, 8, 9, 10 14. 51 E. 3. n. 18, 19. 1 R. 2. n. 12, 13. 2 R. 2. n. 10, 23, to 29. 2 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 6. 4 R. 2. n. 9, to 16. 5 R. 2. n. 13, to 31. 6 R. 2. n. 9, 10, 11. 6 R. 2. parl. 2. n. 14, 15. 6 R. 2. parl. 3. n. 8, 9. 7 R. 2. n. 11. 7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 10, 11. 13 R. 2. n. 6. 15 R. 2. n. 15. 16 R. 2. n. 6. 17 R. 2. n. 6, 17, 18. 20 R. 2. 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16, 17. 21 R. 2. n. 8, 9, 16, to 21. That the Lords and Commons in the Parliaments of King Edward the third, and Richard the second, were distinct both in their debates, consultations, councels, petitions, votes, and places of sitting too, 50 E. 3. n. 3, 8. Sir John Knevet Chancellour of England, having declared the causes of calling that Parliament before the King, Lords and Commons, willed them to goe together, THE LORDS BY THEMSELVES, AND THE COMMONS BY THEMSELVES, and speedily to consult and give answer. After which the Commons were willed to depart TO THEIR ACCUSTOMED PLACE, being the Chapter house of the Abbot of Westminster, whither they went. In which place they likewise sate, 2 R. 2. n. 10. & 4 R. 2. n. 9. And in 15 E. 3. n. 17. 47 E. 3. n. 5, 6. 50 E. 3. n. 8, 9. 51 E. 3. n. 18, 19. 1 R. 2. n. 12, 13, 14. 5 R. 2. n. 14. 6 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 15. 7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 10, 11. The Commons came to THE LORDS HOUSE, and required that certain of the Lords, there named, WOULD VOUCHSAFE TO CONFER WITH THE COMMONS; whereupon they went to the Chamberlains chamber to confer with the Commons: And at other times they were appointed to goe and consult with the Commons at some other place by the Lords order. In 2 R. 2. Parl. 1. n. 23. the Commons required, that some five or six of the Lords might be appointed to come and discourse with them; THE LORDS DENIED THAT, saying, The same was the guise of two or three Parliaments before. But the use was, That the Lords should among themselves choose a certain number, and the Commons the like, and that they should confer together, which they would do: for if the Commons would not dissever themselves, neither would they the Lords: To the which order the Commons agreed. And 4 H. 4. n. 10. The Commons desiring the King that certain speciall Lords might be assigned to treat with them about affairs for the common benefit of the Realm: It was condescended unto, with this protestation specially entred by the Kings command, that it ought not to be done of right OR CUSTOME, BUT ONELY OUT OF THE KINGS SPECIALL GRACE; which the Commons then acknowledged.

A pregnant evidence both of their distinct Houses and consultations, except onely at private Committees and Conferences; Yea, the Commons had anciently such an high esteem of the Lords fidelity, wisdom, abilities, councel and experience, that in 15 E. 3. n. 17. The Commons pray that unto the Wednesday then next ensuing, the Articles they then presented to the King, might be committed to certain Earls, Barons, Bishops and other WISE MEN there named by them, TO BE AMENDED: which the King granted. And in 13 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 11. 21 E. 3. n. 5. 7. R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 19, 20. 17 R. 2. n. 17. and sundry other Rolls, The Commons professe THEIR INABILITY AND INSUFFICIENCY TO ADVISE THE KING in some MATTERS OF PEACE, WARRE, and safeguard of the Seas, for that THEY PASSED THEIR CAPACITY, AND UNDERSTOOD NOT THE TERMS OF THE CIVILL LAW, and some words in Truces; and therefore WHOLLY REFERRED THEMSELVES in these things to THE KING AND THE LORDS, AND THE KINGS COUNSELL, to do therein as they should seem meet, being men of greater wisdom and experience in State-affairs of this nature, then themselves, in which they had little or no Insight. And in 2 H. 4. n. 11. The whole house of Commons claim, and the King grants and confirms; and in 9 H. 4. n. 21. (entituled, The indempnity of the Lords and Commons) The Lords and Commons seriously claim this as a speciall ancient priviledge belonging to both the Houses, to sit and debate upon things in Parliament severally by themselves in their distinct Houses, in the Kings absence (whose presence might over awe them, and hinder their free debates;) which they both claimed, and the king confirmed to them IN ALL TIMES TO COME, and that no report should be made to the King of any debate, vote or ayde granted, till the Lords and Commons be all agreed, and that by THE SPEAKERS MOUTHES. Which ancient priviledge so long since claimed, granted, confirmed and enjoyed ever since, not onely proves the ancient distinction of both houses, but utterly subverts the Levellers project, who would strip both Houses at once of this great priviledge, which the Commons deemed their greatest immunity (seeing they durst speak their mindes, and vote more freely among themselves, then in the presence of the King and Lords, for fear of incurring their displeasures) by reducing both houses into one. The serious consideration whereof, and of the promises, will I trust for ever take them off from their dangerous absurd designe of Levelling and reducing the Lords House to the Commons, and lay the ignorant, illiterate prosecutors of it, levell with the dust: the rather, because the King and Lords in Parliament, have not onely joyntly and severally judged Commoners themselves in Parliament for such Treasons, & other misdemeanours as are properly triable in Parliament, not at the common Law, as is evident byr infinite Presidents; but even Knights of the Shire, and other Members of the Commons House it self, in point of misdemeanours, undue Elections, and priviledges of Parliament; as is apparet by 16 R. 2. n. 6, 13, 14. Sr Phillip Courtney’s case, returned one of the Knights for the County of Devon, 17 R. 2. n. 23. Roger de Swinerton’s case, 5. H. 4. n. 38. Thomas Thorp his case, elected knight for the County of Rotland, whose election was heard, examined and adjudged by the Lords in Parliament to be good, at the Commons request; and 31 H. 6. n. 25, to 30. Baron Thorp’s case, Speaker of the Commons house, whose priviledge was solemnly debated before, and adjudged against him by the Lords in Parliament; who therupon by the King’s direction, commanded the Commons to choose and present a new Speaker; which they accordingly did the next day. Yea, the whole House of Commons in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. Remonstrated to the King, and voluntarily confessed That THE JUDGMENTS IN PARLIAMENT APPERTAIN ONELY TO THE KING AND TO THE LORDS, and NOT UNTO THE COMMONS; and that THE KING AND LORDS EVER HAD IN ALL TIMES, AND SHALL HAVE OF RIGHT THE JUDGMENTS IN PARLIAMENT: And the King then declared to the Commons, that this Order shall be observed and kept IN ALL TIMES TO COME, and that in cases of Commoners and Members of the Commons house it self, as well as of Peers; as is cleer by Thorp’s case forecited, and by 5 H. 4. n. 71, 78. the printed Statute of 5 H. 4. c. 6. Richard Chedders case, and 4 H. 8. c. 8. Richard Strode his case, Burgesse for Plimton in the County of Devon; where the King and Lords at the Prayer and Petition of the Commons, provide remedies against the breaches of the priviledges of the Commons themselves and their servants, which themselves alone bail us sufficient power to right and determine; the power of judicature being not in them, but in the King, Lords and houses of Peers alone; who long before the Conquest had the power of Judicature, as is evident by Brampton, and Master* Selden, in the case of Earl Goodwin, in a Parliament held in the yeer 1052. wherein Edward the Confessor appealed to THE EARLS AND BARONS against this Earl, for the murther of his Brother Alfred in these words, Domini COMITES & BARONES terre, &c. Volo quod inter Nos in ista appellatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNETIS & DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS. And therfore it is the very extremity of injustice to deny them this their ancient Heredetary right, and priviledge now, and transfer it to the Commons house, who never enjoyed it in any former Age, and can make no right, nor lawfull claim unto it at this present.