The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Advertisement to the Reader.
• To the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Sherifs, and Common Council of London.
• The Preface.
• The Life of James Harrington.
• The Mechanics of Nature:
• The Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy Considered: and Exemplify’d In the Scotish Line, Out of Their Own Best Authors and Records.
• The Commonwealth of Oceana. to His Highness the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
• The Introduction, Or Order of the Work.
• Oceana.
• The Preliminarys, Shewing the Principles of Government.
• The Second Part of the Preliminarys.
• The Council of Legislators.
• Oceana: the Model of the Commonwealth of Oceana.
• Anno Dom.
• Anno Domini.
• Anno Domini.
• Epitome of the Whole Commonwealth.
• Libertas. the Proclamation of His Highness the Lord Archon of Oceana Upon Promulgation of the Model.
• The Prerogative of Popular Government.
• Epistle to the Reader.
• The First Book, Containing: a Full Answer to All Such Objections As Have Hitherto Bin Made Against Oceana.
• The Preface.
• Chap. I. Antient and Modern Prudence.
• Chap. I.: Whether Prudence Be Well Distinguish’d Into Antient and Modern.
• Chap. II.: Whether a Commonwealth Be Rightly Defin’d to Be a Government of Laws and Not of Men, and a Monarchy to Be the Government of Som Man, Or a Few Men, and Not of Laws?
• Chap. III.: Whether the Balance of Dominion In Land Be the Natural Cause of Empire?
• Chap. IV. Chap. IV.: Whether the Balance of Empire Be Well Divided Into National and Provincial; and Whether These Two, Or Any Nations That Are of Distinct Balance, Coming to Depend Upon One and the Same Head, Such a Mixture Creates a New Balance.
• Chap. V.: Whether There Be Any Common Right Or Interest of Mankind Distinct From the Parts Taken Severally; and How By the Orders of a Commonwealth It May Be Best Distinguish’d From Privat Interest.
• Chap. VI.: Whether the Senatusconsulta, Or Decrees of the Roman Senat, Had the Power of Laws?
• Chap. VII.: Whether the Ten Commandments Were Propos’d By God Or Moses, and Voted By the People of Israel.
• Chap. VIII.: Whether a Commonwealth Coming Up to the Perfection of the Kind, Coms Not Up to the Perfection of Government, and Has No Flaw In It.
• Chap. IX.: Whether Monarchy Coming Up to the Perfection of the Kind, Coms Not Short of the Perfection of Government, and Has Not Som Flaw In It. In Which Is Also Treated of the Balance of France; of the Original of a Landed Clergy; of Arms, and Their Ki
• Chap. X.: Whether a Commonwealth That Was Not First Broken By Her Self, Was Ever Conquer’d By the Arms of Any Monarch?
• Chap. XI.: Whether There Be Not an Agrarian, Or Som Law of Laws of That Nature, to Supply the Defect of It In Every Commonwealth: and Whether the Agrarian, As It Is Stated In Oceana, Be Not Equal and Satisfactory to All Interests.
• Chap. XII.: Whether Courses Or a Rotation Be Necessary to a Well-order’d Commonwealth. In Which Is Contain’d the Courses Or Parembole of Israel Before the Captivity, Together With the Epitome of Athens and Venice.
• The Second Book; Or, a Political Discourse Concerning Ordination: Against Dr. H. Hammond, Dr. L. Seaman, and the Authors They Follow.
• Advertisment to the Reader.
• Order of the Discourse.
• A Political Discourse Concerning Ordination.
• The Introduction, Or First Chapter.
• Chap. II.: That the Citys, Or Most of Them Nam’d In the Perambulation of the Apostles Paul and Barnabas, Were At That Time Under Popular Government. In Which Is Contain’d the Administration of a Roman Province.
• Chap. III.: The Deduction of the Chirotonia From Popular Government, and of the Original Right of Ordination From the Chirotonia. In Which Is Contain’d the Institution of the Sanhedrim Or Senat of Israel By Moses, and That of Rome By Romulus
• Chap. IV.: The Deduction of the Chirothesia From Monarchical Or Aristocratical Government, and of the Second Way of Ordination From the Chirothesia. In Which Is Contain’d the Commonwealth of the Jews As It Stood After the Captivity.
• Chap. V.: Whether the Chirotonia Mention’d In the Fourteenth of the Acts Be Indeed, As Is Pretended By Dr. Mammond, Dr. Seaman, and the Authors They Follow, the Same With the Chirothesia, Or a Far Different Thing. In Which Are Contain’d the
• Advertisement to the Reader, Or Direction to the Answerer.
• An Answer to Three Objections Against Popular Government, That Were Given Me After These Two Books Were Printed.
• The Art of Lawgiving: In Three Books.
• The Order of the Work.
• The First Book.
• The Second Book.
• The Third Book.
• The First Book, Shewing the Foundations and Superstructures of All Kinds of Government.
• The Preface. Considering the Principles Or Nature of Family Government.
• Chap. I.: Considering the Principles Or Balance of National Governments; With the Different Kinds of the Same.
• Chap. II.: Shewing the Variation of the English Balance.
• Chap. III.: Of Fixation of the Balance, Or of Agrarian Laws.
• Chap. IV.: Shewing the Superstructures of Governments.
• The Conclusion: Observing That the Principles of Human Prudence Being Good Without Proof of Scripture, Are Nevertheless Such As Are Provable Out of Scripture.
• The Second Book, Containing the Commonwealths of the Hebrews; Namely, Elohim, Or the Commonwealth of Israel; and Cabala, Or the Commonwealth of the Jews.
• The Preface, Shewing That There Were Commonwealths Before That of Israel.
• Chap. I.: Shewing That Israel Was a Commonwealth.
• Chap. II.: Shewing What Commonwealth Israel Was.
• Chap. III.: Shewing the Anarchy, Or State of the Israelits Under Their Judges.
• Chap. IV.: Shewing the State of the Israelits Under Their Kings, to the Captivity.
• Chap. V.: Shewing the State of the Jews In the Captivity; and After Their Return Out of It; With the Frame of the Jewish Commonwealth.
• Chap. VI.: Shewing How Ordination Was Brought Into the Christian Church, and the Divers Ways of the Same That Were At Divers Times In Use With the Apostles.
• The Conclusion: Shewing That Neither God, Nor Christ, Or the Apostles, Ever Instituted Any Government Ecclesiastical Or Civil Upon Any Other Principles Than Those Only of Human Prudence.
• The Third Book, Containing a Model of Popular Government, Practically Propos’d According to Reason, Confirm’d By the Scripture, and Agreable to the the Present Balance Or State of Property In England.
• The Preface. Containing a Model of Popular Government, Propos’d Notionally.
• Chap. I.: Containing the Civil Part of the Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• Chap. II.: Containing the Religious Part of This Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• Chap. III.: Containing the Military Part of This Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• Chap. IV.: Containing the Provincial Part of This Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• The Conclusion: Shewing How the Model Propos’d May Be Prov’d Or Examin’d; and Giving a Brief Answer to Mr. Wren’s Last Book, Intitl’d, Monarchy Asserted Against Mr. Harrington’s Oceana.
• A Word Concerning a House of Peers.
• Six Political Tracts Written On Several Occasions.
• Valerius and Publicola: Or, the True Form of a Popular Commonwealth Extracted Ex Puris Naturalibus.
• To the Reader.
• To the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, &c. the Humble Petition, &c.
• The Petitioner to the Reader.
• A System of Politics Delineated In Short and Easy Aphorisms. Publish’d From the Author’s Own Manuscript.
• Chap. I.: Of Government.
• Chap. II.: Of the Matter of Government.
• Chap. III.: Of the Privation of Government.
• Chap. IV.: Of the Form of Government.
• Chap. V.: Of Form In the Civil Parts.
• Chap. VI.: Of Form In the Religious Part.
• Chap. VII.: Of Form In the Military Part.
• Chap. VIII.: Of Form In the Legal Part.
• Chap. IX.: Of Form In the Judicial Part.
• Chap. X.: Of the Administration of Government, Or Reason of State.
• Political Aphorisms.
• Seven Models of a Commonwealth: Or, Brief Directions Shewing How a Fit and Perfect Model of Popular Government May Be Made, Found, Or Understood.
• The First Part.
• Divers Models the First Model of Popular Government Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Israel.
• A Second Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d.
• A Third Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Sparta.
• A Fourth Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Athens.
• A Fifth Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Rome.
• A Sixth Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Venice.
• A Seventh Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Holland.
• The Second Part, Proposing a Model of a Commonwealth Fitted to the Present State of This Nation.
• Conclusion; Or, the Use of These Propositions.
• The Ways and Means Wherby an Equal and Lasting Commonwealth May Be Suddenly Introduc’d, and Perfectly Founded, With the Free Consent and Actual Confirmation of the Whole People of England.
• The Humble Petition of Divers Well Affected Persons, Deliver’d the 6th Day of July, 1659, With the Parlament’s Answer Therto.
• Appendix, Containing All the Political Tracts of James Harrington, Esq; Omitted In Mr. Toland ’s Edition of His Works.
• Pian Piano: Or, Intercourse Between H. Ferne, D. D. And J. Harrington, Esq; Upon Occasion of the Doctor’s Censure of the Commonwealth of Oceana.
• Epistle to the Reader.
• Intercourse Between H. Ferne, D. D. And James Harrington, Esq; Upon Occasion of the Doctor’s Censure of the Commonwealth of Oceana.
• The Queries I Shall Interweave With the Doctor’s Answer Unto Each of Them, Returned Unto Me With This Preamble.
• The First Query. How Much, Or In What the Author of Oceana Is Mistaken, to Think the Commonwealth of the Hebrews Appliable to His Purpose.
• The Second Query.
• The Third Query.
• The Fourth Query.
• The Fifth Query.
• The Sixth Query.
• The Seventh Query.
• The Stumbling-block of Disobedience and Rebellion, Cunningly Imputed By P. H. Unto Calvin, Remov’d, In a Letter to the Said P. H. From J. H.
• A Letter Unto Mr. Stubs, In Answer to His Oceana Weighed, &c.
• Politicaster: Or, a Comical Discourse In Answer to Mr. Wren ’s Book, Intituled, Monarchy Asserted, Against Mr. Harrington’ S Oceana.
• Pour Enclouer Le Canon.
• A Discourse Upon This Saying: the Spirit of the Nation Is Not Yet to Be Trusted With Liberty; Lest It Introduce Monarchy, Or Invade the Liberty of Conscience.
• A Discourse Shewing, That the Spirit of Parliaments, With a Council In the Intervals, Is Not to Be Trusted For a Settlement; Lest It Introduce Monarchy, and Persecution For Conscience.
• A Parallel of the Spirit of the People With the Spirit of Mr. Rogers; and an Appeal Thereupon Unto the Reader, Whether the Spirit of the People, Or the Spirit of Men Like Mr. Rogers, Be the Fitter to Be Trusted With the Government.
• A Sufficient Answer to Mr. Stubb.
• A Proposition In Order to the Proposing of a Commonwealth Or Democracy.
• The Rota: Or, a Model of a Free State, Or Equal Commonwealth.

THE LIFE OF JAMES HARRINGTON.

1. JAMES HARRINGTON (who was born in January 1611) was descended of an antient and noble family in Rutlandshire, being great grandson to Sir James Harrington; of whom it is observ’d by the* historian of that county, that there were sprung in his time eight dukes, three marquisses, seventy earls, twenty-seven viscounts, and thirty-six barons; of which number sixteen were knights of the garter: to confirm which account, we shall annex a copy of the inscription on his monument and that of his three sons at Exton, with notes on the same by an uncertain hand. As for our author, he was the eldest son of Sir Sapcotes Harrington, and Jane the daughter of Sir William Samuel of Upton in Northamptonshire. His father had children besides him, William, a merchant in London;Elizabeth, marry’d to Sir Ralph Ashton in Lancashire, baronet; Ann, marry’d to Arthur Evelyn, Esq; And by a second wife he had John, kill’d at sea; Edward, a captain in the army, yet living; Frances, marry’d to John Bagshaw of Culworth in Northamptonshire, Esq; and Dorothy, marry’d to Allan Bellingham of Levens in Westmorland, Esq; This lady is still alive, and, when she understood my design, was pleas’d to put me in possession of all the remaining letters, and other manuscript papers of her brother, with the collections and observations relating to him, made by his other sister the lady Ashton, a woman of very extraordinary parts and accomplishments. These, with the account given of him by Anthony Wood, in the second volum of his Athenae Oxonienses, and what I cou’d learn from the mouths of his surviving acquaintance, are the materials whereof I compos’d this insuing history of his life.

2. In his very childhood he gave sure hopes of his future abilitys, as well by his inclination and capacity to learn whatever was propos’d to him, as by a kind of natural gravity; whence his parents and masters were wont to say, That he rather kept them in aw, than needed their correction: yet when grown a man, none could easily surpass him for quickness of wit, and a most facetious temper. He was enter’d a gentleman commoner of Trinity College in Oxford in the year 1629, and became a pupil to that great master of reason Dr. Chillingworth, who discovering the errors, impostures, and tyranny of the Popish church (whereof he was for some time a member) attackt it with more proper and successful arms than all before, or perhaps any since have don. After considerably improving his knowlege in the university, he was more particularly fitting himself for his intended travels, by learning several foren languages, when his father dy’d, leaving him under age. Tho the court of wards was still in being, yet by the soccage tenure of his estate he was at liberty to chuse his own guardian; and accordingly pitch’d upon his grandmother the lady Samuel, a woman eminent for her wisdom and virtue. Of her and the rest of his governors he soon obtain’d a permission to satisfy his eager desire of seeing som other parts of the world, where he could make such observations on men and manners, as might best fit him in due time to serve and adorn his native country.

3. His first step was into Holland, then the principal school of martial disciplin, and (what toucht him more sensibly) a place wonderfully flourishing under the influence of their liberty, which they had so lately asserted, by breaking the yoke of a severe master, the Spanish tyrant. And here, no doubt, it was that he begun to make government the subject of his meditations: for he was often heard to say, that, before he left England, he knew no more of monarchy, anarchy, aristocracy, democracy, oligarchy, or the like, than as hard words, wherof he learnt the signification in his dictionary. For some months he listed himself in my lord Craven’s regiment and Sir Robert Stone’s; during which time being much at the Hague, he had the opportunity of further accomplishing himself in two courts, namely, those of the prince of Orange and the queen of Bohemia, the daughter of our K. James I. then a fugitive in Holland, her husband having bin abandon’d by his father in law, betray’d by the king of Spain, and stript of all his territorys by the emperor. This excellent princess entertain’d him with extraordinary favor and civility on the account of his uncle the lord Harrington, who had bin her governor; but particularly for the sake of his own merit. The prince elector also courted him into his service, ingag’d him to attend him in a journy he made to the court of Denmark, and, after his return from travelling, committed the chief management of all his affairs in England to his care. Nor were the young princesses less delighted with his company, his conversation being always extremely pleasant, as well as learned and polite; to which good qualitys those unfortunat ladies were far from being strangers, as appears by the letters of the great philosopher Cartesius, and by the other writers of those times.

4. Tho he found many charms inviting his longer stay in this place, yet none were strong enough to keep him from pursuing his main design of travelling; and therfore he went next thro Flanders into France, where having perfected himself in the language, seen what deserv’d his curiosity, and made such remarks on their government as will best appear in his works, he remov’d thence into Italy. It happen’d to be then (as it is now) the year of jubilee. He always us’d to admire the great dexterity wherwith the Popish clergy could maintain their severe government over so great a part of the world, and that men otherwise reasonable enough should be inchanted out of their senses, as well as cheated out of their mony, by these ridiculous tricks of religious pageantry. Except the small respect he shew’d to the miracles they daily told him were perform’d in their churches, he did in all other things behave himself very prudently and inoffensively. But going on a Candlemas day with several other Protestants, to see the Pope perform the ceremony of consecrating wax lights; and perceiving that none could obtain any of those torches, except such as kist the Pope’s toe (which he expos’d to ’em for that purpose) tho he had a great mind to one of the lights, yet he would not accept it on so hard a condition. The rest of his companions were not so scrupulous, and after their return complain’d of his squeamishness to the king; who telling him he might have don it only as a respect to a temporal prince, he presently reply’d, that since he had the honor to kiss his majesty’s hand, he thought it beneath him to kiss any other prince’s foot. The king was pleased with his answer, and did afterwards admit him to be one of his privy chamber extraordinary, in which quality he attended him in his first expedition against the Scots.

5. He prefer’d Venice to all other places in Italy, as he did its government to all those of the whole world, it being in his opinion immutable by any external or internal causes, and to finish only with mankind; of which assertion you may find various proofs alleg’d in his works. Here he furnish’d himself with a collection of all the valuable books in the Italian language, especially treating of politics, and contracted acquaintance with every one of whom he might receive any benefit by instruction or otherwise.

6. After having thus seen Italy, France, the Low Countrys, Denmark, and som parts of Germany, he return’d home into England, to the great joy of all his friends and acquaintance. But he was in a special manner the darling of his relations, of whom he acknowleg’d to receive reciprocal satisfaction. His brothers and sisters were now pretty well grown, which made it his next care so to provide for each of ’em as might render ’em independent of others, and easy to themselves. His brother William he bred to be a merchant, in which calling he became a considerable man; he was a good architect, and was so much notic’d for his ingenious contrivances, that he was receiv’d a fellow of the royal society. How his other brothers were dispos’d, we mention’d in the beginning of this discourse. He took all the care of a parent in the education of his sisters, and wou’d himself make large discourses to ’em concerning the reverence that was due to Almighty God; the benevolence they were oblig’d to shew all mankind; how they ought to furnish their minds with knowlege by reading of useful books, and to shew the goodness of their disposition by a constant practice of virtue: in a word, he taught ’em the true rules of humanity and decency, always inculcating to ’em, that good manners did not so much consist in a fashionable carriage (which ought not to be neglected) as in becoming words and actions, an obliging address, and a modest behavior. He treated his mother in law as if she were his own, and made no distinction between her children and the rest of his brothers and sisters; which good example had such effects on ’em all, that no family has bin more remarkable for their mutual friendship.

7. He was of a very liberal and compassionate nature, nor could he indure to see a friend want any thing he might spare; and when the relief that was necessary exceded the bounds of his estate, he persuaded his sisters not only to contribute themselves, but likewise to go about to the rest of their relations to complete what was wanting. And if at any time they alleg’d that this bounty had been thrown away on ungrateful persons, he would answer with a smile, that he saw they were mercenary, and that they plainly sold their gifts, since they expected so great a return as gratitude.

8. His natural inclinations to study kept him from seeking after any public imployments. But in the year 1646, attending out of curiosity the commissioners appointed by parlament to bring King Charles the First from Newcastle nearer to London, he was by som of ’em nam’d to wait on his majesty, as a person known to him before, and ingag’d to no party or faction. The king approv’d the proposal, yet our author would never presume to come into his presence except in public, till he was particularly commanded by the king; and that he, with Thomas Herbert (created a baronet after the restoration of the monarchy) were made grooms of the bedchamber at Holmby, together with James Maxwell and Patrick Maule (afterwards earl of Penmoore in Scotland) which two only remain’d of his old servants in that station.

9. He had the good luck to grow very acceptable to the king, who much convers’d with him about books and foren countrys. In his sister’s papers I find it exprest, that at the king’s command he translated into English Dr. Sanderson’s book concerning the obligation of oaths: but Anthony Wood says it was the king’s own doing, and that he shew’d it at different times to Harrington, Herbert, Dr. Juxon, Dr. Hammond, and Dr. Sheldon, for their approbation. However that be, ’tis certain he serv’d his master with untainted fidelity, without doing any thing inconsistent with the liberty of his country; and that he made use of his interest with his friends in parlament to have matters accommodated for the satisfaction of all partys. During the treaty in the Isle of Wight, he frequently warn’d the divines of his acquaintance to take heed how far they prest the king to insist upon any thing which, however it concern’d their dignity, was no essential point of religion; and that such matters driven too far wou’d infallibly ruin all the indeavours us’d for a peace; which prophecy was prov’d too true by the event. His majesty lov’d his company, says Anthony Wood,and, finding him to be an ingenious man, chose rather to converse with him than with others of his chamber: they had often discourses concerning government; but when they happen’d to talk of a commonwealth, the king seem’d not to indure it. Here I know not which most to commend, the king for trusting a man of republican principles, or Harrington for owning his principles while he serv’d a king.

10. After the king was remov’d out of the Isle of Wight to Hurstcastle in Hampshire,Harrington was forcibly turn’d out of service, because he vindicated som of his majesty’s arguments against the parlament commissioners at Newport, and thought his concessions not so unsatisfactory as did som others. As they were taking the king to Windsor, he beg’d admittance to the boot of the coach, that he might bid his master farewel; which being granted, and he preparing to kneel, the king took him by the hand, and pull’d him in to him. He was for three or four days permitted to stay: but because he would not take an oath against assisting or concealing the king’s escape, he was not only discharg’d from his office, but also for som time detain’d in custody, till major-general Ireton obtain’d his liberty. He afterwards found means to see the king at St. James’s, and accompany’d him on the scaffold, where, or a little before, he receiv’d a token of his majesty’s affection.

11. After the king’s death he was observ’d to keep much in his library, and more retir’d than usually, which was by his friends a long time attributed to melancholy or discontent. At length when they weary’d him with their importunitys to change this sort of life, he thought fit to shew ’em at the same time their mistake and a copy of his Oceana, which he was privatly writing all that while: telling ’em withal, that ever since he began to examin things seriously, he had principally addicted himself to the study of civil government, as being of the highest importance to the peace and felicity of mankind; and that he succeded at least to his own satisfaction, being now convinc’d that no government is of so accidental or arbitrary an institution as people are wont to imagin, there being in societys natural causes producing their necessary effects, as well as in the earth or the air. Hence he frequently argu’d, that the troubles of his time were not to be wholly attributed to wilfulness or faction, neither to the misgovernment of the prince, nor the stubborness of the people; but to change in the balance of property, which ever since Henry the Seventh’s time was daily falling into the scale of the commons from that of the king and the lords, as in his book he evidently demonstrats and explains. Not that hereby he approv’d either the breaches which the king had made on the laws, or excus’d the severity which som of the subjects exercis’d on the king; but to shew that as long as the causes of these disorder’s remain’d, so long would the like effects unavoidably follow: while on the one hand a king would be always indeavoring to govern according to the example of his predecessors when the best part of the national property was in their own hands, and consequently the greatest command of mony and men, as one of a thousand pounds a year can entertain more servants, or influence more tenants than another that has but one hundred, out of which he cannot allow one valet; and on the other hand he said, the people would be sure to struggle for preserving the property wherof they were in possession, never failing to obtain more privileges, and to inlarge the basis of their liberty, as often as they met with any success (which they generally did) in quarrels of this kind. His chief aim therfore was to find out a method of preventing such distempers, or to apply the best remedys when they happen’d to break out. But as long as the balance remain’d in this unequal state, he affirm’d that no king whatsoever could keep himself easy, let him never so much indeavor to please his people; and that though a good king might manage affairs tolerably well during his life, yet this did not prove the government to be good, since under a less prudent prince it would fall to pieces again, while the orders of a well constituted state make wicked men virtuous, and fools to act wisely.

12. Thatempire follows the balance of property, whether lodg’d in one, in a few, or in many hands, he was the first that ever made out; and is a noble discovery, wherof the honor solely belongs to him, as much as those of the circulation of the blood, of printing, of guns, of the compass, or of optic glasses, to the several authors. ’Tis incredible to think what gross and numberless errors were committed by all the writers before him, even by the best of them, for want of understanding this plain truth, which is the foundation of all politics. He no sooner discours’d publicly of this new doctrin, being a man of universal acquaintance, but it ingag’d all sorts of people to busy themselves about it as they were variously affected. Som, because they understood him, despis’d it, alleging it was plain to every man’s capacity, as if his highest merit did not consist in making it so. Others, and those in number the fewest, disputed with him about it, merely to be better inform’d; with which he was well pleas’d, as reckoning a pertinent objection of greater advantage to the discovery of truth (which was his aim) than a complaisant applause or approbation. But a third sort, of which there never wants in all places a numerous company, did out of pure envy strive all they could to lessen or defame him; and one of ’em (since they could not find any precedent writer out of whose works they might make him a plagiary) did endeavor, after a very singular manner, to rob him of the glory of this invention: for our author having friendly lent him a part of his papers, he publish’d a small piece to the same purpose, intitled, A letter from an officer of the army in Ireland, &c. Major Wildman was then reputed the author by som, and Henry Nevil by others; which latter, by reason of this thing, and his great intimacy with Harrington, was by his detractors reported to be the author of his works, or that at least he had a principal hand in composing of them. Notwithstanding which provocations, so true was he to the friendship he profest to Nevil and Wildman, that he avoided all harsh expressions or public censures on this occasion, contenting himself with the justice which the world was soon oblig’d to yield to him by reason of his other writings, where no such clubbing of brains could be reasonably suspected.

13. But the publication of his book met with greater difficultys from the opposition of the several partys then set against one another, and all against him; but none more than som of those who pretended to be for a commonwealth, which was the specious name under which they cover’d the rankest tyranny of Oliver Cromwel, while Harrington, like Paul at Athens, indeavor’d to make known to the people what they ignorantly ador’d. By shewing that a commonwealth was a government of laws, and not of the sword, he could not but detect the violent administration of the protector by his bashaws, intendants, or majors general, which created him no small danger: while the cavaliers on the other side tax’d him with ingratitude to the memory of the late king, and prefer’d the monarchy even of a usurper to the best order’d commonwealth. To these he answer’d, that it was enough for him to forbear publishing his sentiments during that king’s life; but the monarchy being now quite dissolv’d, and the nation in a state of anarchy, or (what was worse) groaning under a horrid usurpation, he was not only at liberty, but even oblig’d as a good citizen to offer a helping hand to his countrymen, and to shew ’em such a model of government as he thought most conducing to their tranquillity, wealth and power: that the cavaliers ought of all people to be best pleas’d with him, since if his model succeded, they were sure to enjoy equal privileges with others, and so be deliver’d from their present oppression; for in a well-constituted commonwealth there can be no distinction of partys, the passage to preferment is open to merit in all persons, and no honest man can be uneasy: but that if the prince should happen to be restor’d, his doctrin of the balance would be a light to shew him what and with whom he had to do, and so either to amend or avoid the miscarriages of his father; since all that is said of this doctrin may as well be accommodated to a monarchy regulated by laws, as to a democracy or more popular form of a commonwealth. He us’d to add on such occasions another reason of writing this model, which was, That if it should ever be the fate of this nation to be, like Italy of old, overrun by any barbarous people, or to have its government and records destroy’d by the rage of som merciless conqueror, they might not be then left to their own invention in framing a new government; for few people can be expected to succede so happily as the Venetians have don in such a case.

14. In the mean time it was known to som of the courtiers, that the book was a printing; whereupon, after hunting it from one press to another, they seiz’d their prey at last, and convey’d it to Whitehall. All the sollicitations he could make were not able to relieve his papers, till he remember’d that Oliver’s favorit daughter, the lady Claypole, acted the part of a princess very naturally, obliging all persons with her civility, and frequently interceding for the unhappy. To this lady, tho an absolute stranger to him, he thought fit to make his application; and being led into her antichamber, he sent in his name, with his humble request that she would admit him to her presence. While he attended, som of her women coming into the room were follow’d by her little daughter about three years old, who staid behind them. He entertain’d the child so divertingly, that she suffer’d him to take her up in his arms till her mother came; whereupon he stepping towards her, and setting the child down at her feet, said, Madam, ’tis well you are com at this nick of time, or I had certainly stolen this pretty little lady. Stolen her, reply’d the mother! pray, what to do with her? for she is yet too young to becom your mistress. Madam, said he, tho her charms assure her of a more considerable conquest, yet I must confess it is not love but revenge that promted me to commit this theft. Lord, answer’d the lady again, what injury have I don you that you should steal my child? none at all, reply’d he, but that you might be induc’d to prevail with your father to do me justice, by restoring my child that he has stolen. But she urging it was impossible, because her father had children enough of his own; he told her at last it was the issue of his brain which was misrepresented to the protector, and taken out of the press by his order. She immediately promis’d to procure it for him, if it contain’d nothing prejudicial to her father’s government; and he assur’d her it was only a kind of a political romance, so far from any treason against her father, that he hop’d she would acquaint him that he design’d to dedicat it to him, and promis’d that she her self should be presented with one of the first copys. The lady was so well pleas’d with his manner of address, that he had his book speedily restor’d to him; and he did accordingly inscribe it to Oliver Cromwel, who, after the perusal of it, said, the gentleman had like to trapan him out of his power, but that what he got by the sword he would not quit for a little paper shot: adding in his usual cant, that he approv’d the government of a single person as little as any of ’em, but that he was forc’d to take upon him the office of a high constable, to preserve the peace among the several partys in the nation, since he saw that being left to themselves, they would never agree to any certain form of government, and would only spend their whole power in defeating the designs, or destroying the persons of one another.

15. But nothing in the world could better discover Cromwel’s dissimulation than this speech, since Harrington had demonstrated in his book, that no commonwealth could be so easily or perfectly establish’d as one by a sole legislator, it being in his power (if he were a man of good invention himself, or had a good model propos’d to him by others) to set up a government in the whole piece at once, and in perfection; but an assembly, being of better judgment than invention, generally make patching work in forming a government, and are whole ages about that which is seldom or never brought by ’em to any perfection; but is commonly ruin’d by the way, leaving the noblest attemts under reproach, and the authors of ’em expos’d to the greatest dangers while they live, and to a certain infamy when dead. Wherfore the wisest assemblys, in mending or making a government, have pitch’d upon a sole legislator, whose model they could rightly approve, tho not so well digest; as musicians can play in consort, and judg of an air that is laid before them, tho to invent a part of music they could never agree, nor succede so happily as one person. If Cromwel therfore had meant as he spoke, no man had ever such an opportunity of reforming what was amiss in the old government, or setting up one wholly new, either according to the plan of Oceana, or any other. This would have made him indeed a hero superior in lasting fame to Solon, Lycurgus, Zaleucus, and Charondas; and render his glory far more resplendent, his security greater, and his renown more durable than all the pomp of his ill acquir’d greatness could afford: whereas on the contrary he liv’d in continual fears of those he had inslav’d, dy’d abhor’d as a monstrous betrayer of those libertys with which he was intrusted by his country, and his posterity not possessing a foot of what for their only sakes he was generally thought to usurp But this last is a mistaken notion, for som of the most notorious tyrants liv’d and dy’d without any hopes of children; which is a good reason why no mortal ought to be trusted with too much power on that score. Lycurgus and Andrew Doria, who, when it was in their power to continue princes, chose rather to be the founders of their countrys liberty, will be celebrated for their virtue thro the course of all ages, and their very names convey the highest ideas of Godlike generosity; while Julius Cæsar, Oliver Cromwel, and such others as at any time inslav’d their fellow citizens, will be for ever remember’d with detestation, and cited as the most execrable examples of the vilest treachery and ingratitude. It is only a refin’d and excellent genius, a noble soul ambitious of solid praise, a sincere lover of virtue and the good of all mankind, that is capable of executing so glorious an undertaking as making a people free. ’Tis my fix’d opinion, that if the protector’s mind had the least tincture of true greatness, he could not be proof against the incomparable rewards propos’d by Harrington in the corollary of his Oceana; as no prince truly generous, whether with or without heirs, is able to resist their charms, provided he has opportunity to advance the happiness of his people. ’Twas this disposition that brought the prince of Orange to head us when we lately contended for our libesty; to this we ow those inestimable laws we have obtain’d, since out of a grateful confidence we made him our king; and how great things, or after what manner, we may expect from him in time to com, is as hard to be truly conceiv’d as worthily express’d.

16. I shall now give som account of the book itself, intitl’d by the author, The Commonwealth of Oceana, a name by which he design’d England, as being the noblest iland of the Northern ocean. But before I procede further, I must explain som other words occurring in this book, which is written after the manner of a romance, in imitation of Plato’sAtlantic story, and is a method ordinarily follow’d by lawgivers.

17. The book consists of Preliminarys divided into two parts, and a third section called the Council of Legislators; then follows the Model of the Commonwealth, or the body of the book; and lastly coms the Corollary or Conclusion. The preliminary discourses contain the principles, generation, and effects of all governments, whether monarchical, aristocratical, or popular, and their several corruptions, as tyranny, oligarchy, and anarchy, with all the good or bad mixtures that naturally result from them. But the first part dos in a more particular manner treat of antient prudence, or that genius of government which most prevail’d in the world till the time of Julius Cæsar. None can consult a more certain oracle that would conceive the nature of foren or domestic empire; the balance of land or mony; arms or contracts; magistracy and judicatures; agrarian laws; elections by the ballot; rotation of officers, with a great many such heads, especially the inconveniences and preeminences of each kind of government, or the true comparison of ’em all together. These subjects have bin generally treated distinctly, and every one of them seems to require a volum; yet I am of opinion that in this short discourse there is a more full and clearer account of them, than can be easily found elsewhere: at least I must own to have receiv’d greater satisfaction here than in all my reading before, and the same thing has bin frankly own’d to me by others.

18. The second part of the Preliminarys treats of modern prudence, or that genius of government which has most obtain’d in the world since the expiration of the Roman liberty, particularly the Gothic constitution, beginning with the inundation of the barbarous northern nations over the Roman empire. In this discourse there is a very clear account of the English government under the Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans, till the foundations of it were cunningly undermin’d by Henry VII. terribly shaken by Henry VIII. and utterly ruin’d under Charles I. Here he must read, who in a little compass would completely understand the antient feuds and tenures, the original and degrees of our nobility, with the inferior orders of the rest of the people: under the Saxons, what was meant by ealdorman, or earls; king’s thane; middle thane or vavasors; their shiremoots, sherifs, and viscounts; their halymoots, weidenagemoots, and such others. Here likewise one may learn to understand the baronage of the Normans, as the barons by their possessions, by writ, or by letters patent; with many other particulars which give an insight into the springs and management of the barons wars, so frequent and famous in our annals. The rest of this discourse is spent in shewing the natural causes of the dissolution of the Norman monarchy under Charles the First, and the generation of the commonwealth, or rather the anarchy that succeded.

19. Next follows the Council of Legislators: for Harrington being about to give the most perfect model of government, he made himself master of all the antient and modern politicians, that he might as well imitat whatever was excellent or practicable in them, as his care was to avoid all things which were impracticable or inconvenient. These were the justest measures that could possibly be taken by any body, whether he design’d to be rightly inform’d, and sufficiently furnish’d with the best materials; or whether he would have his model meet with an easy reception: for since his own sentiments (tho’ never so true) were sure to be rejected as privat speculations or impracticable chimeras, this was the readiest way to make ’em pass currently, as both authoriz’d by the wisest men in all nations, and as what in all times and places had bin practis’d with success. To this end therefore he introduces, under feign’d names, nine legislators, who perfectly understood the several governments, they were appointed to represent. The province of the first was the commonwealth of Israel; that of the second, Athens; of the third, Sparta; of the fourth, Carthage; of the fifth, the Achæans, Ætolians, and Lycians; of the sixth, Rome; of the seventh, Venice; of the eighth, Switzerland; and of the ninth, Holland. Out of the excellencys of all these, supply’d with the fruits of his own invention, he fram’d the model of his Oceana; and indeed he shews himself in that work so throly vers’d in their several historys and constitutions, that to any man who would rightly understand them, I could not easily recommend a more proper teacher: for here they are dissected and laid open to all capacitys, their perfections applauded, their inconveniencys expos’d, and parallels frequently made between ’em no less entertaining than usual. Nor are the antient and modern Eastern or European monarchys forgot, but exhibited with all their advantages and corruptions, without the least dissimulation or partiality.

20. As for the model, I shall say nothing of it in particular, as well because I would not forestal the pleasure of the reader, as by reason an abridgment of it is once or twice made by himself, and inserted among his works. The method he observes is to lay down his orders or laws in so many positive propositions, to each of which he subjoins an explanatory discourse; and if there be occasion, adds a speech suppos’d to be deliver’d by the lord Archon, or som of the legislators. These speeches are extraordinary fine, contain a world of good learning and observation, and are perpetual commentarys on his laws. In the Corollary, which is the conclusion of the whole work, he shews how the last hand was put to his commonwealth; which we must not imagin to treat only of the form of the senat and affemblys of the people, or the manner of waging war and governing in peace. It contains besides, the disciplin of a national religion, and the security of a liberty of conscience: a form of government for Scotland, for Ireland, and the other provinces of the commonwealth; governments for London and Westminster, proportionably to which the other corporations of the nation are to be model’d; directions for the incouraging of trade; laws for regulating academys; and most excellent rules for the education of our youth, as well to the wars or the sea, to manufactures or husbandry, as to law, physic, or divinity, and chiefly to the breeding and true figure of accomplish’d gentlemen: there are admirable orders for reforming the stage; the number, choice and business of the officers of state and the revenue, with all sorts of officers; and an exact account both of their salarys, and the ordinary yearly charge of the whole commonwealth, which for two rarely consistent things, the grandeur of its state, and the frugal management of its revenues, excedes all the governments that ever were. I ought not to omit telling here, that this model gives a full answer to those who imagin that there can be no distinctions, or degrees, neither nobility nor gentry in a democracy, being led into this mistake, because they ignorantly think all commonwealths to be constituted alike; when, if they were but never so little vers’d in history, they might know that no order of men now in the world can com near the figure that was made by the noblemen and gentlemen of the Roman state: nor in this respect dos the commonwealth of Oceana com any thing behind them; for, as Harrington says very truly, an army may as well consist of soldiers without officers, or of officers without soldiers, as a commonwealth (especially such an one as is capable of greatness) consist of a people without a gentry, or of a gentry without a people. So much may suffice for understanding the scope of this book: I shall only add, that none ought to be offended with a few odd terms in it, such as the prime magnitude, the pillar of Nilus, the galaxy, and the tropic of magistrats, since the author explains what he means by ’em, and that any other may call ’em by what more significative names he pleases; for t’ e things themselves are absolutely necessary.

21. No sooner did this treatise appear in public, but it was greedily bought up, and becom the subject of all men’s discourse. The first that made exceptions to it was Dr. Henry Ferne, afterwards bishop of Chester. The lady Ashton presented him with one of the books, and desir’d his opinion of it, which he quickly sent in such a manner as shew’d he did not approve of the doctrin, tho he treated the person and his learning with due respect. To this letter a reply was made, and som querys sent along with it by Harrington, to every one of which a distinct answer was return’d by the doctor; which being again confuted by Harrington, he publish’d the whole in the year 1656, under the title of Pian Piano, or an Intercourse between H. Fernedoctor in divinity, andJames Harrington,Esq; upon occasion of the doctor’s censure of the commonwealth of Oceana. ’Tis a treatise of little importance, and contains nothing but what he has much better discours’d in his answers to other antagonists, which is the reason that I give the reader no more trouble about it.

22. The next that wrote against Oceana was Matthew Wren, eldest son to the bishop of Ely. His book was intitl’d Considerations, and restrain’d only to the first part of the preliminarys. To this our author publish’d an answer in the first book of his Prerogative of Popular Government, where he inlarges, explains, and vindicats his assertions. How inequal this combat was, and after what manner he treated his adversary, I leave the reader to judg; only minding him that as Wren was one of the virtuosi who met at Dr. Wilkins’s (the seminary of the now royal society) Harrington jokingly said, That they had an excellent faculty of magnifying a louse, and diminishing a commonwealth. But the subjects he handles on this occasion are very curious, and reduc’d to the twelve following questions:

(1) Whether prudence (or the politics) be well distinguish’d into antient and modern?

(2.) Whether a commonwealth be rightly defin’d to be a government of laws and not of men; and monarchy to be a government of som men or a few men, and not of laws?

(3.) Whether the balance of dominion in land be the natural cause of empire?

(4.) Whether the balance of empire be well divided into national and provincial? and whether these two, or any nations that are of a distinct balance, coming to depend on one and the same head, such a mixture creates a new balance?

(5.) Whether there be any common right or interest of mankind distinct from the interest of the parts taken severally? and how by the orders of a commonwealth this may best be distinguish’d from privat interest?

(6.) Whether the senatusconsulta, or decrees of the Roman senat, had the power of laws?

(7.) Whether the ten commandments, propos’d by God or Moses, were voted and past into laws by the people of Israel?

(8.) Whether a commonwealth, coming up to the perfection of the kind, coms not up to the perfection of government, and has no flaw in it? that is, whether the best commonwealth be not the best government?

(9.) Whether monarchy, coming up to the perfection of the kind, coms not short of the perfection of government, and has not som flaw in it? that is, whether the best monarchy be not the worst government? Under this head are also explain’d the balance of France, the original of a landed clergy, arms, and their several kinds.

(10.) Whether any commonwealth, that was not first broken or divided by it self, was ever conquer’d by any monarch? where he shews that none ever were, and that the greatest monarchys have bin broken by very small commonwealths.

(11.) Whether there be not an agrarian, or som law or laws to supply the defects of it, in every commonwealth? Whether the agrarian, as it is stated in Oceana, be not equally satisfactory to all interests or partys?

(12.) Whether a rotation, or courses and turns, be necessary to a well-order’d commonwealth? In which is contain’d the parembole or courses of Israel before the captivity, together with an epitome of the commonwealth of Athens, as also another of the commonwealth of Venice.

23. The second book of the Prerogative of Popular Government chiefly concerns ordination in the Christian church, and the orders of the commonwealth of Israel, against the opinions of Dr. Hammond, Dr. Seaman, and the authors they follow. His dispute with these learned persons (the one of the Episcopal, and the other of the Presbyterian communion) is comprehended in five chapters.

(1.) The first, explaining the words chirotonia and chirothesia, paraphrastically relates the story of the perambulation made by the apostles Paul and Barnabas thro the citys of Lycaonia, Pisidia, &c.

(2.) The second shews that those citys, or most of ’em, were at the time of this perambulation under popular government; in which is also contain’d the whole administration of a Roman province.

(3.) The third shews the deduction of the chirotonia, or holding up of hands, from popular government, and that the original of ordination is from this custom; in which is also contain’d the institution of the sanhedrim or senat of Israel by Moses, and of that of Rome by Romulus.

(4.) The fourth shews the deduction of the chirothesia, or the laying on of hands, from monarchical or aristocratical government, and so the second way of ordination proceeds from this custom: here is also declar’d how the commonwealth of the Jews stood after the captivity.

(5.) The fifth debates whether the chirotonia us’d in the citys mention’d was (as is pretended by Dr. Hammond, Dr. Seaman, and the authors they follow) the same with the chirothesia, or a far different thing. In which are contain’d the divers kinds of church government introduc’d and exercis’d in the age of the apostles. By these heads we may perceive that a great deal of useful learning is contain’d in this book; and questionless he makes those subjects more plain and intelligible than any writer I ever yet consulted.

24. AgainstOceana chiefly did Richard Baxter write his Holy Commonwealth, of which our author made so slight, that he vouchsaf’d no other answer to it but half a sheet of cant and ridicule. It dos not appear that he rail’d at all the ministers as a parcel of fools and knaves. But the rest of Baxter’s complaint seems better grounded, as that Harrington maintain’d neither he nor any ministers understood at all what polity was, but prated against they knew not what, &c. This made him publish his Holy Commonwealth in answer toHarrington’s Heathenish Commonwealth; in which, adds he, I plead the cause of monarchy as better than democracy or aristocracy; an odd way of modelling a commonwealth. And yet the royalists were so far from thinking his book for their service, that in the year 1683 it was by a decree of the university of Oxford condemn’d to be publicly burnt; which sentence was accordingly executed upon it, in company with some of the books of Hobbes, Milton, and others; wheras no censure past on Harrington’sOceana, or the rest of his works. As for divines meddling with politics, he has in the former part of the preliminarys to Oceana deliver’d his opinion, That there is somthing first in the making of a commonwealth, then in the governing of it, and last of all in the leading of its armys, which (tho there be great divines, great lawyers, great men in all professions) seems to be peculiar only to the genius of a gentleman: for it is plain in the universal series of story, that if any man founded a commonwealth, he was first a gentleman; the truth of which assertion he proves from Moses downwards.

25. Being much importun’d from all hands to publish an abridgment of his Oceana, he consented at length; and so, in the year 1659, was printed his Art of Lawgiving (or of legislation) in three books. The first, which treats of the foundation and superstructures of all kinds of government, is an abstract of his preliminarys to the Oceana: and the third book, shewing a model of popular government fitted to the present state or balance of this nation, is an exact epitome of his Oceana, with short discourses explaining the propositions. By the way, the pamphlet called the Rota is nothing else but these propositions without the discourses, and therfore, to avoid a needless repetition, not printed among his works. The second book between these two, is a full account of the commonwealth of Israel, with all the variations it underwent. Without this book it is plainly impossible to understand that admirable government concerning which no author wrote common sense before Harrington, who was persuaded to complete this treatise by such as observ’d his judicious remarks on the same subject in his other writings. To the Art of Lawgiving is annex’d a small dissertation, or a Word concerning a House of Peers, which to abridg were to transcribe.

26. In the same year, 1659, Wren coms out with another book call’d Monarchy asserted, in vindication of his Considerations. If he could not press hard on our author’s reasonings, he was resolv’d to overbear him with impertinence and calumny, treating him neither with the respect due to a gentleman, nor the fair dealing becoming an ingenuous adversary, but on the contrary with the utmost chicanery and insolence. The least thing to be admir’d is, that he would needs make the university a party against him, and bring the heavy weight of the church’s displeasure on his shoulders: for as corrupt ministers stile themselves the government, by which artifice they oblige better men to suppress their complaints, for fear of having their loyalty suspected; so every ignorant pedant that affronts a gentleman, is presently a learned university; or if he is but in deacon’s orders, he’s forthwith transform’d into the catholic church, and it becoms sacrilege to touch him. But as great bodys no less than privat persons, grow wiser by experience, and com to a clearer discernment of their true interest; so I believe that neither the church no universitys will be now so ready to espouse the quarrels of those, who, under pretence of serving them, ingage in disputes they no ways understand, wherby all the discredit redounds to their patrons, themselves being too mean to suffer any diminution of honor. Harrington was not likewise less blamable in being provok’d to such a degree by this pitiful libel, as made him forget his natural character of gravity and greatness of mind. Were not the best of men subject to their peculiar weaknesses, he had never written such a farce as his Politicaster, or Comical Discourse in answer to Mr.Wren. It relates little or nothing to the argument, which was not so much amiss, considering the ignorance of his antagonist: but it is of so very small merit, that I would not insert it among his other works, as a piece not capable to instruct or please any man now alive. I have not omitted his Answer to Dr.Stubbeconcerning a select senat, as being so little worth; but as being only a repetition of what he has much better and more amply treated in some of his other pieces. Now we must note, that upon the first appearance of his Oceana this Stubbe was so great an admirer of him, that, in his preface to the Good Old Cause, he says he would inlarge in his praise, did he not think himself too inconsiderable to add any thing to those applauses which the understanding part of the world must bestow upon him, and which, tho eloquence should turn panegyrist, he not only merits but transcends.

27. Other treatises of his, which are omitted for the same reason, are, 1. A Discourse upon this Saying, The Spirit of the Nation is not yet to be trusted with Liberty, lest it introduce Monarchy, or invade the Liberty of Conscience; which proposition he disapprov’d. 2. A Discourse shewing that the Spirit of Parlaments, with a Council in the Intervals, is not to be trusted for a Settlement, lest it introduce Monarchy, and Persecution for Conscience. 3. A Parallel of the Spirit of the People with the Spirit of Mr.Rogers,with an Appeal to the Reader, whether the Spirit of the People, or the Spirit of Men like Mr.Rogers,be the fitter to be trusted with the Government. This Rogers was an Anabaptist, a seditious enthusiast, or fifthmonarchy man. 4. Pour enclour le canon, or the nailing of the Enemys Artillery. 5. The Stumbling-block of Disobedience and Rebellion, cunningly imputed byPeter HeylintoCalvin,remov’d in a Letter to the said P. H. who wrote a long answer to it in the third part of his letter combat. ’Tis obvious by the bare perusal of the titles, that these are but pamphlets solely calculated for that time; and it certainly argues a mighty want of judgment in those editors who make no distinction between the elaborat works which an author intended for universal benefit, and his more slight or temporary compositions, which were written to serve a present turn, and becom afterwards not only useless, but many times not intelligible. Of this nature are the pieces I now mention’d: all their good things are much better treated in his other books, and the personal reflections are (as I said before) neither instructive nor diverting. On this occasion I must signify, that tho the history I wrote of Milton’s life be prefix’d to his works, yet I had no hand in the edition of those volumes; or otherwise his logic, his grammar, and the like, had not increas’d the bulk or price of his other useful pieces. Our author translated into English verse som of Virgil’s Eclogs, and about six books of his Æneids; which, with his Epigrams, and other poetical conceits, are neither worthy of him nor the light.

28. Som other small books he wrote which are more deserving, and therfore transmitted to posterity with his greater works; namely, 1. Valerius and Publicola,or, The true Form of a Popular Commonwealth, a dialog. 2. Political Aphorisms, in number 120. 3. Seven Models of a Commonwealth, antient and modern; or, Brief Directions shewing how a fit and perfect Model of Popular Government may be made, found, or understood. These are all the commonwealths in the world for their kinds, tho not for their number. 4. The Ways and Means whereby an equal and lasting Commonwealth may be suddenly introduc’d, and perfectly founded, with the free Consent and actual Confirmation of the whole People of England. 5. There is added, The Petition of divers well-affected Persons, drawn up by Harrington, and containing the abstract of his Oceana; but presented to the house of commons by Henry Nevil the 6th of July 1659, to which a satisfactory answer was return’d, but nothing don. 6. Besides all these, finding his doctrin of elections by balloting not so well understood as could be desir’d, he publish’d on one side of a large sheet of paper, his Use and Manner of the Ballot, with a copper cut in the middle representing such an election in the great assembly of the commonwealth: but ’tis now inserted in its proper place in the body of Oceana. Most of these contain abridgments of his model, adapted to the various circumstances and occurrences of those times; but containing likewise som materials peculiar to themselves, and for that reason thought fit to be printed a second time. He did not write The Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy exemplify’d in the Scotish Line (which book is prefix’d to his works) but one John Hall, born in the city of Durbam, educated at Cambridg, and a student of Gray’s Inn. Being commanded by the counsil of state (of whom he had a yearly pension) to attend Oliver into Scotland, it occasion’d him to publish that piece. He wrote several other things in prose and verse, and dy’d before he was fully thirty, lamented as a prodigy of his age.

29. Harrington having thus exhausted all that could be written on this subject, he likewise indeavor’d to promote his cause by public discourses at a nightly meeting of several curious gentlemen in the New Palace Yard at Westminster. This club was call’d the Rota, of which I shall give a short account from Anthony Wood, who mortally hated all republicans, and was as much prejudic’d in favor of the royalists, tho, to his honor be it spoken, he never deny’d justice to either side. “Their discourses about government, says he, and of ordering a commonwealth, were the most ingenious and smart-that ever were heard; for the arguments in the parlament-house were but flat to those. This gang had a balloting box, and balloted how things should be carry’d by way of essay; which not being us’d or known in England before on this account, the room was every evening very full. Besides our author and H. Nevil, who were the prime men of this club, were Cyriac Skinner, Major Wildman, Major Venner, Charles Wolsley, afterwards knighted, Roger Coke, the author of the Detection of the four last Reigns,William Poultney, afterwards made a knight, John Aubry, Maximilian Petty, and Dr. Petty, who was afterwards Sir William, Sir John Hoskyns, and a great many others, som wherof are still living.—The doctrin was very taking, and the more because, as to human foresight, there was no possibility of the king’s return. The greatest of the parlamentmen hated this rotation and balloting, as being against their power. Eight or ten were for it, of which number H. Nevil was one, who propos’d it to the house, and made it out to the members, that, except they imbrac’d that sort of government, they must be ruin’d. The model of it was, that the third part of the senat or house should rote out by ballot every year (not capable of being elected again for three years to com) so that every ninth year the senat would be wholly alter’d. No magistrat was to continue above three years, and all to be chosen by the ballot, than which nothing could be invented more fair and impartial, as ’twas then thought, tho oppos’d by many for several reasons. This club of commonwealthsmen lasted till about the 21st of Febr. 1659, at which time the secluded members being restor’d by General George Monk, all their models vanish’d.”

30. When the whole matter is duly consider’d, it’s impossible a commonwealth should have succeded in England at that time, since Cromwel, who alone had the power, yet wanted the will to set it up. They were comparatively but very few that entertain’d such a design from the beginning of the troubles; and, as it usually happens, a great part of these did afterwards desert their principles, being seduc’d by the honors and preferments wherby they were retain’d in the service of the reigning powers. The body of the people were either exasperated on a religious account, only to obtain that liberty which they afterwards mutually deny’d each other, or by the change of the balance they grew weary of monarchy, and did not know it. The republicans indeed made an advantage of their discontents to destroy the establish’d government, without acquainting ’em with their real designs; and when this was effectually don, the people (who had no settl’d form in their view, and thought all things safe by the victory they had gain’d over the king and the church) fell in with what was first offer’d by those in whom they confided, and would as well have accepted a better government if they had been manag’d by men of honest and public designs. But the multitude can feel, tho they cannot see. Instead of injoying their desir’d liberty, they soon found themselves under a most heavy yoke, which they naturally labor’d to shake off; and yet in all the changes then made, two things were remarkable, that every one of ’em would be stil’d a commonwealth, and yet none of ’em would mend or take warning by the errors of those that preceded, but still continu’d to abuse the nation, and unnaturally to ingross the government into a few hands. The people being all this while told they were under a commonwealth, and not being able to see thro the deceit, begun to think themselves mistaken in the choice they had made, since their sufferings under these pretended commonwealths were infinitly greater than what induc’d ’em to dissolve the former monarchy. In this condition the several partys might (as Harrington us’d to say) be fitly compar’d to a company of puppydogs in a bag, where finding themselves uneasy for want of room, every one of ’em bites the tail or foot of the next, supposing that to be the cause of his misery. By this means whatever was said against a commonwealth obtain’d ready belief, as, that it is the most seditious sort of government, and that instead of one tyrant there are a great many, who inrich themselves by laying intolerable taxes on others. All this and much more the people in England then experienc’d, and therfore detesting their new commonwealth, they reftor’d the old monarchy. But to do all governments the justice due from an impartial historian, they never had a commonwealth, but were interchangeably under anarchy, tyranny, and oligarchy, to which commonwealths have ever bin the greatest enemys, and have frequently lent their voluntary assistance to deliver other nations from the like oppressions. Thus the people of England came to hate the name of a commonwealth, without loving their liberty the less.

31. But to return whence we digress’d: Our author, not concern’d in the excessive fears and hopes of those that favor’d or oppos’d the restoration of Charles the Second, continu’d to live in a peaceable manner at his own house, demeaning himself as became a person blindly ingag’d to no party or factions. But tho his life was retir’d, it was not solitary, being frequented with people of all sorts, som with a malicious design to fish somthing to his prejudice, and others to gain advantage to themselves by his learned conversation, or to put him upon somthing towards the better settlement of the kingdom. Among these there was an eminent royalist, who prevail’d with him to draw up som instructions for the king’s service, wherby he might be inabl’d to govern with satisfaction to the people and safety to himself: which being perform’d and sign’d with his own hand, his friend, after shewing it to several of the courtiers, found they did not approve a scheme that was not likely to further their selfish designs. At last he put his paper into the hands of a great minister about the king; and how well our author was rewarded for his good intentions, we are now going to relate. About this time he was busy in reducing his politics into short and easy aphorisms, yet methodically digested in their natural order, and suted to the most vulgar capacitys. Of this he made no secret, and freely communicated his papers to all that visited him. While he was putting the last hand to this system, and as an innocent man apprehensive of no danger, he was by an order from the king, on the 28th of December 1661, seiz’d by Sir William Poultney and others, and committed to the tower of London for treasonable designs and practices. He had the written sheets of his aphorisms then lying loose on the table before him, and understanding they intended to carry ’em to the council, he beg’d the favor that he might stitch ’em together; which was granted, and so remov’d with som other papers to Whitehall. I have that manuscript now in my hands, and another copy of the same which was given me by one of his acquaintance, from both which I have printed it among the rest of his works. It is a complete System of Politics, and discovers the true springs of the rise, temper, and dissolution of all sorts of governments, in a very brief and perspicuous manner.

32. He had no time given him to take leave of any body, but was straight convey’d to the Tower, where none were allow’d to com to his sight or speech. His sisters were inconsolable, and the more so, the less they knew what was laid to their brother’s charge. One of them, who on another occasion had experienc’d the king’s favour, threw her self now at his feet, and petition’d him to have compassion on her brother, who thro a great mistake was fallen under his majesty’s displeasure: for as she was sure that none of his subjects exceded his loyalty, so his majesty might see he was not the man they design’d, since the warrant was for Sir James Harrington, wheras her brother was never honor’d with such a title by his majesty’s ancestors, and he would not have accepted it from Oliver. To this the king made answer, that tho they might be mistaken in his title, he doubted he might be found more guilty of the crimes alleg’d against him, than he wish’d any brother of hers to be. Then she press’d he might be examin’d before his majesty, or be brought to a speedy trial. Shortly after my Lord Lauderdale, Sir George Carteret, and Sir Edward Walker, were sent to the Tower to question him about a plot which, they said, he had contriv’d against his majesty’s person and government. At this he was extraordinarily reviv’d, not being able to divine before the cause of his confinement, and knowing himself wholly innocent of this charge. He found means to transmit a copy of his examination to his sisters, giving ’em leave to publish it, which was never hitherto don, and is as follows:

33. THE Examination of James Harrington, taken in the Tower of London by the Earl of Lauderdale, Sir George Carteret, and Sir Edward Walker.

LORD Lauderdale.

Sir, I have heretofore accounted it an honor to be your kinsman, but am now sorry to see you upon this occasion; very sorry, I assure you.

Harrington.

My lord, seeing this is an occasion, I am glad to see you upon this occasion. Which said, the commissioners sat down; and Mr. Harrington standing before my lord, he began in this manner.

Lord.

Sir, the king thinks it strange that you, who have so eminently appear’d in principles contrary to his majesty’s government, and the laws of this nation, should ever since he came over live so quiet and unmolested, and yet should be so ungrateful. Were you disturb’d? were you so much as affronted, that you should enter into such desperat practices?

Har.

My lord, when I know why this is said, I shall know what to say.

Lord.

Well then, without any longer preamble, will you answer me ingenuously, and as you are a gentleman, to what I have to propose?

Har.

My lord, I value the asseveration (as I am a gentleman) as high as any man, but think it an asseveration too low upon this occasion; wherfore, with your leave, I shall make use of som greater asseveration.

Lord.

For that do as you see good: do you know Mr. Wildman?

Har.

My lord, I have som acquaintance with him.

Lord.

When did you see him?

Har.

My lord, he and I have not bin in one house together these two years.

Lord.

Will you say so?

Har.

Yes, my lord.

Lord.

Where did you see him last?

Har.

About a year ago I met him in a street that gos to Drury-lane.

Lord.

Did you go into no house?

Har.

No, my lord.

Sir G. Carteret.

That’s strange!

Lord.

Com, this will do you no good: had not you, in March last, meetings with him in Bowstreet in Coventgarden? where there were about twenty more of you; where you made a speech about half an hour long, that they should lay by distinguishing names, and betake themselves together into one work, which was to dissolve this parlament, and bring in a new one, or the old one again. Was not this meeting adjourn’d from thence to the Mill Bank? were not you there also?

Har.

My lord, you may think, if these things be true, I have no refuge but to the mercy of God and of the king.

Lord.

True.

Har.

Well then, my lord, solemnly and deliberately, with my eyes to heaven, I renounce the mercy of God and the king, if any of this be true, or if ever I I thought or heard of this till now that you tell it me.

Sir G. C.

This is strange!

Lord.

Do you know Barebones?

Har.

Yes, my lord.

Lord.

When did you see him?

Har.

I think that I have call’d at his house or shop thrice in my life.

Lord.

Had you never any meetings with him since the king came over?

Har.

No, my lord.

Sir G. C.

This is strange!

Lord.

Do you know Mr. Nevil?

Har.

Very well, my lord.

Lord.

When did you see him?

Har.

My lord, I seldom us’d to visit him; but when he was in town, he us’d to see me at my house every evening, as duly almost as the day went over his head.

Lord.

Were you not with him at som public meeting?

Har.

My lord, the publickest meeting I have bin with him at, was at dinner at his own lodging, where I met Sir Bernard Gascoin, and I think Col. Leg.

Sir Edw. Walker.

They were good safe company.

Lord.

What time was it?

Har.

In venison time I am sure, for we had a good venison pasty.

Lord.

Do you know one Portman?

Har.

No, my lord, I never heard of his name before.

Sir G. C.

This is strange!

Lord.

Com, deal ingenuously, you had better confess the things.

Har.

My lord, you do not look upon me (for I saw he did not firmly) I pray look upon me. Do you not know an innocent face from a guilty one? com, you do, my lord, every one dos: my lord, you are great men, you com from the king, you are the messengers of death.

Lord.

Is that a small matter? (at which my lord gave a shrug.)

Har

If I be a malefactor, I am no old malefactor: why am not I pale? why do not I tremble? why dos not my tongue falter? why have you not taken me tripping? My lord, these are unavoidable symtoms of guilt. Do you find any such thing in me?

Lord.

No (which he spoke with a kind of amazement) and then added, I have said all that I think I have to say.

Har.

My lord, but I have not.

Lord.

Com then