The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• Advertisement.
• Observations, &c.
• Of the Importance of the Revolution Which Has Established the Independence of the United States.
• Of the Means of Promoting Human Improvement and Happiness In the United States.—and First, of Public Debts.
• Of Peace, and the Means of Perpetuating It.
• Of Liberty.
• Of Liberty of Discussion.
• Of Liberty of Conscience, and Civil Establishments of Religion.
• Of Education.
• Of the Dangers to Which the American States Are Exposed.
• Of Debts and Internal Wars.
• Of an Unequal Distribution of Property.
• Of Trade, Banks, and Paper Credit.
• Of Oaths.
• Of the Negro Trade and Slavery.
• Conclusion.
• Advertisement.
• Letter From M. Turgot
• Appendix,
• Advertisement.
• The Testament of Fortune Ricard
• Tables.
• Observations.
• Remark, By the Translator.
• No. II. Table of the Produce of Each Sum of 100 Livres, Bequeathed By the Testator, From One Hundred to Five Hundred Years.
• No. VI. Table of the Disposition of the 4 Th Sum, Amounting to 29,782,761,461 Liv. 13 Sous.

OfPeace,

And the Means of perpetuating it.

CIVIL Government is an expedient for collecting the wisdom and force of a community or confederacy, in order to preserve its peace and liberty against every hostile invasion, whether from within or from without.—In the latter of these respects, the United States are happily secured; but they are far from being equally happy in the former respect. Having now, in consequence of their successful resistance of the invasion of Britain, united to their remoteness from Europe, no external enemy to fear, they are in danger of fighting with one another.—This is their greatest danger; and providing securities against it is their hardest work. Should they fail in this, America may some time or other be turned into a scene of blood; and instead of being the hope and refuge of the world, may become a terror to it.

When a dispute arises among individuals in a State, an appeal is made to a court of law; that is, to the wisdom and justice of the State. The court decides. The losing party acquiesces; or, if he does not, the power of the State forces him to submission; and thus the effects of contention are supprest, and peace is maintained.—In a way similar to this, peace may be maintained between any number of confederated States; and I can almost imagine, that it is not impossible but that by such means universal peace may be produced, and all war excluded from the world.—Why may we not hope to see this begun in America?—The articles of confederation make considerable advances towards it. When a dispute arises between any of the States, they order an appeal to Congress,—an enquiry by Congress,—a hearing,—and a decision.—But here they stop.—What is most of all necessary is omitted. No provision is made for enforcing the decisions of Congress; and this renders them inefficient and futile. I am by no means qualified to point out the best method of removing this defect. Much must be given up for this purpose, nor is it easy to give up too much. Without all doubt the powers of Congress must be enlarged. In particular, a power must be given it to collect, on certain emergencies, the force of the confederacy, and to employ it in carrying its decisions into execution. A State against which a decision is made, will yield of course when it knows that such a force exists, and that it allows no hope from resistance.

By this force I do not mean a standing army. God forbid, that standing armies should ever find an establishment in America. They are every where the grand supports of arbitrary power, and the chief causes of the depression of mankind. No wise people will trust their defence out of their own hands, or consent to hold their rights at the mercy of armed slaves. Free States ought to be bodies of armed citizens, well regulated, and well disciplined, and always ready to turn out, when properly called upon, to execute the laws, to quell riots, and to keep the peace. Such, if I am rightly informed, are the citizens of America. Why then may not Congress be furnished with a power of calling out from the confederated States, quotas of militia sufficient to force at once the compliance of any State which may shew an inclination to break the union by resisting its decisions?

I am very sensible that it will be difficult to guard such a power against abuse; and, perhaps, better means of answering this end are discoverable. In human affairs, however, the choice generally offered us is “of two evils to take the least.” We chuse the restraint of civil government, because a less evil than anarchy; and, in like manner, in the present instance, the danger of the abuse of power, and of its being employed sometimes to enforce wrong decisions, must be submitted to, because a less evil than the misery of intestine wars. Much, however, may be done to lessen this danger. Such regulations as those in the ninth of the articles of confederation will, in a great measure, prevent hasty and partial decisions. The rotation established by the fifth article will prevent that corruption of character which seldom fails to be produced by the long possession of power; and the right reserved to every State of recalling its Delegates when dissatisfied with them, will keep them constantly responsible and cautious.

The observations now made must be extended to money transactions. Congress must be trusted with a power of procuring supplies for defraying the expences of the confederation; of contracting debts, and providing funds for discharging them: and this power must not be capable of being defeated by the opposition of any minority in the States.

In short, the credit of the United States, their strength, their respectableness abroad, their liberty at home, and even their existence, depend on the preservation of a firm political union; and such an union cannot be preserved, without giving all possible weight and energy to the authority of that delegation which constitutes the union.

Would it not be proper to take periodical surveys of the different states, their numbers of both sexes in every stage of life, their condition, occupations, property, &c.?—Would not such surveys, in conjunction with accurate registers of births, marriages and deaths at all ages, afford much important instruction by shewing what laws govern human mortality, and what situations, employments, and civil institutions, are most favourable to the health and happiness of mankind?—Would they not keep constantly in view the progress of population in the states, and the increase or decline of their resources? But more especially, are they not the only means of procuring the necessary information for determining accurately and equitably the proportions of men and money to be contributed by each state for supporting and strengthening the confederation?