Related Links in the Library:
Source: This essay first appeared in the journal Literature of Liberty: A Review of Contemporary Liberal Thought ,
vol. III, no. 4 Winter 1980 published by the Cato Institute (1978-1979)
and the Institute for Humane Studies (1980-1982) under the editorial
direction of Leonard P. Liggio. It is republished with thanks to the
original copyright holders.
Ellen Frankel Paul teaches at Bowling Green State
university and is active in the Social Philosophy and Policy
Foundation. She has written widely on social and political thought.
Laissez Faire in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Fact or Myth? A Bibliographical Essay by Ellen Frnakel Paul.
Table of Contents
Introduction: The Scholarly Debate over British Laissez
Great Britain in the nineteenth century was a great bastion of individualism
where that merciless principle of the political economists - laissez faire -
dominated public opinion, and Parliament, under its sway, vanquished the last
vestiges of an overweaning, Mercantilist state. Captivated by two allied and
seemingly indomitable intellectual forces, the radically individualist, antistatist
philosophy of the Benthamite Utilitarians and the rigidly free market economics
of the Classical School, the Victorian era spurned governmental solutions to
acute social problems. In its fanatic embrace of self-interest, self-help, and
atomistic individualism, the period can only be characterized as an "age
of laissez faire."
It is precisely this halcyon or demonic vision (depending upon one's political
perspective) of nineteenth century British economics, political philosophy,
and governmental policy that has come under withering assault in the last three
decades. Particularly in the mid-1960s a debate raged in the professional journals
over essentially three interrelated issues. (1) What policy conclusions did
Classical Economics dictate, and the Classical economists, as individuals, endorse?
(2) Did Britain in the nineteenth century, or in some distinct portion of it,
personify the ideal of minimal governmental intervention in the economic and
social realm, or rather, was the period the breeding ground for the rampant
collectivism that would follow? (3) Finally, what was the essential thrust of
Benthamism as a political philosophy, and as a theoretical tool for the analysis
of policy; and what effect did Benthamites have upon the course of British politics?
These questions ought not merely concern antiquarians, pedants, or those intrigued
by semantic quibbles over the definition of laissez faire. If we are to comprehend
the nature of the modern Leviathan state, we need to discern the forces which
promoted its creation and to examine the arguments advanced in support of its
I. The Economic Policies of the Classical Economists
. . . the scholarship of the last forty years has proved beyond question
that the architects of classical political economy cannot be characterized
as upholders of the laissez-faire philosophy."1
"To identify such doctrines [i.e., laissez faire] with the declared
and easily accessible views of the Classical Economists is a sure sign of
ignorance or malice."2
While such ringing declarations of a cleavage between the political economists
and laissez faire may be a bit hyperbolic when applied to such figures as Adam
Smith or David Ricardo, these assertions seem far less controversial when directed
at John Stuart Mill, Henry Sidgwick, or J.E. Cairnes. Those critics who take
a dynamic rather than a static3
view of the Classical School of economics agree that as the nineteenth century
progressed the allegiance of leading economists to laissez faire became more
and more attenuated. Whether one focuses upon the death of Ricardo in 1823,
or the influence of Bentham's principle of utility, or John Stuart Mill's flirtation
with socialism as constituting the definitive turning point toward a more activist,
interventionist state, contemporary revisionist scholars concur in their assessment
of the Classicals as deviationists from doctrinaire laissez faire.
One might add, that for practically all of these contemporary authorities
the effort to rescue the early political economists from the clutches of extreme
noninterventionism is motivated by a desire to rescue their reputations, and,
indeed, professional economics in its incipient stage, from scurrilous charges
of extremism, callousness, and rigidity that have repeatedly defiled their memories.
With few exceptions, the Classical economists' deviations from pure laissez
faire are praised as examples of their pragmatism, rather than condemned as
departures from sound public policy. Also, a Classical School replete with deviations,
exceptions, and considerations of expediency is a much more venerable ancestor
for modern Keynesianism.
Motivational considerations aside, the revisionists' interpretations of the
"normative" side of Classical economics is essentially accurate. The
conventional vision of the followers of Adam Smith as radical antistatists,
shunning governmental incursions into private economic relationships on all
fronts is, quite simply, indefensible. As in all reigning myths, there is, however,
a solid kernel of truth. While the Classical economists tolerated, and indeed
encouraged, repeated governmental interventions to cure perceived social and
economic ills, noninterventionism remained, to a greater or lesser extent depending
upon the quirks of each particular economist, the regnant principle, and any
departures from it required elaborate justification. The general presumption,
then, was on the side of laissez faire; exceptions arose on an ad hoc, case
by case, usually empirical basis; and the burden of proof lay on the interventionists.
Of course, over time this laissez-faire presumption was attenuated until, in
the hands of men like John Stuart Mill, its dim shadow could barely be perceived.
Robbins's Distinction of Two Individualist Moral Traditions:
Natural Rights vs. Utilitarian
If the Classical economists' attitudes towards state intervention into the
economy are to be rightly understood, we must delve beneath the surface of their
various stands on such salient issues of their time as the poor laws and the
factory acts to the more fundamental level of their metaphysical and moral presuppositions.
In a seminal work published in 1953, The Theory of Economic Policy in English
Classical Political Economy, Lionel Robbins attempted such an analysis.
Dispensing with such traditionalist views as that of Jacob Viner4
who perceived Adam Smith (at least) as an adherent of a natural law-natural
rights philosophy, Robbins contended that the Classical school took its criterion
for economic policy from the utility principle as adumbrated by David Hume.
Thus, Robbins draws a rather sharp distinction between two traditions within
eighteenth and nineteenth century individualist thought.5
The first tradition, as personified in such figures as Frédéric
Bastiat (1801-1850) and Mercier de la Rivière, founded a system of economic
freedom upon natural law or natural rights underpinnings which spontaneously
generated a milieu in which state intervention would be not only unnecessary
but deleterious. The second individualist tradition, the English Classical school,
subscribed to a Utilitarian moral foundation, rejecting all metaphysical ascriptions
of natural rights as, in Bentham's pungent phrase, "nonsense upon stilts."6
For the English economists, who followed this second tradition, the state, consequently,
had a more positive function. They refused to lay down any categorical injunction
against state intervention, relying instead upon the principle of utility -
the greatest happiness of the greatest number - to test the consequences of
each particular proposal for state activism.
Robbins's taxonomy of two distinct traditions is undoubtedly perceptive, but
it fails in one significant respect. The Classical economists after Smith held
nothing but contempt for either a natural law, deistic conception of the universe
and man's place in it or for a moral philosophy buttressed by natural rights.
Bentham spared none of his vituperative skills in excoriating such doctrines
as mere self-serving myth, undefended and indefensible dogma, and his calumnies
banished such Lockean encumbrances from the arena of respectability. But for
Adam Smith (1723-1790), Bentham's predecessor, such was not the case.
Adam Smith: Naturalism and Laissez Faire
Upon careful scrutiny of both An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of
the Wealth of Nations (1776) and The Theory of Moral Sentiments
(1759), Smith emerges as a largely, although not wholly, consistent advocate
of naturalism.7 In his
philosophical premises - a belief in a natural, harmonious universe inhabited
by men attuned by an innate moral sense to play their part in society, and a
natural harmony of interests between non-rights violating individuals - Smith
adheres to principles which Robbins classified as belonging exclusively to the
Continental individualist tradition. However, it is beyond question that when
it came to his discussions of permissible governmental activities, Smith became
much more pragmatic and seemingly utilitarian.
There is a higher purpose to this quibble over the identification of Smith
as either a naturalist or a Utilitarian. If one fails to distinguish between
Adam Smith as a philosophical naturalist and the subsequent Utilitarianism of
his economic successors, then one can only explain the gradual transition from
quasi-laissez faire to quasi-statism as the result of social forces, the press
of events, the blistering attacks of their critics, or some other equally weak
or partial explanation. It is only when we pierce below the veil of their actual
policy pronouncements, and examine this awesome shift from naturalism to utilitarianism
that we can adequately comprehend the attitude of members of the English Classical
School towards the state.
Adam Smith advocated a truncated state, limited in its functions to defending
its citizens against foreign and internal aggression, and creating and maintaining
certain necessary public works and institutions "which it can never be
in the interest of any small number of individuals to maintain" because
the profit would not repay the expense.8
Of course, the inclusion of this "public works" category of permissible
state intrusions nullifies the claim that Smith was a laissez-faire purist,
or a consistent advocate of natural harmony of interests. But its inclusion
was a harbinger of things to come, and that is its greatest significance. If
the "system of natural liberty" broke down in certain cases, says
Smith, and then we must be pragmatic instrumentalists in applying governmental
remedies, why does it not break down in even more cases, inquired Smith's successors?
Admittedly, Smith's own departures from noninterventionism were modest ones
by contemporary standards - e.g. the state might intervene to provide such public
works as roads, bridges, canals, lighthouses; to protect by tariffs industries
necessary to defense and to retaliate against foreign tariffs; to grant temporary
monopolies to joint-stock companies in unexplored areas; to regulate the banking
industry; to prohibit usury; and to provide state funded education to children
of the indigent; and to collect taxes - but they set a striking precedent for
advocating interventions in future cases where markets were seen to operate
Ricardo and Malthus: Interventionism vs. Laissez Faire
For Smith's immediate followers, David Ricardo and Thomas Robert Malthus,
the presumption not of market beneficence per se but of state incapacity remained
quite strong. Given Malthusian population theory coupled with Ricardo's wages
and rent theories, there was relatively little impetus to extend government's
purview.9 Of course,
we would be grossly remiss not to mention Malthus's idiosyncrasies, particularly
his rejection of Say's law (i.e., that supply creates its own demand, thus denying
any pervasive disequilibrium within a general market). This deviation from the
position of the Classical School led Malthus to propose government intervention
to correct the market during depressions, including the endorsement of government
debts and large public works projects for the unemployed.
From the impetus of another peculiar Malthusian doctrine, Malthus also broke
the otherwise unanimous ranks of the economists in their efforts to repeal the
Corn Laws. In contrast, Malthus's population theory which portended an immutable
conflict between population growth and the means of subsistence, led him, as
it did Ricardo, to vigorously advocate a gradual termination of the Poor Laws.
It is in Malthus's introduction to the Principles of Political Economy
(1820) that we first hear a refrain that would be repeated by other Classical
economists - McCulloch, Sidgwick, Cairnes - that absolute laissez faire was
not a doctrine endorsed by Smith and that such a blanket condemnation of all
government regulation is nonsensical:
It is obviously, therefore, impossible for a government strictly to let
things take their natural course; and to recommend such a line of conduct,
without limitations and exceptions, would not fail to bring disgrace upon
general principles, as totally inapplicable to practice.10
David Ricardo (1772-1823) presents a curious case of an economist whose pure
theories could have driven him to embrace interventionism, but who nevertheless
endorsed a fairly abstemious and consistent noninterventionism. Ricardo's theory
of rent and its projection of antagonistic class interests and his prognostication
of an eventual stationary state did not lead him to abandon laissez faire. Why?
Perhaps the explanation might lie in his understanding of these economic laws
as tantamount to natural laws: hence, if government abridged them abysmal consequences
would occur. Despite Ricardo's strong ties to Bentham, there was still a large
measure of moralistic individualism and suspicion of government in Ricardo that
had seemingly little to do with his pure economic doctrines. When it came to
the activist campaigns of his day, Ricardo tended to adhere to noninterventionist
tenets: he opposed state provision for the poor, favored the repeal of the Corn
Laws, theoretically opposed schemes to tax inheritance, prided himself on never
voting for an increase in taxes while a member of Parliament, voted for repeal
of a whole host of interventionist taxes, opposed all protectionist measures,
argued for the resumption of gold after the Napoleonic War, and favored expeditious
payment of the national debt. Ricardo's one momentous aberration was his advocacy
of a national bank, which finally came to fruition under Robert Peel's ministry
in 1844. Despite this notable exception, Ricardo's adherence to laissez faire
was more pronounced than any of his fellow Classical economists, with the exception
of Adam Smith.
Bentham: Utilitarian Erosion of Laissez Faire
Jeremy Bentham (1748 -1832), a melioristic social engineer if there ever was
one, laid the theoretical groundwork for the enervation of the "let alone"
principle. Colin Holmes may even understate the case when he writes:
It is difficult to maintain that Bentham expounded a negative view of the
state's functions, for according to his principle of utility the laws and
institutions of government are to be judged and justified merely by their
Bentham's explicitly avowed allegiance to Smithian economics was not destined
to influence posterity. Quite the contrary, the legacy Benthamism would leave
to posterity was inspired not by the individualist strands in Bentham's writings,
but rather by his collectivist tenets. Bentham, while certainly not the earliest
expositor of the utility principle, was undoubtedly its most zealous. If every
proposal for governmental activism must be evaluated on its merits according
to the utilitarian "felicific calculus," then it is only a matter
of time before the laissez-faire principle is rendered nugatory in the wake
of one enervating, rear-guard battle after another. But we do not need to speculate
on mere potentialities for erosion, for Bentham was diligent enough to provide
an extensive catalog of what he termed "agenda" for government.
By the time Bentham was finished enumerating various "agenda," his
"be quiet" dictum for government lay mortally wounded. The following
passage offers a compendium of permissible interference which Bentham endorsed
in various of his writings:
. . . to establish Poor Laws, hospitals for the indigent, workhouses for
the unemployed; to levy taxes for redistribution purposes and to decrease
the need for direct taxes; to recompense victims of crime when the perpetrator
is indigent; to safeguard national security and establish courts and internal
police; to disseminate useful information to industry; to label poisonous
substances; to guarantee marks for quality and quantity on goods; to set a
maximum price for corn; to provide security of subsistence by stock-piling
grain or granary bounties to producers; to encourage investment in times of
unemployment; to grant patents to inventors; to regulate banks and stockbrokers;
to promote government annuities and a voluntary government insurance plan;
to establish government banks; to establish and enforce a government monopoly
on the issuance of paper currency; to engage in public works to put the unemployed
to work; and, finally, to establish institutes, boards, and universities.12
A prodigious list, indeed, and one that underscores the interventionist proclivities
of a liberalism founded upon Utilitarian principle as opposed to a natural rights
Most assuredly, Bentham in his philosophical, economic, and political writings
incessantly urged state activism, but to characterize Bentham himself as a collectivist
would be a gross oversimplification. Cohabiting in unholy alliance with his
centralizing, social happiness maximizing tendencies was a core of individualism,
of insistence that each person must count for one in the social calculus, that
governmental remedies require a special justification, and that one must guard
one's liberty against an overweaning and often corrupt state. Whatever tendency
Bentham had towards invoking governmental solutions was held at bay by these
individualistic precepts and by his admiration for Smithian economics.13
Mill and Utilitarian Collectivism
It was left to Bentham's brilliant, rebellious, and eventually reluctant disciple,
John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) to extrude the collectivistic tendencies in Benthamism
and drive the principle of utility to its statist denouement. Driven to despair
and a mental breakdown in his early twenties by the rigors of his father's aridly
rationalistic, Benthamite regimen of education, Mill searched for new meaning
for his life. This search led him to Coleridge, Carlyle, Comte, and even the
socialist St. Simonians. The younger Mill's flirtations with socialism began
as early as 1830. This attraction to Continental radicalism preceded his scandalous
association with the humanitarian, Harriet Taylor. Perhaps Joseph Schumpeter's
appraisal of Mill is a bit overstated, but it does capture much of the moral
conviction which animated Mill's intellectual life:
Though repeatedly changing his position in details, he was from about his
middle twenties on an evolutionary socialist of associationist complexion.14
Mill's Principles of Political Economy published in 1848 became the
leading text on economics for a generation, thereby salvaging Ricardian economics
and introducing young economists to an increasingly (as new editions emerged)
sympathetic examination of Continental socialist creeds. For anyone familiar
with the debates of the 1820s over the scope and method of political economy,
the Principles must have appeared anomalous. Both Nassau Senior and
J. S. Mill had drawn a seemingly impenetrable barrier between the pure science
of economics and the "art" of policy prescriptions. Economists, they
had argued, could not, as scientists, give advice to statesmen. Curiously, Mill's
Principles repaired to a Smithian conception of political economy in
which the instructive powers of the discipline were, if not paramount, then
of considerable importance. Apparently, Mill's motive for abandoning his "art-science"
distinction was to present a political economy as encompassing as Smith's but
bereft of his predecessor's natural law affinity and laissez-faire strictures.
Mill's Interventionism: The Split Between Production and
One weapon that Mill employed to advance the second objective was a distinction
between the laws of production, which were held to be immutable, and the laws
of production, which could be manipulated at the discretion of legislators.
As Mill declared in his Autobiography (1873), the purpose behind this
distinction was to underscore the flexibility of distributing wealth. Social
arrangements regarding distribution, rather than being immutable, as previous
economists implied, ought to succumb to redistributive schemes, particularly
those concerning private property. It is not surprising, then, that Mill's "agenda"
for government, under the aegis of the "general expediency" (utility)
principle, exceeded in both magnitude and intrusiveness that of his predecessors.
Not only did he endorse land nationalization, aid for the unemployed, the curtailment
of inheritance, the granting of a right to relief, the enforcement
of legal restraints against those among the poor who procreated, compulsory
education, regulation of child labor, government housing schemes, but also the
regulation or, if necessary, the nationalization of monopolistic or large scale
industries. While laissez faire remained a principle to which Mill nodded respectfully,
after the enumeration of his list of exceptions, virtually nothing is left of
that once mighty barricade against the intrusive state.
Mill's Socialist Sympathies
But Mill's fleeting acknowledgment of noninterventionism was even further
negated by his sympathetic evaluation of the socialists, St. Simon, Fourier,
and Robert Owen. While Mill's views on the particular details of socialistic
schemes underwent various modifications through the years,15
a persistent refrain can be heard throughout - that a property based free market
system is transitory, and that in all likelihood human progress will result
in some form of socialism. The seductive appeal for Mill of equality, fraternity,
and communalism certainly held little charm for his predecessors. In fact, if
men like Malthus, Ricardo, or Senior mentioned socialism at all, it was to cast
aspersions upon it. In all fairness, one ought to add a caveat: Mill was never
a rabid collectivist, perhaps because he was too much of an intellectual elitist
and individualist to trust the sovereignty of the masses, and particularly the
stifling conformity of public opinion.
Cairnes and Sidgwick: The Split between Laissez Faire
and Economic Science
Two disciples of John Stuart Mill, Henry Sidgwick (1838-1900) and J.E. Cairnes
(1823-1875), completed in the 1870s and 1880s the Classical School's evolution
toward constructing an impenetrable theoretical barrier between their economic
science and laissez faire. In 1870, Cairnes delivered a revealing essay at University
College, entitled "Political Economy and Laissez-Faire," in which
he categorically denied that economics as a science had anything to do with
laissez faire. Contending that the maxim had no scientific basis whatever, he
dismissed laissez faire as a mere handy rule of practice, "useful, perhaps,
as a reminder to statesmen on which side the presumption lies in questions of
industrial legislation, but totally destitute of all scientific authority."16
Cairnes also leveled a frontal assault upon the Smithian notion of harmony of
interests and the "invisible hand" process which led individuals in
pursuit of their self-interest to act in ways that prove beneficial to society.
Society did not spontaneously organize itself, thought Cairnes, to promote the
social good. He maintained that, despite the steady progression of laissez faire
in the preceding fifty years, substantial social amelioration had not occurred.
Ejected from the pantheon of scientific principle, laissez faire was demoted
to a feeble reminder to legislators to move circumspectly in pursuit of social
improvement. In a similar vein, Sidgwick promulgated a principle to replace
the disgraced laissez-faire "dogma":
To sum up: the general presumption derived from abstract economic reasoning
is not in favor of leaving industry altogether to private enterprise, in any
community that can usefully be taken as an ideal for the guidance of practical
statesmanship; but is on the contrary in favour of supplementing and controlling
such enterprise in various ways by the collective action of the community.
Mill and his successor, Henry Sidgwick, when bombarded with socialistic arguments
condemning the distributive effects of the free market as inequitable, challenging
the private ownership of land as usurpation, and denouncing the capitalists'
claim to profit as theft, conceded the "distributive justice" issue
to the socialists. Here we see, most clearly, the effects of Bentham's jettisoning
of natural rights moral theory with its theory of commutative rather than distributive
justice. The principle of utility proved an unstable buttress for the laissez
faire doctrine, as succeeding economists became less enamored of "invisible
hand" explanations and more hospitable towards governmentally promulgated
"reforms." If each proposed intrusion into the market must be judged
upon a cost benefit, greatest happiness maximizing standard, with all the problems
of measuring interpersonal comparisons of utility and unknown or unquantifiable
costs that such a standard implies, governmental remedies are likely to be given
a sympathetic hearing by economists. No longer would inflexible barriers, rigid
principles, and doctrinaire injunctions stand between the economist and his
enlightened social conscience.
The weight of authority, both from original and critical sources, leads ineluctably
to the conclusion that as the Classical School evolved - as Bentham succeeded
Smith, and Mill followed Bentham - the connection between economics as a science
and laissez faire as a policy became ever more tenuous. Even Adam Smith, the
grand mentor of the School, evinced pronounced and precedent setting departures
from dogmatic laissez faire.
The Manchester School and Free Trade: Richard Cobden and
If the Classical School cannot be viewed as the great bastion and repository
of noninterventionism in nineteenth century Britain, were there other forces
who did argue for a purist laissez-faire doctrine? Indeed, there were. Theorists
of the Manchester School, led by Richard Cobden (1804-1865) and John Bright
(1811-1889), who worked tirelessly for the repeal of the Corn Laws, would be
one frequently cited example. Their status, however, as a group predominantly
motivated by laissez faire has been questioned by the revisionists who view
them, rather, as proponents of free trade as the fundamental principle. Cobden's
support of the factory acts would appear as an aberration if one viewed the
Manchester School as fundamentally noninterventionist, and as further evidence
if one held to the revisionist line.18
Pure Laissez Faire: Martineau, the Journals, and Political
It was the popularizers of political economy, such as Harriet Martineau and
Jane Marcet, who dispensed laissez-faire nostrums in their purest form, although
in the case of Martineau her general hostility towards the state did not extend
to a denunciation of state provision of education. Other purist sources were
the non-conformist journals and newspapers, particularly the Economist
during the years 1843-1854 under the editorship of James Wilson and the Leeds
Mercury of Edward Bain. It was the Economist which nurtured the
budding antistatist, evolutionist, Herbert Spencer.19
In such journals, one could find consistent and principled arguments that condemned
such statist proposals as the sanitary laws, compulsory vaccinations, and state
grants to schools.
In the popular mind of the time there certainly was an association between
the political economists and the laissez-faire injunction against state interference.
While the Classical School undeniably did pay homage to that maxim, the encomiums
became less frequent and more qualified as the century unfolded. Finally, in
the hands of John Stuart Mill and his successors little was left of noninterventionism
but a hollow shell.
II. The "Age of Laissez Faire" and Benthamism
Dicey vs. the Revisionists on the Reality of Nineteenth-Century
British Laissez Faire and the Significance of Benthamism
A. V. Dicey's classic study published in 1905, Lectures on the Relation
Between Law and Public Opinion in England During the Nineteenth Century,19a
serves as the focal point for a reappraisal of the extent of laissez faire in
British politics of the period and the causes which led to its decline and fall.
Beginning with a somewhat injudicious article by J. Bartlet Brebner, "Laissez
Faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth Century Britain," which appeared
in the Journal of Economic History in 1948, a body of revisionist historiography
emerged which challenged the fundamental assumptions of Dicey's thesis: that
Britain in the years 1825 to 1875 enjoyed a respite from interventionism and
realized the apotheosis of individualism; and that Benthamism was the primary
force inspiring this liberalization. With Brebner's typically hyperbolic pronouncement
the issues were joined:
Conceivably, British laissez-faire was a political and economic myth in
the sense formulated by George Sorel half a century ago, that is, a slogan
or war cry employed by new forces of enterprise in their political-economical
war against the landed oligarchy. This seems the more likely when one discovers
from their writings that Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill, who have been
commonly represented as typical, almost fundamental formulators of laissez-faire,
were in fact the exact opposite, that is the formulators of state intervention
for collectivist ends .... In using Bentham as the archetype of British individualism
he [Dicey] was conveying the exact opposite of the truth - Jeremy Bentham
was the archetype of British collectivism.20
The subsequent controversy has focused upon the extent to which laissez faire
prevailed in the political arena and - if it did prevail - during which part
of the century; and whether Bentham and his followers influenced the course
of events in an individualist or collectivist direction. The weight of opinion
seems to fall on the side contesting against an "age of laissez faire,"
while the contending forces seem to be arrayed about equally on the question
of the influence of Benthamism upon the political landscape. There is, however,
near universal agreement that, at least in theory, Benthamism had a strongly
collectivist tinge, as evidenced by the Utilitarian philosopher's penchant for
reform schemes necessitating the creation of new administrative bodies with
centralized inspectors empowered to oversee compliance. Numerous examples of
this proclivity are enshrined in Bentham's Constitutional Code.
Dicey's Thesis: Benthamism's Role in Laissez Faire
If the contemporary debate is to be understood, we must first repair to Dicey's
Law and Opinion. Dicey divided nineteenth century England into three
somewhat overlapping periods: (1) 1800 to 1830 marked an epoch characterized
as Old Toryism and legislative quietism; (2) 1825 to 1870 saw an England dominated
by Benthamism or Individualism; (3) while 1865 to 1900 signalled the ascendancy
Dicey's characterization of the middle two quarters of the century as the apogee
of laissez faire generated our contemporary controversy as did his assessment
of both the nature and influence of Benthamism upon that alleged era of noninterventionism.
Upon Dicey's analysis, laissez faire emerges as "in practice the most potent
and vital principle of Benthamite reform."22
Bentham's principle that the individual is the best judge of his own happiness
cast a legislative shadow aimed at the removal of encumbering restrictions.
But Dicey implicitly acknowledged the malleability of the utility principle
when he wrote:
This dogma of laissez-faire is not from a logical point of view an essential
article of the Utilitarian creed - But though laissez-faire is not an essential
part of Utilitarianism it was practically the most vital part of Bentham's
legislative doctrine, and in England gave to the movement for reform of the
law, both its power and its character.23
In order to preserve this specter of Benthamite individualism, Dicey performed
some fancy footwork, for example, describing the passage of the factory acts
(particularly the Ten Hour Act of 1847) as a defeat for the Benthamites that
set a precedent for socialistic enactments that would nurture future collectivism.
While the latter judgment seems judicious, it is difficult to maintain that
such legislation was a defeat for the Benthamites, considering the number of
them who were influential figures on the Royal commissions and who tirelessly
campaigned for factory legislation.
In chronicling Britain's slide into legislative collectivism in the latter
third of the nineteenth century, Dicey displayed a more measured appraisal of
the effects of Benthamism upon the creation of Britain's administrative state.
The principle of utility, the thrust for parliamentary sovereignty, and the
extension and improvement of the mechanism of government, Dicey views as the
enduring legacy of Utilitarianism which undermined (and he thinks this occurred
unconsciously) the dominant individualism of the Benthamite creed.
In 1830 the despotic or authoritarian element latent in utilitarianism was
not noted by the statesman of any party. The reformers of the day placed,
for the most part implicitly, faith in the dogma of laissez-faire, and failed
to perceive that there is in truth no necessary logical connection between
it and the "greatest happiness principle" which may with equal sincerity
be adopted by either believers in individual freedom, or by the advocates
of paternal government ... The Liberals then of 1830 were themselves zealots
for individual freedom, but they entertained beliefs which, though the men
who held them knew it not, might well under altered social conditions, foster
the despotic authority of a democratic State. . . . Somewhere between 1868
and 1900 three changes took place which brought into prominence the authoritative
side of Benthamite liberalism. Faith in laissez-faire suffered an eclipse;
hence the principle of utility became an argument in favour, not of individual
freedom, but of the absolutism of the State. Parliament under the progress
of democracy became the representative, not of the middle classes, but of
the whole body of householders; parliamentary sovereignty, therefore, came
to mean, in the last resort, the unrestricted power of the wage-earners. English
administrative mechanism was reformed and strengthened. The machinery was
thus provided for the practical extension of the activity of the State. .
. . Benthamites it was then seen, had forged the arms most needed by socialists.24
However unwittingly, the Benthamites forged the tools of socialism by creating
an efficient administrative state in place of the corrupt, medieval, nepotistic
one which they decried.25
Dicey's analysis of the impact of Benthamism is more sophisticated than some
of his critics recognize. He does not absolve Benthamism of blame for the collectivism
that ensued, but he steadfastly refuses to recognize that they consciously contributed
to it. The unceasing efforts of Bentham's disciples in launching a propaganda
barrage that altered the climate of opinion and won legislative approval for
a large measure of the social engineering legislation of the 1840s escaped Dicey's
Brebner's and the Revisionists' Critique of Dicey
The revisionist assault upon Dicey, initiated by J. Bartlet Brebner, focused
upon two features of Dicey's analysis: (1) that there was, indeed, an age of
laissez faire in nineteenth-century England, and (2) that Benthamism was an
essential ingredient in fostering the climate of individualism that characterized
the period. Although these two issues are intimately intertwined in the revisionist
literature, and also in the counter-revisionist work which that literature inevitably
triggered, it will prove expeditious to examine the two arguments separately,
as the commentators tended to diverge on the two as the debate wore on.
A. Was There an "Age of Laissez Faire?"
Brebner's Critique of the "Myth" of Laissez
Brebner categorically denied such an era, branding it as a fallacious "myth."
The supposed perpetrators of a laissez-faire ideology, Jeremy Bentham and John
Stuart Mill, in Brebner's eyes, turn out to be the very opposite: apostles of
state interventionism for collectivist ends. And while the state did remove
its regulations from commerce in the early part of the century it simultaneously
extended them to industry. Almost year by year a parallel development of laissez
faire and state intervention can be documented, as competing political interests
vied for power.26 Occasionally
one interest triumphed, but usually the battle terminated in an uneasy compromise.
To Brebner, the "engine of change" in the nineteenth century was neither
laissez faire nor state interventionism, but rather the basic forces of industrialization.
Yet, there was from 1832 on, that is, from the year of the first Reform Act,
a snowball effect of one intervention leading to the next.
In the large, power passed from the land to other forms of wealth and from
them to the people, but as it did so, and as the three politico-economical
elements moved in and out of the possible combinations of two against one,
there was an astonishingly consistent inclination to resort to the Benthamite
formula for state intervention.27
Brebner's sympathizers, the most important of whom include Oliver MacDonagh,
David Roberts, H. Scott Gordon, William B. Anydelotte, W. L. Burn, and Colin
Holmes,28 have succeeded
in amassing powerful and persuasive documentation of a pervasive interventionism
by the British government during Dicey's putative era of laissez faire. Their
arguments, and the somewhat more feeble attempts at refutation by their adversaries,
deserve a detailed examination.
MacDonagh and the Interventionist "Governmental Revolution"
In his influential article, "The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government:
A Reappraisal," Oliver MacDonagh attempted to extrapolate from his earlier
work on the emigration administration a model that would explain the genesis
of what he conceived to be a "governmental revolution" in Britain
during the middle portion of the nineteenth century. There were, he argues,
powerful forces that contributed to this transformation in the functions of
government, a transformation that definitively put to rest any belief that individualist
forces could be left free to take their own, unregulated course. Conspicuous
among these forces were the social problems generated by steam powered industrialization,
the vast increase in the concentration and mobility of the population, the widespread
influence of humanitarian sentiments, an increasing sensitivity of political
institutions to the pressure of public opinion which generated a prodigious
growth in Parliamentary investigative organs and legislation, and, finally,
the possibility of solutions to social problems generated by technological developments
in mass production and rapid transportation.
MacDonagh argues that it was these coterminous forces that created a partial
collectivism upon which the government could build in the last quarter of the
century. Once one understands both the mechanism at work in the earlier period
and the momentum it generated, Britain's "very general collapse of political
individualism" becomes comprehensible. The model MacDonagh offers for explaining
this phenomenon of the growth of Britain's administrative state is compelling;
although critics have found fault with its detail, they have by and large displayed
little desire to dispute its perception of a profound administrative revolution.
According to MacDonagh's model, the first stage in the process was usually
triggered by the exposure of some outrageous social evil (e.g. child labor,
accidents in the mines, rampant disease in the cities) followed irresistibly
by demands for a remedy:
No wall of either doctrine or interest could permanently withstand that
single cry ('intolerable'), all the more so as governments grew more responsive
to public sentiment, and public sentiment ever more humane. The demand for
remedies was also, in the contemporary context, a demand for prohibitory enactments.
Men's instinctive reaction was to legislate the evil out of existence.29
Naturally, resistance was encountered from the endangered interests, but the
usual result was not inaction; rather, a weak compromise was reached establishing
a precedent for future, more comprehensive regulationism.
In MacDonagh's second stage, new revelations were publicized, indicating that
the original evils remained untouched by the earlier legislation which lacked
an enforcement mechanism and, thus, left compliance in the hands of local officials.
These discoveries led to the third stage, the appointment of central administrators
who gradually gained expertise in their fields and became a vocal force for
agitating additional legislation and greater centralization.
The fourth stage in the growth of the administrative state was characterized
by a new sophistication on the part of these centralized bureaucrats who began
to view their mission as a protracted one. They substituted a dynamic for a
static concept of administration, wherein they would play a leading role in
closing loopholes and "tightening the screws." Finally, in the ultimate
stage, these bureaucrats became enamored of the idea of scientific expertise
and adopted a more or less conscious Fabianism. This process of administrative
centralism helps to explain how collectivism "spread like a contagion out
of sight" during the century.
Roberts's Attribution of the Rise of the Administrative
State to Ad Hoc Responses to Industrialism
In his fascinating study, Victorian Origins of the British Welfare State,
David Roberts advances a view of the genesis and motivations behind Britain's
erection of the welfare state. Roberts's analysis is compatible with MacDonagh's
contention that this statist development was largely unintended. In remedying
perceived social evils, but not primarily economic evils, the Victorians laid
the foundation for Britain's administrative, centralized, bureaucratic state.
And they did so not out of any overarching ideological imperative, but rather
from an ad hoc pragmatism which Roberts characterizes as "presumptuous
empiricism." That the mid-Victorians were an activist breed cannot be denied
once we consider Roberts's prodigious list30
of new central administrations and commissions established during the period
1833 to 1854:
- I. Permanent Departments for General Administration
- A. Independent Commissions
- 1. Poor Law Commission (1834)
- 2. Ecclesiastical Commission (1836)
- 3. Lunacy Commission (1842)
- 4. Charity Commission (1854)
- 5. Registrar of Births, Deaths, and Marriages (1836)
- B. Home Office Inspectorates
- 1. Factory inspectors (1833)
- 2. Prison inspectors (1835; after 1854 they also inspected reformatories)
- 3. Anatomy inspectors (1839)
- 4. Mining inspectors (1842 and 1850)
- 5. Burial inspectors (1854)
- 6. Constabulary inspectors (1856)
- C. Colonial Office
- Colonial Land and Emigration Commission (1839)
- D. Privy Council Departments
- 1. Committee on Education (1839)
- 2. Board of Trade
- a. Merchant Marine Department (1850)
- b. Department of Arts and Sciences (1852)
- c. Railway Board (1839)
- d. Commissioners of Patent and Invention (1850)
- e. Office of Registrar of Joint-Stock Companies (1833)
- f. Design of Registry Office (1839)
- II. Permanent Departments for the Metropolis
- A. Home Office: Metropolitan Police
- 1. Inspectors of common lodging houses (1853)
- 2. Inspectors of noxious trade (1854)
- B. Office of Woods and Forests and Public Works: expanded powers over
Thames embankments, parks, and numerous streets
- C. Board of Trade
- 1. Inspectors of London water sources (1852)
- 2. Commissioners to regulate London's coal whippers (1843)
- D. Metropolitan Sewers Commission (1847)
- E. Metropolitan Building Commission (1844)
- III. Temporary Commissions
- A. Administrative
- 1. Oxford University commissioners (1854-58)
- 2. Commissioners of Tithes, Enclosures, and Copyhold (1836, Tithes;
1841, Copyhold; 1845, Inclosure; 1851, consolidated)
- B. Commissioners of Inquiry into:
- 1. Statute law
- 2. Cambridge University
- 3. Fine arts
- 4. Newcastle cholera
- 5. London Corporation
- 6. Charitable donations
- 7. Three election disputes
- 8. Mercantile law
- 9. Registration and conveyance
- 10. County courts
Roberts repeats a refrain that runs through the literature - that "Each
reform was passed to meet an observed fact, not to accord with principle,"
and that the transforming event was not a party platform or political philosophy,
but rather the phenomenon of the industrial revolution itself.
Roberts's arguments epitomize a strand of historiography which denigrates
the role of ideas and individuals while attributing change to seemingly independent
"forces." And so the industrial revolution, with its large factories,
mines, railways, steamships, and crowded cities, led to the concentration of
abuses and their increased visibility, and these abuses generated governmental
restrictions. Other equally dehumanized "forces" operated in a parallel
direction, for example, the advance of science, the rapid increase of wealth,
a deep humanitarianism, and a growing belief in progress. In Roberts's analysis,
these disembodied "forces" account for England's transformation from
among the least interventionist governments in Europe in 1833, into one of those
most involved in securing the wellbeing of its citizens by 1854. Thus, Britain
succeeded, inadvertently, in creating "an administrative state which she
Although Roberts evidently overstates his case for mechanism over human agency
as an explanatory tool of historical change, he is undoubtedly on firmer ground
in his appraisal of the ideological inconsistency of the leading forces in British
politics of the day. While both the Conservatives and the Whigs had traditions
of opposition to centralism, they both contributed to the creation of the administrative,
interventionist state. Only one faction favored a strong, benevolent government,
in Roberts's account, and that was the utilitarians, while the Tory Evangelicals,
such as Lord Ashley (Earl of Shaftesbury), were also committed to reform, they
did not operate from any consistent principle. Given his mechanistic viewpoint,
however, Roberts remains reluctant to cede to either of these "active minorities"
any conspicuous or controlling role in building the collectivist state.
Gordon's Distinction between Laissez Faire and Free Trade
The same general theme was sounded by H. Scott Gordon in his essay, "The
Ideology of Laissez-Faire," but with a slightly different twist. Gordon
denigrates the notion that the Anti-Corn Law crusade was the result of a principled
laissez-faire position, citing the absence from the voluminous Parliamentary
debate of a single mention of the term "laissez faire," and Sir Robert
Peel's declaration that there were no more than half a dozen MPs who believed
in applying that maxim to economic questions generally. What Gordon does perceive,
instead, was a vigorous free trade ideology: "A widespread development
of free trade ideology developed in mid-nineteenth-century England, but a similar
laissez-faire ideology did not."31
Thus, a substantial fault in historiography accounts for the fallacious identification
of laissez faire and free trade. Once this apparent "high tide" of
laissez faire in the successful effort to rescind the Corn Laws has been disposed
of, Gordon's case for an ad hoc piecemeal growth of the administrative state
concludes on (by now) familiar grounds.32
Burn's "Age of Equipoise": Localism vs. Centralization
Perhaps the most equivocal position of the revisionists was enunciated by
W. L. Burn in his study of mid-Victorian England, The Age of Equipoise.
He characterizes the years between 1852 and 1867 as a particularly "confused
becomes more and more apparent that any hard-and-fast distinction between Individualism
and Collectivism is not merely useless but harmful. The most that can be said
is that public opinion had a bias toward Individualism."34
What seems most pronounced to Burn, as to the other revisionists, is the piecemeal
and theoretical approach to solving social problems as they jostled the public
conscience. Rather than attempting to investigate the period along the lines
of a conflict between individualism versus collectivism, he perceives a bifurcation
as between the forces of centralization and localism.
Before completing the revisionist case, we would be woefully remiss not to
mention some of the key pieces of intrusive legislation that were passed in
the period and repeatedly cited to buttress the revisionist case. This anti-laissez-faire
legislation included: the Poor Law Reform Act of 1834 which established central
inspectors (as did the Prison Act of 1835); the various Educational Acts from
the 1830s on, which eventually culminated in 1880 in compulsory education at
state expense; the prohibition of women, apprentices, and children under thirteen
working in the coal mines in 1841 (and other acts extensively regulating the
mines); the various Factory Acts which from 1833 on limited the hours of work
for women and children; the inspection of asylums; the extensive regulation
of railroads; the creation of the Metropolitan Building Act empowering the Board
of Works to set building specifications (all this in the 1840s inspired by the
Tory Paternalists); the Public Health Act of 1848; the Mining Inspection Act;
Merchant Shipping Act; and Burial Ground Act of 1850; and other acts of the
1850s designed to regulate London's common lodging houses, to suppress smoke
in London, to regulate lighthouses, to aid juvenile reformatories, to establish
a permanent charity commission, to regulate the merchant marine, and to create
a department of science and art in order to promote new technology. The list
could go on, and every authority who makes such a compendium adduces somewhat
different examples; there are certainly an abundance to choose from.
The Counter-Revisionists' Case for an "Age
of Laissez Faire"
Taylor's Case for an Era of Relative Laissez Faire
Given this overwhelming evidence testifying to the energy and inventiveness
of Victorian legislators it is no wonder that the counter-revisionists - i.e.,
those who contend that there was, indeed, an age of laissez faire - advance
a somewhat hesitant and qualified case. Arthur Taylor's "Laissez-Faire
and State Interventions in Nineteenth-Century Britain," is typical of this
genre. For Taylor, laissez faire set the terms of debate in mid-century, and
it acted as a brake against more extreme interventionism, forcing compromises
rather than simply vanquishing statism. An example of this activity would be
the Factory Acts in which laissez faire set limits to the scope of reform; that
is, while men like Senior and McCulloch supported the Act of 1833 to regulate
the working hours of women and children, they balked at the more intrusive Ten
Hour campaign of 1846.
Taylor concedes that the noninterference principle was quite often honored
more in the breach than in the observance:
Yet while the claims of the non-interference principle could never be wholly
excluded from ministerial calculation, decisions on policy often took an interventionist
course. Even when the invalidity of non-interference was conceded in principle,
expediency demanded and secured policies which breached both the letter and
the spirit of laissez-faire.35
How, then, does Taylor resolve the question of a supposed "age of laissez
faire"? Curiously, he concludes that, in essence, such an age lies in the
eyes of the beholder. Laissez faire certainly cannot be viewed as the "keystone
of the arch," yet its effects were important. In fact, when we focus upon
the economic realm an "age of laissez faire" seems justifiable. But
even here, the evidence is not conclusive in the areas of banking, patents,
bankruptcy, weights and measures, and joint-stock companies. However, on the
larger economic issues - free trade, internal economy of industry, and frugality
in government - Taylor sees ample warrant for a verdict of pronounced laissez
faire. Taylor examines government expenditures between 1820 and 1870 and accounts
for the relatively trivial increase (57.5 million pounds to 69 million pounds)
as evidence of a fiscal policy of frugality and balanced budgets inspired by
laissez faire. While government expenditures increased tenfold between 1900
and 1938 they increased at an infinitesimal rate in the nineteenth century;
in fact, government expenditures as a percentage of gross national product fell
from 11% in 1792 to 8.9% in 1890. Taylor concludes that the attempt to regulate
the economy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (and, indeed, in the
twentieth) is as evident as the deliberate abstention from such endeavors in
Set beside the experiences and policies of an earlier and later age and
related to the principles and practices followed by her European contemporaries,
nineteenth century England may be said to have come closer to experiencing
an age of laissez-faire than any other society in the last five hundred years
of world history...
Thus, though laissez-faire was on more than one occasion honored in the breach
in Britain itself and still more clearly subverted in the economic policies
applied to Ireland and India, it was until at least 1870, and arguably for
a further twenty-five years beyond that, the strongest impulse influencing
the shape and character of governmental economic policy.36
Given the extent of interventionism that can only be denominated "economic"-
the factory acts, railroad and mining regulation, banking, etc. - one must remain
somewhat skeptical of Taylor's rather exaggerated conclusion as indeed Taylor
himself is in some of his more equivocal pronouncements.
Crouch on "Refined" Laissez Faire and "Enlightened
Undoubtedly, the most inventive of the counter-revisionists is R. L. Crouch.
His "Laissez-Faire in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Myth or Reality?"
went to tortuous lengths in redefining laissez faire, thereby emasculating it
to such an extent that it is barely recognizable, all in order to resurrect
an "age of laissez-faire." Crouch attempts to convince us that what
Roberts and Brebner take as evidence of incipient welfarism was, rather, quite
consistent with a "refined laissez faire" position of the classical
economists. The classical economists, in Crouch's account, embodied this "refined"
laissez-faire position, not the "anarchy plus the constable" caricature
castigated by Carlyle. Government functions under such a "refined"
view of government's role include: (1) to establish and enforce the law and
arbitrate disputes, (2) to combat monopoly and promote competition, (3) to make
allowances for the existence of externalities (for example, Adam Smith's views
on public works, patents, and monopolies), (4) to exercise unavoidable paternalism
(as in the case of children), (5) to provide a stable monetary framework, and
(6) to protect the indigent. Having redefined the concept of laissez faire to
include whatever the Classical economists had to say about government's legitimate
powers, Crouch, to no one's great surprise, finds nineteenth-century legislative
enactments in conformity with his redefinition. But as we discovered earlier,
the Classical School was far from a repository of a consistent noninterventionism.
A few examples ought to suffice to illustrate how far Crouch stretched the concept
of laissez faire on his procrustean bed in order to make it fit British regulationism.
Now, the Factory Act of 1833, the Chimney Sweep Act of 1840, the Miners' Act
of 1842, and the Ten Hour acts of 1847 - 48 are pictured as measures designed
to combat firm - individual external diseconomies, or alternatively as acts
of unavoidable paternalism. Dicey, according to Crouch, was simply wrong in
denouncing state involvement in education or the imposition of minimum safety
and sanitary standards as inconsistent with laissez faire and the harbingers
of collectivism. Rather, they were the quite natural results of a "refined
laissez faire" position which requires a "substantial amount of enlightened
Crouch fervently denies that his "refined" principle could justify
every policy of modern welfarism. Such salient features of the welfare state
as nationalization, import controls, public housing, price controls, minimum
wage legislation, and agricultural support programs would remain unjustifiable.
Colin Holmes, in his assault upon the counter-revisionists, unveils Crouch's
semantic sleight-of hand:
In seeking to reconcile classical economics with the laissez-faire position
Crouch begs the question, on the grandest scale possible, by offering a compromise
redefinition of laissez-faire that is so wide as to be devoid of useful meaning.
Acts of government intervention that are justifiable in terms of the resulting
external economies include nationalization of key industries and state provision
of welfare schemes. Therefore, Crouch's "redefined" version would
accommodate most mixed economies and welfare states of the late twentieth
century; in this way the last 150 years could be described as an age of laissez-faire.37
Holmes obviously has the better of the arguments here because Crouch's redefined
laissez faire could quite easily embrace the welfare state measures which he
declares beyond its pale with little more ingenuity required than he employed
in justifying the factory acts. Holmes fired one more salvo against the counter-revisionists
when he refuted Taylor's claim that a low rate of increase in governmental expenditures
during the nineteenth century reflects a prevailing opinion against interventionism.
If one compares the decade of the 1820s with that of the 1870s, the categories
of civil and educational expenditures have jumped from 1% of the national budget
The Final Judgment on Britain's "Age of Laissez Faire"
How might we appraise this heated controversy over an "age of laissez
faire"? The record of interventionist legislation is prodigious, but we
ought not to dismiss too lightly the legislative excrescences of the mercantilist
age that were jettisoned in the first half of the century; e.g., the combination
laws which had prohibited labor unions, the Navigation Acts, the Corn Laws,
and myriad other lesser known restraints on trade. And when we consider the
whole host of governmental controls over the economy exercised by modern welfare
states - an ersatz currency, nationalization, compulsory social security and
Medicare, minimum wage laws, massive deficit spending, fine-tuning of business
cycles, etc. - the Victorian state appears singularly apathetic. After 1870,
of course, the legislative and administrative landscape would be far more recognizable
to the modern interventionist. Taylor's position or Burn's may be closer to
the mark in assessing England in mid-century as a contested battleground between
collectivism and individualism. However, what seems fairly uncontroversial -
although even here there are naysayers who view England as simply slipping from
one age of interventionism into the next with nary an interregnum - is that,
by comparison with the England of earlier and later centuries, the nineteenth
century was a "high tide" of laissez faire.
Spengler: Why Laissez Faire Leaves Few Tracks
Joseph Spengler raises one important historiographical point which touches
upon this question of an "age of laissez faire."38
He cautions that sources of bias may affect recent findings which indicate that
state intervention played a much greater role than experts in the nineteenth
century had thought. Historians may discover relatively more evidence of interventionism
than was characteristic of the period simply because statist acts are much more
likely to "leave tracks" than are events consonant with laissez faire.
Advocacy of laissez faire in written forms would be far less likely in an age
where it is the regnant ideology and needs little enunciation, while government
reports, pamphlets and books agitating for interventionism would be abundant.
Also, bureaucrats and philanthropic organizations prove diligent keepers of
their own records, while the evidence of laissez faire would tend to disappear
since it was composed largely of private agreements and dealings. These factors
would be accentuated with the passage of time.
Spengler's cautionary remarks are revealing, and they might account for the
fact that the early writers on the question of the extent of noninterventionism
in nineteenth century England tended to view the period as the apotheosis of
laissez faire. After all, revisionism is a rather late phenomenon dating from
the late 1940s and it only gathered full momentum in the 1960s.
B. What Effect Did the Benthamites Have on the
Politics of Their Day?
Brebner's Revisionist Indictment of Benthamite Collectivism
Once again, it was Brebner's article, "Laissez-Faire and State Intervention
in Nineteenth-Century Britain," which launched the revisionist assault
upon the traditionalist view of Benthamism as either an innocuous bystander
or an unwitting accomplice in the rise of collectivism. Not only was Bentham
"the archetype of British collectivism," on the theoretical level,
but his disciples are revealed as the prime movers in "every interventionist
pie." Edwin Chadwick, Bentham's amanuensis and collaborator on the Constitutional
Code becomes the "architect of state intervention" as he industriously
labors on royal commissions to promote the Benthamite ends of state inspection
and regulation. Whether it be the poor laws, the factory acts, the municipal
police, or the public health agitation, Chadwick's role and that of fellow Utilitarians
was vital. Lest one assume that the influence of the Utilitarians ended with
the death of Bentham or the aging of his disciples, Brebner assures us that
John Stuart Mill, that "liberal socialist," insured the continuation
of Benthamite activism. "Mill, then, throughout his independent life and
thought was at bottom the Benthamite interventionist, not the apostle of laissez-faire."39
Roberts and MacDonagh: "A Tory Interpretation"
It is rather curious that two of Brebner's most ardent followers among the
revisionists on the issue of a supposed "age of laissez faire," comprise,
on this question of the influence of Benthamism, the strongest chorus of dissent.40
MacDonagh and Roberts do not deny the mammoth body of evidence of Benthamites'
staffing royal commissions and agitating for compulsory education and state
provision, limitations of child labor, and sanitary legislation, etc. Yet they
refuse to concede to the Benthamites an indispensible role. MacDonagh goes even
farther in his condemnation of Benthamism as irremediably tainted with the onus
of individualism. In administrative matters, MacDonagh contends, Benthamism
had no influence upon either opinion at large or most public servants:
... nothing is more mistaken than a 'blanket' prima facie assumption that
'useful,' 'rational,' or centralizing changes in the nineteenth century were
Benthamite in origin. On the contrary, the onus probandi [burden of proof]
should rest on Benthamism. The great body of such changes were natural answers
to concrete day-to-day problems, pressed eventually to the surface by the
sheer exigencies of the case .... Generally, we can say, first, that the genuine
contribution of Benthamism to modern government must be measured in terms
of the particular actions of particular individuals; secondly, that Benthamism,
insofar as it took colour from other contemporary ideologies, was an obstacle,
after their fashion, to the development of modern government, and thirdly,
that the 'administrative' Benthamism, where it was effective, also made a
peculiar, idiosyncratic contribution to nineteenth century administration,
and one which was extraneous and at points antagonistic to the main line of
Roberts's Case against the Importance of Benthamism for
The most elaborate analysis of both Bentham's Constitutional Code
for the reconstruction of Britain's government, and the machinations of the
Benthamites in agitating for political, social, and economic reforms is given
by David Roberts in his article, "Jeremy Bentham and the Victorian Administrative
State." Consonant with his general aversion to attributing historical changes
to the efficacy of ideas or individual men, which we reported earlier, Roberts
denies to the Benthamites any pivotal role in building the collectivist state.
But the evidence which he adduces of overwhelming Benthamite staffing of key
royal commissions, seems to belie Roberts's own conclusion. In his Constitutional
Code, written in the 1830s and known to his followers (although published
only in 1841), Bentham's sweeping reforms were nothing if not centralist. He
called for the establishment of thirteen ministries to supervise local authorities
in order to secure free public education, an efficient police force, good roads,
and expeditious poor relief. Castigating Britain's amateur bureaucracy chosen
by favoritism, he called for the establishment of a professional, paid, central
administration, chosen by competitive examination. Yet Roberts views this reformation
as embracing a belief in laissez faire and a balance between localism and centralism.
He is ably and decisively taken to task by L. J. Hume on precisely these points.
Hume interprets Bentham's reforms as essentially centralizing, as an attempt
to reorganize the law to ameliorate social disorders. He consequently views
Benthamism as in conformity with the actual reforms that built the collectivist
It is in his examination of the great social and economic reform acts of the
1830s through the 1850s that Roberts's case against Benthamite influence is
most tortured. He meticulously documents the efforts of Bentham's disciples
in agitating for these reforms, but in each case he dismisses their importance
by either finding some slight departure from orthodox Benthamism in the final
product, or a certain inevitability about the outcome that would belie the Benthamites'
influence. Thus: (1) Although Nassau Senior and Edwin Chadwick were the leaders
of the Poor Law Reform of 1834 by comprising the royal commission which established
central administrators, Roberts doubts whether Chadwick was inspired by Benthamism;
(2) Although the Utilitarians, Chadwick and Southwood Smith, served on the Factory
Commission, the Benthamites did not initiate the reforms nor shape its final
form, since it was fomented and shaped by the Evangelical Tories and large manufacturers;
(3) Although Chadwick, Smith, and James Kay wrote reports as Poor Law Commissioners
in 1838 and 1839 which exposed unhealthy conditions and urged sanitary improvements,
the Act which emerged in 1848 was not particularly Benthamite. The same procedure
is applied to the dismissal of Benthamite influence in reforms involving education,
prisons, insane asylums, private charities, railways, and the merchant marine.
All of these reforms were endorsed and agitated for by the same group of Utilitarians.
Roberts appears to have made his adversaries' case, but he adamantly refuses
to concede anything more to Benthamism than being in tune with the times. "The
simple calculation of doing the greatest good to the greatest number, and not
God's will or natural law, offered Victorian social reformers a strong justification
for the establishment of a larger and more active state, one guaranteeing the
well-being of the factory worker, the railway passenger, and the tenement dweller."43
Despite this admission and the tell-tale trail of Benthamites penetrating royal
commissions and agitating for state intervention, Roberts declared that had
Bentham never written a word Victorian reformers would have continued their
poor laws, factory acts, and education schemes, all with central inspectors.
It was simply a necessity of the times.44
Hart's Critique of the MacDonagh-Roberts "Tory Interpretation"
What should not be surprising, then, in the light of Roberts's own evidence
undermining his conclusion, is the vehemence of the counterattacks which sought
to salvage the good name of the Benthamites as avid interventionists. Jennifer
Hart's "Nineteenth-Century Social Reform - A Tory Interpretation of History,"45
while not the first of this genre, certainly warrants our attention for its
perceptiveness in designating the MacDonagh-Roberts school as exemplifying a
"Tory interpretation" of history. While a "Whig interpretation"
requires heroes and villains, a Tory view belittles the role of men, and even
more significantly, ideas. What Hart finds most fallacious about this Tory interpretation
is its belittling of Benthamite influence; its overemphasis upon humanitarianism
and an aroused Christian conscience as tools shaping public opinion in the direction
of reform; its contention that evils were dealt with when men felt them to be
intolerable; and its belief that reforms were not premeditated or planned but
were the result of "the historical process" or blind forces. In Hart's
anthropocentric conception of nineteenth-century legislative history, the Benthamites
capture center stage. From the Factory Act of 1833, to the Poor Law Reform of
1834, the Public Health Act, and prison reform, Hart asserts the centrality
of the Benthamites in agitating for the reforms and formulating their mechanisms.
Parris's Reassertion of the Link between Benthamism and
Henry Parris in an earlier contribution to the debate, "The Nineteenth-Century
Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal Reappraised,"46
emphasized the unconscious influence of ideas on men's minds, so that if not
everyone who was instrumental in propagating reforms had read Bentham, his ideas
still could have been decisive as they influenced the intellectual climate of
the day. It may be perfectly true, as MacDonagh suggested, that public servants
in general had not read Bentham, yet one Edwin Chadwick "counted for more
than many hundred of public servants."
Furthermore, MacDonagh's model fails to explain either why the transition
to centralism occurred when it did, or why it did not occur long before. The
missing ingredient is Benthamism. Parris replies to those who devalue the Benthamites'
influence with a model of his own, one which underscores the centrality of the
Utilitarians. He maintains that the nineteenth-century revolution in government
cannot be understood without an examination of the part played by thought, that
is, by ideas about political and social organization. Dicey astutely made this
very point when he drew the connection between law and public opinion. In this
relationship between law and opinion, the nineteenth century separates into
two distinct periods with the dividing line falling in 1830. Throughout the
second period, the dominant current of opinion was Utilitarian. Prompted by
the principle of utility as its central core, the Utilitarians agitated for
considerable extensions of both laissez faire and of state intervention simultaneously.
And once central administrative officers were appointed to administer the new
reforms, a device promoted by the Utilitarians, these bureaucrats played a leading
role in legislation, including the development of their own powers.47
Now, Benthamism moves with the spirit of the age, but it does so as a prime
mover not a disinterested or reluctant bystander. "Bentham was working
with the grain. But it does not follow that the same solutions would have been
reached had he never lived."48
A description of Edwin Chadwick, which Parris takes from R. A. Lewis's study,
will suffice to demonstrate the nature of the faith that drove the Benthamite
who was most instrumental in agitating for the interventionist reforms:
He had great faith in self-interest. He commended it as the spring of individual
vigour and efficacy; and it figures prominently in his thought as the most
persistent and calculable element in human character. But he saw no evidence
at all that social benefits resulted of necessity from its pursuit, and much
which persuaded him that without the barriers erected by the law its undirected
energies might disrupt society. He put his trust, therefore, not in the rule
of some 'invisible hand' blending the interests of the individual and society
in a mystic reconciliation, but in the secular authority of the state which,
abandoning the superstitions of laissez-faire, should intervene to guide the
activities of individuals towards the desirable goods of communal welfare.49
The Final Judgment on the Role of Benthamism
What conclusions may one draw from this heated controversy over the extent
of Benthamite influence in propelling Britain towards the welfare state? The
preponderance of evidence indicates that in both Bentham's own writings - whether
it be on political administration, economics, or social problems - and in the
political activities of the Utilitarians in Parliament, in the bureaucracy,
and on the royal commissions, a highly significant, if not indispensable, buttress
for state interventionism is apparent. Chadwick and his Utilitarian associates
were in the thick of the polemical movement for every piece of interventionist
legislation of the second quarter of the nineteenth century. Although it is
undeniably true that they were aided and abetted by Evangelical Tory reformers,
their efforts were far from inconsiderable or expendable. The history of Britain's
movements away from laissez faire, if indeed there ever was an archetypal period
of laissez faire, can only be understood once the Benthamites are awarded their
proper and leading role.
Whether Britain in the middle quarter of the nineteenth century epitomized
a golden era of laissez faire, or whether the Benthamites precipitated a period
of collectivism or individualism, both of these disputes pale in significance
before an indisputable fact. The final two or three decades of the century,
virtually all analysts agree, marked the arrival of the age of collectivism.
By any yardstick, this was a triumphal period of legislative interventionism:
compulsory state supported education was enacted by a series of acts in 1870,
1880, and 1891; the Public Health Act of 1875 provided for slum clearance; an
all-encompassing factory act passed in 1878, extending the purview of earlier
legislation; the Arbitration Acts (1867-1896) established government boards
of inquiry to arbitrate labor disputes; and by the Employer's Liability Act
(1880) and the Workmen's Compensation Act (1897) employers were compelled by
law to insure workers against industrial accidents. In foreign affairs, too,
the old liberal doctrine suffered an undignified demise, as new forces arose
championing internationalism, militarism, imperialism, and even protectionism.
Britain's Slide to Statism and Imperialism: Collectivism
Commentators have long striven to explain this recrudescence of statism and
imperialism. Of course, for those who view the period from 1825 to 1870 as incipiently
collectivist, the transition allows a felicitous explanation, i.e., it was simply
a logical development, a mere gaining of momentum on a foreordained course.
Others, who perceive a decisive breach around the years 1865 or 1870, offer
complementary explanations of the ascendancy of the corporate state. As Winston
The great victories had been won. All sorts of lumbering tyrannies had been
toppled over. Authority was everywhere broken, slaves were free. Conscience
was free. Trade was free. But hunger and squalor were also free and the people
demanded something more than liberty. How to fill the void was the riddle
that split the liberal party.50
It was not as though liberalism had failed, but in a strange, convoluted way
it had succeeded too well. Thus, men began searching for direct remedies to
shore up the remaining deficiencies of the social order, deficiencies made all
the more conspicuous by the urbanization of the country and the attendant concentrations
of deformities in plain view.
Herbert Spencer's Account of Britain's "Rebarbarization"
Perhaps the most eloquent and persuasive explanation of Britain's slide into
"rebarbarization," was propounded by a philosopher who mourned the
death of the "Old Liberalism" more acutely than any of his contemporaries.
Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), in a series of essays published as The Man
Versus the State and written in the early 1880s, decried the path taken
by liberalism.51 The
new Liberals, Spencer charged, forgot the animating heart of their beliefs -
that is, individual freedom as opposed to state coercion - and rather than seeking
the popular good by indirect, market means, by relaxing restraints on individual
enterprise, they began to search for easy fixes, for direct, governmental means
to advance the social good. A curious phenomenon occurred, then; for precisely
when social evils decreased, the denunciation of them increased. And the public
began demanding the therapeutic intervention of the state. Each piece of meddlesome
legislation served as precedent increasing the momentum for further regulation,
and Spencer became increasingly pessimistic, convinced that Britain was ineluctably
slipping into a new age of feudalistic militarism.
Various Factors Contributing to Anti-Laissez Faire
Reverberating through the explanations offered by the commentators - whether
it be Spencer, Dicey, Schumpeter, or Hutchison52
- are the following causes or factors: (1) the second and third parliamentary
reform acts which finally created universal manhood suffrage (1867, 1884)53;
(2) the cumulative effect of the denigration of laissez faire by influential
cultural critics such as Carlyle and Ruskin; novelists such as Dickens, Thackery,
and Flaubert; and romantic poets like Shelley, Wordsworth and Coleridge; (3)
the rise of a working class labor movement combined with an intellectual cadre
in the form of Fabian socialists (precipitated by a severe depression); and
(4) the erosion of belief in noninterventionism and self-help among the business
class and, also, among the leading economists. This last factor cannot be denied,
for the most influential successors of John Stuart Mill, W. S. Jevons and John
Marshall, found not only interventionism alluring but, in the case of Marshall,
Is the Drift from Capitalism to Socialism Inevitable?
Marxist interpreters, nurtured by V. I. Lenin's Imperialism, perceive
an inevitability about this genesis of imperialism out of capitalism. According
to this interpretation, imperialism is the final stage of capitalism that arises
inevitably out of the new conditions of large-scale production as capitalists
try to stave off the fall in profits by exporting their surplus products. Joseph
Schumpeter, oddly enough, propounds a similar theory, relying again on some
inherent, ineluctable feature of capitalism to explain the transition to collectivism:
as Schumpeter wrote:
... one need not be a Marxist in order to realize that the private enterprise
system tends to develop toward a socialist form of organization. The facts
we have been discussing ... however ominous they may have been for the bourgeoise
order of things, were therefore part and parcel of this very order and in
this sense perfectly 'natural.' 54
The Final Verdict on the Demise of Laissez faire: Utilitarianism
vs. Natural Rights
We do not, however, need to repair to arguments from inevitability to explain
the tremendous outpouring of interventionist legislation in the last quarter
of the nineteenth century. Leading intellectuals, the heirs of the Classical
Economists conspicuous among them, diligently labored to demonstrate that economic
science most certainly did not lead to the policy principle of laissez faire.
Thus, by the close of the century scarcely any voices were heard championing
noninterventionism as the solution to perceived social dislocations.
Herbert Spencer stood nearly alone in his advocacy both of laissez faire and
of a natural rights moral theory which spurned any taint of Utilitarian pragmatism.
Certainly, the Utilitarians played a leading role in removing that sturdy barrier
against ad hoc interventionism - natural rights - and for this alone they can
claim a great deal of credit for the piecemeal movement towards collectivism.
Their efforts were far from insubstantial, as we have seen, in the realm of
practical politics, as Edwin Chadwick and his associates labored unstintingly
for universal education, the factory acts, sanitary legislation, and a reformed
In all likelihood, Britain in the earlier part of the nineteenth century did
not embrace a version of laissez faire that would warm the heart of a purist.
Perhaps W. T. Hutchison came closest to the mark when he wrote that a "new
interventionism" arose in midcentury before the "old interventionism"
had been fully expunged.55
Yet it is undeniable that liberalism and the spirit of governmental quiescence
enjoyed greater respectability than at any time before or since. Journals, newspapers,
popular novels, and the earlier economists labored to secure respectability
for the ideal of limited government. While the defense promulgated by the political
economists was flawed, they, nevertheless, succeeded in erecting the principle
of laissez faire as a bulwark against state intervention in the market. Admittedly,
it was a crumbling bulwark, increasingly so as the century progressed. But what
distinguishes that earlier epoch from our own is that the interventionists rather
than the free-marketers were the ones constantly on the defensive. For each
proposed act of governmental regulation a case had to be made - the general
presumption against the meddlesome state was at least that strong. Today the
contest would be limited to competing schemes all exhibiting the same interventionist
feature of governmental solutions to social problems. It is this influence,
more than anything else, that would earn Victorian England her designation as
an "age of laissez faire."
Full citations for works listed in the footnotes may be
found in the following Bibliography.
 Colin J. Holmes, "Laissez-Faire
in Theory and Practice: Britain, 1800-1875," Journal of European Economic
History 5(Winter 1970):680.
 Lionel Robbins, The Theory
of Economic Policy in English Classical Political Economy, p. 37. For appraisals
of the extent of adherence to laissez faire among the classical political economists
see: G. J. Stigler, "The Economist and the State," The American
Economic Review 55(March 1965):1-18; W. D. Grampp, Economic Liberalism,
and "On the History of Thought and Policy," Papers and Proceedings
of the American Economic Association 55(May 1965):128-142; Jacob Viner,
"Adam Smith and Laissez-Faire," Journal of Political Economy
35(1927), reprinted in Viner, The Long View and the Short; Joseph A.
Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis; Warren A. Samuels, The
Classical Theory of Economic Policy; Thomas Sowell, Classical Economics
Reconsidered; T. W Hutchison, 'Positive' Economics and Policy Objectives.
 E.g., Arthur J. Taylor, Laissez-Faire
and State Intervention in Nineteenth-Century Britain, takes a dynamic view
focusing upon both the shift of position by such figures as Senior and McCulloch
over a twenty year period and the general movement away from laissez faire among
the economists who succeeded Ricardo. Others, Sowell for one, tend to view the
Classicals in a more static view with their differences on individual issues
displayed but without generating a definite trend.
 Viner, "The Intellectual
History of Laissez-Faire," The Journal of Law and Economics 3(October
It is clear, moreover, that for Adam Smith laissez-faire, beyond
its material benefits, had ethical or moral value in that it left to the individual
unimpaired that 'natural system of liberty' to which he had a natural
right. It is quite probable, therefore, that Adam Smith would have rejected
an extensive program of state regulation of economic enterprise even if he
had believed that the wealth of nations would thereby be augmented.
See: R. Lindgren, The Social Philosophy of Adam Smith for an interpretation
of Smith as outside the natural rights tradition.
 Lionel Robbins, Theory
of Economic Policy, p. 177.
 Jeremy Bentham, Anarchical
Fallacies, Works, II, p. 501.
 See Ellen Frankel Paul, Moral
Revolution and Economic Science, Chapter I.
 Adam Smith, An Inquiry
into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, IV, ix, p. 51.
 Others, now called Ricardian
socialists, would employ Ricardo's theory of rent to argue for land nationalization.
After all, if landowners enjoy windfall returns as a result of the scarcity
of land and the premium paid for more advantageous plots, and not as a result
of any merit on their part, why not nationalize the unjust returns. Such, of
course, was not Ricardo's opinion; rather, he argued for repeal of the Corn
Laws to forestall for a short period the time of reckoning.
 Thomas Robert Malthus,
An Essay on the Principle of Population as it Affects the Future Improvement
of Society, p. 16.
 Colin J. Holmes, "Laissez-Faire
Theory and Practice," p. 677.
 Ellen Frankel Paul, Moral
Revolution and Economic Science.
 For discussions on the
extent of Bentham's adherence to Smithian economics and his place in the Classical
School see: J. B. Brebner, "Laissez-Faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth-Century
Britain," Journal of Economic History, Supplement 8(1948); J.
W. Hutchison, "Bentham as an Economist,"Economic Journal
(June 1956), pp. 288-306; A. V. Dicey, Lectures on the Relationship Between
Law and Public Opinion in England During the Nineteenth Century; Leslie
Stephen, English Utilitarianism.
 Joseph Schumpeter,
History of Economic Analysis, p. 531.
 For a detailed examination
of Mill's various metamorphoses on the question of socialism see: Lionel Robbins,
The Theory of Economic Policy, Lecture V; and Ellen Frankel Paul, Moral
Revolution and Economic Science, pp. 167-175.
 J. E. Caines, "Political
Economy and Laissez-Faire," p. 244.
 Henry Sidgwick, The
Principles of Political Economy, p. 417.
 For a study of the Manchester
School of Economics; Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism,
Classical Political Economy and the Empire of Free Trade and Imperialism, 1750-1850;
Norman McCord, The Anti-Corn Law League, 1838-1846.
 A more extensive discussion
of such sources can be found in Colin Holmes, "Laissez-Faire in Theory
and Practice," pp. 680-682; and Arthur Taylor, Laissez-Faire and State
Intervention, pp. 27-30.
[19a] I would
like to thank Robert Hesson of the Hoover Institution for his valuable assistance
in locating portions of the literature discussed in this section.
 J. Bartlet Brebner, "Laissez
Faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth Century Britain," pp. 59-60,
 Other early historians
who share Dicey's view of the nineteenth century as embodying a protected period
of laissez faire include: W. Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry
and Commerce in Modern Times, Part II: Laissez Faire; C. R. Fay, Great
Britain From Adam Smith to the Present Day and Life and Labour in the
Nineteenth Century; L. C. A. Knowles, The Industrial and Commercial
Revolution in Great Britain During the Nineteenth Century; E. Lipson, Planned
Economy or Free Enterprise: The Lessons of History.
 A. V. Dicey, Law and
Opinion, p. 144.
 A. V. Dicey, Law and
Opinion, pp. 144, 146.
 A. V. Dicey, Law and
Opinion, pp. 307, 146.
 A. V. Dicey, Law and
Opinion, p. 309. For a more recent appraisal which supports Dicey's view
of the Benthamites' contribution to collectivism as an unwitting one see: Arthur
J. Taylor, "Laissez-Faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth-Century
Britain," pp. 36-37. Taylor contends that there exists a fundamental dichotomy
between the views of the Benthamites and the Fabians towards the state: that
the Fabians saw the state as a positive tool to promote the greater good, while
the Benthamites took it to be a negative institution reluctantly required on
occasion to secure the greatest happiness. "To this extent the Utilitarians'
contribution to the emergence of the Welfare State, however real, was essentially
an unwitting one ... it may be claimed with no less plausibility that had there
been no Bentham the nineteenth century would have had to create one."
 J. B. Brebner, "Laissez
Faire and State Intervention," p. 65.
 J. B. Brebner, "Laissez
Faire and State Intervention," p. 65.
 Oliver MacDonagh, "The
Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal," The Historical
Journal 2(1958):52-67; David Roberts, Victorian Origins of the British
Welfare State; H. Scott Gordon, "The Ideology of Laissez-Faire,"
in A. W. Coats, The Classical Economists and Economic Policy; William
D. Anydelotte, "The Conservative and Radical Interpretations of Early Victorian
Social Legislation," Victorian Studies, No. 2(1967-68):225-236;
W. L. Burn, The Age of Equipoise: A Study of the Mid-Victorian Generation;
Colin J. Holmes, "Laissez-Faire in Theory and Practice: Britain, 1800-1875,"
 Oliver MacDonagh, "The
Nineteenth Century Revolution in Government," p. 58.
 David Roberts, Victorian
Origins of the British Welfare State, pp. 93-96.
 H. Gordon, "The Ideology
of Laissez-Faire," p. 202.
 H. Gordon discovers further
ammunition for his case in the work of Anydelotte, "The Conservative and
Radical Interpretations of Early Victorian Social Legislation," who examined
the division lists in Parliament during 1841 to 1871 on radical proposals regarding
political reform, the Corn Laws, and the Ten Hours Bill. He found almost no
statistical relationship between how men voted on reform and the Corn Laws,
and how they voted on economic regulation in the Ten Hours Bill. The conclusion
reached was that there was no underlying ideological consistency that prompted
men in their voting behavior. "Radical reform ... and the regulation of
working hours in factories constituted two different attitude dimensions largely
unrelated to each other," p. 233.
 W. L. Burn, The Age
of Equipoise, p. 217.
 W. L. Burn, The Age
of Equipoise, p. 150.
 Arthur Taylor, "Laissez-Faire
and State Intervention," p. 48.
 Taylor, "Laissez-Faire,"
 Colin Holmes, "Laissez-Faire
and Interventionism: A Potential Source of Historical Error," Journal
of Political Economy 57(October 1949):438-441.
 [Editor: This
footnote is missing in the original text. In the Bibligraphy the following work
by Spengler is listed: Spengler, Joseph A. "Laissez-Faire and Interventionism:
A Potential Source of Historical Error," Journal of Political Economy
57,5 (October 1949):438-441.]
 J. Brebner, "Laissez-Faire
and State Intervention," p. 69.
 For a competent survey
article on this topic see: Valerie Cromwell, "Interpretations of Nineteenth-Century
Administration: An Analysis," Victorian Studies 9, No. 3(March
 Oliver MacDonagh, "The
Nineteenth Century Revolution in Government," pp. 65, 66-67.
 L. J. Hume, "Jeremy
Bentham and the Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government," The Historical
Journal 10, No. 4(1967):361-375.
 David Roberts, "Jeremy
Bentham and the Victorian Administrative State," Victorian Studies
 For other authorities who
concur with MacDonagh and Roberts in disparaging the influence of Benthamism
upon British collectivism see: Kitson Clark, The Making of Victorian England;
R. L. Lambert, "A Victorian National Health Service - State Vaccination,
1855-71," Hist. Fl. V(1962), pp. 1-18; Robert M. Gutchen, "Local
Improvements and Centralization in Nineteenth-Century England," Hist.
Fl. 4(1961):85-96; W. L. Burn, Age of Equipoise.
 Jennifer Hart, "Nineteenth-Century
Social Reform: A Tory Interpretation of History," Past and Present,
No. 31(July 1965):39.
 Henry Parris, "The
Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal Reappraised,"
Historical Journal 11(1960):17-37.
 Henry Parris, "The
Nineteenth-Century Revolution," p. 35.
 Henry Parris, "The
Nineteenth-Century Revolution," p. 36. For other authorities who view the
influence of the Benthamites upon the creation of the Victorian administrative
state as profoundly significant see: Sidney and Beatrice Webb, English Poor
Law History, Part II; B. L. Hutchins, The Public Health Agitation;
Elie Halevy, The History of the English People in the Nineteenth Century;
Samuel Finer, The Life and Times of Edwin Chadwick, pp. 12-37,74-75.
 R. A. Lewis, Edwin
Chadwick and the Public Health Movement, p. 188.
 W. I. Churchill, Lord
Randolph Churchill, pp. 268-69, as quoted in Viner, "The Intellectual
History of Laissez-Faire," p. 68.
 Herbert Spencer, The
Man Versus the State, see particularly "The New Toryism," "The
Coming Slavery," and "From Freedom to Bondage."
 W. Hutchison, A Review
of Economic Doctrine 1870-1929.
 Dicey discounts this factor,
remarking on the tendency of the rich to either feebly resist or explicitly
favor collectivist legislation. Dicey, Law and Opinion, p. 218.
 Schumpeter, History
of Economic Analysis, p. 763.
 Hutchison, A Review
of Economic Doctrine, Ch. I.
Anydelotte, William D. "The Conservative and Radical Interpretations
of Early Victorian Social Legislation," Victorian Studies 11,2(1967-68):225-236.
Bentham, Jeremy. Anarchical Fallacies, in The Works of Jeremy
Bentham. Vol. II. Ed. John Bowring. Edinburgh: William Tait, 1839.
Blaug, Marc. Economic Theory in Retrospect. Homewood, Illinois: Richard
D. Irwin Press, 1962, 1968.
_______. Ricardian Economics. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1958.
Brebner, J. B. "Laissez-Faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth-Century
Britain," Journal of Economic History, Supplement (1948):59-70.
Burn, W. L., The Age of Equipoise: A Study of the Mid-Victorian Generation.
London: George Allen and Unwin, 1964.
Cairnes, J. E. "Political Economy and Laissez-Faire," Essays
on Political Economy. London: Macmillan, 1873.
Checkland, S. G. The Rise of Industrial Society in England: 1815-1885.
Clark, Kitson. The Making of Victorian England. London, 1962.
Cromwell, Valerie. "Interpretations of Nineteenth-Century Administration:
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Crouch, R. L. "Laissez-Faire in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Myth or Reality?"
The Manchester School, 35(September 1967):199-215.
Cunningham, W., The Growth of English Industry and Commerce in Modern
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Fay, C. R. Great Britain From Adam Smith to the Present Day. 1928.
_______. Life and Labour in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, 1920.
Fetter, Frank. Development of British Monetary Orthodoxy, 1797-1875.
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Gordon, H. Scott. "The Ideology of Laissez-Faire," in A. W. Coats,
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_______. "Laissez-Faire," International Encyclopedia of the
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_______. "On the History of Thought and Policy," Papers and
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________. The Manchester School of Economics. Oxford, 1960.
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_______. The History of the English People in the Nineteenth Century.
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Hutchins, B. L. The Public Health Agitation. London, 1929.
Hutchison, T. W. "Bentham as an Economist," Economic Journal
_______. 'Positive' Economics and Policy Objectives. London:
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_______. A Review of Economic Doctrine 1870-1929. Oxford: Clarendon
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Knowles, L. C. A. The Industrial and Commercial Revolution in Great Britain
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Lambert, R. "Central and Local Relations in Mid-Victorian England: The
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Lenin, V. I. Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism, 1917.
Lewis, R. A. Edwin Chadwick and the Public Health Movement. 1952.
Lindgren, R. The Social Philosophy of Adam Smith. The Hague: Martinus
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MacDonagh, Oliver. "The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government:
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MacGregor, D. H. Economic Thought and Policy. Oxford, 1949.
McCord, W. The Anti-Corn Law League, 1838-46. London, 1958.
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Polanyi, Karl. The Great Transformation. 1944.
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Roberts, David. "Jeremy Bentham and the Victorian Administrative State,"
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_______. Victorian Origins of the British Welfare State. New Haven:
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_______. "Tory Paternalism and Social Reform in Early Victorian England."
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