- Editor's Note to the First American Edition By Ernest Untermann
- Author's Prefaces to the First and Second Editions, By Karl Marx
- I.—TO The First Edition.
- II.—TO The Second Edition.
- Editor's Prefaces, to the First English Translation and Fourth German Edition By Frederick Engels
- Editor's Preface to the First English Translation.
- Editor's Preface to the Fourth German Edition.
- Volume I. The Process of Capitalist Production.
- Book I. Capitalist Production.
- Part I. Commodities and Money.
- Part I, Chapter I Commodities.
- Section 1.—THE Two Factors of a Commodity: Use-value and Value (the Substance of Value and the Magnitude of Value).
- Section 2.—THE Twofold Character of the Labour Embodied In Commodities.
- Section 3.—THE Form of Value Or Exchange Value.
- A. Elementary Or Accidental Form of Value.
- 1. the Two Poles of the Expression of Value: Relative Form and Equivalent Form.
- 2. the Relative Form of Value.
- (a.) the Nature and Import of This Form.
- (b.) Quantitative Determination of Relative Value.
- 3. the Equivalent Form of Value.
- 4. the Elementary Form of Value Considered As a Whole.
- B. Total Or Expanded Form of Value.
- 1. the Expanded Relative Form of Value.
- 2. the Particular Equivalent Form.
- 3. Defects of the Total Or Expanded Form of Value.
- C. the General Form of Value.
- 1. the Altered Character of the Form of Value.
- 2. the Interdependent Development of the Relative Form of Value, and of the Equivalent Form.
- 3. Transition From the General Form of Value to the Money Form.
- D. the Money Form.
- Section 4.—THE Fetishism of Commodities and the Secret Thereof.
- Part I, Chapter Ii Exchange.
- Part I, Chapter Iii Money, Or the Circulation of Commodities.
- Section 1. The Measure of Values.
- Section 2.—THE Medium of Circulation.
- A. the Metamorphosis of Commodities.
- B. the Currency 82 of Money.
- C. Coin and Symbols of Value.
- Section 3.—MONEY.
- A. Hoarding.
- B. Means of Payment.
- C. Universal Money.
- Part II. the Transformation of Money Into Capital.
- Part Ii, Chapter Iv the General Formula For Capital.
- Part Ii, Chapter V Contradictions In the General Formula of Capital.
- Part Ii, Chapter Vi the Buying and Selling of Labour-power.
- Part III. the Production of Absolute Surplus-value.
- Part Iii, Chapter Vii the Labour-process and the Process of Producing Surplus-value.
- Section 1.—THE Labour-process Or the Production of Use-values.
- Section 2.—THE Production of Surplus-value.
- Part Iii, Chapter Viii Constant Capital and Variable Capital
- Part Iii, Chapter Ix the Rate of Surplus-value.
- Section 1.—THE Degree of Exploitation of Labour-power.
- Section 2.—THE Representation of the Components of the Value of the Product By Corresponding Proportional Parts of the Product Itself.
- Section 3.—SENIOR'S "last Hour."
- Section 4.—SURPLUS Produce
- Part Iii, Chapter X the Working Day
- Section 1—the Limits of the Working Day
- Section 2.—THE Greed For Surplus Labor, Manufacturer and Boyard
- Section 3.—BRANCHES Of English Industry Without Legal Limits to Exploitation
- Section 4.—DAY And Night Work. the Relay System
- Section 5.—THE Struggle For a Normal Working Day. Compulsory Laws For the Extension of the Working Day From the Middle of the 14th to the End of the 17th Century
- Section 6.—THE Struggle For the Normal Working Day. Compulsory Limitation By Law of the Working Time. the English Factory Acts, 1833 to 1864.
- Section 7.—THE Struggle For the Normal Working-day. Re-action of the English Acts On Other Countries.
- Part Iii, Chapter Xi Rate and Mass of Surplus-value.
- Part IV. Production of Relative Surplus-value.
- Part Iv, Chapter Xii the Concept of Relative Surplus-value.
- Part Iv, Chapter Xiii Co-operation.
- Part Iv, Chapter Xiv Division of Labour and Manufacture.
- Section 1.—TWOFOLD Origin of Manufacture.
- Section 2.—THE Detail Labourer and His Implements.
- Section 3.—THE Two Fundamental Forms of Manufacture: Heterogeneous Manufacture, Serial Manufacture.
- Section 4.—DIVISION Of Labour In Manufacture, and Division of Labour In Society.
- Section 5.—THE Capitalistic Character of Manufacture.
- Part Iv, Chapter Xv Machinery and Modern Industry.
- Section 1.—THE Development of Machinery.
- Section 2.—THE Value Transferred By Machinery to the Product
- Section 3.—THE Approximate Effects of Machinery On the Workman.
- A. Appropriation of Supplementary Labour-power By Capital. the Employment of Women and Children.
- B. Prolongation of the Working-day.
- C. Intensification of Labour
- Section IV.—THE Factory
- Section 5.—THE Strife Between Workman and Machine
- Section 6.—THE Theory of Compensation As Regards the Workpeople Displaced By Machinery.
- Section 7.—REPULSION And Attraction of Workpeople By the Factory System. Crisis In the Cotton Trade.
- Section 8.—REVOLUTION Effected In Manufacture, Handicrafts. and Domestic Industry By Modern Industry.
- A. Overthrow of Co-operation Based On Handicraft and On the Division of Labour.
- B. Re-action of the Factory System On Manufacture and Domestic Industries.
- C. Modern Manufacture.
- D. Modern Domestic Industry.
- E. Passage of Modern Manufacture, and Domestic Industry Into Modern Mechanical Industry. the Hastening of This Revolution By the Application of the Factory Acts to Those Industries.
- Section 9.—THE Factory Acts. Sanitary and Education Clauses of the Same. Their General Extension In England.
- Section 10.—MODERN Industry and Agriculture.
- Part V. the Production of Absolute and of Relative Surplus-value.
- Part V, Chapter Xvi Absolute and Relative Surplus-value.
- Part V, Chapter Xvii Changes of Magnitude In the Price of Labour-power and In Surplus-value.
- 1. Length of the Working Day and Intensity of Labour Constant. Productiveness of Labour Variable.
- II. Working-day Constant. Productiveness of Labour Constant. Intensity of Labour Variable.
- III. Productiveness and Intensity of Labour Constant. Length of the Working-day Variable.
- IV.— Simultaneous Variations In the Duration, Productiveness, and Intensity of Labour.
- (1). Diminishing Productiveness of Labour With a Simultaneous Lengthening of the Working-day.
- (2) Increasing Intensity and Productiveness of Labour With Simultaneous Shortening of the Working-day.
- Part V, Chapter Xviii Various FormulÆ For the Rate of Surplus-value.
- Part VI. Wages.
- Part Vi, Chapter Xix the Transformation of the Value (and Respectively the Price) of Labour-power Into Wages.
- Part Vi, Chapter Xx Time-wages.
- Part Vi, Chapter Xxi Piece-wages.
- Part Vi, Chapter Xxii National Differences of Wages.
- Part VII. the Accumulation of Capital.
- Part Vii, Chapter Xxiii Simple Reproduction.
- Part Vii, Chapter Xxiv Conversion of Surplus-value Into Capital.
- Section I.—CAPITALIST Production On a Progressively Increasing Scale. Transition of the Laws of Property That Characterise Production of Commodities Into Laws of Capitalist Appropriation.
- Section 2.—ERRONEOUS Conception By Political Economy of Reproduction On a Progressively Increasing Scale.
- Section 3.—SEPARATION Of Surplus-value Into Capital and Revenue. the Abstinence Theory.
- Section 4.—CIRCUMSTANCES That, Independently of the Division of Surplus-value Into Capital and Revenue, Determine the Amount of Accumulation. Degree of Exploitation of Labour-power. Productivity of Labour. Growing Difference In Amount Between Capital Empl
- Section 5.—THE So-called Labour Fund.
- Part Vii, Chapter Xxv the General Law of Capitalist Accumulation.
- Section 1.—THE Increased Demand For Labour-power That Accompanies Accumulation, the Composition of Capital Remaining the Same.
- Section 2.—RELATIVE Diminution of the Variable Part of Capital Simultaneously With the Progress of Accumulation and of the Concentration That Accompanies It.
- Section 3.—PROGRESSIVE Production of a Relative Surplus-population Or Industrial Reserve Army.
- Section 4.—DIFFERENT Forms of the Relative Surplus-population. the General Law of Capitalistic Accumulation.
- Section 5.—ILLUSTRATIONS Of the General Law of Capitalist Accumulation.
- ( A. ) England From 1846-1866.
- (b). the Badly Paid Strata of the British Industrial Class.
- C. the Nomad Population.
- (d). Effect of Crises On the Best Paid Part of the Working Class.
- (e.) the British Agricultural Proletariat.
- (1.) Bedfordshire.
- (2.) Berkshire.
- (3.) Buckinghamshire.
- (4.) Cambridgeshire.
- (5.) Essex.
- (6.) Herefordshire.
- (7.) Huntingdon.
- (8.) Lincolnshire.
- (9.) Kent.
- (10.) Northamptonshire.
- (11.) Wiltshire.
- (12.) Worcestershire.
- (f.) Ireland.
- Part VIII. the So-called Primitive Accumulation.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxvi the Secret of Primitive Accumulation.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxvii Expropriation of the Agricultural Population From the Land.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxviii Bloody Legislation Against the Expropriated, From the End of the 15th Century. Forcing Down of Wages By Acts of Parliament.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxix Genesis of the Capitalist Farmer.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxx Reaction of the Agricultural Revolution On Industry. Creation of the Home Market For Industrial Capital.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxxi Genesis of the Industrial Capitalist.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxxii Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation.
- Part Viii, Chapter Xxxiii the Modern Theory of Colonisation. 70
- Works and Authors Quoted In "capital"
Part VIII, Chapter XXXIII
THE MODERN THEORY OF COLONISATION.
POLITICAL economy confuses on principle two very different kinds of private property, of which one rests on the producers' own labour, the other on the employment of the labour of others. It forgets that the latter not only is the direct antithesis of the former, but absolutely grows on its tomb only. In Western Europe, the home of political economy, the process of primitive accumulation is more or less accomplished. Here the capitalist régime has either directly conquered the whole domain of national production, or, where economic conditions are less developed, it, as least, indirectly controls those strata of society which, though belonging to the antiquated mode of production, continue to exist side by side with it in gradual decay. To this ready-made world of capital, the political economist applies the notions of law and of property inherited from a pre-capitalistic world with all the more anxious zeal and all the greater unction, the more loudly the facts cry out in the face of his idealogy. It is otherwise in the colonies. There the capitalist régime everywhere comes into collision with the resistance of the producer, who, as owner of his own conditions of labour, employs that labour to enrich himself, instead of the capitalist. The contradiction of these two diametrically opposed economic systems, manifests itself here practically in a struggle between them. Where the capitalist has at his back the power of the mother-country, he tries to clear out of his way by force, the modes of production and appropriation, based on his independent labour of the producer. The same interest which compels the sycophant of capital, the political economist, in the mother-country, to proclaim the theoretical identity of the capitalist mode of production with its contrary, that same interest compels him in the colonies to make a clean breast of it, and to proclaim aloud the antagonism of the two modes of production. To this end he proves how the development of the social productive power of labour, co-operation, division of labour, use of machinery on a large scale, 8c., are impossible without the expropriation of the labourers, and the corresponding transformation of their means of production into capital. In the interest of the so-called national wealth, he seeks for artificial means to ensure the poverty of the people. Here his apologetic armour crumbles off, bit by bit, like rotten touchwood. It is the great merit of E.g. Wakefield to have discovered, not anything new about the Colonies, but to have discovered in the Colonies the truth as to the conditions of capitalist production in the mother-country. As the system of protection at its origin attempted to manufacture capitalists artificially in the mother-country. so Wakefield's colonisation theory, which England tried for a time to enforce by Acts of Parliament, attempted to effect the manufacture of wage-workers in the Colonies. This he calls "systematic colonisation."
First of all, Wakefield discovered that in the Colonies property in money, means of subsistence, machines and other means of production, does not as yet stamp a man as a capitalist if there be wanting the correlative—the wage-worker, the other man who is compelled to sell himself of his own free-will. He discovered that capital is not a thing, but a social relation between persons, established by the instrumentality of things. Mr. Peel, he moans, took with him from England to Swan River, West Australia, means of subsistence and of production to the amount of £50,000. Mr. Peel had the foresight to bring with him, besides, 3000 persons of the working-class, men, women, and children. Once arrived at his destination, "Mr. Peel was left without a servant to make his bed or fetch him water from the river." Unhappy Mr. Peel who provided for everything except the export of English modes of production to Swan River!
For the understanding of the following discoveries of Wakefield, two preliminary remarks: We know that the means of production and subsistence, while they remain the property of the immediate producer, are not capital. They become capital, only under circumstances in which they serve at the same time as means of exploitation and subjection of the labourer. But this capitalist soul of theirs is so intimately wedded, in the head of the political economist, to their material substance, that he christens them capital under all circumstances, even when they are its exact opposite. Thus is it with Wakefield. Further: the splitting up of the means of production into the individual property of many independent labourers, working on their own account, he calls equal division of capital. It is with the political economist as with the feudal jurist. The latter stuck on to pure monetary relations the labels supplied by feudal law.
"If," says Wakefield, "all the members of the society are supposed to possess equal portions of capital...no man would have a motive for accumulating more capital than he could use with his own hands. This is to some extent the case in new American settlements, where a passion for owning land prevents the existence of a class of labourers for hire." So long, therefore, as the labourer can accumulate for himself—and this he can do so long as he remains possessor of his means of production—capitalist accumulation and the capitalistic mode of production are impossible. The class of wage-labourers, essential to these, is wanting. How, then, in old Europe, was the expropriation of the labourer from his conditions of labour, i.e., the co-existence of capital and wage-labour, labour, brought about? By a social contract of a quite original kind. "Mankind have adopted a...simple contrivance for promoting the accumulation of capital," which, of course, since the time of Adam, floated in their imagination as the sole and final end of their existence: "they have divided themselves into owners of capital and owners of labour.... This division was the result of concert and combination." In one word: the mass of mankind expropriated itself in honour of the "accumulation of capital." Now, one would think, that this instinct of self-denying fanaticism would give itself full fling especially in the Colonies, where alone exist the men and conditions that could turn a social contract from a dream to a reality. But why, then, should "systematic colonisation" be called in to replace its opposite, spontaneous, unregulated colonisation? But—but—"In the Northern States of the American Union, it may be doubted whether so many as a tenth of the people would fall under the description of hired labourers.... In England...the labouring class compose the bulk of the people." Nay, the impulse to self-expropriation, on the part of labouring humanity, for the glory of capital, exists so little, that slavery, according to Wakefield himself, is the sole natural basis of Colonial wealth. His systematic colonisation is a mere pis aller, since he unfortunately has to do with free men, not with slaves. "The first Spanish settlers in Saint Domingo did not obtain labourers from Spain. But, without labourers, their capital must have perished, or, at least, must soon have been diminished to that small amount which each individual could employ with his own hands. This has actually occurred in the last Colony founded by Englishmen—the Swan River Settlement—where a great mass of capital, of seeds, implements, and cattle, has perished for want of labourers to use it, and where no settler has preserved much more capital than he can employ with his own hands."
We have seen that the expropriation of the mass of the people from the soil forms the basis of the capitalist mode of production. The essence of a free colony, on the contrary, consists in this—that the bulk of the soil is still public property, and every settler on it therefore can turn part of it into his private property and individual means of production, without hindering the later settlers in the same operation. This is the secret both of the prosperity of the colonies and of their inveterate vice—opposition to the establishment of capital. "Where land is very cheap and all men are free, where one who so pleases can easily obtain a piece of land for himself, not only is labour very dear, as respects the labourer's share of the produce, but the difficulty is to obtain combined labour at any price."
As in the colonies the separation of the labourer from the conditions of labour and their root, the soil, does not yet exist, or only sporadically, or on too limited a scale, so neither does the separation of agriculture from industry exist, nor the destruction of the household industry of the peasantry. Whence then is to come the internal market for capital? "No part of the population of America is exclusively agricultural, excepting slaves and their employers who combine capital and labour in particular works. Free Americans, who cultivate the soil, follow many other occupations. Some portion of the furniture and tools which they use is commonly made by themselves. They frequently build their own houses, and carry to market, at whatever distance, the produce of their own industry. They are spinners and weavers; they make soap and candles, as well as, in many cases, shoes and clothes for their own use. In America the cultivation of land is often the secondary pursuit of a blacksmith, a miller or a shopkeeper." With such queer people as these, where is the "field of abstinence" for the capitalists?
The great beauty of capitalist production consists in this—that it not only constantly reproduces the wage-worker as wage-worker, but produces always, in proportion to the accumulation of capital, a relative surplus population of wage-workers. Thus the law of supply and demand of labour is kept in the right rut, the oscillation of wages is penned within limits satisfactory to capitalist exploitation, and lastly, the social dependence of the labourer on the capitalist, that indispensable requisite, is secured; an unmistakeable relation of dependence, which the smug political economist, at home, in the mother country, can transmogrify into one of free contract between buyer and seller, between equally independent owners of commodities, the owner of the commodity capital and the owner of the commodity labour. But in the colonies this pretty fancy is torn asunder. The absolute population here increases much more quickly than in the mother-country, because many labourers enter this world as ready-made adults, and yet the labour market is always understocked. The law of the supply and demand of labour falls to pieces. On the one hand, the old world constantly throws in capital, thirsting after exploitation and "abstinence;" on the other, the regular reproduction of the wage-labourer as wage-labourer comes into collision with impediments the most impertinent and in part invincible. What becomes of the production of wage-labourers, supernumerary in proportion to the accumulation of capital? The wage-worker of to-day is to-morrow an independent peasant, or artisan, working for himself. He vanishes from the labour-market, but not into the workhouse. This constant transformation of the wage-labourers into independent producers, who work for themselves instead of for capital, and enrich themselves instead of the capitalist gentry, reacts in its turn very perversely on the conditions of the labour-market. Not only does the degree of exploitation of the wage-labourer remain indecently low. The wage-labourer loses into the bargain, along with the relation of dependence, also the sentiment of dependence on the abstemious capitalist. Hence all the inconveniences that our E.g. Wakefield pictures so doughtily, so eloquently, so pathetically.
The supply of wage-labour, he complains, is neither constant, nor regular, nor sufficient. "The supply of labour is always, not only small, but uncertain." "Though the produce divided between the capitalist and the labourer be large the labourer takes so great a share that he soon becomes a capitalist.... Few, even of those whose lives are unusually long, can accumulate great masses of wealth." The labourers most distinctly declines to allow the capitalist to abstain from the payment of the greater part of their labour. It avails him nothing if he is so cunning as to import from Europe, with his own capital, his own wage-workers. They soon "cease...to be labourers for hire; they...become independent landowners, if not competitors with their former masters in the labour market." Think of the horror! The excellent capitalist has imported bodily from Europe, with his own good money, his own competitors! The end of the world has come! No wonder Wakefield laments the absence of all dependence and of all sentiment of dependence on the part of the wage-workers in the colonies. On account of the high wages, says his disciple, Merivale, there is in the colonies "the urgent desire for cheaper and more subservient labourers—for a class to whom the capitalist might dictate terms, instead of being dictated to by them.... In ancient civilized countries the labourer, though free, is by law of nature dependent on capitalists; in colonies this dependence must be created by artificial means."
What is now, according to Wakefield, the consequence of this unfortunate state of things in the colonies? A "barbarising tendency of dispersion" of producers and national wealth. The parcelling-out of the means of production among innumerable owners, working on their own account, annihilates, along with the centralisation of capital, all the foundations of combined labour. Every long-winded undertaking, extending over several years and demanding outlay of fixed capital, is prevented from being carried out. In Europe, capital invests without hesitating a moment, for the working-class constitutes its living appurtenance, always in excess, always at disposal. But in the colonies! Wakefield tells an extremely doleful anecdote. He was talking with some capitalists of Canada and the state of New York, where the immigrant wave often becomes stagnant and deposits a sediment of "supernumerary" labourers. "Our capital," says one of the characters in the melodrama, "was ready for many operations which require a considerable period of time for their completion; but we could not begin such operations with labour which, we knew, would soon leave us. If we had been sure of retaining the labour of such emigrants, we should have been glad to have engaged it at once, and for a high price: and we should have engaged it, even though we had been sure it would leave us, provided we had been sure of a fresh supply whenever we might need it."
After Wakefield has contrasted the English capitalist agriculture and its "combined" labour with the scattered cultivation of American peasants, he unwittingly gives us a glimpse at the reverse of the medal. He depicts the mass of the American people as well-to-do, independent, enterprising and comparatively cultured, whilst "the English agricultural labourer is a miserable wretch, a pauper.... In what country, except North America and some new colonies, do the wages of free labour employed in agriculture, much exceed a bare subsistence for the labourer?...Undoubtedly, farm-horses in England, being a valuable property, are better fed than English peasants." But, never mind, national wealth is, once again, by its very nature, identical with misery of the people.
How, then, to heal the anti-capitalistic cancer of the colonies? If men were willing, at a blow, to turn all the soil from public into private property, they would destroy certainly the root of the evil, but also—the colonies. The trick is how to kill two birds with one stone. Let the Government put upon the virgin soil an artificial price, independent of the law of supply and demand, a price that compels the immigrant to work a long time for wages before he can earn enough money to buy land, and turn himself into an independent peasant. The funds resulting from the sale of land at a price relatively prohibitory for the wage-workers, this fund of money extorted from the wages of labour by violation of the sacred law of supply and demand, the Government is to employ, on the other hand, in proportion as it grows, to import have-nothings from Europe into the colonies, and thus keep the wage-labour market full for the capitalists. Under these circumstances, tout sera pour le mieux dans le meilleur des mondes possibles. This is the great secret of "systematic colonisation." By this plan, Wakefield cries in triumph, "the supply of labour must be constant and regular, because, first, as no labourer would be able to procure land until he had worked for money, all immigrant labourers, working for a time for wages and in combination, would produce capital for the employment of more labourers; secondly, because every labourer who left off working for wages and became a landowner, would, by purchasing land, provide a fund for bringing fresh labour to the colony." The price of the soil imposed by the State must, of course, be a "sufficient price"—i.e., so high "as to prevent the labourers from becoming independent landowners until others had followed to take their place." This "sufficient price for the land" is nothing but a euphemistic circumlocution for the ransom which the labourer pays to the capitalist for leave to retire from the wage-labour market to the land. First, he must create for the capitalist "capital," with which the latter may be able to exploit more labourers; then he must place, at his own expense, a locum tenens on the labour market, whom the Government forwards across the sea for the benefit of his old master, the capitalist.
It is very characteristic that the English Government for years practised this method of "primitive accumulation," prescribed by Mr. Wakefield expressly for the use of the colonies. The fiasco was, of course, as complete as that of Sir Robert Peel's Bank Act. The stream of emigration was only diverted from the English colonies to the United States. Meanwhile, the advance of capitalistic production in Europe, accompanied by increasing Government pressure, has rendered Wakefield's recipe superfluous. On the one hand, the enormous and ceaseless stream of men, year after year driven upon America, leaves behind a stationary sediment in the east of the United States, the wave of immigration from Europe throwing men on the labour market there more rapidly than the wave of emigration westwards can wash them away. On the other hand, the American Civil War brought in its train a colossal national debt, and, with it, pressure of taxes, the rise of the vilest financial aristocracy, the squandering of a huge part of the public land on speculative companies for the exploitation of railways, mines, 8c., in brief, the most rapid centralisation of capital. The great republic has, therefore, ceased to be the promised land for emigrant labourers. Capitalistic production advances there with giant strides, even though the lowering of wages and the dependence of the wage-worker are yet far from being brought down to the normal European level. The shameless lavishing of uncultivated colonial land on aristicrats and capitalists by the Government, so loudly denounced even by Wakefield, has produced, especially in Australia, in conjunction with the stream of men that the gold-diggings attract, and with the competition that the importation of English commodities causes even to the smallest artisan, an ample "relative surplus labouring population," so that almost every mail brings the Job's news of a "glut of the Australian labour-market," and prostitution in some places there flourishes as wantonly as in the London Haymarket.
However, we are not concerned here with the condition of the colonies. The only thing that interests us is the secret discovered in the new world by the political economy of the old world, and proclaimed on the house-tops: that the capitalist mode of production and accumulation, and therefore capitalist private property, have for their fundamental condition the annihilation of self-earned private property; in other words, the expropriation of the labourer.
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ANONYMOUS, OBSERVATIONS on certain verbal disputes in Political Economy, London, 1821.
ANONYMOUS, PERILS, The, of the Nation, London, 1843.
ANONYMOUS, PRINCIPLES, Essential, of the Wealth of Nations, London, 1797.
ANONYMOUS, REASONS for the late increase of the Poor Rate, London, 1777.
ANONYMOUS, REASONS for a limited Exportation of Wool, London, 1677.
ANONYMOUS, REMARKS on the Commercial Policy of Great Britain, London, 1815.
ANONYMOUS, S. W. A Compendious and Briefe Examination of certayne ordinary complaints of diverse of our countrymen in these our days. (See William Stafford), London, 1581.
ANONYMOUS, SOPHISMS of Free Trade. By a Barrister, Reprint, 1870, London, 1850.
ANONYMOUS, SOURCE, The, and Remedies of the National Difficulties. A letter to Lord John Russell, London, 1821.
ANONYMOUS, THEORY, The, of the Exchanges. The Bank Charter Act of 1844. The abuse of the Metallic Principle to Depreciation, London, 1864.
ANONYMOUS, THOUGHTS, Some, on the interest of money in general, and particularly in the English Funds, London, 1870.
APPIAN, De bellis Civilibus
ASHLEY, Anth., Lord, The Ten Hours' Factory Bill, Speech of the 15th March, London, 1844.
ARISTOTLE, De Republica
AUGIES, Marie, Du crédit public et de son Histoire depuis les temps anciens jus qu' a nos jours, Paris, 1842.
BAILEY, S, A Critical Dissertation, etc., chiefly in reference to the writings of Mr. Ricardo, London, 1825.
BAILEY, S, Money and its Vicissitudes. (Published Anon.), London, 1837.
BABBAGE, Charles. On the Economy of Machinery, London, 1832.
BACON, Life of Henry VII. (Kennet's England), London, 1817.
BACON, BANK ACTS. (See Parliamentary Papers)
BANKER, A, The Currency Question reviewed. A letter to the Scotch people by a Banker in England, London, 1845.
BARBON, Nicolas, A Discourse on coining the new money lighter, in answer to Mr. Locke's Considerations, London, 1696.
BARTON, John, Observations on the circumstances which influence the condition of the Labouring Classes of Society, London, 1817.
BARRISTEE, A., Sophisms of Free Trade. (See under Anonymous)
BECCARIA, CESARE, Elementi di Economia Pubblica. Custodi's ed. of Italian Economists Milano, 1803.
BELLERS, John, Essays about the Poor. Manufacturers, Trade, Plantations, and Immorality, London, 1699.
BENGAL HURKARU. (See under Newspapers)
BENTHAM, Jeremy, Théorie des peines et des récompenses (d'après des manuscrits inédits, ed. by E. Dumont), Londres, 1811.
BERKELEY, George, The Querist, London, 1750.
BIDAUT, J. N, Du Monopole qui s'établit dans les arts industriels et le Commerce, Paris, 1828.
BIESE, F., Die Philosophie des Aristoteles, Berlin, 1842.
BLAKEY, Robert, The History of Political Literature from the earliest times, London, 1855.
BLANQUI, J. A., Des Classes Ouvrières en France pendant l année, 1848.
BLANQUI, J. A., Cours d'économie industrielle, Paris, 1835-39.
BOISGUILLEBERT, Dissertation sur la nature des richesses, de l'argent et des tributs. (Ed. Daire), Paris, 1843.
BOXHORN, Institutiones politicæ, Leyden, 1663.
BOYLEAU, Etienne, Livres des métiers. (Collection de documents inédits), Paris, 1835.
BROADHURST, J., Political Economy, London, 1842.
BROUGHAM, Henry, An Inquiry into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers, Edinburgh, 1803.
BRUCKNER, Théorie du système animal, Leyden, 1767.
BUCHANAN, David, Inquiry into the Taxation and Commercial Policy of Great Britain, Edinburgh, 1844.
BUCHANAN, David, Smith's Wealth of Nations. With notes and an additional volume, London, 1814.
BUCHEZ et Roux, Histoire Parlementaire de la Révolution Française, Paris, 1834-38.
BURKE, Edmund, Thoughts and details on Scarcity, London, 1800.
BURKE, Edmund, A Letter from the Right Hon. Ed. Burke, to a noble lord, on the attacks made upon him and his pension in the House of Lords by the Duke of Bedford, etc., Philadelphia, 1795
BUTLER, Hudibras, (?)
CAIRNES, J. E., The Slave Power, London, 1862.
CAMPBELL, George, Modern India, London, 1852.
CANTILLON, Philip, Essai sur la nature du Commerce en général, Amsterdam, 1756.
CANTILLON, Philip, The Analysis of Trade, Commerce, etc. (English translation), London, 1759.
CARD, Ronard de, Falsification des substances sacramentelles
CAREY, H. C., The Slave Trade, Philadelphia, 1853.
CAREY, H. C., Essay on the Rate of Wages, London, 1834.
CARLI, G. R., Notes in his edition of Verri. (See Verri), Milano, 1803.
CAZENOVE, John, Notes in his edition of Malthus' Definitions in Political Economy, London, 1853.
CENSUS. (See Parliamentary Papers)
CHALMERS, Th., On Political Economy, Glasgow, 1832.
CHAMBERLAIN, Jos., Speech at Sanitary Congress, Birmingham. (Times, 15th Jan., 1875.)
CHERBULIEZ, A. E., Riche ou pauvre, Paris, 1841.
COBBETT, William, A History of the Protestant Reformation, Dublin, 1868.
COLINS, H., L'Économie Politique, Paris, 1857.
COLINS, H., Combination (On) of Trades. (See Anon.), London, 1834.
COMMISSIONS. (Children's Employment, on Railways, etc. (See Parl. Papers)
CONGRESS. (International Statistic). Compte rendu, Paris.
CONDILLAC, Le Commerce et le Gouvernement, Paris, 1776.
Mélanges de l' Économie Politique. (Ed. Daire et Molinari), Paris, 1847.
CONSIDERATIONS concerning taking off the Bounty on Corn exported. (See Anonymous), London, 1753.
CORBET, Th., An Inquiry into the Causes and Modes of the Wealth of Individuals, London, 1841.
CORBON, C. A., De l'enseignement professionnel, Paris, 1858.
COURCELLE-SENEUIL, J. G., Traité théorique et pratique des entreprises industrielles, Paris, 1857.
CURRENCY Question, The. (See Anon.), London, 1847.
CURRENCY Question, reviewed, The (See Anon.), London, 1845.
CUVIER, J. L. C., Discours sur les Révolutions du Globe. (Ed. Hoefer), Paris, 1863.
DAILY TELEGRAPH. (See Newspapers).
DARWIN, Charles, Origin of Species, London, 1859.
Defence, A, of the landlords and farmers of Great Britain. (See Anon.), London, 1814.
DE QUINCEY, Th., The Logie of Political Economy, London, 1844.
DESCARTES, René, Discours de la Méthode, Paris, 1668.
DEUTSCH - FRANZÖSISCHE JAHRBÜCHER (See Marx and Ruge)
DISCOURSE concerning Trade, etc, Paris, 1844.
DIODORUS SICULUS, Bibliotheca Historica, (See Anonymous), London, 1689.
DISCOURSE on the General Notions of Money, etc. (See Anon.), London, 1695.
DISCOURSE on the necessity of encouraging Mechanick Industry, (See Anon.), London, 1690.
DISSERTATION on the Poor Laws, etc. (See Anon.), London, 1786.
DUNNING, T. J., Trades' Unions and Strikes, London, 1860.
DUPONT, Pierre, Chansons, Paris, 1846.
EAST INDIAN TRADE, etc., (See Anon.), London, 1696.
ECONOMY, Public, Concentrated, (see Anon.), Carlisle, 1833.
ECONOMIST (see under Newspapers)
EDEN, F. M., The State of the Poor, London, 1797.
EMPIRICUS, Sextus, Opera
ENGELS, Friedrich, Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England, Leipzig, 1845.
ENGELS, Friedrich, Umrisse zu einer Kritik der Nationalœkonomie (Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher), Paris, 1844.
ENGELS, Friedrich, Die Englische Zehn - Stunden - Bill (Neue Rheinische Zeitung April number), Hamburg, 1850.
ENGELS, F. 8 Marx, K., Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei, London, 1847.
ENQUIRY into, etc. (see under Anonymous)
ESSAY, etc. (see under Anonymous.)
ENSOR, George, An Inquiry concerning the Population of Nations, London, 1818.
FACTORY ACTS, Reports of Inspectors, (see Parl. Papers)
FARMER, A., Enquiry into the Connection, etc., (see Enquiry under Anonymous), London, 1773.
FARMS, Capital, etc., (see under Anonymous), London, 1767.
FAWCETT, Henry, The Economic Position of the British Labourer, London, 1865.
FERGUSON, A., A History of Civil Society, Reprinted, London, 1850.
FERRAND, Speech in House of Commons. (see Hansard)
FERRIEE, F. L. A., Le gouvernement considéré dans ses rapports avec le commerce, Paris, 1822.
FIELDEN, J., The Curse of the Factory System, London, 1836.
FLEETWOOD, Bishop, Chronicon pretiosum, London, 1707.
FONTEROL, A. L., Hygiène physique et morale de l'ouvrier, etc, Paris, 1858.
FORBONNAIS, V. de, Eléments du Commerce, Nouvelle Edition, Leyde, 1766.
FORSTER, Rev. Nathaniel, An enquiry into the Causes of the present high price of Provisions, London, 1773.
FRANKLIN, Benjamin, Works, (Edited by Sparks), Boston, 1830-36-40.
FULLARTON, John, Regulation of Currencies, London, 1844.
GALIANI, F., Della Moneta, (Custodi Ed.), Milano, 1803.
GANILH, Charles, Des systèmes de l'économie politique, Paris, 1821.
GARNIER, G., Abrégé élémentaire des principes de l'économie politique (published anonymously), Paris, 1796.
GASKELL, P., The Manufacturing Population of England, London, 1833.
GENTLEMAN, A Suffolk, Letter to Sir J. C. Banbury on the high price of provisions, London, 1795.
GENOVESI, A., Lezioni di Economia civile (Custodi Ed.), Milano, 1803.
GISBOURNE, Enquiry into the Duties of Man, London, 1795.
GLADSTONE, W. E., See Hansard
GREGOIR, H., Les Typographes devant le Tribunal Correctionnel de Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1865.
GREG, R. H., The Factory question and the Ten Hours' Bill, London, 1837.
GROVE, W. R., On the Correlation of Physical Forces, London, 1846.
HALLER, C. L. Von, Restauration der Staatswissenschaften, Wintherthur, 1820-1834.
HAMM, W., Die Landwirthschaftlichen Geräthe und Maschinen Englands, Braunschweig, 1856.
HANSARD, Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Ferrand, April 27th, 1863, London, 1863.
HANSARD, Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone on the Budget, Feb. 14th, 1843, London, 1843.
HANSARD, Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone on the Budget, April 16th, 1863, London, 1863.
HANSARD, Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone, April 7th, 1864, London, 1864.
HARRIS, James, Earl of Malmesbury, Dialogue concerning Happiness (re-published in "Three Treatises," 1765), London, 1741.
HASSALD, Dr. H. H., Adulterations detected, London, 1857.
HEGEL, G. W. F., WERKE, Berlin, 1832-40.
HILAIRE, Geoffroi St, Notions de Philosophie Naturelle, Paris, 1838.
HOBBES, Th., Leviathan. (Works), London, 1839-44.
HODGSKIN, Th., Labour Defended against Capital. By T. H. (See under Anon.), London, 1825.
HODGSKIN, Th., Natural and Artificial Rights, The, of Property Contrasted. (Anonymous), London, 1832.
HOLLINSHED, Description of England
HOMER, Iliad and Odyssey
HOPKINS, Th., On Rent of Land, London, 1828.
HORNE, Geo., A Letter to Adam Smith, LL.D., On the Life, Death and Philosophy of his Friend, David Hume, Oxford, 1784.
HORNER, Leonard, A Letter to Mr. Senior, etc, London, 1837.
HOUGHTON, John, Husbandry and Trade Improved, London, 1727.
HOWITT, William, Colonization and Christianity, London, 1838.
HUTTON, C., Course of Mathematics, Reprint, London, 1841-43.
INDUSTRY of Nations. (See Anonymous), London, 1855.
INQUIRY. (See Enquiry under Anon.)
INTERNATIONAL Statistic Congress, Compte rendu, Paris.
ISOCRATES, Orationes et Epistolae
JONES, Richard, An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth. Part I., On Rent, London, 1831.
JONES, Richard, An Introductory Lecture on Political Economy, London, 1833.
JONES, Richard, Text Book of Lectures on the Political Economy of Nations, Hertford, 1852.
JONES, Richard, JOURNAL of the Society of Arts. (See under newspapers)
KRANKHEITEN, Die welche verschiedenen Ständen, Altern und Geschlechtern eigenthümlich sind, Ulm, 1860.
LABORDE, A. de, De l'esprit de l'association dans tous les interéts de la communauté, Paris, 1818.
LABOUR defended. (See Hodgskin)
LABOURERS, (Agricultural) Ireland. (See Parliamentary Papers)
LAING, S., National Distress, etc, London, 1844.
LANCELLOTTI, Abb., Farfalloni de gli Antichi Historici, Venetia, 1636.
LASSALLE, Ferdin, Die Philosophie des Herakleitos, Berlin, 1858.
LAVERGNE, Léonce de, Essai sur l'économie rurale de l'Angleterre, Paris, 1858.
LAW, J., Considérations sur le numéraire et sur le Commerce. (Ed. Daire), Paris, 1843.
LETTER, A, to Sir J. C. Banbury, etc. By a Suffolk gentleman. (See Anonymous), Ipswich, 1795.
LE TROSNE, De l'intérêt Social. (Ed. Daire), Paris, 1846.
LEVI, Leone, Lecture before the Society of Arts, April, 1866. (See Newspapers), London, 1866.
LIEBIG, J. von, Die Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Agrikultur, Braunschweig, 1862
LIEBIG, J. von, Ueber Theorie und Praxis in der Landwirthschaft, Braunschweig, 1856
LINGUET, N., Théorie des loix civiles, Londres, 1767.
LOCKE, John, Some Considerations on the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest. (Works, Vol. II.), London, 1777.
LORDS (House of) Committee on Bank Acts. (See Parliamentary Papers)
LUCRETIUS, De Rerum Naturâ
LUTHER, Martin, An die Pfarherrn, wider den Wucher zu predigen, Wittenberg, 1540.
MACAULAY, Thos. B., History of England. 10th Edit, London, 1854.
MACLAREN, James, History of the Currency, London, 1858.
MACLEOD, H. D., Theory and Practice of Banking, London, 1855.
M'CULLOCH, J. R., A Dictionary, Practical, 8c., of Commerce, London, 1847.
M'CULLOCH, J. R., The Literature of Political Economy, London, 1845.
M'CULLOCH, J. R., Principles of Political Economy, London, 1830.
MALTHUS, T. R., Definitions in Political Economy, London, 1827.
MALTHUS, T. R., Inquiry into the Nature and Progress of Rent, London, 1815.
MALTHUS, T. R., Principles of Political Economy, London, 1836.
MANDEVILLE, B. de, Fable of the Bees, London, 1728.
MARTINEAU, Harriet, The Manchester Strike, (?) 1842.
MARX, Karl, and Engels, F., Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei, London, 1847
MARX, Karl, and Ruge, A., Deutsch-französische Jahrbücher, Paris, 1844.
MARX, Karl, Lohnarbeit und Kapital. (Neue Rheinische Zeitung, 7th April.), Köln, 1849.
MARX, Karl, Misère de la philosophie: Réponse à la philosophie de la Misère de M. Proudhon, Paris, 1847.
MARX, Karl, Zur Kritik der Politischen Œkonomie, Berlin, 1859.
MASSEY, J., An Essay on the Governing Causes of the Natural Rate of Interest. (Pub. Anon.), London, 1750.
MASTER SPINNERS and Manufactur-Geschichte der Fronhöfe [sic—Econlib Ed.]
MAURER, Geschichte der Fronhöfe, Erlangen, 1862
MAUER, Einleitung zur Geschichte der Markverfassung, München, 1854.
MERCIER de la Rivière, (See Rivière.)
MERCHANT, A, A Discourse on the General Notions of Money, etc. (See under Anonymous), London, 1695.
MERIVALE, H., Lectures on Colonization and Colonies, London, 1841.
MILL, James, Article "Colony," Supplement of Encyclopædia Britannica, Edinburgh, 1831.
MILL, James, Elements of Political Economy, London, 1821.
MILL, John Stuart. Essays on some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy, London, 1844.
MILL, John Stuart, Principles of Political Economy, London, 1848.
MIBABEAU, De la Monarchie Prussienne, Londres, 1788.
MOLINARI, G. de, Etudes Économiques, Paris, 1846.
MOMMSEN, Th., Römische Geschichte, Berlin, 1856.
Money and its Vicissitudes. (See S. Bailey. Pub. Anon.), London, 1837.
MONTEIL, Alexis, Histoire des Matériaux manuscripts, 8c., Paris, 1835.
MONTESQUIEU, Esprit des Lois. Œuvres, Londres, 1767.
MORE, Thomas, Utopia
MORNING STAR. (See under Newspapers)
MOETON, J. C., Article LABOURER in Cyclopædia of Agriculture
Paper read before the Society of Arts Jan. 1861
MORNING STAR. (See under Newspapers)
MUN, Th., England's Treasure by Foreign Trade, London, 1669.
MURPHY, Ireland, Industrial, Political, and Social, London, 1870.
MURRAY, Hugh, WILSON, etc., Historic and descriptive account of British India, Edinburgh, 1832.
NASMITH, Speech at Trades' Union Commission, 1851, London, 1851.
NEWMAN, S. P., Elements of Political Economy, New York, 1835.
NEWMAN, W. F., Lectures on Political Economy, London, 1851.
NEWNHAM, G. B., A Review of the Evidence before the Committee of the two Houses of Parliament on the Corn Laws, London, 1815.
NEWSPAPERS, NEWSPAPERS and journals, etc.
BENGAL HURKARU. Bi-monthly Overland Summary of news, July 22nd, Calcutta (?) 1861.
DAILY TELEGRAPH, Jan. 7th, London, 1860.
ECONOMIST, July 19th London, 1859.
ECONOMIST Janr., 21st, London, 1860.
ECONOMIST June, 2nd, London, 1866.
JOURNAL of the Society of Arts, London.
JOURNAL of the Society of Arts January, 1861
JOURNAL of the Society of Arts January, 1872
JOURNAL of the Society of Arts April, 1866, etc
MORNING STAR, April 17th, London, 1863.
MORNING STAR June 23rd, London, 1863.
OBSERVER, April 24th, London, 1864.
REVOLUTIONS DE PARIS, Paris, 1789-94.
REYNOLDS' NEWSPAPER, Jan, London, 1860.
REYNOLDS' NEWSPAPER Feb, London, 1806.
REYNOLDS' NEWSPAPER Jan. 20th, London, 1867.
SPECTATOR, June, London, 1866 (?)
STANDARD, London, 1865 (?)
STANDARD Oct. 26th, London, 1861.
TIMES, Nov. 5th, London, 1861.
TIMES Nov. 26th, London, 1862.
TIMES Nov. 29th, London, 1862.
TIMES March 24th, London, 1863.
TIMES Sept. 9th, London, 1873.
WORKMAN'S Advocate, Jan. 1866, London, 1866.
NIEBUHR, G. B., Römische Geschichte (reprinted), Berlin, 1853.
NORTH, Sir Dudley, Discourses upon Trade, London, 1691.
OBSERVATIONS on certain verbal disputes. (See Anonymous), London, 1821.
OBSERVER. (See Newspapers).
OLMSTED, F., Sea board Slave States, New York, 1856.
OPDYKE, G., A treatise on Political Economy, New York, 1851.
ORTES, G, Della Economia libri sei (Ed. Custodi), Milano, 1803.
OTWAY, J. H., Judgment of J. H. Otway, Hilary Sessions, Belfast
OWEN, Robert, Observations on the Effects of the Manufacturing System, London, 1817.
PAGNINI, L. A., Saggio sopra il giusto pregio delle cose. (Ed. Custodi), Milano, 1803.
AGRICULTURAL Labourers, (Ireland) 1862
CENSUS for Great Britain, Ireland and Wales, 1863, etc.
CHILDREN'S Employment Commission Factory Regulation Acts, 1859
HOUSE OF COMMONS Committee, 1826.
HOUSE OF LORDS Committee on Bank Acts, 1848.
REPORTS on Bank Acts, 1857, of Select Committee on Bank Acts, 1858
REPORTS of Select Committee on Mines, 1866
REPORTS of Commissioners of H. M.'s Inland Revenue. (Fourth 8 Tenth).
REPORTS of Commissioners relating to Transportation and Penal Servitude. (1863
REPORTS of Foreign Office. (Howard de Welden)
REPORTS of Ispectors of Factories
REPORTS of Royal Commission on the Grievances of the Journeymen Bakers. (1862)
REPORTS from the Poor Law Inspectors on the Wages of Agricultural Labourers in Dublin. (1870)
REPORTS on Public Health
REPORTS of the Registrar General
REPORTS of H. M. Secretaries of Embassies and Legations on Manufactures. (1863)
STATISTICAL Abstract for [Editor: illegible word] United Kingdom. (1861 and [Editor: illegible word]) [Illegibles—Econlib Ed.]
STATISTICS (Miscellaneous) of the United Kingdom. (18?6) [Illegible—Econlib Ed.]
PARRY, C. H., The Question of the Necessity of the Existing Corn Laws Considered, London, 1816.
PERSON in Business, A, Capital Farms. (See under Anon.)., London, 1767.
PETTY, William, Political Anatomy of Ireland and Verbum Sapienti, London, 1691.
PETTY, William Quantulumcunque concerning money, London, 1695.
PETTY, William A Treatise on Taxes and Contributions, London, 1662.
PETTY, William Verbum Sapienti. (See Political Anatomy of Ireland)
PINTO, Isaac, Traité de la Circulation et du Crédit. Amsterdam, 1771.
PLATO, De Republica
POSTLETHWAYT, M., First Preliminary Discourse, London.
PRICE, Richard, Observations on Reversionary Payments, London, 1803.
PRICE, Richard Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce, London.
PRICE, Richard Great Britain's Commercial Interest Explained, London, 1755.
PROUDHON, Oeuvres, Paris.
QUESNAY, Dr. F., Dialogue sur le Commerce. (Ed. Daire), Paris, 1846.
Maximes Générales. (Ed. Daire), Paris, 1846.
RAFFLES, Th. Stamford, History of Java, London, 1817.
RAMAZZINI, De morbis artificum (1713). French translation in "Encyclopédie des Sciences Médicales.," Paris, 1841.
RAMSAY, G., An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth, Edinburgh, 1836.
RAVENSTONE, P., Thoughts on the Funding System and its Effects, London, 1824.
READ, George, History of Baking, London, 1848.
REDGRAVE, A., Report of Speech in Journal of the Society of Arts. (Jan., 1872).
REGNAULT, E., Histoire politique et sociale des Principautés Danubiennes, Paris, 1855.
REICH, Eduard, Ueber die Entartung des Menschen, Erlangen, 1868.
REPORT of the Committee of the Master Spinners and Manufacturers Defence Fund, Manchester, 1854.
REPORT of Social Science Congress, Edinburgh, Oct., 1863
REPORTS (Inspectors of Factories, Health, etc. See under Parliamentary Papers.)
RESOLUTION of Working Men of Dunkirk, New York, 1866.
REVOLUTIONS de Paris. (See under Newspapers)
REYNOLDS' Newspapers. (See under Newspapers)
RICARDO, David, Principles of Political Economy, London, 1821.
RICHARDSON, B. W., Work and Overwork. (Social Science Review, July, 1863), London, 1863.
RIVIÈRE, Mercier de la, (See Mercier)
RODBERTUS-JAGETZOW, C., Soziale Briefe an Kirchmann, Berlin, 1850.
Briefe, etc., Edited by Dr. R. Meyer. Berlin, 1881.
ROGERS, James E. Thorold, A History of Agriculture and Prices. Oxford, 1866.
ROSCHER, W., Grundlagen der Nationalœkonomie, Berlin, 1858.
ROSSI, P., Cours d'Économie Politique, Bruxelles, 1842.
ROUSSEAU, Jean-Jacques, Discours sur l'Économie Politique, Genève, 1765.
ROUX et Buchez, (See Buchez)
SAINT-HILAIRE, Geoffroi, Notions de Philosophie Naturelle, Paris, 1838.
SAY, J. B., Lettres à M. Malthus, Paris, 1820.
SAY, J. B., Traité de l'Économie Politique, Paris, 1841.
SCHOUW, F. Die Erde, die Pflanze und der Mensch, Leipzig, 1854.
SCHULZ, Wilhelm, Die Bewegung der Produktion, Zürich, 1843.
SCROPE, G. P. Political Economy (Edited by A. Potter), New York, 1541.
SENIOR, William Nassau, Journals, Conversations and Essays relating to Ireland, London, 1868.
SENIOR, William Nassau, Letters on the Factory Acts, London, 1837.
SENIOR, William Nassau, Principes Fondamentaux de l'Économie Politique (French translation by Arrivabene), Paris, 1836.
SENIOR, William Nassau, Three Lectures on the Rate of Wages, London, 1830.
SHAKESPEARE, Wm. Works
SISMONDI, Simonde de, Etudes d'Économie Politique, Paris, 1837.
SISMONDI, Simonde de, Nouveaux Principes de l'Économie Politique, Paris, 1819.
SISMONDI, Simonde de, De la Richesse Commerciale, Genève, 1803.
SKARBEK, F. Théorie des Richesses Sociales, Paris, 1829.
SMITH, Adam, Wealth of Nations, Aberdeen, 1848.
SOCIAL SCIENCE Congress. (See under Report)
SOCIETY of Arts, Journal of. (See under Newspapers)
SOCIETY of Arts, Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Pathology
SOMERS, Robert, Letters from the Highlands, on the Famine of 1847, London, 1848.
SPECTATOR. (See under Newspapers)
STAFFORD, William. A Compendius and Briefe Examination of certayne ordinary complaints of diverse of our countrymen in these our days (Publ. Anon.), London, 1581.
STANDARD. (See under Newspapers).
STATISTICS. (See under Parliamentary Papers)
STATUTES, General, of Massachusetts
STATUTES, Revised of Rhode Island.
STATUTE, Decree of Philippe de Valois, 1346.
STEUART, Sir Jas., Principles of Political Economy, Dublin, 1770.
STEUART, Sir Jas., Works, London, 1805.
STEWART, Dugald, Works. (Edited by Sir William Hamilton), Edinburgh, 1855.
STOLBERG, Christian, Gedichte aus dem Griechischen, Hamburg, 1782.
STORCH, H. F., Cours d'Économie Politique, St. Petersburg, 1816.
STRYPE, Annals of the Reformation, London, 1725.
TIMES. (See under Newspapers)
THIERS, Adolphe, De la propriété, Paris, 1848
THOMPSON, Benj., Essays, Political, Economical, and Philosophical, etc., London, 1796-1802.
THOMPSON, W., An Inquiry into the principles of the distribution of Wealth, London, 1824.
THORNTON, W. T., Over-population and its Remedy, London, 1864.
THUCIDYDES, De Bello Peloponnesiaco
THÜNEN, J. H. von, Der isolirte Staat, Rostock, 1863.
TOOKE, Thos., History of Prices (partly Ed. by W. Newmarch), London, 1853-57.
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TRADES' Union Commission
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WORKMAN'S ADVOCATE, (see under Newspapers)
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