The Online Library of Liberty

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• Advertisement to the Reader.
• To the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Sherifs, and Common Council of London.
• The Preface.
• The Life of James Harrington.
• The Mechanics of Nature:
• The Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy Considered: and Exemplify’d In the Scotish Line, Out of Their Own Best Authors and Records.
• The Commonwealth of Oceana. to His Highness the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
• The Introduction, Or Order of the Work.
• Oceana.
• The Preliminarys, Shewing the Principles of Government.
• The Second Part of the Preliminarys.
• The Council of Legislators.
• Oceana: the Model of the Commonwealth of Oceana.
• Anno Dom.
• Anno Domini.
• Anno Domini.
• Epitome of the Whole Commonwealth.
• Libertas. the Proclamation of His Highness the Lord Archon of Oceana Upon Promulgation of the Model.
• The Prerogative of Popular Government.
• Epistle to the Reader.
• The First Book, Containing: a Full Answer to All Such Objections As Have Hitherto Bin Made Against Oceana.
• The Preface.
• Chap. I. Antient and Modern Prudence.
• Chap. I.: Whether Prudence Be Well Distinguish’d Into Antient and Modern.
• Chap. II.: Whether a Commonwealth Be Rightly Defin’d to Be a Government of Laws and Not of Men, and a Monarchy to Be the Government of Som Man, Or a Few Men, and Not of Laws?
• Chap. III.: Whether the Balance of Dominion In Land Be the Natural Cause of Empire?
• Chap. IV. Chap. IV.: Whether the Balance of Empire Be Well Divided Into National and Provincial; and Whether These Two, Or Any Nations That Are of Distinct Balance, Coming to Depend Upon One and the Same Head, Such a Mixture Creates a New Balance.
• Chap. V.: Whether There Be Any Common Right Or Interest of Mankind Distinct From the Parts Taken Severally; and How By the Orders of a Commonwealth It May Be Best Distinguish’d From Privat Interest.
• Chap. VI.: Whether the Senatusconsulta, Or Decrees of the Roman Senat, Had the Power of Laws?
• Chap. VII.: Whether the Ten Commandments Were Propos’d By God Or Moses, and Voted By the People of Israel.
• Chap. VIII.: Whether a Commonwealth Coming Up to the Perfection of the Kind, Coms Not Up to the Perfection of Government, and Has No Flaw In It.
• Chap. IX.: Whether Monarchy Coming Up to the Perfection of the Kind, Coms Not Short of the Perfection of Government, and Has Not Som Flaw In It. In Which Is Also Treated of the Balance of France; of the Original of a Landed Clergy; of Arms, and Their Ki
• Chap. X.: Whether a Commonwealth That Was Not First Broken By Her Self, Was Ever Conquer’d By the Arms of Any Monarch?
• Chap. XI.: Whether There Be Not an Agrarian, Or Som Law of Laws of That Nature, to Supply the Defect of It In Every Commonwealth: and Whether the Agrarian, As It Is Stated In Oceana, Be Not Equal and Satisfactory to All Interests.
• Chap. XII.: Whether Courses Or a Rotation Be Necessary to a Well-order’d Commonwealth. In Which Is Contain’d the Courses Or Parembole of Israel Before the Captivity, Together With the Epitome of Athens and Venice.
• The Second Book; Or, a Political Discourse Concerning Ordination: Against Dr. H. Hammond, Dr. L. Seaman, and the Authors They Follow.
• Advertisment to the Reader.
• Order of the Discourse.
• A Political Discourse Concerning Ordination.
• The Introduction, Or First Chapter.
• Chap. II.: That the Citys, Or Most of Them Nam’d In the Perambulation of the Apostles Paul and Barnabas, Were At That Time Under Popular Government. In Which Is Contain’d the Administration of a Roman Province.
• Chap. III.: The Deduction of the Chirotonia From Popular Government, and of the Original Right of Ordination From the Chirotonia. In Which Is Contain’d the Institution of the Sanhedrim Or Senat of Israel By Moses, and That of Rome By Romulus
• Chap. IV.: The Deduction of the Chirothesia From Monarchical Or Aristocratical Government, and of the Second Way of Ordination From the Chirothesia. In Which Is Contain’d the Commonwealth of the Jews As It Stood After the Captivity.
• Chap. V.: Whether the Chirotonia Mention’d In the Fourteenth of the Acts Be Indeed, As Is Pretended By Dr. Mammond, Dr. Seaman, and the Authors They Follow, the Same With the Chirothesia, Or a Far Different Thing. In Which Are Contain’d the
• Advertisement to the Reader, Or Direction to the Answerer.
• An Answer to Three Objections Against Popular Government, That Were Given Me After These Two Books Were Printed.
• The Art of Lawgiving: In Three Books.
• The Order of the Work.
• The First Book.
• The Second Book.
• The Third Book.
• The First Book, Shewing the Foundations and Superstructures of All Kinds of Government.
• The Preface. Considering the Principles Or Nature of Family Government.
• Chap. I.: Considering the Principles Or Balance of National Governments; With the Different Kinds of the Same.
• Chap. II.: Shewing the Variation of the English Balance.
• Chap. III.: Of Fixation of the Balance, Or of Agrarian Laws.
• Chap. IV.: Shewing the Superstructures of Governments.
• The Conclusion: Observing That the Principles of Human Prudence Being Good Without Proof of Scripture, Are Nevertheless Such As Are Provable Out of Scripture.
• The Second Book, Containing the Commonwealths of the Hebrews; Namely, Elohim, Or the Commonwealth of Israel; and Cabala, Or the Commonwealth of the Jews.
• The Preface, Shewing That There Were Commonwealths Before That of Israel.
• Chap. I.: Shewing That Israel Was a Commonwealth.
• Chap. II.: Shewing What Commonwealth Israel Was.
• Chap. III.: Shewing the Anarchy, Or State of the Israelits Under Their Judges.
• Chap. IV.: Shewing the State of the Israelits Under Their Kings, to the Captivity.
• Chap. V.: Shewing the State of the Jews In the Captivity; and After Their Return Out of It; With the Frame of the Jewish Commonwealth.
• Chap. VI.: Shewing How Ordination Was Brought Into the Christian Church, and the Divers Ways of the Same That Were At Divers Times In Use With the Apostles.
• The Conclusion: Shewing That Neither God, Nor Christ, Or the Apostles, Ever Instituted Any Government Ecclesiastical Or Civil Upon Any Other Principles Than Those Only of Human Prudence.
• The Third Book, Containing a Model of Popular Government, Practically Propos’d According to Reason, Confirm’d By the Scripture, and Agreable to the the Present Balance Or State of Property In England.
• The Preface. Containing a Model of Popular Government, Propos’d Notionally.
• Chap. I.: Containing the Civil Part of the Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• Chap. II.: Containing the Religious Part of This Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• Chap. III.: Containing the Military Part of This Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• Chap. IV.: Containing the Provincial Part of This Model, Propos’d Practicably.
• The Conclusion: Shewing How the Model Propos’d May Be Prov’d Or Examin’d; and Giving a Brief Answer to Mr. Wren’s Last Book, Intitl’d, Monarchy Asserted Against Mr. Harrington’s Oceana.
• A Word Concerning a House of Peers.
• Six Political Tracts Written On Several Occasions.
• Valerius and Publicola: Or, the True Form of a Popular Commonwealth Extracted Ex Puris Naturalibus.
• To the Reader.
• To the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, &c. the Humble Petition, &c.
• The Petitioner to the Reader.
• A System of Politics Delineated In Short and Easy Aphorisms. Publish’d From the Author’s Own Manuscript.
• Chap. I.: Of Government.
• Chap. II.: Of the Matter of Government.
• Chap. III.: Of the Privation of Government.
• Chap. IV.: Of the Form of Government.
• Chap. V.: Of Form In the Civil Parts.
• Chap. VI.: Of Form In the Religious Part.
• Chap. VII.: Of Form In the Military Part.
• Chap. VIII.: Of Form In the Legal Part.
• Chap. IX.: Of Form In the Judicial Part.
• Chap. X.: Of the Administration of Government, Or Reason of State.
• Political Aphorisms.
• Seven Models of a Commonwealth: Or, Brief Directions Shewing How a Fit and Perfect Model of Popular Government May Be Made, Found, Or Understood.
• The First Part.
• Divers Models the First Model of Popular Government Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Israel.
• A Second Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d.
• A Third Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Sparta.
• A Fourth Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Athens.
• A Fifth Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Rome.
• A Sixth Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Venice.
• A Seventh Model of a Commonwealth Propos’d. the Commonwealth of Holland.
• The Second Part, Proposing a Model of a Commonwealth Fitted to the Present State of This Nation.
• Conclusion; Or, the Use of These Propositions.
• The Ways and Means Wherby an Equal and Lasting Commonwealth May Be Suddenly Introduc’d, and Perfectly Founded, With the Free Consent and Actual Confirmation of the Whole People of England.
• The Humble Petition of Divers Well Affected Persons, Deliver’d the 6th Day of July, 1659, With the Parlament’s Answer Therto.
• Appendix, Containing All the Political Tracts of James Harrington, Esq; Omitted In Mr. Toland ’s Edition of His Works.
• Pian Piano: Or, Intercourse Between H. Ferne, D. D. And J. Harrington, Esq; Upon Occasion of the Doctor’s Censure of the Commonwealth of Oceana.
• Epistle to the Reader.
• Intercourse Between H. Ferne, D. D. And James Harrington, Esq; Upon Occasion of the Doctor’s Censure of the Commonwealth of Oceana.
• The Queries I Shall Interweave With the Doctor’s Answer Unto Each of Them, Returned Unto Me With This Preamble.
• The First Query. How Much, Or In What the Author of Oceana Is Mistaken, to Think the Commonwealth of the Hebrews Appliable to His Purpose.
• The Second Query.
• The Third Query.
• The Fourth Query.
• The Fifth Query.
• The Sixth Query.
• The Seventh Query.
• The Stumbling-block of Disobedience and Rebellion, Cunningly Imputed By P. H. Unto Calvin, Remov’d, In a Letter to the Said P. H. From J. H.
• A Letter Unto Mr. Stubs, In Answer to His Oceana Weighed, &c.
• Politicaster: Or, a Comical Discourse In Answer to Mr. Wren ’s Book, Intituled, Monarchy Asserted, Against Mr. Harrington’ S Oceana.
• Pour Enclouer Le Canon.
• A Discourse Upon This Saying: the Spirit of the Nation Is Not Yet to Be Trusted With Liberty; Lest It Introduce Monarchy, Or Invade the Liberty of Conscience.
• A Discourse Shewing, That the Spirit of Parliaments, With a Council In the Intervals, Is Not to Be Trusted For a Settlement; Lest It Introduce Monarchy, and Persecution For Conscience.
• A Parallel of the Spirit of the People With the Spirit of Mr. Rogers; and an Appeal Thereupon Unto the Reader, Whether the Spirit of the People, Or the Spirit of Men Like Mr. Rogers, Be the Fitter to Be Trusted With the Government.
• A Sufficient Answer to Mr. Stubb.
• A Proposition In Order to the Proposing of a Commonwealth Or Democracy.
• The Rota: Or, a Model of a Free State, Or Equal Commonwealth.

THE PREFACE.

HOW allowable it is for any man to write the history of another, without intitling himself to his opinions, or becoming answerable for his actions, I have expresly treated in the Life of John Milton, and in the just defence of the same under the title of AMYNTOR. The reasons there alleg’d are excuse and authority enough for the task I have since impos’d on my self, which is, to transmit to posterity the worthy memory of James Harrington, a bright ornament to useful learning, a hearty lover of his native country, and a generous benefactor to the whole world; a person who obscur’d the false lustre of our modern politicians, and that equal’d (if not exceded) all the antient legislators.

BUT there are some people more formidable for their noise than number, and for their number more considerable than their power, who will not fail with open mouths to proclaim, that this is a seditious attemt against the very being of monarchy, and that there’s a pernicious design on foot of speedily introducing a republican form of government into the Britannic islands; in order to which the person (continue they) whom we have for som time distinguisht as a zealous promoter of this cause, has now publisht the Life and Works of Harrington, who was the greatest commonwealthsman in the world. This is the substance of what these roaring and hoarse trumpeters of detraction will sound; for what’s likely to be said by men, who talk all by rote, is as easy to guess as to answer, tho ’tis commonly so silly as to deserve no animadversion. Those who in the late reigns were invidiously nicknam’d Commonwealthsmen, are by this time sufficiently clear’d of that imputation by their actions, a much better apology than any words: for they valiantly rescu’d our antient government from the devouring jaws of arbitrary power, and did not only unanimously concur to fix the imperial crown of England on the most deserving head in the universe, but also settl’d the monarchy for the future, not as if they intended to bring it soon to a period, but under such wife regulations as are most likely to continue it for ever, consisting of such excellent laws as indeed set bounds to the will of the king, but that render him thereby the more safe, equally binding up his and the subjects hands from unjustly seizing one another’s prescrib’d rights or privileges.

’T IS confest, that in every society there will be always found som persons prepar’d to enterprize any thing (tho never so flagitious) grown desperat by their villanies, their profuseness, their ambition, or the more raging madness of superstition; and this evil is not within the compass of art or nature to remedy. But that a whole people, or any considerable number of them, shou’d rebel against a king that well and wisely administers his government, as it cannot be instanc’d out of any history, so it is a thing in it self impossible. An infallible expedient therfore to exclude a commonwealth, is for the king to be the man of his people, and, according to his present Majesty’s glorious example, to find out the secret of so happily uniting two seemingly incompatible things, principality and liberty.

’TIS strange that men shou’d be cheated by mere names! yet how frequently are they seen to admire one denomination, what going under another they wou d undoubtedly detest; which observation made Tacitus lay down for a maxim, That the secret of setting up a new state consists in retaining the image of the old. Now if a commonwealth be a government of laws enacted for the common good of all the people, not without their own consent or approbation; and that they are not wholly excluded, as in absolute monarchy, which is a government of men who forcibly rule over others for their own private interest: then it is undeniably manifest that the English government is already a commonwealth, the most free and best constituted in all the world. This was frankly acknowleg’d by King James the First, who stiled himself the great servant of the commonwealth. It is the language of our best lawyers, and allow’d by our author, who only makes it a less perfect and more inequal form than that of his Oceana, wherin, he thinks, better provision is made against external violence or internal diseases. Nor dos it at all import by what names either persons, or places, or things, are call’d, since the commonwealthsman finds he injoys liberty under the security of equal laws, and that the rest of the subjects are fully satisfy’d they live under a government which is a monarchy in effect as well as in name. There’s not a man alive that excedes my affection to a mixt form of government, by the antients counted the most perfect; yet I am not so blinded with admiring the good constitution of our own, but that every day I can discern in it many things deficient, som things redundant, and others that require emendation or change. And of this the supreme legislative powers are so sensible, that we see nothing more frequent with them than the enacting, abrogating, explaining, and altering of laws, with regard to the very form of the administration. Nevertheless I hope the king and both houses of parlament will not be counted republicans; or, if they be, I am the readiest in the world to run the same good or bad fortune with them in this as well as in all other respects.

BUT, what Harrington was oblig’d to say on the like occasion I must now produce for my self. It was in the time of Alexander, the greatest prince and commander of his age, that Aristotle (with scarce inferior applause, and equal fame) wrote that excellent piece of prudence in his closet which is call’d his Politics, going upon far other principles than Alexander’s government, which it has long outliv’d. The like did Livy without disturbance in the time of Augustus, Sir Thomas More in that of Henry the Eighth, and Machiavel when Italy was under princes that afforded him not the ear. If these and many other celebrated men wrote not only with honor and safety, but even of commonwealths under despotic or tyrannical princes, who can be so notoriously stupid as to wonder that in a free government, and under a king that is both the restorer and supporter of the liberty of Europe, I shou’d do justice to an author who far outdos all that went before him, in his exquisit knowlege of the politics?

THIS liberty of writing freely, fully, and impartially, is a part of those rights which in the last reigns were so barbarously invaded by such as had no inclination to hear of their own enormous violations of the laws of God and man; nor is it undeserving observation, that such as raise the loudest clamors against it now, are the known enemys of King William’s title and person, being sure that the abdicated King James can never be reinthron’d so long as the press is open for brave and free spirits to display the mischiefs of tyranny in their true colors, and to shew the infinit advantages of liberty. But not to dismiss even such unreasonable people without perfect satisfaction, let ’em know that I don’t recommend a commonwealth, but write the history of a commonwealthsman, fairly divulging the principles and pretences of that party, and leaving every body to approve or dislike what he pleases, without imposing on his judgment by the deluding arts of sophistry, eloquence, or any other specious but unfair methods of persuasion. Men, to the best of their ability, ought to be ignorant of nothing; and while they talk so much for and against a commonwealth, ’tis fit they shou’d at least understand the subject of their discourse, which is not every body’s case. Now as Harrington’s Oceana is, in my opinion, the most perfect form of popular government that ever was; so this, with his other writings, contain the history, reasons, nature and effects of all sorts of government, with so much learning and perspicuity, that nothing can be more preferably read on such occasions.

LET not those therfore, who make no opposition to the reprinting or reading of Plato’s Heathen commonwealth, ridiculously declaim against the better and Christian model of Harrington; but peruse both of ’em with as little prejudice, passion, or concern, as they would a book of travels into the Indys for their improvement and diversion. Yet so contrary are the tempers of many to this equitable disposition, that Dionysius the Sicilian tyrant, and such beasts of prey, are the worthy examples they wou’d recommend to the imitation of our governors, tho, if they cou’d be able to persuade ’em, they wou’d still miss of their foolish aim: for it is ever with all books, as formerly with those of Cremutius Cordus, who was condemn’d by that monster Tiberius for speaking honorably of the immortal tyrannicides Brutus and Cassius. Tacitus records the last words of this historian, and subjoins this judicious remark: The senat, says he, order’d his books to be burnt by the ediles; but som copys were conceal’d, and afterwards publish’d; whence we may take occasion to laugh at the sottishness of those who imagin that their present power can also abolish the memory of succeding time: for, on the contrary, authors acquire additional reputation by their punishment; nor have foren kings, and such others as have us’d the like severity, got any thing by it, except to themselves disgrace, and glory to the writers. But the works of Harrington were neither supprest at their first publication under the usurper, nor ever since call’d in by lawful authority, but as inestimable treasures preserv’d by all that had the happiness to possess ’em intire; so that what was a precious rarity before, is now becom a public good, with extraordinary advantages of correctness, paper, and print. What I have perform’d in the history of his life, I leave the readers to judg for themselves; but in that and all my other studys, I constantly aim’d as much at least at the benefit of mankind, and especially of my fellow citizens, as at my own particular entertainment or reputation.

THE politics, no less than arms, are the proper study of a gentleman, tho he shou’d confine himself to nothing, but carefully adorn his mind and body with all useful and becoming accomplishments; and not imitat the servile drudgery of those mean spirits, who, for the sake of som one science, neglect the knowlege of all other matters, and in the end are many times neither masters of what they profess, nor vers’d enough in any thing else to speak of it agreably or pertinently: which renders ’em untractable in conversation, as in dispute they are opinionative and passionate, envious of their fame who eclipse their littleness, and the sworn enemys of what they do not understand.

BUT Heaven be duly prais’d, learning begins to flourish again in its proper soil among our gentlemen, in imitation of the Roman patricians, who did not love to walk in leading-strings, and to be guided blindfold, nor lazily to abandon the care of their proper business to the management of men having a distinct profession and interest: for the greatest part of their best authors were persons of consular dignity, the ablest statesmen, and the most gallant commanders. Wherfore the amplest satisfaction I can injoy of this sort will be, to find those delighted with reading this work, for whose service it was intended by the author; and which, with the study of other good books, but especially a careful perusal of the Greec and Roman historians, will make ’em in reality deserve the title and respect of gentlemen, help ’em to make an advantageous figure in their own time, and perpetuat their illustrious fame and solid worth to be admir’d by future generations.

AS for my self, tho no imployment or condition of life shall make me disrelish the lasting entertainment which books afford; yet I have resolv’d not to write the life of any modern person again, except that only of one man still alive, and whom in the ordinary course of nature I am like to survive a long while, he being already far advanc’d in his declining time, and I but this present day beginning the thirtieth year of my age.

• Canon near Banstead, Novemb. 30. 1699.