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C. The Third Part of the Institutes

The Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England: Concerning High Treason, and other Pleas of the Crown, and Criminal Causes, first published in 1644, inventories the criminal law. It also covers, by way of many of the annotations, many points of criminal procedure. The complete table of offenses is reprinted here to provide a sense of Coke’s view of the whole field.—Ed.

Epigrams from the Title Page:

Eccles 8.11.

Quia non profertur cito contra malos sententia, absque timore ullo filii hominum perpetrant mala.1

Inertis est nescire quod sibi liceat.2

A Table of the Severall Chapters of the Third part of the Institutes, of the Pleas of the Crown.

Multi multa, nemo omnia novit.1

Cap.

1 High treason, and of incidents thereunto.
2 Petit treason.
3 Misprision of treason.
4 Felony by the Statute of 3H.7. to conspire the death of the King, or Privy Counsellor.
5 Heresie.
6 Of Felony by Conjuration, Witchcraft, Sorcery and Inchantment.
7 Murder.
8 Homicide, and herein of Felo de se.
9 Deodands.
10 Buggery or Sodomy.
11 Rape.
12 Felony for carrying away a woman against her will.
13 Felony for cutting out of tongues, &c.
14 Burglary, and herein of Sacriledge.
15 Burning of houses.
16 Robbery.
17 In what cases breakers of prisons are felons.
18 Escape voluntary of Felons.
19 Stealing, &c. of Records.
21 Multiplication.
20 Hunting in the night.
22 Imbesilling of Armour, Ordnance, Victuals, &c.
23 To depart the Realm to serve forain Princes, &c.
24 Purveyors.
25 Wandering souldiers, and mariners.
26 Souldiers that depart from their Captains, &c.
27 Marrying of two husbands, or two wives.
28 A plague sore, &c.
29 Felony in a Gaoler by dures, &c.
30 Felony by bringing in, &c. of certain money.
31 Transportation of moneys.
32 Transportation of Wool, Woolfels, lead, &c.
33 Transportation of iron, brasse, copper, &c.
34 Felony for stealing of Falcons, &c.
35 Congregations of Masons, &c.
36 Bringing in of Buls.
37 Receiving of Jesuites, &c.
38 Felony in Recusants concerning Abjuration.
39 Egyptians.
40 Rogues.
41 Forgery in the second degree.
42 Transportation of sheep alive in the second degree.
43 Servants that imbesill their masters goods after their death, &c.
44 Servants that imbesill their masters goods committed to their trust, above 40.s.
45 Powdike in Marsland.
46 Discovery of counsell by a Juror, &c.
47 Larceny and Theft.
48 The year day and wast.
49 Piracy, &c. upon the Sea.
50 Clergy.
51 Abjuration and Sanctuary.
52 Hue, and Cry.
53 Mayhem.
54 Premunire.
55 Prophesies.
56 Approver.
57 Appeals.
58 Treasure trove.
59 Wreck.
60 False tokens, &c.
61 Theftbote.
62 Indictments.
63 Councell in Pleas of the Crown.
64 Principall and Accessory.
65 Misprisions divers and severall.
66 Conspiracy.
67 Pensions, &c. received of foraign Kings.
68 Bribery.
69 Extortion.
70 Usury.
71 Simony.
72 Single combat, Duell, &c.
73 Going or riding armed.
74 Perjury and subornation, and incidently of oaths, and of commissions, &c. and of equivocation.
75 Forgery, the first offence.
76 Libels, and Libellers.
77 Champerty, imbracery, maintenance, &c.
78 Barrettry.
79 Riots, routs.
80 Quarrelling, &c. in Church, &c.
81 Smiting or laying violent hands in Church, &c.
82 Striking or drawing weapon in Church, &c.
83 Striking, &c. in any of the King Courts of Justice, &c. or in any of the Kings houses.
84 Fugitives, &c. or such as depart the realm without licence, &c.
85 Monopolists, Projectors, Propounders, &c.
86 Dispensers with penall statutes.
87 Concealers, &c.
88 Informers, relators, &c.
89 Forestallers, Ingorssers, &c.
90 Roberdsmen.
91 Bankrupts.
92 Recusants.
93 News, rumors.
94 Weights and measures.
95 Apparell.
96 Diet.
97 Buildings.
98 De Lupanaribus, &c. Brothel-houses.
99 De Assentatore, flatterer.
100 False imprisonment.
101 Judgements and Execution.
- In case of High treason.
- In Petit treason.
- In Appeal when the Defendant joyning in Battail is vanquished, or slain.
- In Treason or Felony, wherein neither corporall punishment, nor forfeiture is expressed.
- Auterfoits Attaint.
- Auterfoits acquit.
- Auterfoits convict devant Judgements.
- Judgement to reverse an Outlawry for Treason or Felony.
- Judgement in case of Abjuration, &c.
- Peyne fort & dure.
- Judgement in petit larceny.
- In misprision of High treason.
- For striking in Westminster hall, &c.
- For striking and drawing blood in the Kings Courts.
- In a Premunire at the suit of the King.
- In case of Theftbote.
- Pillory, Tumbrell, Cuckingstooll.
- Judgment for death of man per infortunium.
- For the death of man, se defendendo.
- For death of a man that offerth to rob, &c.
- In Conspiracy, where the party indicted, &c. is legitimo modo acquietatus.
- In an attaint.
- Judgment de corrupto Judice.
102 Forfeiture, confiscation, &c.
103 Seisure of goods for offences before forfeiture, and begging of lands or goods before conviction, unlawfull.
104 Falsifying of Attainders.
Works of mercy.
105 Pardons.
106 Restitutions.

The Epilogue.

Deo, Patriae, Tibi.

A Proeme to the third Part of the Institutes.

In the second part of the Institutes we have spoken onely of Acts of Parliament, (viz.) of Magna Carta, and many ancient and other Acts of Parliament, which we have explained, and therein observed which of them are declaratory of the ancient Lawes of this Realme, which are introductory of new, and which mixt: All of them (excepting a very few) concerning Common Pleas, and these two great Pronouns, Meum and Tuum.1

In this Third part of the Institutes, we are to treat De malo,2 viz. of High Treason,3 and other Pleas of the Crowne, and Criminall Causes,4 most of them by Act of Parliament, and some by the Common Law: in which Cases the Law of all other is most necessary to be knowne, because it concerneth the safety of his Majestie, the quiet of the Common-wealth, and the life, honour, fame, liberty, blood, wife, and posteritie of the party accused, besides the forfeiture of his lands, goods, and all that the hath: for it is truly said of these Laws, Reliquae leges privatorum hominum commodis prospiciunt, hae regieae majestati, subditorum vitae, ac publicae tranquillitati consulunt.5 And that in these Cases the ancient Maxime of the Law principally holdeth, Misera servitus est, ubi jus est vagum; aut incognitum.6 ,7 And where some doth object against the lawes of England, that they are darke and hard to be understood, we have specially in these and other parts of the Institutes opened such windowes, and made them so lightsome, and easie to be understood, as he that hath but the light of nature, (which Solomon calleth the candle of Almighty God, Prov. 20. 27.) adding industrie and diligence thereunto, may easily discerne the same. And that may be verified of these Lawes, that Lex est lux, Prov. 6. 23. the Law it selfe is a light. See Rom. 2. 14. And when we consider how many acts of Parliament (published in print) that have made new treasons and other capitall offences, are either repeated by generall or expresse words, or expired: How many Indictments, attainders of treasons, felonies, and other crimes, which are not warrantable by law at this day: And how few Book-cases there have been published of treasons, (though a subject of greatest importance) & those very slenderly reported: We in respect of the places which we have holden, and of our own observation, and by often conferences with the Sages of the law in former times concerning criminall causes or Pleas of the Crowne, have thought good to publish this Third part of the Institutes, wherein we follow that old and sure rule, Quod judicandum est legibus, et non exemplis.8 A worke ardous, and full of such difficultie, as none can either feele or beleeve, but he onely which maketh tryall of it. And albeit it did often terrifie me, yet could it not in the end make me desist from my purpose; (especially in this worke) so farre hath the love and honour of my country, to passe through all labours, doubts and difficulties, prevailed with me.

This, as other parts of the Institutes, wee have set forth in our Englishtongue, not onely for the reasons in the Preface to the first Part of the Institutes alledged, which wee presume may satisfie any indifferent and prudent reader: but specially this Treatise of the Pleas of the Crowne, because, as it appeareth by that which hath been said, it concerneth all the subjects of the realme more neerly by many degrees, then any of the other. Hereunto you may adde that which Robert Holcoth an English man surnamed Theologus magnus,9 ,10 upon the second Chapter of the book of Wisdome, in or about the 20. yeare of King E.3. wrote to this effect. Narrant historia quod cum Willielmus dux Normannorum regnum Angliae conquisivisset, deliberavit quomodo linguam Saxonicam possit destruere, & Angliam, & Normanniam in idiomate accordavi., & ideoordinavit, quod nullus in curia regia placitaret nisi in Gallico, & iterum quod puer quilibet ponendus ad literas addisceret Gallicu, & per Gallicam Latinum, quae duo usque hodie ob servantur. Haec ille.11 But the statute of 35 E.3. cap.15.12 made not long after Holcoth wrote, hath taken these edicts of a Conqueror away, and given due honour to our English language, which is as copious and significant, and as able to expresse any thing in as few and apt words, as any other native language, that is spoken at this day. And (to speake what we think) we would derive from the Conqueror as little as we could.

When Henry the first died, all the issue male of the Conqueror, and of his sonnes were dead without issue male.

The wife of King H. 1. was Mawde daughter of Malcolme King of Scotland surnamed Canmor, and of Margaret his wife, who was the granchild of Edmond Ironside King of England. viz. The said King Edmond had issue Edward surnamed the Outlaw, because he lived a long time beyond sea with Salamon King of Hungary out of the extent of the lawes of this Realme. Edward had issue the said Margaret his eldest daughter, famous for her piety and vertue; she had issue Mawde wife of King H. 1. who by her had issue Mawde, of whose English blood by Geffery Plantagenet Earle of Anjou all the Kings of England are lineally descended.

We have in this Third part of the Institutes cited our ancient Authors, and bookes of Law, viz. Bracton, Britton, the Mirror of Justices, Fleta, and many ancient records, never (that we know) before published, to this end, that seeing the Pleas of the Crown are for the most part grounded upon, or declared by statute Lawes, the studious Reader may be instructed what the Common Law was before the making of those statutes, whereby he shall know, whether the statutes were introductory of a new law, declaratory of the old, or mixt, and thereby perceive what was the reason and cause of the making of the same, which will greatly conduce to the true understanding thereof.

We shal first treat of the highest, and most hainous crime of High Treason, Crimen laesae Majestatis;13 and of the rest in order, as they are greater and more odious then others.

Cap. I.
Of High Treason.

By the statute of 25 E.3.1de proditionibus2 is declared in certaine particular cases, what offences shall be taken to be treason, with this restriction, that if any other case supposed to be treason should happen before any justices, the justices should tarry without going to judgment of the treason, till the case be shewed before the king and his parliament, whether it ought to be adjudged treason or other felony: therefore we will lay our foundation upon, and begin with that act of parliament, the letter whereof in proprio idiomate3 ensueth.

Also, whereas divers opinions have been before this time, in what case treason shall be said, and in what not; the king at the request of the lords and of the commons, hath made a declaration in the manner as hereafter followeth: that is to say, when a man doth compasse or imagine the death of our lord the king, of my lady his queene, or of their eldest sonne and heire: or if a man doe violate the kings compagnion, or the kings eldest daughter unmarried, or the wife of the kings eldest sonne and heire: or if a man doe levie warre against our lord the king in his realme, or be adherent to the kings enemies in his realme, giving to them aide and comfort in the realme or elsewhere, and thereof be provably attainted of open deed by people of their condition. And if a man counterfeit the kings great or privie seale, or his money: and if a man bring false money into this realme counterfeit to the money of England, as the money called Lusheburgh, or other like to the said money of England, knowing the money to be false, to merchandize or make payment, in deceipt of our said lord the king and of his people. And if a man slay the chancellor, treasurer, or the kings justices of the one bench or the other, justices in eire, or justices of assize, and all other justices assigned to heare and determine, being in their place doing their offices. And it is to be understood, that in the cases above rehearsed, it ought to be judged treason, which extend to our lord the king and his royall majestie; and of such treason the forfeiture of the escheates pertaineth to our lord the king, as well of the lands and tenements holden of others, as of himself.

And albeit nothing can concerne the king, his crowne, and dignity, more then crimen laesae majestatis,4 high treason: yet at the request of his lords and commons, the blessed king by authority of parliament made the declaration, as is above-said: and therefore, and for other excellent lawes made at this parliament, this was called benedictum parliamentum,5 as it well deserved. For except it be Magna Charta, no other act of parliament hath had more honour given unto it by the king, lords spirituall and temporall, and the commons of the realme for the time being in full parliament, then this act concerning treason hath had. For by the statute of 1 H.4. cap. 10. reciting that where at a parliament holden 21 R.2. divers paynes of treason were ordained by statute, in as much as there was no man did know how to behave himselfe, to doe, speak, or say, for doubt of such paines: It is enacted by the king, the lords and commons, that in no time to come any treason be judged otherwise, then it was ordained by this statute of 25 E.3. The like honour is given to it by the statute of 1 E.6. cap. 12. and by the statute of 1 Ma. cap. 1. sess. 1. different times, but all agreeing in the magnifying and extolling of this blessed act of 25 E.3. Of this act of 1 Mariae, we shall speak more hereafter. But to proceed to give a light touch how other acts of parliament have been called. The parliament holden at Oxford, an. 42. H.3. was called insanum parliamentum.6 12 E. 2. the parliament of whitebands, albarum fibularum or metellarum,7 5 E.3. parliamentum bonum,8 10 R.2. parliamentum quod fecit mirabile,9 that wrought wonders. 21 R.2. magnū parliamentū.10 6 H.4. parliamentū indoctū,11 lack-learning parliament. 4 H.6. parliamentū fustiū, the parliament of bats. The session of parliament in an. 14. H.8. called the black parliament. The act of 1 E.6. was called parliamentū pium, the pious parliament. And the said act of 1 Mar. parliamentū propitium,12 the merciful parliament. The parliaments of queen Elizabeth stiled pia, justa, et provida.13 The parliament holden anno 21 of king James, called foelix parliamentum,14 the happy parliament. And the parliament holden in the third yeare of our soveraigne lord king Charles, benedictum parliamentum,15 the blessed parliament. The severall reasons of these former appellations appeare of record and in history, and the latter are yet fresh in memory. At the making of the statute of 25 E.3. the high courts of justice were furnished with excellent men, viz. Sir William Shardshillknight (shortly written in bookes Shard) lord chiefe justice of the kings bench, and his compagnions justices of that court; Sir John Stonor knight, commonly written in books Stone, lord chief justice of the court of common pleas, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Gervasius de Wilford, lord chiefe baron of the exchequer, men famous in their profession, and excellent in the knowledge of the lawes. At the making of the statute of 1 H.4. were Sir Walter Clopton knight, lord chiefe justice of the kings bench, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Sir William Thirning knight, lord chief justice of the court of common pleas, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Sir John Caffie knight, lord chiefe baron of the exchequer; men equall to any of their predecessors in the knowledge of the lawes. At the making of the statute of 1 E.6. were Sir Richard Lister knight, lord chiefe justice of the kings bench, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Sir Edward Montague knight, lord chiefe justice of the court of common pleas, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Sir Roger Cholmeley knight, lord chiefe baron of the exchequer; men of that excellency, as they were worthy of the name of The worthies of the law, At the making of the statute of 1 Mar. were Sir Thomas Bromley knight, lord chiefe justice of the kings bench, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Sir Richard Morgan, knight, lord chiefe justice of the court of common pleas, and his compagnions justices of that court; and Sir D. Brook knight, lord chiefe baron of the exchequer, men renouned for their great knowledge and judgement in their profession. All these we have named in the honour of them, and of their families and posterities, for that they in their severall times were great furtherers of these excellent lawes concerning treason. In memoria aeterna erit justus.16 And all this was done in severall ages, that the faire lillies and roses of the crowne might flourish, and not be stained by severe and sanguinary statutes. But let us come to the act it selfe, and for the better understanding thereof, and of the book-cafes, and other records grounded upon the same: let us divide this act concerning high treason into severall classes or heads, and then prosecute the same in order.

So as treason is membrum divisum,17 and these severall classes or heads are

membra dividentia.18 And if the offence be not within one of these classes or heads, it is no treason.

(1) [Treason] is derived from [trahir] which is treacherously to betray. Trahue, betrayed, and trahison, per contractionen, treason, is the betraying it selfe.

Detegit imbelles animos, nil fortiter audens Proditio.19

Inter leges Canuti, fo 1. 118. ca. 61. Proditiones (hlaford swice) numerabantur inter scelera jure humano inexpiabilia.20 Treason is divided into two parts, viz. high treason, alta proditio,21 and into petit treason, proditio parva.22 The Latin word used in law is proditio (à prodere)23 and thereof cometh proditioniè, which of necessity must be used in every indictment of treason, and cannot be expressed by any other word, peripharsis, or circumlocution.

(2) [Ad fait declarisement.]24 This law is for the most part declaratory of the ancient law, and therefore this word (declarisement) is used. Butyetthestudious reader shall observe, that in divers clauses it addeth to the former law, where-unto this word (declarisement) will sufficiently extend.

[When a man]25

This extendeth to both Sexes, Homo including both Man and Woman. This Act is generall, and therefore extendeth to persons which claimed a priviledge to be exempted from Secular Jurisdiction. (For example,)26 Adam, de Orleton Bishop of Hereford was indicted of High Treason for aiding the Mortimers.

&c. with Men, and Armour against King E.2, &c. Whereupon he was arraigned, and alledged Se absque ofsensa Dei, & Sanctxae Ecelesiae, & absque licential Domini summi Pontificis non posse nec debere respondere in hac parte.27 And thereupon the Archbishop of Canterbury, York, and Dublin, and their Suffragans came to the Barre, claimed his priviledge, and took him away, and he was so far from punishment, as he was after translated to Worcester, and after to Winchester. But this Statute (to cleare all doubts) extendeth to all persons, *28 as well Ecclestasticall as Temporall, and so hath it ever since been put in execution, as hereafter in divers Cases it appeareth. See hereafter Cap. Murdre & Larceny.

A Man that is non compos mentis,29 as shall be said more fully hereafter in the next Section, or an Infant within the age of discretion is not (un home)30 within this Statute; for the principall end of punishment is, That others by his example may feare to offend, De poena ad paucòs, metus ad omnes perveniar:31 But such punishment can be no example to Mad-men, or Infants that are not of the age of Discretion. And God forbid that in Cases so penall, the Law should not be certaine; and if it be certaine in case of Murder and Felony, à fortiori,32 it ought to be certaine in case of Treason.

If a man commit Treason or Felony and confesseth the same, or be thereof otherwise convict, if afterward he become De non sane memorie (qui patitur exilium mentis)33 he shall not be called to answer: Or if after judgement he become De non sane memorie,34 he shall not be executed, for it cannot be an example to others.

And all Aliens35 that are within the Realme of England, and whose Sove-|-raignes are in amity with the King of England, are within the protection of the King, and doe owe a locall obedience to the King, (are homes within this Act) and if they commit High Treason against the King, they shall be punished as Traytors, but otherwise it is of an Enemy, whereof you may reade at large Lib. 7. Calvins Case. fol. 6. &c 17, &c.

[Doth compasse.]36

Let us see first what the compassing or imagining the beath of a Subiect was before, and at the time of the making of this Statute, ^a37 when Voluntas reputabatur pro facto.38 And ^b39 Bracton saith, that Spectatur voluntas & non exitus, & nihil interest utrum quis occidat, aut causam mortis praebeat.40 So as when the Law was so holden, he must causam mortis praebere,41 that is, declare the same by some open deed tending to the execution of his intent, or which might be cause of death, as Justice

^c42 Spigurnel43 reporteth a Case adiudged; That a man’s wife went away her Avowterer, and they ^d44 Compassed the Death of the Husband, & as he was riding towards the Sessions of Oier and Terminer and Gaole-delivery, they assaulted him and stroke him with weapons, that he fell downe as dead, whereupon they fled; the Husband recovered and made Hue and Cry, and came to the Sessions and shewed all this matter to the Justices, and upon the Warrant of the Justices, they were taken, indicted, and arraigned; and all this speciall matter was found by Verdict; anditwasadjudged that the man should be hanged, and the woman burnt. And Sir William

Beresford Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas said, That before him and his Companions Justices of Dier and Terminer and Gaole-delivery, a Youth was arraigned, for that he would have stolen the goods of his Master, and came to his Masters bed, where he lay asleepe, and with a knife attempted with all his force to have cut his throat; and thinking that he had indeed cut it, he fled, whereupon the Master cried out, and his Neighbours apprehended the youth; and all this matter being found by speciall Verdict, in the end he was adjudged to be hanged, &c. Quia *45voluntas reputabitur pro facto. So as it was not a bare compassing or plotting of the death of a man, either by word, or writing, but such an overt deed, as is aforesaid, to manifest the same. So as if a man had compassed the death of another, and had uttered the same by words or writing, yet he should not have died for it, for there wanted an overt deed tending to the execution of his compassing. 46^eBut if a man had imagined to murder, or rob another, and to that intent had become Insidiator viarum,47 and assaulted him, though he killed him not, nor took any thing from him, yet was it felony, for there was an overt deed. But in those dayes, in the Case of the King, if a man had compassed, or imagined the death of the King (who is the Head of the Common-wealth) and had declared his compassing, or imagination by words or writing, this had been High Treason, and a sufficient overture by the ancient Law. And herewith agree all ourancient Books. Glanvil saith, Cum quis de morte Regis, &c. infamatur, &c.48

Bracton in the title De criminibus laesae majestatis.Ipseaccusatuspraeloquutus fuit mortem regis.49 And Britton. fol. 16. Grand treason est a compasser nostre mort, and fo. 39.b. Cyface lenensor son appeale &c. que il oya mesme céi

John pur parler tiel mort, ou tiel treason &c.50 And Fleta saith in his title De crimine laesae majestatis, Si quis mortem regis ausu temerario machinatus fuerit, &c. quamvis voluntatem non perduxit ad effectum.51 And the Mirrorsaith, Crime de majestic est un peche horrible fait al roy &c. p. ceux q occirent le roy, ou compassant a faire.52 And it will delight you (in respect of reverend antiquity) to heare a president of an appeale (which then and after was in use) of high treason, en pleine pliam &c. en temps roy Edmond en cestes parolx. Rocelyn icy dit vers Waligrot illonq q a tiel iour tiel anne del raigne de tiel roy, en tiel lieu vient celuy Waligrot a céi Rocelyn, et luy trova destre en company, et en aide ensemblement ove Atheling, Thurkild, Ballard, et autres de faire prisoner, ou en tache pur occire nré seignior le roy Edmond, ou en auter manner p. coupe feloniousment, et a ceo faire fuer’ entreinres a ceo counsel celer, et a ceo felony issint fornir solong lour poier.53 By all which it is manifest, that compassing, machinating, counselling, &c. | to kill the King, though it hath no other declaration thereof but by words, was High-treasonby the Commonlaw.Andseehereafter, verb. per overt fait, et de ceo provablement, &c.54

[doth compasse or imagine.]55

So as there must be a comapassing or imagination, for an Act done per infortunium,56 without compassing, intent, or imagination: is not within this Act, as it appeareth by the expresse words thereof. Et actus non facit reum, nisi mens fit rea.58Regula.57 And if it be not within the words of this Act, then by force of a clause hereafter, viz. Et pur ceo que plusors auters, &c.59 It cannot be adjuged treason, untill it be declared treason by Parliament, which is the remedic in that case, which the makers of the law provided in that case. This compassing, intent, or imagination, though secret, is to be tryed by the peers, and to be discovered by circumstances precedent, concomitant, and subsequent, with all endeavour evermore for the safety of the King. This was the case of Sr. Walter Tirrel a French Knight, who the first day of August Ann. 13 Williel. 2. Ann. dom. 1100 being a hunting with the King in the new forest, was commanded by the King to shoot at a Hart,60Exiit ergo telum volatile, et obstante arbore in obliquum reflexum faciens, per medium cordis regem sauciavit, qui subito mortuus corruit.61

It appeareth also by the Custumer of Normandy treating of treason, and the exposition of the same, that this act was not treason.62 To calculate or seek to know by setting of a figure or witchcraft, how long the King shall raigne or live, is no treason, for it is no compassing, or imagination of the death of the King, within this statute of 25 E.3. And this appeareth by the judgement of the Parliament in 23. Eliz. whereby this offence was made felony during the life of Queen Eliz. which before was punishable by fine and imprisonment.

63 The ancient law was, that if a mad man had killed or offered to kill the King, it was holden for treason; and so it appeareth by King Alfreds law before the Conquest, and in lib. 4. in Beverlyes case. But now by this statute and by force of these words, Fait compasser ou imaginer la mort,64 he that is non compos mentis65 and totally deprived of all compassings, and imaginations, cannot commit High Treason by compassing or imagining the death of the King: for furiosus solo ferore punitur:66 but it must be an absolute madnesse and a totall deprivation of memorie. And this appeareth by the statute of 39. H. 8.67 for thereby it is provided that if a man being Compos mentis commit High Treason, and after accusation, &c. fall to madnesse, that he might be tryed in his absence, &c. and suffer death, as if he were of perfect memory, for by this statute of 25 E.3. a mad man could not commit High Treason. It was further provided by the said Act of 33 H.8. that if a man attainted of treason became mad, that notwithstanding he should be executed; *68 which cruell and inhumane law lived not long, but was repealed, for in that point also it was against the common law, because by intendment of law the execution of the offender is for example, ut poena ad paucos metus ad omnes perveniat,69 as before is said: but so it is not when a mad man is executed, but should be a miserable spectacle, both against law, and of extreame inhumanity and cruelty; and can be no example to others.

[Death.]70

^a71 He that declareth by overt act to depose the King, is a sufficient overt act to prove, that be compasseth and imagineth the death of the King. And so it is to ^b72 imprison the King, or to take the King into his power, and manifest the same by some overt act, this is also a sufficient overt act for the intent aforesaid.73 But peruse advisedly the statutes of 13 Eliz: cap. 1. 2. & 14 Eliz. cap. 1.

[Of our Lord the King.]74

There words extend to all his successors, as it hath been alwayes taken.

[The King.]75

Is to be understood of a King regnant, and not of one that hath but the name of a King, or a nominative King, as it was resolved in the case | of King Philip, who married Queen Mary, and was but a nominative King, for Queen Mary had the office and dignity of a king, so as she wanted within this Act of 25 E. 3. And hee that had the name, and not the office and dignity of the King was not within it. And therefore an Act was made, that to compasse or imagine the death of King Philip, &c.76 during his marriage with the Queen, was treason. A Queen regnant is within these words, (nré seignior le Roy ) for she hath the office of a King.

This Act is to be understood of a King in possession of the Crowne,76 and Kingdome: for if there be a King regnant in possession, although he be Rex de facto, et non de jure, yet is he seignior le Roy77 within the Purview of this statute. And the other that hath right, and is out of possession, is not within this Act.78 Nay if treason be committed against a King De facto, et non de jure, and after the King de jure commeth to the Crowne, he shall punish the treason done to the King de facto: And a pardon granted by a King de jure, that is not also de facto, is voyde.

If the Crown descend to the rightfull heire, he is Rex before Coronation: for by the Law of England there is no interregnum:79 and Coronation is but an ornament or solemnity of honour. And so it was resolved by al the Judges Hil. 1. Ja. in the case of Watson and Clarke Seminary priests:80 for by the law there is alwayes a King, in whose name the lawes are to be maintained, and executed, otherwise Justice should faile. Divers Kings before the Conquest voluntarily renounced their Kingly office: And so did King H.2. in the 16. yeare of his reigne, and Henry his sonne was created and crowned.

It appeareth by Britton, that to compasse the death of the father of the King,81 is treason, and so was the law holden long after that: for after King E.2. had dismissed himselfe of his kingly office, and duty, and his sonne by the name of E. 3. was crowned, and king regnant, those cursed Caitifs Thomas Gourny, and William Ocle, and others were attainted of High Treason for murthering the Kings father, who had been King by the name of E.2. and had judgement to be drawne, hanged, and quartered.

*82 The like judgement was given against Sir John Matrevers knight, and others, as being guilty of the death of the Kings uncle, Edmond Earl of Kent, which at that time (being so neer of the bloud royall) was by some holden also treason. But now this Act of 25 E.3. hath restrained High treason in case of death (al nré seignior le Roy, sa compaigne, et al eigne fitz, et heire le Roy.83

Nicholas de Segrave was charged in open parliament in praesentia dn̄i. Reg. comitum, baronum, et aliorum de consilio Regis tunc ibi existent,84 ,85 that the King in the warre of Scotland being amongst his enemies, Nicholas Segrave his liege man, and holding of the King by homage, and fealty, served him for his aid in that warre, did maliciously move contention and discord without cause, with John de Crombewell, charging him with many enormious crimes, and offered to prove it upon his body. To whom the said John answered, that he would answer him in the Kings Court, as the Court should consider, &c. and thereupon gave him his faith. After Nich. withdrew himselfe from the Kings Host, and from the Kings aid, leaving the King amongst his enemies, in periculo hostium suorum,86 and adjourned the said John to defend himself in the court of the King of France, and prefixed him a certaine day, Et sic quantum in eo fuit, subjiciens, et submittens dominium regis, et regni subiectioni dn̄i. regis Franciae, ad hoc faciendum, iter suum arripuit usque Dovoriam, ad transfrerandum, &c.87 All which the said Nich. confessed, et voluntari dn̄i. regis de alto et basto inde se submisit. Et super hoc dn̄s Rex volens habere avisamentum Comitum, Baronum, Magnatum, et aliorum de consilio suo, injunxit eisdem in homagio, fidelitate, & ligeantia quibus ei tenentur, quod ipsum fideliter consulerent, qualis poena pro tali facto sic cognito fuerit infligenda: qui omnes, habito super hoc diligenti tractaru, & avisamento, consideratis, & intellectis omnibus in praedicto facto contenus, &c. dicuut quod hujusmodi factum meretur amissionem vitae & membrorum, &c.88 So as this offence was then solemnely in parliament adjudged High treason. But this is | taken away by this Act of 25 E.3. being not under any of the classes, or heads specified in this act.

So piracy by any of the Kings subjects upon another, was taken to be treason before this Act,89 for so is the book to be intended, because a pirat is Hostis humani generis.90 But by this Act it is not now to be judged treason. See hereafter in the chapter of Piracy.

One doth marie a Queen regnant, if the husband compasse the death of the Queene, and declare the same by over act, he is guilty of treason, and punishable by this act, for to this and many other purposes, she is a distinct person by the common law. And so if a Queene wife of a King regnant, compasse the death of the King, and declare the same by overt act, she is guilty of treason, and punishable by this act. So as (that we may speak it once for all) by these and many others that might be cited,91 (some whereof shall hereafter be touched) the preamble of this act appeareth to be true, that divers opinions had been before the making of this act, what offences should be adjudged High treason, and what not.

This statute having restrained the compassing, &c. of death to the King, Queen, & Prince, it came to passe after the making of this act, that in 3 R.2.92 two Citizens of London, John Kerby Mercer, and John Algore Grocer conceiving malice against John Imperiall Janevois of S. Mary in Genoa that came as Ambassador from the state of Genoa to the King (under the Kings Letters of safe conduct, for alliance to be had betweene the King and the Duke and Comminalty of Genoa aforesaid) for that the said John Imperiall had obtained a 93 monopolie to furnish this land (keeping his staple at Southampton of all such wares as came from the Levant, so plentifully as was to be had in all the west parts of Christendome, the said John Imperiall was killed by them,94 as more at large appears by the record. And albeit the said John Imperiall was an Ambassadour under the Kings safe conduct, and the killing of him was justi belli causa,95 yet the killing of him was no treason, because it was not under any of the said classes or heads,96 until it was at that time declared by parliament in these words, Quel case examine & dispute inter les seigniors, & commons, & puis mŕe al Roy en pleine parliament, estoit illonques devant nŕe seignior le Roy declares, determinus & assentus, que tiel fait, & coupe est treason, & crime de royall majestie blemye, en quel case il ne doir allower a nulluy priviledge del clergie,97 and accordingly the said Kerby and Algore were attainted of High treason in the Kings bench, Hill. 3 R.2. ubi supra: but this declaration is taken away by the statute of 1 Mariae, as hereafter shall be said, and yet of this declaration we shall make much use hereafter.

In the 22 yeare of E.3. which was about 3 yeares before the making of this act, one John at Hill had murdered A. de Walton the Kings Ambassadour,98nuncium dn̄i regis miss. ad mandatum regis exequendum:99 this was adjudged High treason, for which he was drawne, hanged, and beheaded, &c. For true it is, quod legatus ejus vice fungitur, a quo destinatur, & honorandus est sicut ille cujus vicem gerit, & legatos violare contra jus gentium est.100 But by this Act of 25 E.3. it is restrained to the death de nŕe seignior le Roy,101 and therefore, prorex,102 is not within this statute.

[Of my Lady [his queene].]103

This word compaigne, (which is all one with consort or wife) was used, that compassing, &c. must be during the marriage with the King, for after the Kings death she is not sa compaigne, and therefore it extendeth not to a Queene dowager, and for this cause this word compaigne, was used in this Act.

[Their eldest sonne and heire.]104

The eldest sonne and heire of a Queen Regnant is within this Law.105 Before this Statute some did hold, that to compasse the death of any of the Kings children, was Treason. But by this Act it is restrained to the Prince, the Kings Sonne, being heire apparant to the Crowne for the time being: and he need not be the first begotten sonne, for the second after the decease of the first begotten without issue, is Fitz eigne106 within | this statute, & sic de caeteris.107 If the heire apparent to the Crowne be a collaterall heire apparent, he is not within this statute, untill it be declared by Parliament, as it was in the Duke of Yorks case.

Roger Mottimer Earle of March was in Anno Domini 1487 (11 R.2.) proclaimed heire apparent. Anno 39 H.6. Richard Duke of York was likewise proclaimed heire apparent. And so was John de la Poole Earle of Lincolne, by R.3. And Henry Marquise of Exeter, by King Henry the eighth. But none of these or of the like, are within the Purvieu of this statute. And now that we have handled compassings and imaginations, let us proceed to the residue which concerne Acts and Deeds.

Heire is here taken for heire apparant, for he cannot be heire in the life of the Father.

[If a man doe violate the kings compagnion.]108

The Mirror saith,109Crime de Majestie vers le Roy p ceux Avowterors q̄ spergissent la feme le Roy.110 Whereby it appeareth that this was High Treason by the common Law.

Violare is here taken for carnaliter cognoscere;111 ,112 and it is no treason, unlesse it be done during the marriage with the King, and extendeth not to a Queen Dowager, as hath been said. And if the wife of the King doth yeeld and consent to him that committeth this treason, it is treason in her.113

[The wife of the kings eldest sonne and heire.]114

This also extendeth to the wife of the Prince during the coverture betweene them, and not to a Dowager, and if the wife yeeld and consent to him that commits this treason, it is treason in her.

[Heire.]

Here is taken ut supra, for heire apparant.

[or the kings eldest daughter unmarried.]115

(That is,) eldest Daughter not married at the time of the Violation, albeit there had been an elder daughter then she, who is dead without issue.116 The Mirror. Avowterors q́ spergissent la file le Roy eignes legittime, avant ceo q el soit marie.117

And the reason that the eldest only is here mentioned, is, for that for default of issue Male, she only is inheritable to the Crowne.

[Or if a man doe levie warre against our lord the king.]118

^a119 This was High Treason by the Common Law, for no subiect can levie warre within the Realme without authority from the King, for to him it only belongeth. See F.N.B. 113.a. Le Roy de droit saver & defender son realme vers enemies, &c.120

^b121 A compassing or conspiracy to levie war, is no Treason, for there must be a levying of war in facto. But if many conspire to levie war, and some of them do levie the same according to the conspiracy, this is High Treason in all, for in Treason all be principals, and war is levied.

If any levie war to expulse strangers, to deliver men out of prisons, to remove Counsellors, or against any statute, or to any other end, pretending Reformation of their own heads, without warrant; this is levying of war against the King: because they take upon them Royall Authority, which is against the King. There is a diversity betweene levying of war and committing of a great Riot, a Rout, or an unlawfull assembly. ^c122 For example, as if three, or foure, or more, doe rise to burne, or put downe an inclosure in Dale, which the Lord of the Manor of Dale hath made there in that particular place; this or the like is a Riot, a Rout, or an unlawfull Assembly, and no Treason. But if they had risen of purpose to alter Religion established within the Realme, or Laws, or to go from Town to Town generally, and to cast downe Inclosures, this is a levying of war (though there be no great number of the Conspirators) within the Purvien of this Statute because the pretence is publick and generall, and not | private in particular. And so it was resolved in the Case of Richard Bradshaw Miller, Robert Burton Major, and others of Oxfordshire,123 whose Case was. That they conspired and agreed to assemble themselves with so many as they could procure at Enslowe-Mill in the said County, and there to rise, and from thence to go from Gentlemans house to Gentlemans house, and to cast downe Inclosures, as well for enlargement of High-wayes as of errable Lands. And they agreed to get Armour and Artillery at the Lord Norrys his house, and to weare them in going from Gentlemans house to Gentlemans house for the purpose aforesaid, and to that purpose they persuaded divers others: and all this was confessed by the offenders. And it was resolved, That this was a compassing and intention to levie war against the Queen, because the pretence was publick within the statute of 13 Eliz. ca.1. (the Letter whereof herein shortly followeth,) and the Offenders were attainted and executed at Enslowe Mill.

And this diversity is proved by a latter Branch of this Act.

Et si per case ascun home de cest realme chimancha arme discovert secretment ove gents armes, contre ascun autre, pur luy tuer, ou disrober, ou pur luy prender, ou retayner tanq il face fine, ou ransome pur sa deliverance, nest lentention le Roy & de son counsell, q en tiel case soit adjudge treason, mes soit adjudge felony, ou trespasse, solonq le ley del tŕe auncienement use.124 Whereby it appeareth, that bearing of armes in warlike manners, for a private revenge or end, is no levying of war against the king within this statute. So that every gathering of force is not High Treason. And so it was resolved in Parliament in 5 H.4 Rot. Parliam. nu 11. & 12.125 the Earle of Northumberlands Case.

By the said Statute of 13 Eliz. cap.1.126 it is enacted, declared, andestablished. “That during the naturall life of Queene Elizabeth, if any within the Realme or without, should compasse, imagine, invent, devise, or intend to levie war against her Majesty, within this Realme, or without, and the same declare by writing or word, &c. that it should be High Treason:” So during the life of the Queen a conspiracy to levie war was High Treason, though no war were levied; and upon that law, Bradshaw, Burton and others, were attainted of High Treason, for conspiracy only to levie war. But it was resolved by all the Justices, that it was no treason within the statute of 25 E.3. as hath been said. The words in this law are [levie guerre]127 An actual Rebellion or Insurrection is a levying of war within this Act, and by the name of levying war is to be expressed in the Indictment. If any with strength and weapons invasive and defensive, doth hold and defend a Castle or Fort against the King and his power, this is levying of war against the King within this Statute of 25 E.3.

[Or be adherent to the kings enemies in his Realme, giving to them aide and comfort in the realme or elsewhere.]128

It was resolved by all the Judges of England in the reigne of King H.8. that an Insurrection against the Statute of Labourers, for the inhansing of salaries and wages, was a levying of war against the King, because it was generally against the Kings Law, and the offenders took upon them the reformation thereof, which subiects by gathering of power ought not to do. It was specially found, that divers of the Kings subjects did minister and yeeld victuals to Sir John Oldcastle Knight, and others, being in open war against the King, and that they were in company with them in open war; but all this was found to be pro timore mortis, & quod recefierunt, quam cito procuerunt;129 and it was adiudged to be no Treason, because it was for feare of death. Et actus non facit reum, nisi mens fit rea.130 And therefore this in them was no leying of war against the King within this Act.

[Adherent.]

^a131 This is here explained, viz. in giving aide and comfort to the Kings enemies within the Realme or without: Delivery or surrender of the Kings Castles or Forts by the Kings Captaine thereof to the Kings enemie within the realme or without for reward, &c. is an adhering to the Kingsenemy, and consequently treason declared by this Act. 6.132 A. is out of | the Realme at the time of a Rebellion within England, and one of the Rebels flye out of the Realme, whom A. knowing his treason doth aide or succour, this is no treason in A. by this branch of 25 E.3. because the traytor is no enemy, as hereafter shall be said; and this statute is taken strictly.

[Enemies.]133

134Inimicus in legall understanding is hostis,135 for ^c136 the subjects of the King, though they be in open war or rebellion against the King, yet are they are not the Kings enemies, but traytors; for enemies be those that be out of the allegiance of the King. If a Subject jouyne with a foraine Enemy and come into England with him, he shall not be taken prisoner here and ransomed, or proceeded with as an enemy shall, but he shall be taken as a traytor to the King.

^d137 An Enemy comming in open hostility into England, and taken, shall be either executed by Marshall-Law, or ransomed; for he cannot be indicted of treason, for that he never was within the protection or ligeance of the King, and the Indictment of Treason saith, Contra ligeantiam suam debitam.138

^e139 David Prince of Wales levied war against E.1.This was Treason, for that he was within the homage and ligeance of the King, and had judgement given against him as a Traytor, and not as an enemy. And albeit in many presidents of Indictments, Subiects that be Rebels, and Traytors, &c. be called proditores & inimici;140 yet within this statute they are not inimici.

^f141 In the Duke of Northfolks Case the question was, a league being between the Queene of England and the King of Scots, whether the Lord Herise and other Scots in aperto praelio burning and wasting divers Townes in England without the assent of the King, were enemies in law within this statute, and resolved that they were. ^g142 See more hereafter in this third part of the Institutes. cap.49. of Piracy, &c. upon the statute of 28. H.8. cap.15.

[Or elsewhere.]143

That is to say, out of the Realme of England. But then it may be demanded, how should at this time this foraine treason be tried? And some ^h144 of our Books doe answer, that the offender shall be indicted and tried in this Realme where his land lyeth, and so it was adjudged in 2 H.4 But now by the statute of 35 H.8. cap.2. (which yet remains in force) All offences made or declared, or hereafter made or declared treasons, misprisions of treason, and concealements of treason, committed out of the Realme of England, shall be inquired of, heard, and determined, either in the Kings Bench or before commissioners in such Shire as shall be assigned by the King. If it be before Commissioners, it hath been commonly used, that the King doth write his name in the upper part of the Comminssion. But in the Case of Patrick O Cullen an Irishman, the Queene did put her Signature to the Warrant to the Lord Keeper, and not to the commission: *145 and it was holden by the Justices that the one way and the other was a sufficient assignement by the King within the statute of 35 H.8.

ⁱ146 It was resolved by all the Judges of England, that for a treason done in Ireland the offender may be tryed by the statute of 35 H.8. in England, because the words of the statute be, “All Treasons committed out of the Realme of England, and Ireland is out of the Realme of England.” And so it was resolved in Sir John Parrots Case. And our word here [per ailors elsewhere] is as much as out of the Realme of England. See Pasch. 2 H.4. coram Rege Rot. 8. Salop. Treason in Wales.

^k147 All treasons done upon the Sea shall be inquired, heard, and determined in such shires and places of the Realme as shall be limited by the Kings Commission, in like forme and condition, as if the same had been done upon the land, &c. after the common course of the lawes of this land. And by the preamble it appeareth, that it could not be tryed by the Common law, but by the Civill law before the Lord Admirall. See hereafter in the exposition of the statute of 28 H.8. cap. 15. & infra, cap. 49.

| [And thereof be provably attained of open deed by people of their condition.]148

In this branch 4 things are to be observed. ^g149 First this word [provablement ] probably, that is, upon direct and manifest proof, not upon coniectural or presumptions, or inferences, or straines of wit, but upon good and sufficient proofe. And herein the adverb [provablement ] probably, hath a great force, and signifieth a direct and plain proof, which word the King, the Lords, and Commons in Parliament did use, for that the offence was so hainous, and was so heavily, and severely punished, as none other the like, and therefore the offender must probably be attainted, which words are as forcible, as upon direct and manifest proof. Note, the word is not [probably] for then commune argumentum150 might have served, but the word is [provably,] be attainted.

2 This word [attaint ] necessarily implyeth that he be proceeded with, and attainted according to the due course, and proceedings of law, and not by absolute power, or by other meanes, *151 as in former times had been used. ^h152 And therefore if a man doth adhere to the enemies of the King, or be slaine in open warre against the King, or otherwise die before the attainder oftreason, he forfeiteth nothing, because (as this Act saith) he is not attainted: wherein this Act hath altered that, which before this Act, in case of treason, was taken for law. And the statute of 34 E.3. cap.12. saves nothing to the King, but that which was in esse,153 and pertaining to the King of the making of that Act. And this appeareth by a judgement in parliament in Anno 29 H.6. cap.1. That *154 Jack Cade being slaine in open rebellion could no way be punished, or forfeit any thing, and therefore was attainted by that act of High treason.

[Of open deed.]155

per apertum factum,156 ,157 This doth also strengthen the former exposition of the word (provablement,)158 that it must be provably, by an open act, which must be manifestly proved.159 As if divers doe conspire the death of the King, and the manner how, and thereupon provide weapons, powder, *160 poison, assay harness, send letters, &c. or the like, for execution of the conspiracy. Also preparation by some overt act, to depose the King, or take the King by force, and strong hand, and to imprison him, untill he hath yeelded to certaine demands, this is a sufficient overt to prove the compassing and imagination of the death of the King: for this upon the matter is to make the King a subiect, and so dispoyle him of his kingly office of royall government. And so it was resolved by all the Judges of England. Hill 1 Jac. regis, in the case of the Lo. Cobham,161 Lord Gray, and Watson and Clarke Seminary priests: And so had it been resolved by the Justices, Hill.43. Eliz. in the case of the Earles of E. and of S. who intended to goe to the court where the Queen was, and to have taken her into their power, and to have removed divers of her Counsell, and for that end did assemble a multitude of people; this being raised to end aforesaid was a sufficient overt act for compassing the death of the Queen. And so by woful experience in former times it hath fallen out, in the cases of King E.2. R.2. H.6. and E.5 that were taken, & imprisoned by their subjects. And this is made more plain by the legall forme of an inditement of treason: For first it is alledged according to this act, Quod162proditorìè compassavit, & imaginatus fuit mortem & destructionem dn̄i regis, & ipsum dom, regem intersicere, &c.163 In the second part of the inditement is alledged the overt act, et ad illam nephandam, & proditoriam comapassationem, imaginationem, & propositum suum perficiend’ & perimplend’164 and then certainly to set downe the overt fact for preparation to take, and imprison the King, or any other sufficient overt act, which of necessity must be set downe in the Inditement. Hereby it appeareth how insufficeint many inditements were of High treason, wherein it was generally alledged, that per apertum factum compassavit, & imaginatus fuit mortem dom. regis, &c.165 *166 For example Term̄o Mic. anno 5 E.6. Edward Duke of Somerset was indited before Commissioners of Oyer and terminer in London, quod ipse deum prae oculis suis non habens, sed instigatione diabo-|-lica seductus, apud Holborne in parochia Sancti Andreae infra civitatem London, viz. 20 die Aprilis anno regni domini Regis Edw. sexti quinto, & diversis diebus & vicibus antea & postea falso, maliciose, & proditorie *167per aperium factum circumivit, compassavit, & imaginavit cum diversis aliis personis praedictum dominū Regem de statu suo regali deponere & deprivare, &c.168 Which Indictment,169 and all others of like forme were against law, as hath been said, and of the matter of this Indictment that noble Duke was by his Peers found not guilty. But then it may be demanded, for what offence he had judgement of death, and 2. what law made it an offence. The offence appeareth in his Indictment, for the former part thereof contained High Treason, whereof he was acquited, & the latter part contained one only offence of felony (whereof he was found guilty) in these words, Et ulterius Juratores praed. praesentant, quod praesatus Edwardus dux Somerset Deũ prae oculis suis non habens,170sed instigatione diabolica seductus 20 Maii An. regni dicti Dom. Regis Edwardi sexti quinto supradicto, ac diversis aliis diebus & vicibus antea & postea apud Holborn in praed. paroch. Sancti Andreae in civitate London, & apud diversa alia loca infra civitatem London praed. felonice ut selo dicti Dom. Regis per aperta verba & facta procuravit, movit, & instigavit complurimos subditos ipsius domini Regis ad insurgendum, & apertam rebellionem & insurrectionem infra hoc regnum Angliae movend’ contra ipsum dominum Regem, & ad tunc & ibid. felonice ad capiendum & imprisonandum prae nobilem Johannem comitem Warwick de privato consilio domini Regis ad tunc existen’, contra pacem dicti domini Regis coronam & dignitatem suam, & contra formam statuti in hujusmodi casu editi & provisi.171 The statute whereupon this Indictment was intended to be grounded, was the branch of the statute of 3 & 4 E.6.172 by which it is provided, [That if any person or persons by ringing of any Bel, &c. or by malicious speaking or uttering of any words, or making any Dutery, &c. or by any other deed or act shall raise or cause to be raised or assembled any persons to the number of 12 or above, to the intent that the same persons should do, commit, and put in use any of the acts or things above mentioned (whereof to take and imprison any of the Kings most honorable Privie Counsell was one) and the persons to the number of 12 or above so raised and assembled after request and commandement (in such sort as in that Act is prescribed) shall make their above and continue together, as is aforesaid, (in the Act) or unlawfully perpetrate, doe, commit, or put in use any of the acts or things abovesaid, that then all and singular persons by whose speaking, deed, act, or any other the meanes above specified any persons to the number of 12 or above, shall be raised or assembled for the doing, committing, or putting in use any of the acts or things above mentioned, shall be adiudged for his so speaking or doing a felon, and suffer execution of death as in case of felony, and shall lose his benefit of Sanctuary and Clergy.] Hereby it doth manifestly appeare, that the truth concerning this Noblemans attainder, and execution in divers things, is contrary to the vulgar opinion, and some of our Chronicles, and in some points contrary to law. First, that for the felony made by the said branch of the said Act he could not have had his Clergie, for Clergie in that Case is expressly ousted by the said Act. 2. That he was not indicted for going about, &c. the death of the Earle of Warwick then of the Kings Privie Counsell, but only for his taking or imprisonment, and therefore could not be indicted upon the statute of 3 H.7.173 as some have imagined. 3. That the Indictment is altogether insufficient, for it pursueth not the words or matter of the said branch of the said Act, as by comparing of them it manifestly appeareth;which (we being desirous that truth may appeare in all things) we have thought good upon this occasion to adde for advancement of truth. 4. That being but attained of felony, he could not by law be beheaded, as elsewhere we have shewed.174 And this Act that created the felony saith, that such a felon shall suffer execution of death, as in case of felony. 5. Lastly, this whole Act was justly holden to be a doubtfull and dangerous statute, and therefore was deservedly repealed. And after the fall of this Duke, see the preamble of the statute of Subsidie of 7 E.6.175

| And now to returne to Cases of High Treason. If a man be arraigned upon an Indictment of High Treason, and stand mute, he shall have suchjudgement, and incurre such forfeiture, as if he had been convicted by Verdict, or if he had confessed it. For this standeth well wit hthis word provablement, for fatetur facinus, qui judicium fugit:176 but otherwise it is in case of Petit Treason, Murder, or other Felony.177

If a subiect conspire with a foraine Prince beyond the seas to invade the Realme by open hostility, and prepare for the same by some overt act, this is a sufficient overt act for the death of the King, for by this Act of Parliament in that Case there must be an overt act.178Qui capiti, aut saluti Regis persidiose sive solus, sive servis aut sicariis mercede conductis itipatus insidiabitur, vita & fortunis ejus omnibus privator.179 So as thereby an overt act was required.

The composition and connexion of the words are to be observed, viz. [thereof be attained by overt deed.] *180 This relateth to the severall and distinct treasons before expressed, (and specially to the compassing and imagination of the death of the King, &c. for that it is secret in the heart) and therefore one of them cannot be an overt act for another. As for example: a conspiracy is had to levie warre, this (as hath been said, and so resolved) is no treason by this Act untill it be levied, therefore it is no overt act or manifest proofe of the compassing of the death of the King within this Act: for the words be (de ceo. &c.181 ) that is, of the compassing ofthe death. For this were to confound the severall Classes, or membra dividentia, & sic de caeteris, &c.182

183 Divers latter Acts of Parliament have ordained, that compassing by bare words or sayings should be High Treason; but all they are either repealed or expired. And it is commonly said, that bare words may make an Heretick, but not a Traytor without an overt act. And the wisdome of the makers of this law would not make words only to be Treason, seeing such variety amongst the witnesses are about the same, as few of them agree together. But if the same be set downe in writing by the Delinquent himselfe, this is a sufficient overt act within this statute.

184 Cardinall Poole, albeit he was a subject to H.8. and of the Kings blood, (being descended from George Duke of Clarence, Brother to King E.4.) yet he in his Booke of the Supremacy of the Pope, written about 27 H.8. incited Charles the Emperour, then preparing against the Turke, to bend his force against his naturall Sovereigne Lord and Countrey; the writing of which Booke was a sufficient overt act within this statute: and to move the Emperour the rather in that Book, he made H.8. almost as ill as the Turk, in these words, in Anglia sparsum nune est hoc semen, ut vix a Turcico internosci queat, idque authoritate unius coaluit.185

That is, per pares, or their equals, whereof we have spoken before in the exposition of the ^e189 29 Chapter of Magna Carta, Verb. per judicium parium suorum,190 and more shall be and said hereafter. This Branch (p gents de jour condition ) extendeth only to a conviction by Verdict, whereof the statute particularly speaketh; but yet where the party indicted confesseth the offence or standeth mute, he shall have judgement as in case of High Treason. For this branch being affirmative, is taken comulativè | and not privativè.191 And therefore seeing upon confession, or standing mute, the judgement in case of high treason was given at the common law, this Act being, as it hath been said, affirmative, taketh not away the same: And (to say once for al) the clause hereafter of restraint of like cases, &c. extends onely to offences, and not to tryalls, judgements, or executions.

[And if a man counterfeit the Kings great Seale.]192

All our ancient Authors agree that this was High treason by the common law; and for this offence his judgement was to be drawn, hanged, and quartered, at the common law, as in other cases of High treason, (the counterfeiting of the Kings mony excepted.) See The second part of the Institutes, W. 1 cap. 5.193

194 In ancient time every treason was comprehended under the name of felony, but not é contra:195 And therefore a pardon of all felonies was sometime allowed in case of High treason. But the law is, and of long time hath been otherwise holden:196 and if the inditement were felonicè,197 and not proditoriè,198 (for the King may lessen the offence, if it please him)199 then the pardon of felonies is good at this day, for no Inditement can be of High treason without this word (proditoriè:) and in qualiber prodicione implicatur felonia, quia in quolibt brevi de exigendo super quolibet indictamento de proditione proclamator facit sic, I. B.200 An exigent on thy head of treason and felony.

A Compassing, intent, or going about to counterfeit the great seale is no treason, but there must be an actuall counterfeiting, also it must be to the likenesse of the Kings great seale, the words be, Counterface le grand seale le Roy.201

Now it is to be seen what shall be said a forging or counterfeiting of the great seale. If the Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper put the great seale to a Charter &c. without warrant, this is no treason, because the great seale is not counterfeited. But it seemeth by Briton fo. 10. b. that it was treason at the common law, and of that opinion is Fleta fo. 29.a. but it is not treason now (without question) by the negative clause of this Act.

If a man take wax lawfully imprinted with the great scale from the patent, and fix it to a writing purporting a grant from the King, there have been divers opinions in this case what the offence is, which we will rehearse.

In 40. E.3.202 which was about 15. years after the making of this Act, it was not holden High treason, but a great misprision, for that it is no counterfeiting of a new, but an abuse of the true great seale.

In 42 E.3.203 the Abbot of Bruer caused Rob. Rigge his Commsiogne to rase a Charter of R.1. and put out the manner of Fisfetruda, and in place thereof put in Efleghe. And this offence was heard, and sentenced before the King and his Counsell in the Star-Chamber, as a great offence and misprision: for if it had been High treason, it should have had another tryall, and yet this was a great abuse of the great seal.

2 H.4.204 The taking of Great Seal from one Patent, and fixing it to a Commission to gather mony, &c. was adjudged to be such an offence, as the offender had judgement to be drawne, and hanged. The record of which case we have perused, and the effect thereof is this. The partie is indited generally for counterfeiting of the great seal, whereunto he pleaded not guilty, and the Jury found him not guilty of the counterfeiting of the great seale, as was supposed by the inditement, and found further specially, that he tooke the great seale from one patent, and put it to the commission, and that the party put the same in execution, and there judgement was given, that he should be drawne and hanged: which (whatsoever the offence was) ought not to have been given upon this verdict,205 the Jury finding him not guilty of the offence alledged in the inditement: And besides the judgement is such, as is given in case of Petit treason, and not of high treason. Hereby it appeareth how dangerous it is for any to report a case by the ear, specially concerning treason, unlesse he had advisedly read the Record: for (as I take it) the misreport of this case hath hatched errors, and he mistooke the judgment, if it had been High treason, for then it should have been drawne, hanged, and quartered.

| 37. H.8. Br. tit. Treason.206 A Chaplain had fixed such a great Seale to a Patent of dispensation with non-residence, and this was holden a misprision, and not High treason, for it was an abuse of the great seale, and no counterfeiting of it. Stanford saith that it was adjudged in his time according to the book of 2 H.4. Et sic ex errore sequitor error.207 ,208

G. Leak a clark of the Chancery joyned two cleane parchments fit for letters patents so close together with mouth glew, as they were taken for one, the uppermost being very thinne, and did put one labell through then both, then upon the uttermost he writ a true patent, and got the great seale put to the labell, so the labell and the seale were annexed to both the parchments, the own written, and the other blanck: he cut off the glewed skirts round about, and tooke off the uppermost thinne parchment (which was written, and was a true and perfect patent) from the labell, which with the great seale did still hang to the parchment, then he wrote another patent on the blancke parchment, and did publish it as a good patent. Hereupon two questions were moved. 1. Whether this offence be High treason or no. 2. If it be High treason, then whether he may be indited generally for the counterfeiting of the great seale, or els the speciall fact must be expressed. And upon conference had between the Judges, upon great advisement and consideration it was in the end, concerning the first point, resolved by the Justices (saving a very few) upon the authorities aforesaid, and for that it was no counterfeiting of the great seale within this statute, that this offence was neither High treason, nor Petit treason, because it is not within either of the branches of this statute,209 but it is a very great misprision, and the party delinquent liveth at this day. As to the 2. point it was resolved, that if the speciall matter had amounted to counterfeiting of the great seale in law within this act, then he might have been generally indited of High treason for counterfeiting the great seale. As if a man in an affray kill a Constable that comes to keep the Kings peace without any expresse malice prepensed, this is murder in law, and yet the delinquent may bee generally indited of murder by malice prepensed.

And ^a210 Fleta who wrote before this act telleth us, that Crimen falsi dicitur, cū quis illicitus (cui non fuerit ad hoc data authoritas) de sigillo regis rapto vel invento, & brevia cartasque consignaverit.211 But whatsoever offence it was before the making of this statute, it is after this statute no High treason, because it is no counterfeiture of the great seale, but a misusor thereof.

Qui^b212convictus fuerit pro falsatione sigilli dom. regis, quòd tradatur Episcopo Sarum, qui eum petiit ut clericum suum sub poena & in forma qua decet, quia videtor concilio quod in tali casu non admittenda est purgatio, &c.213 Hereby it should appeare that in those dayes a man might have had his Clergie for this offence, and therefore as some hold, it was not then holden to be High treason, & herein also is the preamble of this act, concerning divers opinions in case of treason, verified.

This statute naming the great seale and privie seale, the forging and the counterfeiting of the privie signet, or of the signe manuell was not within this statute. But by the ^c214 statute of 1 Mar. it is made High treason in both cases. Alteit that in this act there is no mention made of ^d215 ayders and consentors to this counterfeiting, yet they are within the purvien of this statute, for there be no accessaries in High treason.

[Or his money.]216 ,217

^e218 This was treason by the common law, as it appeareth by all the said ancient authors, ubi supra (verbo, Si home counterface le grand seale)219 and therefore the opinion in 3 H.7. is holden for no law, that it was but felony before this act. ^f220 The forging of the Kings coine, is High treason, without utterance of it, for by this act the counterfeiting is made High treason. See the second part of the Institutes. W. 1. cap. 15. ^g221 See Thom. Walsingham. Hypodigme Neustrie. An. Dom. 1278. Judei protonsura monetae in magna multitudine ubique per Angliam suspenduntur, &c.222

^h223Si ipse qui facit monetam authoritate regis, &c. illam facit minus in pondere | vel allaiata, viz. Alcumino vel alio falso metallo contra ordinationem, &c.224 This is there holden to be High Treason, and by that Book taken for a counterfeiter of the Kings money within the Purvien of this statute. ^a225 And herewith agreeth Britton, who saith, Des sauceres q. ount nostre monye counterfet ou pluis de allaye mise in nostre monye, q. nuster, ne serroit solonq le forme & usage de nostre Realme.226

^b227Ordeine fuit q. nul roy de cest realme ne puit changer sa money, ne impairer, ne amender, ne auter monye faire q̄ de ore & argent, sans lassent de couts les Counties.228 It was ordained, that no king of this Realme might not change his money, nor impaire, nor amend the same, nor other money make then of Gold or Silver, without assent of Parliament.

^c229 Clipping, washing, and filing of the money of this Realme, was no counterfeiting of it within this Act. And therefore being a like Case, it was declared by Parliament in Anno 3 H.5. cap. 6. to be High Treason; but that Act being repealed by 1 Mariae the statute of 5 Eliz. cap. 11. hath ^d230 declared that clipping, washing, rounding, or filing, for wicked lucre and gaine, &c. to be High Treason. And by the statute of ^e231 18 Eliz. it is declared, That if any person for wicked lucre or gaines-sake, shall by any art, wayes, or meanes whatsoever, impaire, diminish, falsifie, scale, or lighten the Kings money, &c. it is High Treason, for being a like case, it was to be declared by Parliament.

Forging ^f232 or counterfeiting of foraine money, which is not currant within the Realme, is misprision of Treason, and the offender shall forfeit, as for concealement of High Treason.

[His money.]233

^g234 This extendeth only so the Kings money coyned within this Realme; and therefore after this statute, if a man had counterfeited the money of another kingdome, though it were currant within this Realme, it was no treason, untill it was so declared by Parliament ^h235 in An. 1 Mariae, and in An. 1 & 2 Ph.& M. and the said Acts of 5 Eliz. & 18 Eliz. do extend to forrain coyne currant within this Realme. And it is holden, that at the making of this statute of 25 Edw. 3. there was no money currant within this Realme, but the Kings own coyne. ⁱ236 See the statute called Statutum de moneta magnum. & statutum de moneta parvum.237 And it is to be knowne, that if any doe counterfeit the Kings coyne contrary to this statute of 25 Edw. 3. ^k238 He shall have the punishment of his body, but as in case of Petit Treason, that is, to be drawne and hanged till he be dead, but the forfeiture of his lands is as in other cases of High Treason, for this statute is but a declaration of the Common law, and the reason of his corporall punishment is, for that in this case he was only drawne and hanged at the Common law, but a woman in that case was to be burnt.

^l239 The Abbot of Missenden in the County of Buckingham for counterfeiting and resection of the Kings money, was adjudged to be drawne and hanged, and not quartered. The want of observation of the said distinction hath made some to erre in their judgement. Nota. This Act of 25. E. 3. maketh no expression of the judgement, therefore such judgement as was at the Common law either in case of High Treason or Petit Treason must be given.

But if one be attainted for diminishing of the Kings mony upon any of the statutes made in Queen Maries time, or in the time of Queen Elizabeth, because it is High Treason newly made, the offender shall have judgement as in case of High Treason, which judgement you may see in the first part of the Institutes. Sect. 747.

^m240 And when a woman commits High Treason and is quick with childe, she cannot upon her arraignment plead it, but she must either pleade not guilty, or confesse it: and if upon her plea she be found guilty, or confesse it, the cannot alleage it in arrest of judgement, but judgement shall be given against her: and if it be found by an inquest of Matrons that she is quick with childe, (for priviment enfent241 will not serve) it shall arrest, and respite execution till she be delivered, but she shall have the benefit of that but once, though she be againe quick | with childe: so as this respite of execution for this cause is not to be granted, only in case of felony, whereof Justice Stanford speaketh,242 but in case of High Treason, and Petit Treason also.243

[If a man bring false money into this realme counterfeit to the money of England, knowing the money to be false, etc.]244

By this branch six things are to be observed. First, that the bringing in of counterfeit money, and not the counterfeiting is expressed in this word [apport.]245 Secondly, that it must be brought from a foraine Nation, and not from Ireland, or other place belonging to or being a member of the Crowne of England, and so it hath been resolved,246 so wary are Judges to expound this statute concerning Treason, and that in most benigne sense: For albeit Ireland be a distinct Kingdome, and out of the Realme of England to some purposes,247 as to Protections and fines levied, &c, as hath been said: yet to some intent it is accounted as a member of or belonging to the Crowne of this Realme. And therefore a Writ of Error is maintainable here in the Kings Beach of a judgement given in the Kings Bench in Ireland, so as the Judges did construe this statute not to extend to false money brought out of Ireland. Thirdly, it must be to the similitude of the money of England. Fourthly, that the bringer of it into this Realme, must know it to be counterfeit. Fiftly, uttering of false money in England,248 though he know it to be false and counterfeit to the likenesse of the coyne of England, is no treason within this statute, unlesse he brought it from a foraine Nation, for the words be, si home apport faux money en cest realme.249 But if money false or clipped be found in the hands of any that is suspicious, he may be imprisoned untill he hath found his warrant, per statutum de moneta magn’ vet. Mag. Cart. fo. 38. 2 parte.250 Lastly, he must merchandize therewith, or make payment thereof, expressed in these words, Pur merchandizer, on paiment faire in deceipt nostre seignior le roy & son people.251 See more, De moneta regis,252 and of the derivation thereof in The second part of the Institutes, in Artic’ super cartas, cap. 10.

[If a man slay the Chancellor, Treasurer, or the Kings Justices of one Bench or the other Justices in Eire, or Justices in Assize, and all other Justices assigned to hear and determine, being in their place doing their offices.]253

In this case albeit one intend to kill any of these here named in their place, and doing their office, and thereupon strike or wound any of them, this is no treason: For our statute saith, Si home tuast Chancelor, &c.254 If a man kill the Chancellour, &c. For if it be treason, death must ensue. And the reason wherefore it is treason in these cases is, because fitting judicially in their places, (that is, in the Kings Courts) and doing their office in administration of justice, they represent the Kings person, who by his Oath is bound that the same be done. And this Act extends only to the persons here particularly named, and to no other: and therefore extendeth not to the Court of the Lord Steward, or of the Constable and Marshall, nor to the Court of the Admiralty, or any other, nor to any Ecclesiasticall Court. Nay, it extends not to the High Court of Parliament, if any Member of the Lords House, or House of Commons be slaine in his place, and doing his office, because it is casus omissus,255 and not mentioned in this Act. But in all those Cases it is wilfull murder, for the Law implyeth malice.

[And it is understood, that in the cases above rehearsed, it ought to be judged Treason, which extend to the Lord our King and his Royall Majestie: And such treason is the forfeiture of the escheates pertaineth to our Lord the King, as well as the lands and tenements holden of others, as of himself.]256

257 This is an affirmance of the Common Law, and the reason there of is, for that the offence is committed against the soveraigne Lord the King, who is the light and the life of the Common-wealth: and therefore the Law | doth give to the King in satisfaction of his offence, all the Lands, &c. which the offender hath, and that no subject should be partaker of any part of the forfeiture for this offence.

And where the words be [Lands and Tenements holden, &c.] yet the forfeiture extends to *258 rents charges, rents seck, Commons, Corrodies, and other hereditaments which are not holden, for in case of High Treason the tenure is not materiall.259

This clause hath 7. limitations. First, this Act extends not ^b260 to lands in tayle, (saving only for the life of tenant in tayle) but the forfeiture of escheats is to be understood of such Lands and Tenements, as he might lawfully forfeit. And these generall words take not away the statute of donis conditional’261^c262 but latter statutes give the forfeiture of estates in tail. 2. Nor doth this Act extend to uses, but *263 latter statutes doe name uses. 3. ^d264 For to rights of actions, where the entrie is taken away, and so is the law cleerly holden at this day. 4. Nor to any conditions, but by a ^e265 latter statute conditions, unlesse they be inseparably knit to the person, be given to the King. 5. Nor to rights of entry, where any was in the lands ^f266 by title before the treason committed, but such a right of entry is since given by latter statutes. 6. For to Lands or Tenements, or Rights ^g267in auter droit,268 as in the right of the Church, nor to lands in the right of a wife, but only during the coverture, and it extendeth to land which the offender hath ^h269 for life, for the forfeiture of the profits during his life. 7. It extendeth not to *270 a foundership of an house of religion in Free almoign, for that is annexed to the bloud of the Founder. Here goods and chattels be not named, but the forfeiture of them is implyed in the judgement.

ⁱ271Nota Lector,272 the said Acts of 26 H.8. 33 H.8. 33 H.8. 5. and 6 E.6. doe yet remain in force, notwithstanding the said statute of 1 Mar. as it hath been often adjudged and resolved, and namely Mich. 21. Ja. in the Exchequer Chamber in a writ of error, upon a judgement given in the Exchequer, between Ratcliffe, and the Lord Sheffeild, by all the Judges of England, and is agreeable to common experience.

See more of High Treason in the next Chapter following, cap. 2. verbo. Et pur ceo que plusors auters cases, &c.273

Cap. II.
Of Petit Treason.

And1 moreover there is another manner of Treason, that is to say,2 when a servant slayeth his Master, or a wife her husband, or when a man secular or religious slayeth his Prelate to whom he oweth | faith and obedience. And of such treason the Escheats ought to pertain to every Lord of his own fee, &c.

It was called High or Grand treason in respect of the royall Majesty against whom it is committed, and comparatively it is called Petit Treason (whereof now this statute speaketh) in respect it is committed against subjects and inferiour persons, whereof this Act doth enumerate three kinds.

[When a servant slayeth his Master.]3

This was Petit Treason by the Common Law, for so it appeareth by the ^a4 book of 12. Ass. that a woman servant killed her Mistris, wherefore she had judgement to be burnt, which is the judgement at this day of a woman for Petit treason. And herewith agreeth 21 E.3. where the reader must know, that in stead of Mere in that case you must read Maister.

^b5 And upon this Act, if the servant kill the wife of his Master, it is Petit treason, for he is servant both to the husband and wife.

^c6 If the child commit Parricide in killing of his father or mother (which the Law-makers never imagined any childe would doe) this case is out of this statute, unlesse the childe served the father or mother for wages, or meat, drink or apparell, for that it is none of these three kinds specified in this Law. And yet the offence is far more hainous and impious in a child then in a servant, for Pecata contra naturam sunt gravissima: but the Judges are restrained by this Act, to interpret this Act, à simili or à minore ad majus,7 as hereafter shall be said. And *8 some say that Parricide was petit treason by the Common Law.

^d9 A servant of malice intended to kill his Master, and lay in wait to doe it whilest he was his servant, but did it not till a year after he was out of service, and it was adjudged Petit treason within this Act.

[Or a wife her husband.]10

^c11 This was petit treason by the Common Law, as it appeareth in our books. If the wife procure one to murder her husband, and he doth it accordingly, in this case the wife being absent is but accessory, and shall be hanged and not burnt, because the accessory cannot be guilty of Petit treason, where the principall is not guilty but of murder: and the *12 accessory must follow the nature of the principall: but if he that did the murder had been a servant of the husband, it had been treason in them both, and the wife should have been burnt. And so it is in the case before of a servant and in the case hereafter of a Clerk.

If the wife and a stranger kill the husband, it is Petit treason in the wife, and murder in the stranger, and so it is in the case of the servant next before, and of the Clerk next after.

Before this statute it was Petit treason, si quis falsaverit sigillum domini sui de cujus familia fuit.13 Britton agreeth herewith.14 But these are taken away by this Act, and all other saving these, that are here expressed.

[Or when a man secular or religious slayeth his Prelate to whom he oweth faith and obedience.]15

16 This clause is understood only of an Ecclesiasticall person, be he secular, or regular, if he kill his Prelate, or Superiour, to whom he oweth faith, and obedience, it is Petit Treason: and so it was at the Common Law. And Petit Treason both presuppose a trust and obedience in the offender, either Civill, as in the wife and servant, or Ecclesiasticall, as in the Ecclesiasticall person.

Aidors, abettors, & procurers of any of these Petit Treasons, are within this Law.17

If the servant kill his Mistris, viz. his Masters wife, this is treason (as hath been said) not by equity, for that is denied as well in Petit Treason, as High Treason, but it is within the letter of this statute,18 for she is a Master.

In High Treason there is no accessories, but all be principalls, and there-|-fore whatsoever act or consent will make a man accessory to a felony, before the act done, the same will make him a principall in case of High Treason. But in case of Petit Treason, there may be accessories, either before, or after the act done, as in case of Murder or Homicide.

Here it appeareth that Acts of Parliament may bind men of the Church, Secular, or Regular, & no benefit of Clergy allowed unto them in case of treason: but *19 hereof you shall read at large in the Exposition of the 15. chapter of Articuli cleri.20

[And of such treason the Escheats ought to pertain to every Lord of his own fee, &c.]21

22 See hereof hereafter in the chapter of Forfeiture. ^b23 If a man seised in fee of a Fair, Market, Common, rent, charge, rent seck, Warren, Corrody, or any other inheritance, that is not holden, and is attainted of felony, the King shall have the profits of them during his life: but after his decease, seeing the blood is corrupted, they cannot descend to the heir, *24 nor can they escheat because they be not holden, they perish and are extinct by Act in law: For in Escheats for Petit Treason or felony, a tenure is requisite, as well in the case of the King, as of the subject.

An Approver in case of felony, refusing the combate with the Appellee, shall have like judgement that is for Petit Treason, Probator recusans duellum adjudicatur suspendi, & trahi in odium falsae accusationis:25 but yet it is not Petit Treason, because it is none of the three specified in this Act.

The case which Shard reciteth in 40 Ass.26 that a Norman being Leader of an English ship, who had English men with him, and robbed divers upon the sea, and were taken and found guilty: and as to the Norman it was but felony (because Normandy was lost by King John, and was out of the ligeance of E.3.) and as to the English it was adjudged treason, and the offenders drawn and hanged, which was the judgement of Petit Treason: but this case must be intended to fall out before this statute of 25 E.3. for it is none of the Petit Treasons mentioned in this Act.

And27 ,28 because that many other like cases of treason may happen in time to come, which a man cannot think nor declare at this present time: It is accorded, that if any other case supposed treason, which is not above specified, doth happen before any Justice, the Justice shall tarry without going to judgement of the treason, till the cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament, whether it ought to be judged treason or other felony.

[Like cases of treason.]29

In this case, the Judges shall not judge à simili,30 or by equity, argument, or inference of any treason, High or Petit, for no like case shall be adjudged treason, &c. And note this branch extendeth (as hath been said) to the offence, viz. treason, and not to tryall, judgement, or execution.

[Any other case supposed treason.]31

No other case, though of as high or higher nature, &c. shall be adjudged treason High or Petit, as before it appeareth in the case of Paricide, Anno 1 Mariae, ubi supra.

[Treason.]

Either High Treason, or Petit Treason, so as this branch extendeth as hath been said to the offence of treason only.

| [Which is not above specified.]32

33 This word [specifie] is to be specially observed, for it is as much to say, as particularized, or set downe particularly: so as nothing is left to the construction of the Judge, if it be not specified and particularized before by this Act. A happy sanctuary or place of refuge for Judges to flye unto, that no mans blood and ruine of his family do lie upon their consciences against law. And if that the construction by arguments à simili,34 or à minori ad majus35 had been left to Judges, the mischiefe before this statute would have remained, viz. diversity of opinions, what ought to be adjudged treason, whichthisstatute hath taken away by expresse words: and the statute of 1 Mar.36 doth repeate all treasons, &c. but only such as be declared and expressed in this Act of 25 E.3. wherein this word [expressed] is to be observed.

In the Parliament holden Anno 5 H.4.37 the Earle of Northumberland came before the King and Lords in Parliament, and by his Petition to the King, acknowledged to have done against his allegiance: and namely, for gathering of Power and giving of Liveries, whereof he prayeth pardon: and the rather, that upon the Kings Letters he yeelded himselfe, and came to the King unto Yorke, where he might have kept himselfe away. The which Petition the King delivered to the Justices by them to be considered. Whereupon the Lords made protestation, that the order thereof belonged to them, as Peers of the Parliament, to whom such judgement belonged in weighing of this statute of 25 E.3, &c. and they judged the same to be no treason, nor felony, but only trespasse finable at the Kings will. And the opinion in 27 Ass.38 is denied, that if one of the Indicters discover the counsell of the King, that it should be treason; because it is not specified before in this Act, and therefore neither High Treason, nor Petit Treason.

[Till the cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament.]39

By this it is apparent, that any like or other case ought to be declared by the whole Parliament, (and not by the King and Lords of the Upper-House only, or by the King and the Commons, or by the Lords and Commons.) And so was it done by the whole Court of Parliament in 3 R.2. ubi supra. 5 Eliz. 18 Eliz. ubi supra, and many other Acts of Parliament.

John Duke of Gwyen and of Lancaster, Steward of England, and Thomas Duke of Glocester, Constable of England, the Kings Uncles, complained to the King,40 that Thomas Talbot Knight, with other his adherents, conspired the death of the said Dukes in divers parts of Cheshire, as the same was confessed and well knowne, and prayed that the Parliament might judge of the fault (which Petition was just, and according to this branch of the statute of 25 E.3.) but the Record saith further: whereupon the King and Lords in the Parliament adjudged the same fact to be open and High Treason: which judgement wanting the assent of the Commons, was no declaration within this Act of 25 E.3. because it was not by the King and his Parliament according to this Act, but by the King and Lords only.

[Whether it ought to be judged treason or other felony.]41

42 This Declaration may be absolute, or sub modo,43 for a time.

By this which hath been said it manifestly appeareth,44 what damnable opinions those were concerning High Treason, of Tresilian Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench, Sir Robert Belknap Chiefe Justice of the Common Bench, Sir John Holt, Sir Roger Fulthorp, and Sir William Burghe, Knights, fellowes of the said Sir Robert Belknap, and of John Lockton one of the Kings Serjeants, that were given to King R. the 2. at Nottingham, in the Eleventh yeare of his reigne. But more detestable were the opinions of the Justices in 21 R.2. and of Hanckford and Brinchley the Kings Serjeants, (and the rather, because they took no example by the punishment of the former) which affirmed the said opinions to be good and lawfull,45 saving Sir William Thirning | Chiefe Justice of the Common Bench gave this answer: That declaration of treason not declared belongeth to the Parliament; but to please, he said, that if he had been a Lord or a Peer of Parliament, if it had been demanded of him, he would have made the like answers. These Justices and Serjeants being called in question in the Parliament holden Anno 1 H.4.46 for their said opinions, answered (as divers Lords Spirituall and Temporall did) that they durst no otherwise do, for feare of death. It was thereupon enacted, that the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, or Justices, be not from thenceforth received to say, that they durst not feare of death to say the truth. Which opinions being so manifestly against our said Act of 25 E.3. afterwards in the Parliament holden 1 H.4.47 it is affirmed by authority of Parliament, that in the said Parliament of 21 R.2. divers Statutes, Judgements, Ordinances, and Stablishments were made, ordained, and given, erroniously and dolefully in great disherison and finall destruction and undoing of many honourable Lords, and other liege people of this Realme, and of their heires forever.48 And therefore not only that Parliament of 21 R.2. and the circumstances and dependances thereupon, are wholly reversed, revoked, voided, undone, repealed, and annulled for ever, but also the Parliament holden in 11 R.2. by authority of which Parliament: Tresilian, Belknap, and the rest of those false Justices and Serjeants aforesaid were attainted, is confirmed, for that it was (as there the Parliament affirmeth) for the great honour and common profit of the Realme.

[And if percase any man of this Realme ride armed, &c.]49

For exposition hereof, see the Chapter hereafter against riding or going armed.

For the better instruction of the Reader to discerne what offences be High Treason or Petit Treason at this day, it shall be necessary to adde hereunto the statute of 1 Mar. whereby it is enacted,50 [That no Act, Deed, or Offence, being by Act of Parliament or Statute made treason, petittreason, ormisprision of treason, by words, writing, ciphering, deeds, or otherwise whatsoever, shall be taken, had, deemed, or adiudged to be High Treason, Petit Treason, or misprision of treason, but only such as be declared and expressed to be treason, petit treason, or misprision of treason, in or by the Act of Parliament or Statute made in the 25 yeare of the raigne of the most noble King of famous memory, King Edward the third, touching or concerning treason, or the declaration of treason, and none other, &c. Any Actor Acts of Parliament, Statute, or Statutes, had or made at any time heretofore or after the said 25 year of King E.3. or any other declaration or matter to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.]51

Before this Act so many treasons had been made and declared by Act of Parliament since this Act of 25 E.3. some in particular, and some in generall, and in such sort penned, as not only the ignorant and unlearned people, but also learned and expert men were many times trapped and snared: and sometimes treasons made or declared in one Kings time, were abrogated in another Kings time, either by speciall or generall words: so as the mischief before 25 E.3. of the uncertainty what was treason, and what not, became to be so frequent and dangerous, as the safest and surest remedy was, by this excellent Act of 1 Mar. to abrogate and repeale all, but only such as are specified and expressed in this statute of 25 E.3. By which law, the safety both of the King and of the subject, and the preservation of the Common-weale is wisely and sufficiently provided for, in such certainty, as Nihil relictum estarbitrio Judicis.52 And certainly the two Rules recited in the Preamble of the said Act of 1 Mariae, are assuredly true. The first, [That the state of a King standeth and consisteth more assured by the love and favour of the subject toward their Soveraigne then in the dread and fear of lawes made with rigorous pains and extreme punishment for not obeying their Soveraigne.] And the other, [That lawes justly made for the preservation of the Common-weale without extreme punishment or penalty, are more often, and for the most part better obeyed and kept, then lawes and statutes made | with great and extreme punishment.] Mitiùs imperanti melius paretur.53 ,54

In which Act five notable things are to be observed. First, it extendeth (without exception) to all High Treasons made by any Act of Parliament since the said Act of 25 E.3. Secondly, to all declarations of High Treasons by any Act of Parliament since the said Act of 25 E.3. (as of the said Declaration in 3 R.2. of killing an Ambassadour and the like.) Thirdly, to all Petit Treasons made or declared by any Act of Parliament since the said Act of 25 E.3. Fourthly, albeit misprision of treason is not mentioned in the Act of 25. E.3. yet every misprision of any treason made or declared since that Act by any Act of Parliament, is abrogated. Fifthly, no offence to be treason, petit treason, or misprision of treason, but only such as he declared and expressed to be treason, petit treason, or misprision of treason by the said Act of 25 E.3. Here three things are to be observed: first, that this word [expressed] excludeth all implications or inferences whatsoever, Secondly, here misprision of treason is taken for concealement of high treason or petit treason, and only of high treason or petit treason specified and expressed in the Act of 25 E.3. Thirdly, that no former judgement, attainder, president, resolution, or opinion of Judges or Justices of high treason, petit treason, or misprision of treason, other then such as are specified and expressed in the said Act of 25 E.3. are to be followed or drawne to example: for the words be direct and plaine, [That from henceforth no Act, Deed, or offence, &c. shall be taken, had, deemed, or adiudged to be treason, petit treason, or ^a55 misprision of treason, but only such as be declared and expressed in the said Act of 25 E.3. &c. any Act of Parliament or Statute after 25 E.3. or any other declaration or matter to the contrary notwithstanding.] So as there is no high treason, petit treason, or misprision of any treason made or declared by any Act of Parliament or otherwise since the Act of 25 E.3. but only such as have been made since the said Act of 1 Mariae, and of those, only such as were made ^b56 perpetuall, and not during the life of Queen Mary or of Queen Elizabeth, whereof there be divers which now are expired, which you may reade being all in print. But there wanted nothing to the perfection of the Statute of 25 E.3. but a limitation of some certaine time wherein the offender should be accused. ^c57Post intervallum temporis accusator non erit audiendus, nisi docere potest se faisse justis rationibus impeditum.58

[Or the declaration of treason, &c.]59

^d60 Declarations made during the naturall life of Queen Elizabeth ceased by her death: for Declarations may have limitations as well as Statutes introductory of new lawes.

There is another excellent branch of a Statute made ^c61 in 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. in these words. [And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all trials hereafter to be had, awarded, or made for any treason, shall be had and used only according to the due order and course of the Common Law.]

All trials.

^f62 Upon these words many things have been observed by others. First, that the Letter of this Act extendeth only to triall of high treasons, or petit treasons, and not to misprision. Secondly, Foraine treasons are to be tried by the statute

^g63 of 35 H.8. cap. 2. and so it was resolved by all the Justices of England in Orurks Case, and had been so resolved before. But for trials of treasons to be had in Wales, or where the Kings Writ runneth not, in such Shires as the King shall assigne by his Commission by the *64 statute of 32 H.8. ca. 5. are abrogated by this Act, because they are triable by the law. ^h65 It hath been holden, that upon the triall of misprision of treason there must be two lawfull witnesses, as well upon the triall, as upon the indictment, as it was resolved by the Justices in the Lord Lumleyes Case, Hil. 14. Eliz. reported by the Lord Dier, under his own hand, which we have seen, but left out of the print, which for other purposes is cited hereafter. Thirdly, it hath beene holden, that this Act extendeth not to the Indictment of any treason, but to the triall by Peers, if the offender be noble: or by Freeholders, if the offender be under the degree of nobility: & therefore upon the indictment which is in manner of an | accusation, by the statutes of 1. E.6. and 5 E.6.66 two lawfull witnesses are requisite: the words of the statute of 1 E.6. in the last branch be, [That none shall be indicted, arraigned, condemned, or convicted for any treason, Petit Treason, misprision of treason, or for any words before specified to be spoken, after the said first day of February, for which the same offender or speaker that in any wise suffer pains of death, imprisonment, losse or forfeiture of his goods, chatels, lands, or tenements, he be accused by two sufficient and lawfull witnesses, or shall willingly without violence confesse the same.]

Nota that [before specified] doe refer to the words mentioned before in the Act. 1. It is manifest by the connexion of the words, viz. [for any words before specified to be spoken, &c.] 2. The treasons in 25 E.3. were mentioned before. 3. The first words be [for any treason, Petit treason, misprision of treason, &c.]

And by 5 E.6. ca.11.67 it is provided by the last clause save one. [That none shall be indicted, arraigned, condemned, convicted, or attainted for any of the treasons or offencess aforesaid, or for *68 other treasons that now be, or hereafter shall be, which shall hereafter be perpetrated, committed, or done, unlesse the same offender be thereof accused by two lawfull accusers, &c. unlesse the said party arraigned shall willingly, without violence confesse the same.] Here two things are to be observed. 1. The particular penning of both these Acts, viz. indicted, arraigned, convicted, &c. and the words of 1 & 2 of Ph & Mar. extend to tryals only, & not to the indictment. 2. Two lawfull accusers in the Act of 5 E. 6 are taken for two lawfull witnesses, for by two lawfull accusers, and accused by two lawfull witnesse (as it is said 1 E.6) is all one: which word (accusers) was used, because two witnesses ought directly to accuse, that is, charge the prisoner, for other accusers have we none in the Common Law: and therefore lawfull accusers must be such accusers as Law allow. And so was it resolved in the Lo. Lumleys case by the Justices:69 for if accusers should not be so taken, then there must be two accusers, by 5 E.6. and two witnesses by 1 E.6. And the strange conceit in 2 Mar. that one may be an accuser by hearsay, was utterly denied by the Justices in the Lo. Lumleys case. And this word [awarded] in the statute of 1 & 2. Ph. & Mar. extendeth to the tryall upon the arraignment, and not to the indictment, for that is not said to be awarded.

And it was resolved by all the Justices in ^a70 Rolstons case upon the rebellion in the North, that these words [shall willingly without violence confesse the same] are to be understood where the party accused upon his examination before his arraignment, willingly confessed the same without violence; that is, willingly without any torture: and is not meant of a confession before the Judge, for he is never present at any torture, neither upon his arraignment was ever any torture offered. And here commeth another ^b71 statute made in 1 & 2 Mar. to be considered, by which it is provided, that treason for the counterfeiting and unpairing of the coin currant in this Realm, &c. the offender therein, &c. shall be indicted, arraigned, tried, convicted, or attainted by such like evidence, and in such manner and form, as hath been used and accustomed within this Realm, at any time before the first year of King E.6. &c. Wherein the speciall penning of this Act is to be observed, which in case of treason concerning the counterfeiting or impairing of coin, &c. hath by particular words restored the evidence requisite by the Common Law, before the statute of 1 E.6. as well upon the indictment as the triall. But the Act of 1 & 2 Ph & Mar.cap. 10.72 extends to trialls only in other cases of High Treason, and therefore that Act extendeth not to the indictment of other High treasons. Also it is most necessary (as many doe hold) that there should be two lawfull accusers, that is, two lawfull witnesses at the time of the indictment, for that it is commonly found in the absence of the party accused, and it may be when the party suspected is beyond sea, or in remote parts, and may be obtained thereupon; and therefore seeing the indictment is the foundation of all, it is most necessary to have substantiall proof in a cause so criminall, where probationes oportent esse luce clariores.73 | Lastly, if the indictment were part of the tryall, then ought he that is noble, and a Lord of Parliament be indicted of High Treason, &c. by his Peers: for the tryall of him (without question) must be by his Peers: but the indictment of Peers of the Realm is always by Freeholders, and not by their Peers, as hereafter shall appear. We have been the longer herein in respect of some variety of opinion (for want of due and intire consideration had of all and every part of that which hath been said) upon serious study touching this point, without respect of a common wandring opinion.74

And it seemeth that by the ancient Common law one accuser, or witnesse was not sufficient to convict any person of High Treason: ^a75 For in that case, where is but one accuser, it shall be tried before the Constable and Marshall by Combat, as by many records appeareth. ^b76 But the Constable and Marshall have no jurisdiction to hold plea of any thing, which may be determined or discussed by the Common Law. And that two witnesses be required, appeareth by our ^c77 books, and I remember no authority in our books to the contrary: and the Common law herein is grounded upon the law of God expressed both in the old and new Testament: ^d78In ore duorum aut trium testium peribit qui interficietur: Nemo occidatur uno contra se dicente testimonium.79

And this seemeth to be the more clear in the triall by the Peers, or Nobles of the Realm, because they come not de aliquo vicineto,80 whereby they might take notice of the fact in respect of vicinitie, as other Jurors may doe.

Having now rehearsed what others have said and holden, we upon due consideration had of the whole matter will set down our own opinion, and reasons, in these Four points following. First, that the statute of ^e81 5 E.6. cap. 11. is a generall law, and extends to all High treasons, as well by the Common Law declared by the statute of 25 E.3. as to any other statute made or to be made, the negative words of which statute be: [No person shall be ^f82 indicted, arraigned, convicted, condemned, or attainted for any treason, that now is, or hereafter shall be, &c.] Which words without all question are generall, and so to be taken. The words of that statute be further, [Unlesse the same offender be accused by two lawfull accusers,] These two lawfull accusers are injudgment of law taken for two lawfull witnesses, and that for two causes: First, they must be lawfull, that is, allowed by the Laws of the Realm: and by the law, upon the arraignment of the Prisoner upon the indictment of treason, no other accuser can be heard, but witnesses only. Secondly, the words of the statute are [Which said accusers at the time of the arraignment of the party accused, if they be then living, shall be brought in person before the party so accused, and avow, and maintain that which they have to say to prove him guilty of the treason., unlesse the party arraigned shall willingly without violence confesse the same,] as by that Act it appeareth. Now to avow and maintain that which they have to say, to prove him guilty of the treason, is the proper office and duty of witnesses, and so it is said in the statute of ^g83 1 E.6. c.12. in the last clause (by two lawfull witnesses.) See the statute of 5 El. c.1. where it is said [accused by good and sufficient testmony:] to the same intent, the statute of 1 & 2 Ph.& Mariae ca.11. for the word [accused.] ⁱ84Puniantor accusatores penes dominum regem, quòd amodò Rex eis de facili non credat: et talis poena fiat eis, qualis debeat fieri illis, qui injuste fideles dn̄i regis exhaeredari & desturi fecerunt, &c.85

2. That this Act of 5 E.6. extend as well to Petit Treason, as High Treason, for the words be [any treason] and so doth the statute of 1 E.6. ca.12.

3. That the statute of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. cap.10. doth not abrogate the said Act of 1 E.6. or of 5 E.6. For that Act of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. extends only to trialls by the verdict of twelve men de vicineto,86 of the place where the offence is alleadged, and ^k87 the indictment is no part of the triall, but an information or declaration for the King, and the evidence of witnesses to the Jury is no part of the triall, for by law the tryall in that case is not by witnesses, but by the ver-|-dict of twelve men, and so a manifest diversity between the evidence to a Jury, and a tryall by Jury. And the word [awarded] in that statute doth prove that that Act extended only to the venire facias88 for trial, for neither the indictment nor the evidence can be said to be awarded: Veritas quae minime defensator, opprimitur, & qui non improbat, approbat. Et sic liberè animam meam liberavi.89

^a90 The tryal against an Aliennee, that lived here under the protection of the King, and amity being between both Kings, for High treason, shall by force of this Act of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. be tried according to the due course of the Common Law, and therefore in that case he shall not be tried per medieratem linguae,91 as he shall be in case of Petit Treason, murder, and felony, if he prayeth it.

4. ^b92 That a tryall in a forein county upon examination before three of the Councell, &c. by the statute of 33 H.8. ca.23. is abrogated by this Act of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. being a tryall contrary to the due course of the Common Law, which is to have it tryed by Jurours of the proper County, ^c93 but the indictment being found in the proper County, it may be by speciall commission heard and determined before Commissioners in any forein county, but the tryall must be by Jurours of the proper county; and this is warranted by the course of the Common Law. And albeit when the Term begins, all Conmisssions of Oier and Terminer in the county where the Kings Bench sit, be suspended during the Term, yet if an Indictment be found before such Commissioners before the tearm, there may be a speciall commission made to commissioners in the same county, sitting the Kings Bench in that county, to hear and determine the same during the tearm: for the Kings Bench hath no power to proceed thereupon, till the indictment be before them. And it is the better, if the speciall commission bear Teste after the beginning of the tearm. Note a diversity between generall commissioners of Oier and Teminer, and such a speciall commission; and the Court of Kings Bench may be adjourned, and in the mean time the Commissioners may sit there.

^d94 And where it is provided by the statute of 33 H.8. cap. 23. that peremptory challenge should not from thenceforth be admitted or allowed in cases of High Treason, or misprision of treason: ^e95 This branch is abrogated by the said Act of 1 Mar. For the end of challenge is to have an indifferent tryall, and which is required by law; and to bar the party indicted of his lawfull challenge, is to bar him of a principall matter concerning his tryall: and all Acts of Parliament concerning incidents to tryalls contrary to the course of the Common law, are abrogated by the said words, [and that all trialls hereafter, &c.] but all this is to be understood of persons under the degree of Nobility; For in case of a triall of a Noble man, Lord of Parliament, he cannot challenge at all any of his Peers.

^f96 Henry Garnet Superiour of the Jesuites in England uponhisarraignment for the Powder Treason, did challenge Burrrell a Citizen of London peremptorily, and it was allowed unto him by the resolution of all the Judges, ^g97 So as in case of High Treason, or misprision of High Treason, a man maychallenge 35. peremptorily, which is under three Juries, but more he cannot.

Lastly, all statutes made before the said Act of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. for tryall of High Treason, Petit Treason, or misprision of Treason, contrary to the due course of the common law, are abogated by the said Act of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. and tryalls by the due course of the common law, with challenges incidents in those cases are restored.

^h98 If a man be indicted of High Treason, he may at this day plead a forein plea, as he might doe by the common law, and shall be tryed in the forein county: but otherwise it is in cases of Petit Treason, murder, or felony, for there it shall be tryed in the county where the indictment is taken.

And forasmuch as the proceeding against a noble Peer of the Realm, being a Lord of Parliament in some points agrees, and in other points differeth from the proceeding against a subject under the degree of Nobility: It shall be necessary to shew wherein they agree, and wherein they differ.

| 1. The Noble Peer of the Realme must be indicted before Commissioners of Oier and Teminer or in the Kings Bench,99 if the treason, misprision of treason, felony or misprision thereof be committed in that County where the Kings Bench sit, as it was resolved in the case of Tho. D. of N. in An. 13. Eliz. And this is common to both degrees to be indicted by Jurors of that County where the offence was committed.

2. When he is indicted,100 then the King by his Commission under the Great Seale constitutes some Peer of the Realme, to be hac Vice,101 Steward of England: For his stile in the Commission, is, (Seneschallus Angliae)102 who is Judge in this case of the treason or felony, or of the misprision of the same committed by any Peer of the Realm. This commission reciteth the Indictment generally as it is found: and power given to the Lord Steward to receive the Indictment, &c. and to proceed, Secundum legem & consuetudinem Angliae.103 And a commandement is given thereby to the Peers of the Realme, to be attendant and obedient to him: and a commandement to the Lieutenant of the Tower to bring the prisoner before him.

3. A Certiorari104 is awarded out of the Chancery to remove the indictment it selfe before the Steward of England indialté,105 which may either beare date the same day of the Stewards Commission, or any day after.

4. The Steward directs his precept under his seale to the Commissioners, &c. to certifie the indictment such a day and place.

5. Another Writ goeth out of the Chancery directed to the Licutenant of the Tower to bring the body of the prisoner before the Steward at such day and place as he shall appoint.

6. The Lord Steward maketh a precept under his seale to the Lieutenant of the Tower &c. and therein expresseth a day and place when he shall bring the prisoner before him.

7. The Steward maketh another precept under his seale to a Serjeant at Armes, to summon Tot & tales dominos, magnates, & proceres hujusregni Angliae praedicti R. Comitis E. pares, per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit, quòd ipsi personaliter compareant coram praedicto Seneschallo apud Westm. tali die & hora, ad faciend, ea quae ex parte domini Regis forent facienda, &c.106 Wherein Four things are to be observed. First, that all these precepts most commonly beare date all in one day. Secondly, that no number of Peers are named in the precept, and yet there must be Twelve or above. Thirdly, that the precept is awarded for the returne of the Peers before any arraignment or plea pleaded by the prisoner. Fourthly, that in this case the Lords are not de Vicineto, andtherefore the sitting and triall may be in any County of England. And herein are great differences between the case of a Peer of the Realme, and of one under the degree of nobility.

8. At the day, the Steward with six Serjeants at Armes before him takes his place under a Cloth of State, and then the Clerk of the Crown delivereth unto him his Commission, who redelivereth the same unto him.107 And the Clerk of the Crown causeth a Serjeant at armes to make three Oyes and commandement given in the name of the Lord High Steward of England to keep silence: and then is the Commission read.108 And then the Usher delivereth to the Steward a white rod, who re-delivereth the same to him againe, who holdeth it before the Steward. Then another Oyes is made, a commandement given in the name of the High Steward of England, to all Justices and Commissioners to certifie all Indictments and Records, &c. Which being delivered into Court, the Clerk of the Crown readeth the return. Another Oyes is made, that the Lieutenant of the Tower, &c. returne his Writ and Precept, and to bring the prisoner to the Bar: which being done, the Clerk reads the retorne. Another Oyes is made, that the Serjeant at armes return his precept with names of the Barons and Peers by him summoned, and the return of that is also read. Another Oyes is made, that all Earles, Barons and Peers (which by the commandement of the High Steward be summoned) answer to their names, and then they take their | places and sit down, and their names are recorded: and the entry of the Record is, that they appear, Ad faciendum ea quae ex parte Domini Regis eis injungentur.109 And when they be all in their places, and the prisoner at the Bar, the High Steward declares to the prisoner the cause of their assembly, and perswades him to answer without feare, that he shall be heard with patience, and that justice should be done.110 Then the Clerk of the Crown reades the Indictment, and proceeds to the arraignment of the prisoner, and if he plead not guilty, the entry is, Et de hoc de bono & malo ponit se super Pares suos &c.111 Then the High Steward giveth a charge to the Peers, exhorting them to try the prisoner indifferently according to their evidence.

9. The Peers are not sworn, but are charged, Super fidelitatibus, & ligeantiis Domino Regi debitis:112 for so the Record speaketh.

10. Then the Kings learned Councell give evidence, and produce their proofes for the King against the prisoner.

11. But the prisoner, when he pleadeth not guilty, whereby he denieth the fact, he needs have no advice of Councell to that plea. But if he hath any matter of law to plead, as Humfrey Stafford in 1 H.7. had, viz. The priviledge of Sanctuary, he shall have Councell assigned to him to plead the same, or any other matter in law:113 as to plead the generall pardon, or a particular pardon, or the like. And after the plea of not guilty, the prisoner can have no Councell learned assigned to him to answer the Kings Councell learned, nor to defend him. And the reason thereof is, not because it concerneth matter of fact, for Ex facto jus oricur:114 but the true reasons of the law in this case are: First, that the testimonies and the proofs of the offence ought to be so clear and manifest, as there can be no defence of it. *115 Secondly, the Court ought to be in dread of councell for the prisoner, to see that nothing be urged against him contrary to law and right: nay, any learned man that is present may informe the Court for the benefit of the prisoner, of any thing that may make the proceedings erroneous. And herein there is no diversity between the Peer and another Subject. And to the end that the triall may be the more indifferent, seeing that the safety of the prisoner consisteth in the indifferency of the Court, the Judges ought not to deliver their opinions before-hand of any criminall case, that may come before them judicially. And we reade, that in the case of Humfrey Stafford that arch-traytor,116 Hussey, Chiefe Justice, besought King Henry the Seventh, that he would not desire to know their opinions before-hand for Humfrey Stafford, for they thought it should come before them in the Kings Bench judicially, and then they would do that which of right they ought: and the King accepted of it. And therefore the Judges ought not to deliver their opinions beforehand upon a case put, and proofs urged of one side in absence of the party accused: especially in cases of high nature; and which deserve so fatall and extreme punishment. For how can they be indifferent, who have delivered their opinions before-hand without hearing of the party, when a small addition, or substraction may alter the case? And how doth it stand with their Oath, who are sworn,117 That they should well and lawfully serve our Lord the King and his people in the office of a Justice? and they should do equall law, and execution of right to all his subjects, &c. See more of this matter in the 13 Section here following.

12. There be alwayes either all, or some of the Judges ever attendant upon the High Steward, and sit at the feet of the Peers, or about a Table in the middest, or in some other convenient place.

13. After all the evidence given for the King, and the prisoners answers, and proofs at large, and with patience heard: then is the prisoner withdrawn from the Bar to some private place under the custody of the Lieutenant, &c. And after that he is withdrawn, the Lords that are tryers of the prisoner go to some place to consider of their evidence: and if upon debate thereof, they shall doubt of any matter, and thereupon send to the High Steward to have conference with the Judges, or with the High Steward, they ought to have no conference, either with the Judges or the High Steward, but openly in Court, and in the pre-|-sence, and hearing of the Prisoner; as it was resolved by all the Justices of England in the reign of King H.8. in the case of the Lord Dacres of the North.118 And this was a just resolution: for when the Lords should put a case, and ask advice thereupon, the prisoner ought by law to be present, to see that the case or question be rightly put: and therefore that nothing be done in his absence, untill they be agreed on their verdict. Hereupon it followeth, that if the Peers of the Realm, who are intended to be indifferent, can have no conference with the Judges, or with the High Steward in open Court in theabsence of the prisoner: à fortiori,119 the Kings learned Counsell should not in the absence of the party accused, upon any case put, or matter shewed by them, privately participate the opinion of the Judges: and upon so just a resolution the case succeeded well, for the Peers found the Lord Dacres not guilty.

14. A Noble man cannot waive his triall by his Peers, and put himselfe upon the triall of the Country, that is, of twelve Freeholders: for the statute of Magna Carta is,120 that he must be tried per Pares.121 And so it was resolved in the Lord Dacres case, Ubi supra.

15.*122 The Peers ought to continue together (as Juries in case of other Subjects ought to do) untill they be agreed of their Verdict: & when they are agreed, they all come again into the Court, and take their places, and then the Lord High Steward publickly in open Court, beginning with the puisne Lord, (who in the case of the Lord Dacre was the Lord Mordant,) said unto him: By Lord Mordant, Is William Lord Dacre guilty of the treasons, whereof he hath been indicted or arraigned, or of any of them. And the Lord standing up said, Not guilty: and so upward of all the other Lords seriatim:123 who all gave the same Verdict: In which case the entry is, Super quo W. Comes E. & caeteri anredicti Pares instanter super fidelitatibus & ligeantiis dicto Domino Regi dibitis, per praefatum Senescallum ab inferiori Pare usq; ad supremum separatim publice examinati dicunt, quòd W. Dominus Dacre non est culp. &c.124

16. The Peers give their Verdict in the absence of the prisoner, and then is the prisoner brought to the Bar again: and then doth the Lord Steward acquaint the prisoner with the verdict of his Peers, and give judgement accordingly, either of condemnation or acquitall. But it is not so in the case of another subject: for there the verdict is given in his presence.

17. Every Lord of Parliament, and that hath voice in Parliament, and called thereunto by the Kings Writ, shall not be tried by his Peers,125 but only such as sit there Ratione Nobilitatis,126 as Dukes, Marquisses, Countes, Viscounts or Barons, and not such as are Lords of Parliament, ratione Baroniarum, quas tenent in jure Ecclesiae,127 by reason of their Baronies which they hold in the right of the Church, as Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, and in time past some Abbots and Priors, but they shall be tried by the country, that is, by Freeholders, for that they are not of the degree of Nobility.

18. ^a128 No Noble man shall be tried by his Peers, but only at the suit of the King upon an indictment of high treason, or misprision of the same, petit treason, murder, or other felony, or misprision of the same. But in case of a Premunire or the like, though it be at the suit of the King, he shall not be tried by his Peers, but by Freeholders. And so in an Appeale at the suit of the party for petit treason, murder, robbery, or other felony, he shall be tryed by Freeholders. See more hereof in the second part of the Institutes, Magna Carta, cap. 29.

19. ^b129 And albeit a man be Noble, and yet no Lord of the Parliament of this Realm, (as if he be a Nobleman of Scotland, or of Ireland, of France, &c.) he shall be tried by Knights, Esquires, or others of the Commons. And so it is of the sonne of a Duke, Marquise, Earle, &c. he is Noble, and called Lord: and yet because he is no Lord of Parliament, he shall be tried as one under the degree of a Peer, and Lord of Parliament.

20. No Peer of the Realme, or any other subject shall be convicted by Verdict but the said offences must be found by above Four & twenty, viz. by twelve, or above, at his indictment, or by twelve Peers, or above, if he be Noble, and by | twelve, and not above, if he be under the degree of Nobility.

21. A Peer of the Realme being indicted of treason, or felony, or of misprision, as is aforesaid,130 and duly transmitted to the Lords, may be arraigned thereof in the upper House of Parliament, as frequently in Parliament Rolls it doth appeare: but then there must be appointed a Steward of England, who shall put him to answer: and if he plead not guilty, he shall be tried per Pares suos,131 and then the Lords Spirituall must withdraw, and make their proxies: but no Appeal of treason can be in Parliament, ^a132 but is ousted by the statute of 1 H.4. cap. 14.

22. ^b133 And as the beginning (viz. the finding of the indictment by Freeholders) is equall to them both: so the most extreme and heavie judgement, if they be found guilty, is equall to both, &c. which you may reade in the first part of the Institutes, Sect. 147.

23. ^c134 And though the Commission of the Lord Steward be only in these latter times hac vice, yet may the same be adjourned, as other Commissions hac vice may. And so it was holden in the Lord Dacres case. And so it was done by the Steward of England in the case of R. Earle of S. and of F. his wife, who adjourned his Commission until the next day.

24. If execution be not done according to the judgement, then the High Steward in the case of a Peer of the Realm, or the Court of Commissioners in case of another subject, may by their precepts under their seales command execution to be done according to the judgement: but in case of High Treason, if all the rest of the judgement (saving the beheading, which is part of the judgement) be pardoned, this ought to be under the Great Seale of England.

25. And when the service is performed, then is an Oyes made for the dissolving of the Commission; and then is the White Rod, which hath been borne and holden before the Steward, by him taken in both his hands, and broken over his head.

Lastly, the Indictments together with the Record of the arraignment, triall, and judgement, shall be delivered into the Kings Bench, there to be kept and inrolled.

Hitherto we have spoken when a Noble man doth appear, and plead not guilty, and put himself upon his Peers: Now let us see what shall be had against him when he is indicted, and appears not, and cannot be taken: and generally he shall be outlawed, per judicium Coronatorum.135 But how doth that stand with Magna Charta,136Nec super eum ibimus, nec. super eum mitremus, nisi per legale judicium parium suorum?137 That is to be intended, when he appears and pleads not guilty, and puts himself upon his Peers: but when he absents himself, and will not yeild himself to the due tryall of his Peers, then he shall be outlained per judicium Coronatorum, or else be should take advantage of his own contumacy, and flying from judgement. ^d138 For process to be awarded upon the indictment or appeal of treason, felony or trespas either against a Nobleman or any other, see the statute of 6 H.6. and 8 H.6. and if the process & order prescribedly those statutes be not pursued, the outlawry may be reversed by writ of error, which writ ought to be granted to him ex merito Justitiae,139 as it was adjudged in Ninian Menvils case: and those statutes doe extend as well to the Kings Bench, as to other courts having by commission power to hear and determine the same, and very few outlawries of treason or felony, are of force and validity in law, for that these Acts are not pursued.

And these Acts are well expounded by our *140 books, and therefore they shall not need to be recited at large. This is necessary to be added, that the opinion of Stanf. Pl. Cor. 182. l. upon the statute of 33 H.8. c.10 is, where the attainder is not erroneous, but lawfull by the course of the law: and so it was resolved, Tr. 28 Eliz. and thereupon ^e141 the statute of 28 Eliz. ca.2. was made, that no attainder that then was for any High Treason should be reversed for error where the party was executed. But that Act extendeth only to attainders before that Act, and where the party attainted suffered pains of death, as hath been said.

| But admitting the proces be awarded according to these statutes, & the truth is; that the party indicted of High Treasons (be he noble or other) at the time of the outlawry pronounced, is out of the realm, &c. whether may he avoid the same by writ of error? The answer is, that he might have avoided the same by writ of error at the common law: but now in case of High Treason he is barred of his writ of error by the statutes of 26 H.8. and 5 E.6.142 which statutes are expounded to extend generally to all treasons, but those statutes extend not to any other offence then high treason only, and therefore all other offences remain as they did at the common law for that point.

Now for that all indictments for any offence whatsoever, as well of Noblemen, as of any under the degree of Nobility, ought by the common law of the Realm to be by persons duly returned, and by *143 lawfull liege people, indifferent as they stand unsworn and without any denomination of any: a good and profitable law *144 was made in that behalf at the Parliament holden in 11 H.4. in these words. Item because that now of late ^a145 Inquests were taken at Westm’ of persons named to the ^b146 Justices, without due return of the Sherif, of which persons some were ^coutlawed before the said Justices of record, and some fled to Sanctuary for treason, and some for felony, there to have refuge; by whom as well many offenders were indicted, as other lawfull liege people of our Lord the King, not guilty by conspiracy, abetment, and false imagination of other persons for their speciall advantage and singular lucre, against the course of the common law used and accustomed before this time. Our said Lord the King for the greater ease and quietnesse of his people, will and granteth, that the same indictment so made, with all the dependance thereof be ^d147 revoked, adnulled, void, and holden for none for ever. And that from henceforth no indictment be made by any such persons, but by enquests of the Kings lawfull ^e148 liege people, in the manner, as was used in the time of his Noble Progenitors, returned by the Sherifs, or baylifs of franchises, without any ^f149 denomination to the Sherifs, or baylifs of franchises before made by any person of the names, which by him should be impanelled, except it be by the officers of the said Sherifs or baylifs of franchises sworn and known to make the same, ^g150 and other officers to whom it pertaineth to make the same according to the law of England. And if any indictment be madehereafter in any point to the contrary, that the same indictment be also void, revoked, and for ever holden for none.

The body of this Act consisteth upon two distinct Purviens or Branches, the one to remedy a mischief past, the other to provide for the time to come. The first branch consisteth of a preamble, and a purvien: and the preamble containeth these eight parts. First, it sheweth divers inquests had been taken at Westminster by persons named to the Justices. Secondly, without duereturn of the Sherif. Thirdly, of which some were outlined before the said Justices of record. Fourthly, some fled to Sanctuary for treason, and some for felony. Fifthly, by whom many offenders were indicted. Sixthly, some not guilty, Seventhly, by conspiracy, &c. Eighthly, that all this was against the course of the common law. By the body of the Act, it is enacted that the same indictment, with all the dependence thereof, be revoked, and made void. Then followeth the second branch or purvien for the time to come, and this purvien consisteth of divers parts: First, in describing by what persons indictments ought to be found, and therein 1. privatè,151 that is, not by any such persons, having reference to the preamble, which persons we have before particularly distinguished. 2. Positivè,152 that all indictments must be found by persons of these qualities. 1. They must be the Kings lawfull liege people. 2. Returned by the sherifs, or baylifs of franchises, and other officers to whom it pertaineth. 3. Without any denomination to the sherifs, baylifs, or other officers: and this purvien is in affirmance, and declaratory of the Common law.

The second part of the purvien is introductory of a new law, viz. that if any Indictment be made hereafter in any point to the contrary, that the same indictment be void, revoked, and holden for none. Wherein these two things are to | be observed: 1. That this is a generall law, and extendeth to all indictments for any crime, default, of offence whatsoever: for the words be [if any indictment] generally without naming of any Court, or before whom. 2. If the indictment be found by any persons that are outlawed or not the Kings lawfully liege people, or not lawfully returned, or denominated by any, viz. by all are any of these, that then the indictment is void, for the words be, [if any indictment be made hereafter in any point to the contrary, &c.] Upon this statute in the case of Robert Scarlet before the Justices of Assise at Bury in the County of Suffolk, in Sommer Vacation, 10 Ja. R. these points were resolved and adjudged: First, where at the Sections of the Peace holden at Woodbridge in the said County of Suffolk, Robert Scarlet by confederacy between him and the Clerk, that was to read the pannell of the grand Jury returned by the Shirif, (whereof he was none, albeit he laboured the Sherif to have returned him) that the Clerk should read him as one of the pannell, which was done accordingly, and he sworn. It was resolved and adjudged that this case was within this statute, for that he was not returned by the Sherif. Secondly, that where the rest of the great inquest giving faith to him indicted seventeen honest and good men upon divers penall statutes, which was done by the said Robert Scarlet maliciously: It was resolved and adjudged, that albeit he *153 alone was sworn without the return of the Sherif, and all the rest duly returned, yet that this case was within this statute, and all the indictments found by him and the rest were void by this statute: for hereby it appeared what mischief such a one might doe. Thirdly, that Robert Scarlet upon this case had offended against the said Act, and might be indicted thereupon: and accordingly he was upon sufficient proof of the fact, as is aforesaid, indicted upon the said Act, and pleaded not guilty, and was found guilty. Fourthly, that this Act extended not only to indictments of treason and felony, but of all other offences and defaults whatsoever, according to the generality of the words. Fifthly, consideration was had of the Act of 3 H.8. cap.12.154 andresolved clearly that this statute had not altered the Act of 11 H.4 in. any thing concerning the offence of Scarlet, as upon that, which shall be said of the Act of 3 H.8. shall appear. And upon hearing of Councell learned what they could say in arrest of judgement, at last judgement was given, that he should be fined and imprisoned, and ordered by the Court that no process should goe out upon the said indictments found by the said great inquest, whereof Scarlet was one.

But not withstanding this good law, through the subtilty, & untrue demeanor of Sherifs, and their Ministers, great extortions and oppressions be and have been committed and done to many of the Kings subjects by means of returning at Sections holden within counties and shires for the body of the shire, the names of such persons as for the singular advantage, &c. of the said Sherifs and their Ministers, will be wilfully forsworn and perjured by the sinister labour of the said Sherifs and their Ministers, by reason whereof many substantiall persons, the Kings true subjects have been wrongfully indicted of murders, felonies, and misdemeanors: and sometime by labour of the said Sherifs and their Ministers, divers great felonies and murders have been concealed, &c. For remedy of which mischiefs it is enacted by the said statute of 3 H.8. cap.12. That the Justices of Gaol Delivery, or Justices of Peace, whereof one to be of the Quorum, in their open Sessions may reform the panell returned by the Sherif to inquire for the King, by putting to and taking out the names of the persons so impanelled by the discretion of the said Justices, &c. and that the Sherif shall return the panells so reformed. This Act extends only to Justices of Gaol Delivery, and of the Peace: The body of the Act for offences is generall and evident. Vide 11 H.7. cap.24.155

Nota Lector,156 that the aforesaid Parliament of 11 H.4. begun in Quindena Hilarii, Anno 11 H.4. and the same tearm, viz. Hill 11 H.4. fo.41.157 it was according to the said Act of 11 H.4. resolved by Gascoign Chief Justice, and all the rest of the Justices, that an indictment of felony found by an inquest before 3 H.9. whereof one was outlawed of felony, and another was acquited by the | general pardon, so as they were not probi et legales homines158 to enquire as the law willeth, and after the party had pleaded not guilty to the felony, it was awarded, that all the indictments by them found, were adnulled and made void. Herewith agreeth Stanford in his Pleas of the Crown, fo. 87. & 88. Vide F. tit. Indictment 25. & Coron. 89. and Brook tit. indictment. 2.159 Note the Act saith, that they were outlawed before themselves, so as the Court may take knowledge thereof of themselves, or of any other, as amicus curiae:160 but the safest way for the party indicted is to plead, upon his arraignment, the speciall matter given unto him by the statute of 11 H.4. for the overthrow of the indictment, with such averments, as by law are required, (agreeable to the opinion of the Lord Brook. Ubi supra.) and to plead over to the felony, and to require councell learned for the pleading thereof, which ought to be granted,161 and also to require a copy of so much of the indictment, as shall be necessary for the framing of his plea, which also ought to be granted. And these Laws made for indifferency of Indicters, ought to be construed favourably, for that the indictment is commonly found in the absence of the party, and yet it is the foundation of all the rest of the proceeding.

To draw to an end concerning Tryals: It is regularly true, that by the Common law the tryall shall be in the County, where the indictment is taken: and by the aforesaid Act of 35 H.8.162 treasons and misprisions of treasons committed or done out of the Realm, &c. shall be enquired of, heard, and determined before the Justices of the Kings Bench, &c. Now the case fel out upon this statute to be thus: *163 One was indicted before the Justices of the Kings Bench, at the Tearm holden at Hertford, by a Jury of the County Hertford, for divers high treasons committed out of this Realm and after the tearm was adjourned to Westm. in the County of Midd. The question was, by which of the Counties the party indicted should be tried: And it was resolved, that he should be tried by men of that County where the indictment was taken. But otherwise it is upon the statute of 5 El. ca.1.164 the case being, that Horn Bishop of Winch. tendred to Edmond Bonner late Bishop of London,165 in the County of Surrey, within his Dioces the oath of Supremacy according to the Act of 1 Eliz. which Bonner refused, and this was certified by the Bishop of Winch. into the Kings Bench, then sitting at Westminister in the County of Midd. Now by the statute of 5 El. he that refuseth the oath is to be indicted of a Premunire166 by a Jury of Midd. as a Jury of that County might doe for any offence done in that County, and extendeth only to the indictment, where the words of the Act of 35. H.8. be, [shal be enquired of, heard, and determined,] the question upon the statute of 5 Eliz. was, if Bonner should appear and plead not guilty, by what County he should be tried, whether by a Jury of Midd. where the indictment was, or by a Jury of Surrey, where the offence was committed; and resolved that he should be tried by a Jury of Surrey: for the statute of 5 El. extendeth to the indictment only, and leaveth the triall to the Common law, which appointeth tryall to be, where the offence is committed, and so a manifest diversity between the two cases: for regularly by the Common Law in all Pleas of the Crown, Debet quis juri sabjacere, ubi deliquit.167 ,168

It is now necessary to be known, how Prisoners (to speak once for all) committed for treason, or any other offence ought to be demeaned in prison. Bracton saith, Solent praesides in carcere continendos damńare, ut in vincalis contineantur, sed hujusmodi interdicta sunt à lege, quia carcer ad continendos, non ad puniendos haberi debeat:169 And in another place he saith, Cum autem taliter captus coram Justic. est producendus, produci non debet ligatis manibus, (quamvis interdum gestans compedes proptere vasionis pericu’um,) et hoc ideo, ne videatur coactus ad aliquam purgationem suscipiendam.170

^a171 If felons come in judgement to answer, &c. they shall be out of Irons, and all manner of bonds, so that their pain shall not take away any manner of reason, nor them constrain to answer, but at their free will. ^b172 And in another place he saith, and of prisoners we will that none shall be put in Irons, but those | which shall be taken for felony, or trespas in Parks or Vivaries or which be found in arerages upon account,173 and we defend that otherwise they shall not be punished nor tormented. ^c174Omnes autem attachiabiles licet vicocomiti in prisona custodire, &c. nos tamen ad puniend’, sed ad custioniend’ &c.175^d176 It is an abuse that prisoners be charged with Irons, or put to any pain before they be attainted.

^e177Quidam facerdos arraniatus de felonia posuit se super patriam, &c stetit ad barram in ferris, sed per praeceptum Justic. liberator à ferris.178 And there is no difference in law, as to a Priest and a Lay man, as to Irons.

^f179Presentat quod ubi quidam Roberrus Bayhons de Tanesby captus fuit, &c in prisona castri Lincoln detentus pro quodam debito Statut. mercatorii incustodia Tho. Boteler Constabularii castri de Lincoln ibi praed. Tho. le Botelet posuitipsum Robertum in profundo Gaole inter lenones in vili prisona contra *180formam Statut.&c. & eodem profoundo detinuit, quousque idem Robertus fecit finem cum eo de 40 s. quos ei solvit per extorsionem.181

So as hereby it appeareth, that where the law requireth that a prisonershould be kept in salva & arcta custodia,182 yet that that must be without pain or torment to the prisoner.

Hereupon two questions do arise, when and by whom and Rack or Brake in the Tower was brought in.183

To the first, John Holland Earle of Huntingdon, was by King H.6 created Duke of Exeter, and Anno 26 H.6.184 the King granted to him the office of the Constableship of the Tower: He and William De la Poole Duke of Suffolk, and others, intended to have brought in the Civill Lawes.185 For a beginning whereof, the Duke of Exeter being Constable of the Tower first brought into the Tower the Rack or Brake allowed in many cases by the Civill Law;186 and thereupon the Rack is called the Duke of Exeters Daughter, because he first brought it thither.

To the second upon this occasion, Sir John Fortescue Chiefe Justice of England, wrote his Book in commendation of the lawes of England; and therein preferreth the same for the government of this countrey before the Civill Law; and particularly that all tortures and torments of parties accused were directly against the Common Lawes of England, and showeth the inconvenience thereof by fearfull example, to whom I refer you being worthy your reading. So as there is no law to warrant tortures in this land, nor can they be justified by any prescription being so lately brought in.

And the Poet in describing the iniquity of Radamanthus, that cruell Judge of Hell, saith,187

Castigatque, auditque dolos, subigitque fateri.188

First, he punished before he heard, and when he had heard his deniall, he compelled the party accused by torture to confesse it. But far otherwise doth Almighty God proceed postquá reus diffamatus est. 1. Vocat. 2. Interrogat. 3. Judicat.189 ,190 To conclude this point, it is against Magna Carta, cap. 29. Nullus liber homo, &c. aliquo modo destruatur, nec super cum ibimus, nec super eum mittemus, nisi per legale judicium parium suorum, aut per legem terrae.191 And accordingly all the said ancient Authors are against any paine, or torment to be put or inflicted upon the prisoner before attainder, nor after attainder, but according to the judgement. And there is no one opinion in our Books, or judiciall Record (that we have seen and remember) for the maintenance of tortures or torments, &c.

And now, to conclude this Chapter of Treason.192 It appeareth in the holy Scripture, that traytors never prospered, what good soever they pretended, but were most severely and exemplarily punished: As ^a193 Corah, Dathan and Abiram, by miracle: Dirupta est terra sub pedibas eorum, & aperiens os suum de voravit illos, &c.194^b195 Athalia the daughter of Amri, interfecta est gladio.196^c197 Bagatha and Thara against Assuerus, Apponsus est uterq; corum in patibula.198^d199 Absolon against David. Suspensus in arbore, & Joab infixit tres Lanceas in corde ejus.200^e201 Achitophel with Absolon against David. Suspendio interiit,202 he hanged | himselfe. ^f203 Abiathar the traiterous High Priest against Solomon. Abiathar Sacerdoti dixit Rex, &c. Et quidem vir mortis es, sed hodiè te non interficiam, &c. Ejecit ergo Solomon Abiathar, ut non esset Sacerdos.204^g205 Shimei against David, gladio interfectus,206^h207 Zimri against Ela, who burnt himselfe. ⁱ208Theudas (qui occisus est, & circiter 400 qui credebant ei, dispersi sunt & redacti ad nihilum)209 and Judas Galilaeus, ipse periit, & omnes quotquot consenserunt ei, dispersi sunt.210 Lastly, ^k211 Judas Iscariot, secundum nomen ejus vir occisionis,212 the traytor of traytors. Et hic quidem possedit agrum de mercede iniquitatis suae, & suspensus crepuit medius, & diffusa sunt omnia viscera ejus.213

Peruse over all our Books, Records, and Histories, and you shall finde a principle in law, a rule in reason, and a trial in experience, That treason doth ever produce fatall & finall destruction to the offender, and never attaineth to the desired end, (two incidents inseparable thereunto.) *214 And therefore let all men abandon it, as the most poisonous bait of the Devill of hell, and follow the precept in holy Scripture, Feare God, honour the King, and have no company with the Sedicious.

See more of Treason in the next Chapter of Misprision, &c. and in Principall and Accessory, in the title of Judgement and Execution: and in the Chapter of Monomachia, single combate, &c. the residus of this Act of 25 E.3.

Cap. III.
Of Misprision of Treason.

Misprisio commeth of the French word Mespris,1 which properly signifieth neglect or contempt: for [mes ] in composition in the French signifieth mal, as mis doth in the English tongue: as mischance, for an ill-chance, and so mesprise is ill apprehended or known. In legall understanding it signifieth, when one knoweth of any treason or felony, and concealeth it, this is misprision, so called, because the knowledge of it is an ill knowledge to him, in respect of the severe punishment for not revealing of it: For in case of misprision of High Treason,2 he is to be imprisoned during his life, to forfeit all his goods, debts, and duties for ever, and the profits of his lands during his life: and in case of felony, to be fined and imprisoned. And in this sense both the said statute of 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. speak, when it saith, Be it declared, and enacted, by the Authority aforesaid, that concealement or keeping secret of any High Treason be deemed and taken only misprison of treason, and the offenders therein to forfeit and suffer, as in cases of misprision of treason, and the offenders therein to forfeit and suffer, as in cases of misprision of treason hath heretofore been used. *3 But by the Common law concealement of High Treason was treason, as it appeareth in the case of the Lord Scrope, An. 3 H.5. and by Bracton, lib.3. fo.118.b. & 119a.

^a4 It is Misprision of High Treason, for forging of money, which neither is the money of this Realme of England, nor currant within the same.

^b5 Misprision of High Treason in concealing of a Bull, &c. See the statute.

^c6 It is said in 2 R.3. that every treason or felony includeth in it a misprision of treason or felony. Therefore if any man knoweth of any High Treason, he ought with as much speed as conveniently he may to reveale the same to the King, or some of his Privie Councell, or any other Magistrate. And misprision in a large sense is taken for many great offences which are neither treason nor felony, whereof we shall speak more hereafter, being in this place restrained to misprision of treason.

See John Coniers Case Dier 296. That the receiving of one that hath counterfeited the Kings Coine, and comforting of him knowing him to have counterfeited the Kings coine, is but misprision.

See more of misprision of treason in the Chapters of High Treason, and of Principall and Accessory.

| Cap. IV. Felony by compassing or conspiring to kill the King, or any Lord or other, of the Kings Counsell.

Next hereunto we have thought good to speak of the Statute of 3 H.7.1 the letter of which law ensueth.

Item,2 Forasmuch as by quarrels made to such as have been in great authority, office, and of counsell with Kings of this Realme, hath ensued the destruction of Kings, and the undoing of this Realme; so as it hath appeared evidently, when compassing of the death of such as were of the Kings true subjects was had, the destruction of the Prince was imagined thereby: and for the most part it hath growne, and been occasioned by envie, and malice of the Kings own housholdservants; as now of late such a thing was likely to have ensued:*Nota. *And for so much as by the law of this land, if actuall deeds be not had, there is no remedy for such false compassings, imaginations, and confederacies had against any Lord, or any of the Kings Counsell, or any of the Kings great Officers in his Houshold, as Steward, Treasurer, & Comptroller: and so great inconveniencies might ensue, if such ungodly demeaning should not be straitly punished before that actuall deed were done. Therefore it is ordained by the King, the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and the Commons of the said Parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, That from hence forward, the Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller of the Kings house for the time being, or one of them, have full authority and power to enquire by Twelve sad men, and discreet persons of the Chequer Roll of the Kings honourable houshold, if any servant admitted to be his servant sworne, and his name put into the Chequer Roll of hishoushold, whatsoever he be, serving in any manner, office, or roome, reputed, had and taken, under the state of a Lord, make any confederacies, compassings, conspiracies, or imaginations with any person or persons, to destroy or murder the King, or any Lord of this Realme, or any other person sworne to the Kings Counsell, Steward, Treasurer, or Comptroller of the Kings house; that if it be found before the said Steward for the time being, by the said twelve sad men, that any such of the Kings servants as is abovesaid, hath confederated, compassed, conspired, or imagined, as is abovesaid, that he so found by that Inquiry, be put thereupon to answer. And the Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller, or two of them have power to determine the same matter according to the Law. And if he put him in triall, that then it be tried by other twelve sad men of the same houshold: and that such misdoers have no challenge, but for malice. And if such misdoers be found guilty by confession, or otherwise, that the said offence be judged felony, and they to have judgement and execution as felons attainted ought to have by the Common Law.

| This Act divideth it self into Two generall parts, viz. the Preamble, And the body of the Act. In the preamble Three things are to be observed.

1. That by quarrels made to such, as are in great Authority, office, and of Counsell with the Kings of the Realm, have ensued the destruction of the Kings, and the undoing of the Realm, as in the Records of Parliament, and Histories of King E.2. R.2. King H.6. &c. you may read. And as King William Rufus was slain in the new Forest by the glance of an arrow, so the overthrow of the king, &c. hath followed by glances, and consequents, when the bow of destruction hath been aimed at the overthrow of those, who were in great Authority neer about, and dear to the King, not daring in direct manner to aim at the King himself. Therefore, the first conclusion is, that when the compassing of the death of such, as were of the Kings true subjects was had, the destruction of the Prince was imagined thereby.

2. That for the most part, it hath grown by envy and malice by the Kings own houshold servants: and the reason thereof is, for that they being of the Kings houshold, have greater and readier means either by night, or by day to destroy such as be of great Authority, and neer about the King: and such an attempt and conspiracy was before this Parliament made by some of this Kings houshold servants, and great mischief was like thereupon to have ensued, which was the cause of the making of this Act.

3. The conclusion of the Preamble is, 3 that by the law of the land, if actuall deeds be not had, there is no remedy for such false compassings, &c. This is a true declaration: For the bare conspiracy of the death of any Lord or other of the Kings Councell, or of the Steward, Treasurer, or Comptroller, unlesse they had been slain indeed, was no felony before this Act, and so resolved upon the contempt and conspiracy aforesaid.

In the body of this Act, Six things are enacted. First, that the offender must have three qualities. 1. He must be the Kings servant sworn. 2. His name must be put in the Cheque Roll of the Kings houshold. 3. He must be under the state of a Lord: and if he conspire with any other, that is not of the Kings, houshold, yet is the conspiracy within this Act, but he of the Kings houshold is only the felon within the purvien of this statute, as it appeareth by the words of the statute.

Secondly, Against what persons the offence made felony by this Act is to be committed: and in number they be Four. 1. To destroy or murder the King. By this Act it expresly appeareth by the judgement of the whole Parliament,4 that besides the confederacy, compassing, conspiracy, or imagination, there must be some other overt act or deed tending thereunto, to make it treason within the statute of 25 E.3. And therefore the bare confederacy, compassing, conspiracy, or imaginations by words only, is made felony by this Act. But if the Conspirators doe provide any weapon, or other thing, to accomplish their devilish intent, this and the like is an overt act to make it treason. 2. Any Lord of this Realme being sworn of the Kings Councell: for by the Purvien of this Act, he must be also of the Kings Councell: this is understood of the Kings Privy Councell, and so throughout the Act. 3. Any other of the Kings Councell (that is, the Kings Privy Councell) being under the degree of a Lord. 4. The Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller of the Kings houshold, being great officers, though they be not of the Kings Councell.

Thirdly, The third generall part expresseth the persons to whom power is given to enquire & determine this felony. The Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller, or any one of them may enquire. And they or two of them have power by this Act to hear and determine the same:5 and though the words be for the Inquiry, that they three, or any of them, &c. yet an Indictment taken before two of them is good, because it is for advancement of Justice. And this Act is in nature of a Commission to them, for other Commission they need not to have: and this you may see in divers other Acts of Parliament of like nature. If any the houshold servants conspire the death of the Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller, yet by force of this Act they are Judges of the cause, and none other can be, and in that case, | they will assist themselves for their direction, with some grave and learned men in the laws. But if the death of any one of them be compassed, then it is more convenient that it be heard and determined before the other two.

Fourthly, the fourth part setteth forth, first, how the Inquiry, & after the triall shall be made, that is, that the Inquiry must be made by twelve sad men and discrect persons of the Cheque Roll of the Kings houshold: and when the offender hath pleaded not guilty, the tryall shall be by the like persons. And here though this Act limiteth the inquiry to be by twelve, yet if it be Inquired of by more then twelve, the presentment is good, but the tryall must be by twelve only.

Fifthly, no challenge shall be made, but for malice.

Sixthly, by the consert of the whole Act, the conspiracy, that is to be heard and determined by this Act, must be plotted to be done within the Kings houshold.6

The offender against this statute shall have the benefit of his Clergy: for whensoever Felony is made by any statute, and the benefit of Clergy is not expresly taken away, the offender shall have his Clergy.

See the statute of 3 & 4 E.6.7 whereby amongst other things in some case it was High treason, and in some case felony, to intend, or goe about to kill, or imprison any of the Kings Privy Councell, &c. from which felony, the benefit of Sanctuary, and Clergy was taken away:butthesetreasonsandfelonies are repealed by the statute of 1 Mar.

Cap. V.
Of Heresie.

Concerning Heresie five things fall into consideration. First, who be the Judges of Heresie. Secondly, what shall be adjudged Heresie. Thirdly, what is the judgement upon a man convicted of Heresie. Fourthly, what the law alloweth him to save his life. Fifthly, what he shall forfeit by judgement against him.

Touching the First, an Heretique may be convicted ^a1 before the Archbishop and other Bishops, and other the Clergy at a generall Synod, or Convocation, as it appeareth both by our books, and by history. See the statute of 25 H.8. cap.19. revived by 1. El.cap.I.

^b2 And the Bishop of every Dioces may convict any for Heresie, and so might he have done before the statute of 2 H.4. ca.15. as it appeareth by the Preamble of that Act in these words.

Whereas the Diocesans of the said Realme cannot by their jurisdiction spirituall, without aid of the said royall Majesty, sufficiently correct the said false and perverse people, (i. Heretiques, named before) because the said false and perverse people doe goe from Dioces to Dioces, and will not appear before the said Diocesans, but the same Diocesans and their Iurisdiction spirituall, and the keys of the Church with the censures of the same, doe utterly contemn and despise.

Now that statute doth provide, that the Diocesan of the same place, such person or persons, &c. may cause to be arrested, and under safe custody in his prisons to be detained. From this Act and other Acts and Authoritiesquoted in the margent, these Two conclusions are to be gathered. First, that the Dio-|-cesan hath jurisdiction of Heresy, and so it hath been put in use in all Queen Elizabeths reign:3 and accordingly it was resolved by Flemming Chief Justice, Tanfield chief Baron, Williams, and Crook Justices, Hil. 9. Ja. R. in the case of Legate the Heretique, and that upon a conviction before the Ordinary of Heresy, the writ of De haeretico comburenedo4 doth lie. Secondly, that without the aid of that Act of 2 H.4. the Diocesan could imprison no person accused of Heresy, but was to proceed against him by the censures of the Church. And now seeing, that not only the said Act of 2 H.4. but 25 H.8. c.14. are repealed,5 the Diocesan cannot imprison any person accused of Heresy, but must proceed against him, as he might have done before those statutes, by the censures of the Church, as it appeareth by the said Act of 2 H.4. c.15. Likewise the supposed statute of 5 R.2. c.5. and the statutes of 2 H.5. c.7. 25 H.8. c.14. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. c.6. are all repealed, so as no statute made against Heretiques standeth now in force: and at this day no person can be indicted, or impeached for Heresy before any temporall Judge, or other, that hath temporall jurisdiction, as upon perusall of the said statutes appeareth.

Every Archbishop of this Realm may cite any person dwellinginany Bishops Dioces within his province for causes of Heresy,6 if the Bishop, or other Ordinary immediate thereunto consent, or if that the same Bishop, or other immediate Ordinary, or Judge doe not his duty in punishment of the same.

2. Touching the second point, if any person be charged with Heresy before the High Commissioners, they have no authority to adjudge any matter or cause to be heresy, but only such, as hath been so adjudged by the authority of the Canonicall, Scripture, or by the first four generall Councells, or by any other generall Councell, wherein the same was declared heresie by the expresse and plain words of the Canonicall, Scripture, or such as shall hereafter he determined to be heresy by Parliament, with the assent of the Convocation: for so it is expresly provided by the said Act of 1 El. And albeit this Proviso extendeth only to the said high Commissioners, yet seeing in the high Commission, there be so many Bishops, and other Divines, and Learned men, it may serve for a good direction to others, especially to the Diocesan, being a sole Judge in so weighty a cause.

No manner of Order, Act, or Determination for any matter of Religion, or cause Ecclesiasticall, had or made by the Authority of the Parliament in Anno 1 El.7 shall be accepted, deamed, interpreted, or adjudged Heresy, Schism, or Schismaticall opinion, any order, decree, sentence, constitution, or law (whatsoever the same be) notwithstanding.

There was a statute supposed to be made in 5 R.2.8 that Commissionsshould be by the Lord Chancellor made, & directed to Sherifs, and others, to arrest such as should be certified into the Chancery by the Bishops, and Prelates, *9 Masters of Divinity, to be preachers of heresies, and notorious errors, their fautors, maintainers, and abetters, and to hold them in strong prison, until they will justifie themselves to the law of holy Church. By colour of this supposed Act, ^a10 certain persons, that held, that images were not to be worshipped, &c. were holden in strong prison, until they (to redeem their vexation) miserably yeelded before these Masters of Divinity to take an oath, and did swear to worship images, ^b11 which was against the morall and eternall law of Almighty God. We have said (by colour of the said supposed statute, &c.) not only in respect of the said opinion, but in respect also, that the said supposed Act, was in truth never any Act of Parliament, though it was entred in the Rolls of the Parliament, for that the Commons never gave their consent thereunto. And therefore in the ^c12 next Parliament, the Commons preferred a bill reciting the said supposed Act, and constantly affirmed, that they never assented thereunto, and therefore desired that the said supposed statute might be aniented, and declared to be void: for they protested, that it was never their intent to be justified, and to bind themselves and their successors to the Prelates, more then their Ancestors had done in times past: and hereunto the King gave his royall assent in these words, y pleist au | Roy.13 And mark well the manner of the penning the Act: for seeing the Commons did not assent thereunto, the words of the Act be, It is ordained and astented in this present Parliament, that, &c. And so it was, being but by the King and the Lords.

It is to be known, that of ancient time, when any Acts of Parliament were made, to the end the same might be published, and understood, especially before the use of printing came into England, the Acts of Parliament were ingrossed into parchment, and bundled up together with a writ in the Kings name, under the great seal to the Sherif of every County, sometime in Latin, and sometime in French, to command the Sherif to proclaim the said statutes within his bayliwick, as well within liberties, as without. And this was the course of Parliamentary procedings, before printing came in use in England, and yet it continued after we had the print, till the reign of H.7.

Now at the Parliament holden in 5 R.2. John Braibrook Bishop of London being Lord Chancellor of England, caused the said Ordinance of the King and Lords to be inserted into the Parliamentary writ of Proclamation to be proclaimed amongst the Acts of Parliament: which writ I have seen, the purclose of which writ, after the recitall of the Acts directed to the Sherif of N. is in these words. Nos volentes dictas concordias, sive ordinationes in omnibus et singulis suis Articulis inviolabiliter observari, tibi praecipimus quòd praedictas concordias, sive ordinationes in locis infra balivam tuam, ubi melius expedire volueris, tam infra libertates, quam extra, publicé proclamari, et teneri faciasjuxta formam praenotatam. Teste Rege apud Westm. 26 May, Anno regni Regis R.2.5.14 But in the Parliamentary proclamation of the Acts passed in Anno 6 R.2. the said Act of 6 R.2. whereby the said supposed Act of 5 R.2. was declared to be void, is omitted: and afterwards the said supposed Act of 5. R.2.wascontinually printed, and the said Act of 6 R.2. hath by the Prelates been ever from time to time kept from the print.

Certain men called Lollards were indicted for heresy,15 upon the said statute of 2 H.4. for these opinions, viz. Quod non est meritorium ad Sanctum Thomam, nec ad Sanctam Mariam de Walsingham peregrinari. 2. Nec imagines Crucifixi et aliorum sanctorum adorare. 3. Nulli sacerdoti confiteri nisi soli deo, &c.16 Which opinions were so far from heresy, as the makers of the statute of 1 Eliz. had great cause to limit what heresy was.

And afterwards they thought not good to contain these opinions in any indictment, but indicted them in general words, one of which indictments as to Lollardy and heresy followeth.17Jurati dicunt super eorum Sacramentum, quod A. R. E. D. Lollardi & falsi haeretici die Jovis post hebdornadam Paschae, Anno regni Regis H.6. post conquestum Nono, apud Abendon in Com’ Berks infra virg. falso et proditioriè ut communes proditores, et insurrectores conspiraverunt, imaginati fuerut, et ad invicero consoederaverunt cum quamplurimis proditoribus illis associatis, & felonibus de eorum comitiva, et eorum falsa malitia praecogitata, ut communes Infidiatores altaram viaram,18ad fidem catholicam destruendam et ibidem falso et proditorie ut communes proditores, et felones dictidñi Regis secerunt, et scripserunt diversas falsas billas, & scripturas seditiosas, & nonnulla fidei & doctrinae Christianae contraria continentes, & eas populo domini regis publicandas & credendas falsò, damnabiliter in diversis locis, viz. in civitatibus London, Sarum, & villis de Coventria & Marleburgh, nequiter posuerunt, fixerunt, & projecerunt, ae indies sic scribere, affigere & projicere & ponere non cessant, nec formidant, in gravissimam majestatis, & coronae dignitatis Regis nostri offensam, & Christianae fidei ludibrium, & pacis dicti domini regis perturbationem & omnium Christi fidelium injuriam & contemptum,19 Which generall indictment, and all other of like form were utterly insufficient in law: For albeit the words of the statute be generall, yet the indictment must contain certainty, whereunto the party indicted may have an answer. Also where the parties are indicted, ut communes inidiatores viarum,20 that also is insufficient, as it appeareth by the statute of 4 H.4. ca.2.

| John Keyser was excommunicated by the greater excommunication before Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, and Legate of the Apostolique See, at the suit of another, for a reasonable part of goods,21 and so remained eight months: The said Keyser openly affirmed that the said sentence was not to be feared; neither did he fear it. And albeit the Archbishop, or his Commissary hath excommunicated me, yet before God I am not excommunicated: and he said that he speak nothing but the truth, and it so appeared; for that he the last harvest standing so excommunicate, had as great plenty of wheat, and other grain, as any of his neighbours, saying to them in scorn (as was urged against him) that a man excommunicate should not have such plenty of wheat. The Archbishop denying these words to be within the said Act of 2 H.4. did by his warrant in writing comprehending the said cause, by pretext of the said Act commit the body of the said Keyser to the Gaol at Maidstone, for that (saith he) in respect of the publishing of the said words, dictum Johannem non immerito habemus de haeresi suspectum.22 By reason whereof the said John Keyser was imprisoned in Maidstone Gaol and in prison detained under the custody of the Keeper there, untill by his counsell he moved Sir John Markham then Chief Justice of England, and other the Judges of the Kings Bench, to have an Habeas corpus, and thereupon (as it ought) an Habeas corpus was granted: Upon which writ the Gaoler returned the said cause, and speciall matter, and withall, according to the writ, had his body there. The Court upon mature deliberation perusing the said statute, (and upon conference with Divines) resolved, that upon the said words Keyser was not to be suspect of Heresy within the said statute, as the Archbishop took it. And therefore the Court first bayled him, and after he was delivered: for that the Archbishop had no power by the said Act for those words to commit him to prison.

Hillary Warner being an Inhabitant within the parish of S. Dunstans in the West, held opinion,23 published there, & in divers other places, quòd non tenebatur solvere aliquas decimàs Curatori, sive Ecclesiae parochiali ubi inhabitabat.24 Whereupon Richard Bishop of London commanded Edward Vaughan and others to arrest the said Hillary Warner: by force whereof they did arrest him, and detained him in prison a day and a night, and then he escaped. Hillary Warner brought his Action of false imprisonment against Edward Vaughan and others: In bar whereof the Defendants pleaded the statute of 2 H.4. and that the Plaintif held and published the opinion aforesaid; which opinion was, Contra fidem Catholicam, seu Determinationem Sanctae Ecclisiae,25 and that the Defendants, as servants to the said Bishop, and by his commandment did arrest the Plaintiff, and justified the imprisonment; whereupon Hillary Warner the Plaintif demanded in law, and after long and mature delieration it was by Brian Chief Justice, and the whole Court of Common Pleas adjudged, that the said opinion was not within the said statute of 2 H.4. for that it was an error, but no Heresy. Which I have the rather reported,26 for that the Reporter of this case did not only misreport the time of the bringing of the Action, but the statute, which was the ground of the matter in law, and leaveth out the judgement. The record it self is worthy the reading.

Upon that which hath been said touching the said statute of 2 H.4. Four conclusions doe necessary follow. First, that seeing, that many opinions were by the Bishops taken to be heresy, which in troth had no shadow of heresy, and so mistaken, and unjustly extended by the Bishops further then the Purvien,27 and true intention thereof, as by that which hath been, and might be said, appeared, the makers of the said Act of Parliament of 1 El. had great reason to limit (as hath been said) what opinions should be judged Heresy by authority of that commission grounded upon that Act. Secondly, that if any Ecclesiasticall Judge or Commissioner shall by pretext of any statute, or other cause, commit any man to prison, upon motion in Court on the behalf of the party imprisoned, the Judges of the Common Law ought to grant an Habeas corpus for him: upon the reforn of which writ, if it shall appear to the Judges, that the imprisonment is well | warranted by law, the party shall be remanded: and if the imprisonment be without warrant of law, then the party ought to be delivered. Thirdly, if the imprisonment be not warranted by law, the party imprisoned may have his action of false imprisonment, and recover his damages. Fourthly, that when an Act of Parliament is made concerning matter meerly sprituall, as Heresie, &c. yet that Act being part of the lawes of the Realm, the same shall be construed and interpreted by the Judges of the Common Lawes, who usually confer with those that are learned in that profession. But let us now descend to the third point.

3. To the third. ^a28 It appeareth by Bracton, Britton, Fleta, Stanford, and all our Books, that he that is duly convict of Heresie, shall be burnt to death.

4. To the fourth, ^b29 The Ecclesiasticall Judge at this day cannot commit the person that is convict of heresie to the Sheriffe, albeit he be present, to be burnt; but must have the Kings Writ De haeretico comburendo,30 according to the Common Law: for now all Acts of Parliament (as hath been said before) against Hereticks are repealed. And the reason wherefore Heresie is so extremely and fearfully punished, is, for that Gravius est aternam, quam temporalem laedere majestatem: and Haeresis est lepra animae.^c31 32 The party duly convicted of Heresie, may recall, and abjure his opinion, and thereby save his life, but a Relapse is fatall: For as in case of a disease of the body, after recovery, recidivation is extremely dangerous: So in case of Heresie (a disease of the soule) a relapse is irrecoverable. And as he that is a Leper of his body, is to be removed from the society of men, lest he should infect them, by the kings Writ De leproso amovendo:33 So he that hath lepram animae, that is, to be convicted of Heresie, shall be cut off, lest he should poyson others, by the Kings Writ De haeretico comburendo. But if the Heretick will not after comviction abjure, he may by force of the said Writ ^d34De haeretico comburendo be burnt without abjuration.

5. As to the fifth. ^e35 The statute made in the 2 year of H.5. cap.7. whereby the forfeiture of lands in fee-simple, and goods, and chattels was given in case of Heresie, standeth repealed by the Act of 1 Eliz. cap.1. The Books that speak of this forfeiture are grounded upon the said Act of 2. H.5. which then stood in force, saving 5 R.2. which was before that statute: for there, though Belknap swore, Per ma foy si home soit miscreant, sa terre est forfeitable, & le seigniour avera ceo p. voy descheate;36 yet was his opinion never holden for law: for neither lands, nor goods ^f37 before the making of that statute of 2 H.5. were forfeited by the conviction of heresie, because the proceeding therein is meerely spitituall, pro salute animae,38 and in a Court that is no Court of Record. And therefore the conviction of heresie worketh no forfeiture of any thing that is temporall, viz. of lands or goods. ^g39 For what cause the said hereticks were called Lollards you may reade in Caudries case, and Linwood thereto agreeth. *40 And it is to be observed, that in proceeding against Lollards, the Prelates, besides their opinions, did charge them with hainous offences: As conspirary with multitudes of people, insurrection, rebellion, or some other treason, or great crimes.

We have spoken thus much of this argument, because there be divers wandring opinions concerning some of these points, that are not agreeable to the law, as it standeth at this day. See the fourth part of the Institutes, cap. Chancery, in the Articles against Cardinall Woolsey. Artic. 44.

| Cap. VI.
Of Felony by Conjuration, Witchcraft, Sorcery, or Inchantment.

The first Act of Parliament that made any of these offences felony, was the statute ^a1 of 33 H.8. which was repealed by the statutes of 1 E.6. cap.12. and 1 Mariae. But ^b2 before the Conquest it was severely punished: sometimes by death, sometimes by exile, &c. ^c3 And after, it was made felony by the statute of 5 Eliz. and againe by 1 Jac. which repealeth 5 Eliz.

A Conjurer is he that by the holy and powerfull names of Almighty God invokes and conjures the Devill to consult with him, or to do some act.

A Witch4 is a person that hath conference with the Devill, to consult with him or to do some act.

An Inchanter,5 Incantator, is he, or she qui carminibus, aut cantiunculis Daemonem adjurat.6 They were of ancient time called Carmina, because in those dayes their Charmes were in verse,

Carminibus Circe socios mutavit Ulyssis,7
By Charmes in Rhyme (O cruell Fates!)
Circe transform’d Ulysses mates.

And again.

Carmina de Coelo possunt detrudere Lunam,8
By Rhymes they can pul down full soon,
From lofty sky the wandring Moon.

9 *A sorcerer, sortilegus, quia utitur fortibus in cantationibus daemonis.10 Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live.11Non est augurium in Jacob, nec divinatio in Israel.12 And the Holy Ghost hath compared the great offence of rebellion to the sinne of witchcraft.

And here it justly may be demanded, what punishment was against these devilish and wicked offenders before these statutes, which were made of very late time.

And it appeareth by our ancient ^d13 books that these horrible and devilish offenders, which left the everliving God, and sacrificed to the devill, and thereby committed idolatry, in seeking advice and aide of him, were punished by death. *14 The Mirror saith, Que sorcery et devinal sont members de heresie.15 And there he describeth heresie. Heresie est un maeuvase et faux creance surdant de error en la droit foy Christien:16 and after saith, Le judgment de heresie est de arse in cendre.17 And herewith agreeth Britton: Sorcerers, sorceresses, &c. et miscreants soient arses.18 And Fleta: Christiani autem apostatae, fortilegi, et hujusmodi detractari debent, et comburi.19 And burning then was, and yet is the punishment for hereticks. So as the conusance of these offences, if they be branches of heresie, (as the law was then taken) belonged (as to this day heresie doth) to ecclesiasticall judges. In which case when they have given sentence, there lieth a writ de haeretico comburendo.20

I have seen a report of a case in an ancient Register, that in October anno 20 H.6. Margery Gurdeman of Eye, in the county of Suffolk, wasforwitchcraft and consultation with the devill, after sentence and a relapse, burnt by the king’s writ de haeretico comburendo.^e21 And this agreeth with antiquity, for witches, &c. by the laws before the conquest were burnt to death.

A man was taken in Southwark with a head and a face of a dead man, and with a book of sorcery in his male, and was brought into the king’s bench before Sir John Knevett then chief justice: but seeing no indictmentwasagainst him, the clerks did swear him, that from thenceforth *22 he should not be a sorcerer, and was delivered out of prison, and the head of the dead man and the book of sorcery were burnt at Tuthill at the costs of the prisoner.23 So as the head and his book of sorcery had the same punishment, that the sorcerer should have had by the ancient law, if he had by his sorcery praied in aid of the devill.

The holy history hath a most remarkable place concerning the reprobation and death of king Saul.24Mortuus est ergo Saul propter iniquitates suas, eò quòd praevaricatus sit mandatum Domini, et non custodierit illud,*25sed insuper Pythonissam consuluerit, nec speraverit in Domino, propter quod interfecit eum, et transtulit regnum ejus ad David filium Isai.26 So Saul died for his transgression which he committed against the Lord, even against the word of the Lord which he kept not: And also for asking counsell of one that had a familiar spirit, to enquire of it, and enquired not of the Lord; therefore he flew him, and turned the kingdome unto David the sonne of Isai.

Therefore it had been a great defect in government, if so great an abomination had passed with impunity. And this is the cause, that we have proved how and in what manner conjuration, witchcraft, &c. were punishedby death, &c. before the making of the said late statutes.

27 But now let us peruse the statute made in the first year of king James, which only standeth in force, and divideth itself into five severall branches.

¶ 1. If any person or persons shall use, practice, or exercise any Invocation or Conjuration of any evill and wicked Spirit.

Here the Devill by the holy, and powerfull names of Almighty God is invoked (as hath been said): and this invocation, or conjuration, of a wicked Spirit is felony without any other act or thing, save only the apparition of the spirit. See W.1. cap 1. in the Oath of the Champion, &c.

¶ 2. Or shall consult, covenant with, entertaine, employ, feed, or reward, any evill or wicked Spirit, to, or for any intent or purpose.

By this branch, if any consult, &c. (howsoever the wicked spirit appeareth and commeth) these actions (here mentioned) with or to that wicked spirit, to or for any intent or purpose, is felony without any other act or thing.

¶ 3. Or take up any dead man, woman, or childe, out of his, her, or their grave, or any other place where the dead body resteth, or the skin, bone, or any part of a dead person, to be imployed or used in any manner of Witchcraft, Sorcery, Charme, or Inchantment.

Albeit the offender that commits these barbarous, and inhumane dealingswith the bodies of the dead, do not actually imploy or use them in witchcraft, sorcery, charme, or inchantment: yet if he did them of purpose to use therein, it is felony, for the words of this branch be, [to be imployed or used in any matter of witchcraft, &c.]

¶ 4. Or shall use, practice, or exercise any Witchcraft, Inchantment, Charme or Sorcery, whereby any person shall be killed, destroyed, wasted, consumed, pined, or lamed, in his, or her bodie, or any part thereof.

By this branch, no other witchcraft, inchantment, charme, or sorcery (then is before specified) is felony, unlesse by means thereof some person be killed, destroied, wasted, consumed, pined, or lamed, &c. Which words have reference only to this last generall clause.

¶ 5. That then every such offender or offenders, their aiders, abetters, and counsellors, being of any the said offences duly and lawfully convicted, and attainted, shall suffer paines of death, as a felon, or felons, and shall lose the priviledge, and benefit of Clergie and sanctuary.

Albeit accessories before be here specially named, yet accessories after may be of this felony, as afterwards is said upon the statute of 3 H.7. for taking away of women, and upon the statute of 8 H.6 for stealing of Records.

The second part of this Act concerneth Felony in a second degree; and the branches thereof are also in number Five.

| ¶ 1. If any person, or persons take upon him or them by Witchcraft Inchantment, Charme, or Sorcery, to tell or declare, in what place any treasure of gold or silver should or might be found, or had in the earth, or other secret places.

The mischiefs before this part of this Act was: That divers Impostors, Men and Women would take upon them to tell, or do, these Five things here specified, in great deceipt of the people, and cheating and cousening them of their money, or other goods. Therefore was this part of the Act made, wherein these words [take upon him or them] are very remarkable. For if they take upon them, &c. though in truth they do it not, nor can do it, yet are they in danger of this first branch.

¶ 2. Or where goods, or other things lost, or stolen should be found or become.

Herein they become offenders, if they take upon them as aforesaid. And note, the taking upon them, to tell and declare, governe both these branches.

¶ 3. Or to the intent to provoke any person to unlawfull love.

Herein also they become offenders, by taking upon them, as is aforesaid. Here is the change of a new Verbe, viz. [to provoke] So as the sense is, If any person or persons shall take upon him or them by witchcraft, inchantment, charms or sorcery, to the intent, to provoke any person to unlawfull love.

¶ 4. Or whereby any cattell or goods of any person shall be destroyed.

The Letter of this branch is this: If any person shall take upon him by witchcraft, inchantment, charm, or sorcery, whereby any cattell or goods of any person should be destroyed. Although this be not sententious, yet the meaning thereof is to be taken, by supplying these words after sorcery [any thing] and not to turn [destroyed] into the Infinitive Mood, as the rest be, for then it satisfieth not the meaning of the makers: for a taking upon them to destroy cattell, &c. if they be not destroyed, is not within the danger of this Act, and therefore must be supplyed as is aforesaid.

¶ 5. Or to hurt or destroy any person in his or her body, although the same be not effected or done.

As in the case of cattell or goods, the destruction must be (as is aforesaid) effected and done: so in case of the person of man, woman, or childe, though the hurt be not effected, or done; yet is the taking upon him, &c. to hurt or destroy any person. &c. within this branch.

¶ Being therefore lawfully convicted.

Here [convicted] is taken in a large sense for attainted, and the rather, for that after in this Act the words be [Lawfully convicted and attainted, as isaforesaid.]

¶ Shall for the said offence, &c.

Here are expressed the punishments inflicted upon these Impostors, Mountebanks, and cheating Quacksalvers, viz. 1. To suffer imprisonment by the space of a whole year without bail or mainprize. 2. Once every quarter of the year these Mountebanks are to mount the Pillory, and to stand thereupon in some Market Towne six houres, and there to confesse his or her error, and offence.

¶ And if any person being once convicted of the same offences, &c.

Here is also [convicted] taken for attainted, for he shall not be drawn in question for the second offence, to make it felony, till judgement be given against him for the first; for the Indictment of felony recites the former attainder, and the second offence must be committed after the judgement. And so it is in the case of Forgery upon the statute of 5 Eliz. and in case of conveighing of Sheep alive out of this Realme, and some others.28

¶ Saving to the wife of such person as shall offend in any thing contrary to this Act, her title of dower, and also to the heire and suc-|-cessor of every person, his or their titles of inheritance, succession, and other rights, as though no such attainder of the Ancestor or Predecessor had been made.

The judgement against a felon is, that he be hanged by the neck untill he be dead:29 and albeit nothing else is expressed in the judgement, yet by the Common law many things are therein implied; as the losse of his wives Dower, the losse of his inheritance, corruption of his blood, forfeiture of his goods, &c. Now a saving will serve for any thing, that is implied in the judgement, as in this case for the wives Dower, and also for the heirs inheritance, and for all the rest of the things implied in the judgement.30 But a saving will not serve against the expresse judgement in case of felony, for that should be repugnant; as saving the life of the offender should be void, because it is repugnant to the expresse judgement, viz. that he be hanged by the neck untill he be dead. Also where the saving is to the heir, it is well saved by the name of the heir, because notwithstanding the forfeiture implied in the judgement, his inheritance is saved, and by consequent the blood not corrupted, for if the blood were corrupted, he could not inherit as heir, but notwithstanding this saving the lands are forfeited during his life.

The statute at 5 Eliz.31 for preservation of the wives Dower, and the heirs inheritance, in case of forgery, is penned in this form. Provided alway, that such attainder of felony shall not in any wise extend to take away the Dower of the wife of any such person attaint: nor to the corruption of blood, or disherison of any heir or heirs of any such person attaint.

The words of the statute of 8 Eliz.32 be, Provided always that this Act shall not extend to corruption of blood, or be prejudiciall or hurtfull to any woman claiming Dower by or from any such offender, &c. Wherein it is to be observed, that by the avoidance of corruption of blood, the inheritance is impliedly saved. See the manner of the penning of the Act of 31 Eliz.33 concerning this matter and divers others.

And surely it is very convenient that when new felonies be made by Act of Parliament,34 that such savings or provisions be made both for the wives Dower, and the heirs inheritance, as were had and made in these presidents.

| Cap. LXII.
Of Indictments.

Concerning Indictments we have spoken somewhat in the First part of the Institutes. Sect. 194. 208.1 And you may read in my Reports many resolutions concerning Indictments, viz. Lib. 4. fo. 40, 41, 42. &c. lib. 5. fo. 120, 121, 122, 123. li.7. fo. 5. 6. 10. li.8. fo. 57. 36. 37. li.9. fo. 62, 63. 116. 118.

We will add one point adjudged in the case between Burgh and Holcroft before mentioned in the Chapter of Appeals,2 which was, that where it is provided by the statute de Artic. super Cartas cap.3. En case de mort del home (deins le verge) on office del Coroner appent as views, & enquests de ceo faire, soit maunde al Coroner del pais que emsemblement ove le Coroner del hostel Roy face loffice que appent, &c.3 And in that case one man was Coroner both of the Kings house, and of the County, & the Indictment of manslaughter was taken before him as Coroner both of the Kings house, and of the County. And it was adjudged that the Indictment was good, because the mischief expressed in the statute was remedied, as well when both offices was in one person, as when they were in divers: and therefore in this case the rule did hold, Quando duo jura concurrunt in una persona, aequum est, ac si esset in diversis.4

| Richard Weston Yeoman, late servant of Sir Gervase Elwys, Lieutenant of the Tower, and under the Lieutenant, Keeper of Sir Thomas Overbury then prisoner in the Tower, was indicted:5 For that he the said Richard the 9 day of May An. 11 Ja. Regis, in the Tower of London, gave to the said Sir Tho. Overbury poyson called Roseacre in broth, which he the said Sir Thomas received. Et ut idé Rich. Weston praesatum Tho. Overbury magis celeriter interficeret & murdraret, 1 Junii Anno 11 Ja. Regis supradict,6 gave to him another poyson called White Arsenick, &c. & that 10 Julii An. 11. suprad. gave to him a poyson called Mercury Sublimat’ in Tarts, ut praedict’ Tho. Overbury magis celeriter interficeret & murdraret:7 and that a person unknown in the presence of the said Richard Welson, and by his commandment and procurement, the 14 of Septemb. anno 11. supradict. gave to the said Sir Thomas a glyster mixt with poyson called Mercury sublimat, ut praedictum Thomam magis celeriter interficeret & murdraret. Et praedictus Thomas Overbury de seperalibus venenis praedictis et operationibus. inde, à praedictis separalibus temporibus, &c. graviter languebat usque ad 15 diem Septemb. Anno 11. supradicto, quo die dictus Thomas de praedictis seperalibus venenis obiit venenatus, &c.8 And albeit it did notappear of which of the said poysons he died, yet it was resolved by all the Judges of the Kings Bench, that the indictment was good; for the substance of the indictment was, whether he was poysoned or no. And upon the evidence it appeared, that Weston within the time aforesaid had given unto Sir Thomas Overbury divers other poysons, as namely the powder of Diamonds, Cantharides, Lapis Causticus, and powder of Spiders, and Aqua fortis in a glyster.9 And it was resolved by all the said Judges, that albeit these said poysons were not contained in the Indictment, yet the evidence of giving of them was sufficient to maintain the Indictment: for the substance of the Indictment was (as before is said) whether he were poysoned or no. But when the cause of the murder is laid in the Indictment to be by poyson, no evidence can be given of another cause, as by weapon, burning, drowning, or other cause, because they be distinct & several causes: but if the murder be laid by one kind of weapon, as by a Sword; either Dagger, Styletto, or other like weapon is sufficient evidence, because they be al under one Classis or cause.10 And afterwards, Ann Turner, Sir Gervase Helwys, and Richard Franklyn a Physitian, (purveyor of the poysons) were indicted as accessories before the fact done: And it was resolved by all the said Judges, that either the proofs of the poysons contained in the Indictment, or of any other poyson were sufficient to prove them accessories: for the substance of the Indictment of them as accessories was, whether they did procure Weston to poyson Sir Thomas Overbury: and because that not only Anne Turner, and Richard Franklyn, but some of the degree of Nobility were indicted as accessories in another County, viz. in the County of Midd. divers notable points were resolved upon the statute of 2 E.6.11 First, if the Accessory be in the County of Midd. where the Kings Bench is, and the principall did the felony, &c. in another County, that the Court of the Kings Bench is within the words of that Act, viz. (and that the Justices of Gaol Delivery, or Oier and Terminer, or two of them, &c.) for the causes and reasons given in the Lord Zanchers case Lib.9. fo.117, 118, &c. Secondly, if the Indictment be taken in the Kings Bench, then the Justices shall not write in their own names, quia placita sunt coram rege.12 Thirdly, divers presidents were shewed where the Accessory was in the County of Midd. where the Kings Bench sat, and the principall was attainted in another County, that the Justices of the Kings Bench have removed the Record of the attainder of the principall before them by Certiorari,13 & so it was done in the Lord Zanchers case, ubi supra. The like president was shewed in a case where the principall was attainted in the County of Dorn. and the Accessory was in Midd. and the Kings Bench sitting there, the Justices of the same Court removed the attainder before them by Certiorari. Fourthly, it was resolved, that the Lord Steward of England, who is a Judge in case of High Treason, or felony committed by any of the Peers of the Realm, is within these words, Justices of Gaol-de-|-livery, or Oier and Terminer, because he is a Justice of Oier and Terminer, for his authority is by Commission, and the words of his Commission be after divers recitals, Et superinde, audiend, examinand, & respondere compellend, & sine debit’ terminand:14 so as he hath power to heare and determine. And where the words be [or any two of them] that is to be intended, where there be two or more Justices,15 And yet where there is but one, it extendeth to him. As the Statute of Merton cap. 3. power being given to the Sheriffe in case of Redisseisin, the words be, Assumptis recum Coronatoribus placitorum Coronae, &c.16 in the Plurall number. And yet where there is but one Coroner in the County the Statute extends thereunto, and the Sheriffe shall take that one. Also the words of the statute are further, That then the Justices of Gaole delivery or of Oier and Terminer, or other there authorized: within which words, [or other there authorized] the Lord Steward is included. Fifthly, if the Record of the attainder were by Writ of Certiorari removed out of London into the Kings Bench, then there arose another doubt upon the said Statute, if afterward any proceeding should be had against any Peer, for that the words, of the Statute be, The Justices, &c. shall write to the Custos Rotulorum or Keeper of the Record where such principall shall hereafter be attainted; and the attainder in this case was in London, and the Kings Bench was in Middlesex: so as if the Record should be removed into the Kings Bench in Middlesex, the Record should not be where the attainder was had; and consequently the Lord Steward could not write to the Kings Bench. And therefore to prevent all questions, it was resolved, That in this case of the Lord Steward, no Certiorari should be granted, but a speciall Writ should be directed according to the words of the said Act to the Commissioners of Oier and Terminer in London, to certifie whether the principall was convict or acquitted: and they made a particular Certificat accordingly, so as the Record of the attainder of the principall, did notwithstanding that Certificat, remain with the Commissioners of Oier and Terminer in London: so as if any further proceeding should be had, the Lord Steward might write to them, as after he did in the case of R. Earl of S. and F. his Wife.

And it is to be observed, that the ancient wall of London (a mentionwhereof doth yet remain) extendeth through the Tower of London; and all that which is on the West part of the Wall, is within the City of London, viz. in the Parish of All-Saints Barking, in the Ward of the Tower of London: and all that is on the East part of the Wall is in the County of Middlesex; and the Chamber of Sir Thomas Overbury was within the Tower on the West part of the said Wall, and therefore Weston was tried within the City of London.

And where it is often said in many 17^aActs of Parliament, 18^bRecords, and 19^cBook cases, that the King cannot put any man to answer, but he must be apprised by Indictment, Presentment, or other matter of Record. True it is, in Pleas of the Crown or other common offences, Nusances, &c. principally concerning others, or the publick, there the King by law must be apprised by Indictment, Presentment, or other matter of Record; but the King may have an Action for such wrong as is done to himselfe, and whereof none other can have any Action but the King, without being apprised by Indictment, Presentment, or other matter of Record, as a 20^dQuare impedit.21 22^eQuare incumbravit,23 a Writ of 24^fAttaint, 25^gof Debt, 26^hDetinue of Ward, 27ⁱEscheat, 28^kScire fac. pur repealer patent, &c.29

[110. ][Ed.: fishing rights]

[111. ][Ed.: covered with water.]

[112. ](f ) 7. E. 3. 34. 2 5. Ass. 9. 10. 7. Ass. 9.

[113. ][Ed.: turf]

[114. ](g) 45. E. 3. tit. foeffments et faits 90. 14. H. 8 6. Pl. Com. 541. b. F.N.B. 8. 12. E.3. Dower 90.

[115. ](h) Ass. p. 12. 9. E. 3. 443. 466. Domesday. 7. R. I. int. fines in Thesaur.

[116. ](i) Int. inquisit apud Launcast. anno 6. E. 1 in Thesaur. Mich 1 H. 5. coram Rege Rot. 3.in Thesaur.

[117. ][Ed.: of a fathom in the depth of the salt water.]

[118. ][Ed.: all his woods.]

[1. ][Ed.: Because sentences against wrongdoers are not passed quickly, the sons of men commit wrongs with no fear.]

[2. ][Ed.: It is idle not to know one’s rights.]

[1. ][Ed.: (There are) a great many, no one knows them all.]

[1. ][Ed.: mine (and) thine (i.e. property).]

[2. ][Ed.: This phrase was frequently used to designate several species of essoin such as “de malo lecti,” of illness in bed; “de malo veniedi,” of illness, (or misfortune) in coming to the place where the court sat; “de malo villae,” of illness in the town where the court sat.]

[3. ]See the 1. part of the Institutes Sect. 500.

[4. ]Malum non habet efficientem, sed deficientem causam. Evill hath not an efficient, but a deficient cause, by reason of the want of some vertue or notable good.

[5. ][Ed.: The rest of the laws look to the benefit of private individuals, but these have regard to the king’s majesty, the life of his subjects, and public tranquility.]

[6. ][Ed.: It is a wretched state of slavery which subsists where the law is vague or uncertain.]

[7. ]Stamford.

[8. ][Ed.: Judgment should be according to laws, not precedents.]

[9. ][Ed.: Great theologian.]

[10. ]Bal. cont. 3. fo. 148.

[11. ][Ed.: The histories tell that when William, duke of Normandy, had conquered the kingdom of England, he deliberated how to do away with the Saxon tongue and make England and Normandy agree in language; and therefore he ordained that no one should plead in the king’s court except in French, and also that every boy should be put to school to learn French, and, through French, Latin, which two are observed to this day.]

[12. ]35 E. 3. ca. 15.

[13. ][Ed.: crime of lèse-majesté (treason).]

[1. ]25 E. 3. cap. 2.

[2. ][Ed.: Of treason. This act is in the Statute of Purveyors (stat. 5, 1350).]

[3. ][Ed.: in its proper language.]

[4. ][Ed.: crime of lèse-majesté (i.e. treason).]

[5. ][Ed.: blessed parliament.]

[6. ][Ed.: unsound (or insane) parliament.]

[7. ][Ed.: of white buckles (or bands, according to Coke).]

[8. ][Ed.: good parliament.]

[9. ][Ed.: the parliament that wrought wonders.]

[10. ][Ed.: the great parliament.]

[11. ][Ed.: the unlearned parliament.]

[12. ][Ed.: the merciful parliament.]

[13. ][Ed.: pious, just and provident.]

[14. ][Ed.: the happy parliament.]

[15. ][Ed.: blessed parliament.]

[16. ][Ed.: He will be just in eternal memory. [cf. 1852–22].]

[17. ][Ed.: a divided limb.]

The second concerneth, violation, that is, to violate or carnally to know

[18. ][Ed.: the limbs into which it is divided.]

[19. ][Ed.: He betrays peaceful minds, treachery daring nothing boldly.]

[20. ][Ed.: Treasons are accounted among those offences which are not emendable by the law of man.]

[21. ][Ed.: high treason.]

[22. ][Ed.: petty treason.]

[23. ][Ed.: proditio (treachery) from prodere (to reveal).]

[24. ][Ed.: declaration.]

[25. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[26. ]a Rot. Romana. 17 E. 2. m. 6. Rot. Claus. 1 E. 3. part. 1. memb. 13. Artic. Cleri. 9 E. 3. cap. 15. & 16. Tr. 21 E. 3. coram Rege Rot. 173. Privilegium seculare non competit seditioso equitanti cum armus, &c. secundum leges eclesia. 25 E. 3. stat. 1. cap. 4. which was before this Act. Mich. 31 E. 3. coram Rege Rot. 55. Buck. Abbot de Misseny. See in the Chap. of Clergy in what cases the priviledge of Clergy is taken away.

[27. ][Ed.: Without offence to God and the Holy Church, and without licence of the lord high pontiff (i.e. the pope), he neither can nor ought to answer in this behalf.]

[28. ]*To persons, Eccesasticall and Temporall. Bract. lib. 3. 120. 121. 134. 135. Britton. 5. 18. Fleta. cap. 23. 30. Mirror. cap. 1. 6. cap. 2. § 11. de appeale de homicide. 3 E. 3 cor. 383. 25. E. 3. 42. cor. 139. 26. ass. 27. 3 H. 7. cap. 1. 3 H. 7. 1. 12. 21 H. 7. 3. 31. 1. Mar. Dier. 104. Tr. 32. E. 1. Coram Rege. 15. 8. E. 2. Corone. 369. 395. Custum. de Norm. cap. 79. fo. 94. 95. 33. H. 8. cap. 20. 1 & 2 Mar. c. 10.

[29. ][Ed.: Sound of mind. Having use and control of one’s mental faculties.]

[30. ][Ed.: a man (i.e. person).]

[31. ][Ed.: That the punishment may reach a few, but the fear of it affect all.]

[32. ][Ed.: So much more so, with stronger reason; much more.]

[33. ][Ed.: of unsound mind (one who suffers a loss of mind).]

[34. ][Ed.: of unsound memory or mind; synonymous with “non compos mentis.”]

[35. ]To Aliens.

[36. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[37. ]a See hereafter, cap. 73. Where & how Vuluntas reputabatur pro facto, by the ancient law, and the change thereof.

[38. ][Ed.: The intention is to be taken for the deed.]

[39. ]b Bracton, fol.

[40. ][Ed.: The intention shall be regarded, not the outcome, and therefore whether someone kills or only furnishes the cause of death is of no significance.]

[41. ][Ed.: furnish the cause of death.]

[42. ]c 15 E. 2. tit. Cor. 383.

[43. ][Ed.: The Spigurnel is the sealer of the royal writs.]

[44. ]d Note this word [compassed.]

[45. ][Ed.: Because intention is taken for the deed.] *Sid haec voluntas non intellecta fuit de voluntate nudis verbis, aut scriptus propalata, sed mundo manifescata fuit per apertum factum, Id est, cum quis dederat operam, quantum in ipse fuit, ad occidendis, & sic de similibus.

[46. ]e Insidiator viarū. See hereafter, ca. 5. De Heresie, 25. H. 3. 42. 27. ass. p. 38. 4 H. 4. ca. 2. 13 H. 4. 7. per Gascoign. But see 9. E. 4. fo. 26. Insidiator viarum without taking of some-what, resolved to be no felony, V. lib. 11. fo. 29. b. Al. Poulters Case. Vid. postea cap. 16. Robbery, in fine. Glanvil. lib. 14. cap. 14. lib. 1. c. 2. Bract. lib. 3. f. 118. Britton fol. 16. & 39. b. Note the word compasse. Fleta lib. 1. c. 21. Mirr. cap. 1. §. 5. cap. 2. §. 11. Note this word Compasse. Mirror c. 2. §. 11. De lappeale de Majestie. Rot. pat. 25. E. 3. part 1. m. 16. Vide Mic. 4. H. 4. Coram Rege. Rot. 22. See hereof more in the 57 Cha. of Appeales. Bracton, Britton, Fleta, &c.

[47. ][Ed.: Highwaymen, persons who lie in wait in order to commit some felony or other misdmeanor.]

[48. ][Ed.: Whoever is accused, etc. of the king’s death, etc.]

[49. ][Ed.: of crimes of lèse-majesté (treason). The accused discussed (or arranged) the death of the king.

[50. ][Ed.: High treason is compassing our death. [And] fo. 39b. The accuser shall make his appeal, etc. that he heard this same John speak about such death, or such treason, etc.]

[51. ][Ed.: of the crime of lèse-majesté (treason). Whoever shall inadvisedly dare to plot the death of the king, etc., even if he does not carry his intention into effect.]

[52. ][Ed.: crime of lèse-majesté (treason) is a horrible sin committed against the king, etc. by those who kill the thing or compass so to do.]

[53. ][Ed.: in full parliament, etc. in the time of King Edmund, in these words: Rocelyn, who is here, speaks against Waligrot, who is there, that on such and such a day, in such and such a year of the reign of such and such king, in such and such a place, there came this Waligrot to this Rocelyn and found him to be in company and in aid together with Atheling, Thurkild, Ballard, and others, to make prisoner or to kill our lord King Edmund, or in another way by felonious deed, and in doing this they were bound to conceal this counsel and to carry out this felony according to their power.]

[54. ][Ed.: by overt act, and thereof probably [attainted], etc.]

[55. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[56. ][Ed.: By misadventure. Homicide “per infortunium” is committed where a person, doing a lawful act, without any intention of hurt, unfortunately kills another.]

[58. ][Ed.: An act does not make [the doer of it] guilty, unless the mind be guilty, that is, unless the intention be criminal. The intent and the act must both concur to constitute the crime.]

[59. ][Ed.: and because many others, etc.]

[60. ]Mat. Par. pa. 51. Holling. pa. 26. b. Mar. Westm. W. Malmesbury.

[61. ][Ed.: Therefore he released a flying dart, and a tree standing in the way caused it to deflect and strike the king in the middle of his heart, who immediately fell dead.]

[62. ]Custum. de Nor. cap. 14. Vide inter Indictamenta de 17 E. 4. de Th. Burdit ar. sed judicandum est legibus, & non exemplis. 23 Eliz. cap. 2.

[63. ]*Inter leges Alveredi. cap. 4. Lib. 4. fo. 124. Beverlies case. Ovid. Scilicet in superis etiam fortuna luenda est. Nec veniam laeso numine, casus habet.

[64. ][Ed.: Do causes to compass or imagine the death.]

[65. ][Ed.: not sound of mind; insane.]

[66. ][Ed.: a madman is punished only by his madness.]

[67. ]33 H. 8. cap. 20.

[68. ]*1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. ca. 10. a Bract. li. 3. fo. 118. Britton. cap. 8. a disheriter. Glanv. lib. 1. cap. 2. Fleta lib. 1. cap. 21. Mirror ca. 1. §. 5. Vers Roy de la re.

[69. ][Ed.: that the punishment may reach a few, but the fear of it affect all.]

[70. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[71. ]a 13 Eliz. cap. i. nota declared. Brook tit. treason. 24.

[72. ]b 1 H. 4. 1. 19. H. 6. 47. 13. H. 8. 12. vide infra verb. ¶ Per overt fait. [Ed.: of open deed.]

[73. ]3 Mar. Dier. 131. pl. 7.

[74. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[75. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[76. ]1 & 2 Phi. & Mar. cap. 10.

[77. ][Ed.: King in fact but not in law . . . the Lord King.]

[78. ]Vide 11 H. 7. c. 1. 4. E. 4. 1. 9. E. 4. 1. 2.

[79. ][Ed.: An interval between reigns. The period between the death of a sovereign and the election of another.]

[80. ]Hil. 1 Ja. in the case of Watson and Clark seminary priests. 9 F. 4. 1. b.

[81. ]See the preamble, Auxint pur ces que divers opinions ount estre eius ceux heures, que qen case doit estre dit treason, et in quel case nēi. Rot. parliam. 4 E. 3. num. 5.

[82. ]*Eodem Rot. num. 3. & 4.

[83. ][Ed.: to our lord the king, his companion, and to the king’s son and heir.]

[84. ]Plac. in Parliam. E. 1. anno regni sui 33. North. Rot. 17. & 22.

[85. ][Ed.: in the presence of the lord king, the earls, barons, and others of the king’s council then being there.]

[86. ][Ed.: in danger from his enemies.]

[87. ][Ed.: and thus, subjecting and submitting as far as he could the lordship of England to the subjection of the lord king of France, in order to do this he travelled to Dover to obtain a passage, etc.]

[88. ][Ed.: And thereof submitted himself of high and low to the will of the lord king. And thereupon the lord king, wishing to have the advice of the earls, barons, great men, and others of his council, enjoined them upon the homage, faith and allegiance with which they were bound, that they should faithfully advise him what punishment ought to be inflicted for such a deed, having been thus confessed; and, after a diligent discussion thereupon had, everything contained in the same deed having been taken into advisement, considered and understood, etc., all of them say that a deed of this kind deserves loss of life and limbs, etc.]

[89. ]40. Afs. 25.

[90. ][Ed.: An enemy of mankind.]

[91. ]Britton cap. 8. and other ancient Authors ubi supra.

[92. ]Rot. parlia. 3 R. 2. num. 18. See Placita coram rege Hill. an. 3 R. 2. (Cavendish) rot. 8. London Holl. cron. 3 R. 2. pa. 422. 60. b. & c.

[93. ]Monopoly.

[94. ]nota his end.

[95. ][Ed.: by reason of a just war.]

[96. ]2 Regum cap. 10. 4. 12. 31. The killing of a foreine Ambassadour. Honor legati, honor mittentis est, & proregis dedecius redundat in regem.

[97. ][Ed.: Which case being examined and disputed by the lords and commons, and then shown to the king in full parliament, it was therefore before our lord the king declared, determined and assented that such a deed and offence is treason, and a crime of lèse-majesté, in which case he ought not to be allowed any privilege of the clergy.]

[98. ]22. Ass. p. 49. More dun Ambassad. le roy.

[99. ][Ed.: the lord king’s ambassador sent to carry out the king’s command:]

[100. ][Ed.: that a legate functions in [the king’s] stead, and is to be honoured in the same way as the person whom he represents, and to violate legates is against the law of nations.]

[101. ][Ed.: of our lord the king.]

[102. ][Ed.: a viceroy.]

[103. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[104. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[105. ]Britton ubi supra.

[106. ][Ed.: firstborn son.]

[107. ][Ed.: and likewise concerning the rest.]

[108. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[109. ]Mirror ca. 1. §. 5. Brit. c. 23. fo. 43. 2.

[110. ][Ed.: Crime of [lèse-]majesté against the king by adulterers who defile the king’s wife.]

[111. ]33 H. 8. cap. 21.

[112. ][Ed.: Violate . . . carnally knew.]

[113. ]Pasch. 28 H. 8. in Spilmans Reports in Case of Queen Anne. 33 H. 8. ubi supra, in case of Queen Katherine.

[114. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[115. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[116. ]*Mir. cap. 1. § 5. See Brit. cap. 23. fo. 43. 44. &. cap. 29. fol. 71. 1 Mat. Parl. 2. c. 1.

[117. ][Ed.: Adulterers who defile the king’s eldest lawful daughter, before she is married.]

[118. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[119. ]a Glanvil lib. 1. cap. 2. 14. c. 1. Bracton. lib. 3. fol. 118. Britton. f. 16. &c. Fleta. li. 1. ca. 21. Mir. ca. 1. §. 5.

[120. ][Ed.: The king ought of right to preserve and defend his realm against enemies, etc.]

[121. ]b 1 Mar. 98. b. Diet. in Sir N. Thregmortons Case. See 21 E. 3. 23. 21 R. 2. cap. Repeale. 1 H. 4. cap. 3. 8 E. 3. 20. See hereafter, cap. 73. against going or riding armed.

[122. ]c Sec Rot. Parl. in Cro. Epiphan. 20 H. 1. Rot. 23. Humfrey de Case. 4 Eliz. 210. b. Dier. See the statute of 1 Mar. ca. a. By Mar. ca. 2. By which, Grand Riots, in some Cases be made felony.

[123. ]Pasch. 39. Eliz. by all the Judges of England, I being Attourney. Generall, and present.

[124. ][Ed.: And if anyone of this realm happens to ride armed, overtly (or) secretly, with men of arms, against any other, to slay him, or rob him, or take him, or detain him until he has made fine or ransom for his deliverance, it is not the intention of the king and his council that in this case it shall be adjudged treason, but it shall be adjudged felony, or trespass, according to the law of the land anciently used.]

[125. ]Rot. Parl. 5. H. 4. nu. 11,12.

[126. ]13 Eliz. cap. 1. b. The Indictments and Attainders of treason by force to this statute are not more to be followed, because the statute, which made them good, is expired. Dier, 3. & 4 Ph. & Mar. 144. 10 E. 4. 6. 1 Mar. Treason, Br. 24 Ter. Mic. 8 H. S. Mich. 7 H. 5. Coram Rege. Heref. Rot. 20.

[127. ][Ed.: levying war.]

[128. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French captrion in the original text.]

[129. ][Ed.: for fear of death, and that they fell back as far as they could.]

[130. ][Ed.: An act does not make [the doer of it] guilty, unless the mind be guilty; that is unless the intention be criminal.]

[131. ]a Rot. Parl. 20 E. 1. nu. 2. John de Brittaines case. Rot. Parl. 33 E. 7. Rot. 6. Rob. des Ros de Werkes case. 8 E. 3. 20, 38 E. 3. 31. 2. Parl. 4. R. 2. nu 17, 18, &c. 5 R. 2. Triall 54. Hil. 18 E. 3 coram rege. Rot. 145. Eborum. 43. Ass. 28 42. Ass. 29. Gulbert de M. was a Scot. Rot. Parl. 7 R. 2. nu. 15 17. 243. 7. H. 4. 47. Cust. de Norm. ca. 73.

[132. ]b Vid. 13 Eliz. Dier. 298.

[133. ][Ed.: This and the prior English caption are in the original text.]

[134. ]See hereafter. 35 H. 8. cap. 2.

[135. ][Ed.: [inimicus] enemy; [hostis] enemy.]

[136. ]c 43 Ass. 28,29. 33 H. 6. 1. 19 E. 4. 62 & 4 Mar. Treason. Br. 32. 1 Mar. ibid. 24. 21 E. 3. 23. 22 ass. p. 49. 13 El. Dyer 298. Ex libro de Griffin de Perkin Werbeck.

[137. ]d Dier 4. Mar. fo. 145. a. Lib. 7. fo. 6. b. Calvins Case.

[138. ][Ed.: against his due allegiance.]

[139. ]e Fleta. lib. 1. c. 16.

[140. ][Ed.: traitors and enemies.]

[141. ]f Mich. 13 & 14. Eliz. per justice. 19 E. 4. 6. b. 18 H. 6. ca. 4. 10 H. 6. cap. 1.

[142. ]g 27 E. 3. cap. 13. 31 H. 6. cap. 4. 7 E. 4. 14. 13 E. 4. 9. 21 E. 3 16, 17. Regist. 129. Fit. N. B. 114.

[143. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[144. ]h 4 Ass. p. 15. 5 R. 2. ubi supra. 19 E. 4. 6. b. Dier. 3 Mar. 18 32. Pasch. 2 H. 4. coram rege. Rot. 8 Wallis. 35 H. 8. cap. 2. 3 Mar. ubi supra. 13 Eliz. Dier. 198. Stanford Pl. Cor. fo. 90. a. & b. See the first part of the Institutes, 440.

[145. ]*Hil. 36 Eliz. in the Case of Patrick O Cullen, for a Treason at Brussels in partibus Marinis.

[146. ]i 33 El. in Ornicks case. lib. 7. f. 23. Calvins case. Vid. Dier. Mich. 19 & 20 Eliz. fo. 360 lib. 11. fo. 63. in Doct. Fosters Case.

[147. ]k 23 H. 8. ca. 15. This Act concerning Treasons is not taken away by the statute of 35 H. 8. cap. 2. Vide infra cap. 49. fo. 181. of Piracy, &c. Vid. 5 Eliz. c. 5.

[148. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[149. ]g See 1 E. 6. ca. 12. the last clause. 5 E. 6. ca. 11. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. ca. 10. & 11. 1 Eliz. cap. 6. 13 Eliz. cap. 1. Stanf. pl. Cor. 89. & 164. Br. coron. 4. Mar. 220. Dier. 2 Mar. fo. 99.

[150. ][Ed.: common argument.]

[151. ]*Rot. parl. an. 33 E. 1. Rot. 6. Jo. Salvyns case.]

[152. ]h 43. Ass. 28. 8. E. 3. 20. 7 H. 4. 27. 34. E. 3. cap. 12. Lib. 4. fo. 57. the Sadlers case.

[153. ][Ed.: in being.]

[154. ]*29 H. 6. cap. 1.

[155. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[156. ][Ed.: by overt act.]

[157. ]vide supra verbo ¶ Mort. fo. 6.

[158. ][Ed.: probably.]

[159. ]Vide 21 R. 2. cap. 3. but it is repealed by 1 H. 4. ca. 3.

[160. ]*Hill. 36. Eliz. Docter Lopes case 13 Eliz. c. 1. Brooks. Treason 24.

[161. ]Hill. a Ja. R. Lo. Cobhams case.

[162. ]*In ancient time traditiosè, & felonicè parl. 33 E. 1. rot. 6. Robert de Ros his case, but now praeditoriè is necessarily required. vide Britton fo. 16. et 19. 1. Mar. Br. treason. 24.

[163. ][Ed.: that he traitorously compassed and imagined the death and destruction of the lord king, and to kill the selfsame lord king, etc.]

[164. ][Ed.: and in order to carry out and fulfil that his wicked and traitorous compassing, imagining and purpose.]

[165. ][Ed.: by overt act he compassed and imagined the death of the lord king, etc.]

[166. ]*Ter. Mic. 5 E. 6. Lib. Intr. Coke fo. 48a. Sanguimis maladicta sitis, &c.

[167. ]*Per. apertum factum.

[168. ][Ed.: that he, not having God before his eyes but being seduced by the instigation of the devil, at Holborn in the parish of St. Andrew within the city of London, that is to say, on the twentieth day of April in the fifth year of the reign of the lord King Edward the sixth, and on various days and in various places before and since, falsely, maliciously and traitorously by overt act went about, compassed and imagined, with various other persons, to depose and deprive the aforesaid lord king of his royal estate, etc.]

[169. ]Vid. hereafter ca. 5. de Heresie, generall Indictments against Lolards, &c.

[170. ]The residue of the Indictment of the Duke of Sumerset.

[171. ][Ed.: And moreover the aforesaid jurors present that the said Edward, duke of Somerset, not having God before his eyes but being seduced by the instigation of the devil, on the twentieth day of May in the above-mentioned fifth year of the reign of the said lord King Edward the sixth, and on various other days and in various other places before and since, at Holborn in the aforesaid parish of St. Andrew in the city of London, and at various other places within the city of London aforesaid, feloniously as a felon of the said lord king, by overt words and deeds procured, moved and instigated many subjects of the selfsame lord king to rise up and to move open rebellion and insurrection within this realm against the selfsame lord king, and then and there feloniously to take and imprison the most noble John, earl of Warwick, then being one of the lord king’s privy council, against the peace of the said lord king, his crown and dignity, and against the form of the statute published and provided for such case.]

[172. ]To take and imprison one of the Privie Councell. Contra forman. Statut. 3 & 4 E. 6. cap. 5.

[173. ]3 H.7. ca. 14.

[174. ]Lib. 9. fo. 114. in Seignior Sanchers case.

[175. ]1 Mar. cap. 12. 1 Eliz. ca. 16. 7 E. 6. ca. 12.

[176. ][Ed.: he who flees judgement confesses himself to be guilty.]

[177. ]13 Eliz. Dier 298 13 Eliz. cap. 1. Nota bene Vide supra verba Mort.

[178. ]*Inter leges Alveredi, cap. 4.

[179. ][Ed.: Whoever shall plot treacherously against the life or safety of the king, whether by himself or by servants or hired assassins, shall lose his life and all his possessions.]

[180. ]*So resolved by the Justices Pasc. 35 Eliz. which we heard and observed.

[181. ][Ed.: thereof, etc.]

[182. ][Ed.: the limbs into which it is divided (i.e. constituent parts); and likewise concerning the rest, etc.]

[183. ]a 26 H. 8. cap. 13. 1. E. 6. cap. 13. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. cap. 9,10. 1 Eliz. cap. 6. 13 Eliz. ca. 1,&c. 14 Eliz. cap. 1.

[184. ]b See the fourth part of the Institutes, ca. 26. Brook treason 24 writing of Letters.

[185. ][Ed.: In England this seed is now so widely scattered that it is hardly to be distinguished from Turkey, and by authority of one has coalesced.]

[189. ]e Mag. Car. ca. 29.

[190. ][Ed.: by people of their condition.]

[191. ][Ed.: communal (and not) private.]

[192. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[193. ]Bract. l. 3. fo,118. Brit. fo. 10. &c. Bract. l. 5. fo. 414. Fleta l. 1. ca. 21. Mirror ca. 1. § 6. de sausonerie. 29 Ass. pa. 49.

[194. ]*1 E. 3. tit. Chŕe F. 13. 22 Ass. Pl. 49.

[195. ][Ed.: on the contrary.]

[196. ]2 R. 3. 9.

[197. ][Ed.: feloniously.]

[198. ][Ed.: treasonably.]

[199. ]3 H. 7. 10. 2.

[200. ][Ed.: in every treason there is implied felony, because in every writ of exigent upon everyindictment for treason the crier says this.]

[201. ][Ed.: counterfeits the king’s great seal.]

[202. ]40 Ass. p. 33.

[203. ]Rot. Claus. 42 E. 3. nu. 8. in Coro.

[204. ]2 H. 4. fo. 25.

[205. ]Errores ad sua principi a referre, est refferre. To bring errors to their beginning, is to see their last.

[206. ]37 H. 8 Br. Treason.

[207. ][Ed.: And so from error follows error.]

[208. ]Stanf. Pl. Coron. fo. 3. c. Bracton agreeth with it. Ubi supra. Leaks Case. Hil. 4. Ja. R.

[209. ]40. Ass. 33. 42 E. 3. Rot. Cl. Ubi supra. 37 H. 8. Br. dev.

[210. ]a Fleta l. 1. ca. 22 Britton fo. 10. b. See before. fo. 15.

[211. ][Ed.: The crime of forgery is when anyone illicitly (to whom power has not been given for such purposes) has signed writs or charters with the kings’s seal, either stolen or found.]

[212. ]b Rot. Parl. Hil. 18 E. 1. fo. 92. nu. 125.

[213. ][Ed.: and he, having been convicted of forging the lord king’s seal, is delivered to the bishop of Salisbury, who claimed him as his clerk, under the penalty and in the form which is fitting, because it seems to the council that in such case purgation is not to be admitted, etc.]

[214. ]c 1 Mar. cap. 6. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. ca. 11.

[215. ]*19 H. 6. 47 3 H. 7. 10. Stanf. Pl. Coron. 3. vide postea ca. 64. Principall & access. See Mich. 13 & 14 Eliz. Dier 296. Coniers Case.

[216. ]d See Mar. Par. Anno 34 H. 3. pag. 753. de pecunia approbata & reprobata. Et Walsingham 28 E. 1. Anno Dom. 1300. stat. 31 E. 1. de weights & measures. Rast. 7.

[217. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[218. ]e Vet. Magna Chart. ca. Itin. fo. 151. a. 22 Ass. p. 49. 3 H. 7. 10. 25 E. 3. 42. b. Coro. 130.

[219. ][Ed.: “If a man counterfeit the great seal.”]

[220. ]f 6H.7.13.1R.3.1.

[221. ]g Wals. Hyp. Neustrie pa. 69. 1278. 6 E. 1.

[222. ][Ed.: The Jews were hanged in large numbers throughout England for clipping money.]

[223. ]h 3 H 7. 10. a. b.

[224. ][Ed.: If someone who makes money by the king’s authority makes it of lesser weight, or mixed with alloy, that is to say, with alchemy or other false metal, against the ordinance, etc.]

[225. ]a See Inter leges Athelstani, ca 14. Canusi, cap 61. Britton cap. 5. fo. 10. b. See the Mirror, ca. 1. §6. De la mony falsifie acc’ with 3 H. 7. and ca. 5. §. 1. and Fleta ca. 22. acc’.

[226. ][Ed.: Of forgers who have counterfeited our money, or put more alloy into our money than there ought to be according to the form and usage of our realm.]

[227. ]b Mirr. ca. 1 § 3. inter Artic. perveils royes ordeinus Rot. Par. 17 E. 3. nu. 15. Vide hic postea cap. 31. 45. E. 3. ca. 13. 9 H. 5. cap. 11. Stat. 1. See the second part of the Institutes, ca. 20 Artic. super Cart, and the exposition upon the same.

[228. ][Ed.: It is ordered that no king of this realm could change his money, or worsen or amend it, or make money other than of gold and silver, without the assent of all the counties.]

[229. ]c 3 H. 5. ca. 6. 1 E. 6. cap. 12. 5 Eliz. cap. 11.

[230. ]d Nota, for wicked lucre and gain.

[231. ]e 18 Eliz. cap. 1.

[232. ]f 14 Eliz. cap. 3.

[233. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[234. ]g See hereafter, cap. Principall & Accessory.

[235. ]h 1 Mar. cap. 6. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. cap. 11.

[236. ]i Ver. Mag. Carta, part. 2. fol. 38, 39, 40.

[237. ][Ed.: The great statute of money, and the little statute of money.]

[238. ]k Fleta lib. 1. c. 22 who wrote before this statute which is but a law Declaratory, as it appeareth before. 23 Ass. p. 2. Dier 6 Eliz. Term. Tr. MS. Pro tonsura monete trabe & pend. Tr. 24 H. 8. in Justice Spilmans Reports, accord.

[239. ]l Mich. 31 E. 3. coram rege. Rot. 55. Buck. within 6 yeares after making of our statute.

[240. ]m 25 E. 3. 42. b. Cor. 130. 23 Ass. p. 2. 22 Ass. p. 71. 22 E. 3. Cor. 253. 12. Ass. p. 11. 8 E. 2. Cor. 410.

[241. ][Ed.: secretly pregnant.]

[242. ]Stanford f. ult. b.

[243. ]Vid. Hereafter, cap 30. Rot. Par. 17 E. 3. nu. 15.

[244. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[245. ][Ed.: Import tax or payment.]

[246. ]7 H. 7. 1 C.

[247. ]Lib. 7. Calvins case, ubi supra.

[248. ]3 H. 7. 10.

[249. ][Ed.: If a man import false money into this realm.]

[250. ][Ed.: by the great statute of money, Old Magna Carta [and Statuta Vetera], part 2, fo. 38.]

[251. ][Ed.: to trade with or to make payment, in deceit of our lord the king and his people.]

[252. ][Ed.: concerning the king’s money.]

[253. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[254. ][Ed.: If a man kill the chancellor, etc.]

[255. ][Ed.: an omitted case.]

[256. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[257. ]a Rot. Parliam. 20 E. 1 nu. 2. John de Britains case. 3 Reg. 21. 15. See inter leges Alueredi, cap. 4. ubi supra. Vita & fortunis omnibus privator. Cust. de Norm. ca. 14. 22 lib. Ass. pl 49.

[258. ]*Brook Esch 9.

[259. ]See hereafter. Verbo, Et de tiel manner de treason, &c. Otherwise it is in case of Petit Treason and felony.

[260. ]b 7 H. 4. 27. See hereafter in the title of Premunir, Verb. (de tres, &c.) Vid. 26 H. 8. cap. 13.

[261. ][Ed.: conditional gifts (i.e., the Statute of Westminster II, c. 1, De donis.)]

[262. ]c 26 H. 8 ca. 13. in fine. 33. H. 8. ca. 20. 5 & 6 E. 6. ca. 11. Lib. 7. fo. 12,13.

[263. ]*33 H. 8. ca. 20. 5 E. 6. ca 11.

[264. ]d Lib. 3 fo. 210. 7 H. 4 6 &c.

[265. ]e 33 H. 8. c. 20. lib. 7. fo. 11. Englefields case.

[266. ]f Englefields case. Ubi supra.

[267. ]g 5E.6. ubi supra. 1 Mar. Dier 123. Dier. 12 El. 289. Temps H. 8. Br. Coron. 5.

[268. ][Ed.: in another’s right. An executor, administrator, or trustee sues “in autre droit.”]

[269. ]h 1 Mar. Dier. 108.

[270. ]*24 E. 3. 33. 72. Corody Br. 5 Temps H. 8. Escheat. 239.

[271. ]i 12 El. Dier 289. Lib. 3. fo. 10. 35. Lib. 7. fo. 33. 34. lib. 8. 72. 166. lib 9. fo. 140. Stanf. Pl. Corone. 187. a.

[272. ][Ed.: Note, reader.]

[273. ][Ed.: And because various other cases, etc.]

[1. ][Ed.: The text of this paragraph is an English translation in the First Edition. The text of the original French, which preceded this paragraph in that edition, has been omitted.]

[2. ]Britton ca. 3. & cap. 22.

[3. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[4. ]a 52 Ass. p. 30. 21 E. 3. 17. F. coron. 447. Statham tit. cor. 21 E. 3. 22 Ass. p. 49.

[5. ]b 19 H. 6. 47. Pl. Com. 86. b. Dier. 3 Mar. 128. 7 El. 235.

[6. ]c Exodus, c. 21. v. 15. 17. Lev. 20. v. 9. 1 Mar. per Bromley & Portman of the report of Justice Dalison. vid. 1. R. 3. 4. In culeo paricide cum simia cane, gallo, & serpent: inclusi mari olim mergebantur: sed nos non habemus talem consuetudenem.

[7. ][Ed.: Sins against nature are the worst. . . . from like [to like], or from lesser to greater.]

[8. ]*22 E. 1. Math. Par. 874.

[9. ]d 33 Ass. p. 7. Li. 1. f. 99. Shelbys case. 10 H. 6. 47. Pl Com. 260.

[10. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[11. ]e 15 E. 2. Coron. 383. 19 H. 6. 47. See c. Pr. & Acc’ Dier. 34 H. 8. 50. Dier. 16 El. 332. Saunders case. Pasch. 32 E. 3. Rot. 62. coram rege. Ph. Cliftons case.

[12. ]*40 Ass. p. 15.

[13. ][Ed.: if anyone forged the seal of his lord, whose servant he was.]

[14. ]Fleta li 1. ca. 22. Britton fo. 16.

[15. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[16. ]19 H. 6. 47.

[17. ]40 Ass. ubi supra. &16Fl. ubi sup.

[18. ]19 H. 6. 47. by all the Judges.

[19. ]a See the 2. pt of the Institutes. Artic. cleri. ca. 15. Hil. 3 R. 2. coram rege Rot. 8. London, Jo. Imperials case.

[20. ][Ed.: Articles of the Clergy, 9 Edw. 2. st. 1 (1315).]

[21. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[22. ]For Escheats see the 1. part of the Institut. Sect. 1. fo. 13. a.

[23. ]b See before ca. 1. verbo, Dèes térres & tenements, b&c.

[24. ]* See 1. pt of the Institutes fo. 13. verb. Averala terre per escheat. Mic. 4 H. 4. coram rege. Rot. 22. Anglia.

[25. ][Ed.: An approver refusing battle is adjudged to be hanged and to attract the odium of a false accusation.]

[26. ]40 Ass. 25. Vide 2 H. 5. cap. 6.

[27. ]Rerum progressus ostendunt multa, qua initio previderi non possunt.

[28. ][Ed.: The text of this paragraph is an English translation in the First Edition. The text of the original French, which preceded this paragraph in that edition, has been omitted.]

[29. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[30. ][Ed.: from like [to like].]

[31. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[32. ]See the exposition upon the statute De frang. prisonam. 1 H. 6. 5. 9 E. 4. 26, &c. See 1 Mar. of Justice Dalisons Report, ubi supra.

[33. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[34. ][Ed.: from like [to like].]

[35. ][Ed.: from lesser to greater.]

[36. ]1 Mar. cap. 1.

[37. ]Rot. Parl. 5 H. 4. nu. 11, 12. See nu. 15. Ibid.

[38. ]27 Ass. p. 63.

[39. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[40. ]Rot. Par. 17. R. 2. nu. 20.

[41. ]13 El. cap. 1, 2. 14 El. ca. 1,2,&c.

[42. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[43. ][Ed.: conditional.]

[44. ]Anno 21 R. 2. in Latin.

[45. ]11 R. 2. ca. 1., & 4.

[46. ]Rot. Pall. 1 H. 4. nu. 97 Melius est omnia mala pati quam malo consentive.

[47. ]1 H. 4. ca. 3.

[48. ]See the consequence of erroneous opinions in case of high treason. 1. H. 4. cap. 4.

[49. ][Ed.: This English caption is here substituted for a French caption in the original text.]

[50. ]1 Mar. ca. 1. Sessione prima. The like statute was made, Anno 1 E. 6. ca. 12. See the statute of 1 H. 4 ca. 10. to the like effect.

[51. ]Inter leges Canuti cap. 7. Inprimis justae leges ut efferantur injusitae deprimantur. Aliter in antiquo 10 MS. Inprimis ut justae leges erigantur, injustae subvertantur.

[52. ][Ed.: Nothing is left to the whim of the judge.]

[53. ][Ed.: The milder the ruler, the better he is obeyed. [Seneca, De Clementia, i. 24, 8.].]

[54. ]Seneca.

[55. ]a That is, of such treason, high or petit, as is expressed in the Act of 25 E. 3. and of no other treason.

[56. ]b 1 Mar. ca. 6. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. cap. 11. 5 Eliz. ca. 1. & 11 18 Eliz. cap. 1 13 Eliz. cap. 2 23 Eliz. ca. 1 27 Eliz. ca. 2 3 Jac. cap. 4.

[57. ]c Bracton lib. 3. fol. 118. b.

[58. ][Ed.: After a lapse of time an accuser will not be heard, unless he can show that he was hindered for just reasons.]

[59. ]13 Eliz. cap. 1 14 Eliz. cap. 1 and cap. 2.

[60. ]d 13 Eliz. cap. 1 14 Eliz. cap. 1. & cap. 2.

[61. ]e 1 & 2 Ph. & M. cap. 10.

[62. ]f See the second part of the Institutes, Mag. Charta. cap. 29. Verbo (per judicium parium.)

[63. ]g 35 H. 8. ca. 2. 3 Mar. Dier 132. lib. 7. fo. 23. in Calvins case. Pasch. 33 Eliz. Orurks case.

[64. ]* 32 H. 8. cap. 4.

[65. ]h 1 E. 6. ca. 12. 5 E. 6. ca. 11. Both which are mentioned in the next Section. Hill. 14. Eliz. Dier MS. Nota. This is the last resolution of the Judges in this point. At this time Catlin and Dier were Chiefe Justices, and Sanders Chiefe Baron, &c.

[66. ]1 E. 6. cap. 12. 5 E. 6. ca. 11. See 13 El. cs. 1. See before Verb. [De ceo provablement soit attaint.]

[67. ]See 1 El. ca. 6. Stanf. pl. Coron, 89. & 164. 4 Mar. Coron. Br. 220. Dier. 2 Mar. 99. & 3 Mar. 132.

[68. ]*Nota the generality of these words. Regula Verba generalia generaliter sunt intelligenda. See hereafter c. 49. of Piracy, &c.

[69. ]Hil. 14. El Lo. Lumleys case. ubi supra. 2 Mar. Dier. 99. 100. Thomas Case.

[70. ]a Mich. 13 & 14 El. Rolstons case.

[71. ]b 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. c. 11. supra.

[72. ]1 & 2 Ph. & Ma. cap. 10.

[73. ][Ed.: proofs ought to be clearer than light.]

[74. ]See Magna Cart. c. 29. and the exposition thereupon.

[75. ]a Pat. 25. E. 3. part. 1. nu. 16. Rot. Parl. 21 R. 2. nu. 19. 21. the D. of Norff. case. Rot. Pat. 3 H. 4. Balleshuls case. Rot. Vascon. 9 H. 4. nu. 14. John Bolemers case. Rot. Parl. 2 H. 6. nu. 9. the Earl of Ormonds case. Rot. Pat. 8 H. 6. pt. 2. nu. 7. between Upton and Dowy. Vide the 4. part of the Institutes. cap. the Court of Chivaliry, &c. See Bract. lib. 3. fo. 119. a.

[76. ]b 13 R. 2. ca. 2.

[77. ]c Mirror ca. 3. §. ordenance de attaint. Bract. l. 5. f. 354. 48 E. 3. 30. 35 H. 6. 46. Fort. ca. 32. 15 E. 4. f. 1. Pl. Com. fo. 8.

[78. ]d Deu. 17. 6. 19. 15. Mat. 18. 16. John 18. 23. 2 Cor. 13. 1. Heb. 10. 28.

[79. ][Ed.: He who ought to be slain shall perish by the mouths of two or three witnesses; but no one shall be killed when there is only one witness against him.]

[80. ][Ed.: from any venue (i.e. neighbourhood).]

[81. ]e And so I hold the statute of 1 E. 6. c. 12. to be a generall Law, and to extend to all high treasons, &c.

[82. ]f Nota as well upon the indictment as the arraignment of treason there ought to be two accusers. See Dier 2 & 3. Ph. & Mar. 132.

[83. ]g 1 E. 6. ca. 12. the last clause. 5 El. ca. 1. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. ca. 11. Bract. li. 3. f. 118. Qui accusat integrae samae fit, & non criminosus.

[84. ]i Star. de Kenelw. secunda parte Vet. Mag. Cart. cap. 16.

[85. ][Ed.: The accusers shall be punished by the lord king, so that thereafter the king should not so easily believe them; and such punishment shall be given them as ought to be given them that unjustly cause the faithful subjects of the lord king to be disinherited and destroyed.]

[86. ][Ed.: from the neighborhood, or vicinage.]

[87. ]k See the first part of the Institutes. Sect. 194. See Fortescue ca. 26,27. Juries ought to be informed by evidences, and witnesses.

[88. ][Ed.: Writ to the sheriff of the county in which a cause is to be tried, commanding him that he “cause to come” before the court, on a certain day twelve good and lawful men of the body of his county qualified according to law, by whom the truth of the matter may be the better known, and who are in no wise of kin either to the plaintiff or to the defendant, to make a jury of the county between the parties in the action, because as well the plaintiff as the defendant, between whom the matter in variance is, have put themselves upon that jury, and that he return the names of the jurors, etc.]

[89. ][Ed.: Truth, when not defended, is oppressed; and he who does not disapprove, approves; and so I have freely delivered my mind.]

[90. ]a 27 E. 3. ca. 8. 28. E. 3. ca. 18. 8 H. 6 ca. 29. 1 Mar. fo. 144. Shirleys case, & so it was resolved by all the Judges Hil. 36 El. in the case of Doctor Lopez, Emanuel Loysie, and Stephen Ferreira de Gama.

[91. ][Ed.: by [a jury] half of [a foreign] tongue.]

[92. ]b 33 H. 8. c. 23. 3 Mar. Dier 132. Dier 12. El. 286. b. li. 11. fo. 63. a. in Doctor Fosters case.

[93. ]c 27 Ass. p. 1. 21 Ass. p. 12. W 1. c. 3. &c. Mic 25 & 26 El. per les Justices in Somerviles and Ardens case. Dier 12 El. 286. b. All this was resolved Mic. 1. Ja. in Sir Walter Raleighs case. Pl. Com. 388. Count de Leicesters case.

[94. ]d 33 H. 8. c. 23.

[95. ]e And so it was resolved. An. 1 Ja. in Sir Walter Raleighs case, by all the Judges and had been resolved so before. Stan. pl. cor. 157.

[96. ]f 3 Ja. R. in Garnets case. And so was it resolved M. 25 & 26 El. in Somerviles & Ardens case.

[97. ]g Br. tit. Challenge 217.

[98. ]h 22 H. 8. c. 14. 32 H. 8. c. 3. See 4. H. 8. c. 2. and 22 H. 8. c. 2. pleading &c. for being taken out of Sanctuary in a forain county in case of murder or felony. See hereafter. ca. Sanctuary, all sanctuaries taken away: & note that the stat. of 22 H. 8. &c. extend only to Indictments and not to Appeals.

[99. ]1 H. 4. 1.

[100. ]1 H. 4. 1. 10 E. 4. 6. b. 13 H. 8. 12.

[101. ][Ed.: for that occasion.]

[102. ][Ed.: Seneschal of England; the Lord Steward’s title.]

[103. ][Ed.: According to the law and custom of England.]

[104. ][Ed.: Writ of common law origin issued by a superior to an inferior court requiring the latter to produce a certified record of a particular case trial herein.]

[105. ][Ed.: without delay.]

[106. ][Ed.: Such and so many lords, great men and nobles of this realm of England who are peers of the aforesaid R., earl of E., by whom the truth of the matter may be better known, that they do personally appear before the aforesaid steward at Westminster on such and such a day and hour, to do what should be done on behalf of the lord king, etc.]

[107. ]1 H. 4. 1.

[108. ]1 H. 4. 1.

[109. ][Ed.: To do what they should be enjoined to do on behalf of the lord king.]

[110. ]1 H. 4. 1.

[111. ][Ed.: And thereof for good and ill he puts himself upon his peers, etc.]

[112. ][Ed.: Upon the faiths and allegiances due to the lord king.]

[113. ]In Scotland in all criminall cases, yea in cases of High Treason, Pars rea may have Councell learned. Vide hereafter upon the statute of 31 Eliz. concerning witnesses.

[114. ][Ed.: The law arises out of the fact.]

[115. ]* See more here of ca. 63. Councell learned in Pleas of the Crown.

[116. ]1 H. 7. fo. 26.

[117. ]18 E. 3.

[118. ]Pasch. 26 H. 8. in the case of the Lord Dacres of the North reported by Justice Spilman which we have seen.

[119. ][Ed.: with stronger reason.]

[120. ]Mag. Cart. ca. 29.

[121. ][Ed.: by peers.]

[122. ]* Resolved by all the Judges. Mich. 13 & 14 El. in the case of Tho. Duke of Norff. 1 H. 4. fo. 1. 10 E. 4. 6. b. 13 H. 8. fo. 12. Tr. 26 H. 8. Spilmans Report.

[123. ][Ed.: one by one.]

[124. ][Ed.: Whereupon W., earl of E., and the other aforementioned peers, upon the faiths andallegiances due to the said lord king, being forthwith publicly and severally examined by the said steward, from the lowest peer to the highest, say that W., Lord Dacre, is not guilty, etc.]

[125. ]Rot. Roman 17 E. 2. m. 6. Adam Orleton B. of Hereford. 2 H. 4. Marks B. of Carlisle. Stanf. Pl. Coron. li. 3. ca. 62. fo. 153. in Temps H. 8.

[126. ][Ed.: by reason of nobility.]

[127. ][Ed.: baronies which they hold in right of the church.]

[128. ]a 10 E. 4. 6. b. Mag. Cart. c. 29.

[129. ]b 11 E. 3. bre. 473. 8 R. 2. proces. pl. ultimo 20 E. 4. 6. 20 El Dier 360. 38 H. 8. Br. treason. Seignior Sancars case. Lib. 9. fo. 117.

[130. ]10 E. 4. 6. Rot. Par. 21 R. 2 Countee de Arundels case. Rot. Parliam. 5 H. 4. nu. 11,12. 31 H. 6. nu. 49. Countee de Devons case. 28 H. 6. nu. 19. Duke of Suff.

[131. ][Ed.: by his peers.]

[132. ]a 1 H. 4. cap. 14.

[133. ]b 1 H. 4. 1. Stanf. Pl. Coron. 182. E. K. See hereafter cap. judgement and execution.

[134. ]c Pasch. 26 H. 8 ubi supra. 1. 5 E. 4. 33. 12 H. 4. 20.

[135. ][Ed.: by judgment of the coroners.]

[136. ]Mag. Cart. ca. 29.

[137. ][Ed.: Nor shall we go upon him, nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers.]

[138. ]d See hereafter in the chapter of judgement & execution concerning reversing of Outlawries. 6 H. 6. c. 1. 8 H. 6. ca. 10. Mich. 26 & 27 Eliz. in br̃e de error coram Rege in Ninian Menvills case Utlary de haut treason reverse in Bank le Roy.

[139. ][Ed.: out of favour to justice.]

[140. ]* 19 H. 6. fo. 1. 2. 11 H. 6. 54. 1 E. 4. 1. 30 H. 6. proces. 192. 31 H. 6. 11. Vide F. N. B. 115. l Li. Intr. R. f. 122. Stanf. Pl. cor. 68. 69. 182. l.

[141. ]e 28 El. ca. 2.

[142. ]See the first part of the Insti. Sect. 26 H. 8. cap. 13. 5 E. 6. cap. 11. 12 El. Dier 287.

[143. ]* Artic. sup. cart. cap. 9. 28 E. 1. 20 E. 3. cap. 6. 34 E. 3. c. 4. 42 E. 3 c. 11. Regist. 172. Rast. pl. 117.

[144. ]* 11 H. 4. ca. 9.

[145. ]a Stanf. pl. cor. 87. c.

[146. ]b Rot. Parl. 11, H. 4. nu. 15. in the kings bench.

[147. ]d Vid. 11 H. 4. fo. 41. 21 H. 6. 30. 9 E. 4. 16. 3 H. 6. 55. 26 Ass. 28. d 11 H. 4. 41.

[148. ]e 14 H. 4. 19.

[149. ]f 21 E. 3. 5. 15 E. 3. chal. 113, 27 Ass. pa. 65. 28 Ass. 24. 22 49 E. 3. 1. 49 Ass. 1. 28. 43 E. 3. chall. 94. 6 R. 2. chall. 102. 7 H. 4 10. 21 E. 4. 74. 19 H. 6. 9. 21 H. 6. 12. 14 H. 7. 1.

[150. ]g Nota.

[151. ][Ed.: taking away (i.e., negatively).]

[152. ][Ed.: Positively.]

[153. ]*47 E. 3. 1. 7 H. 4. 10. 21 E. 4. 74.

[154. ]3 H. 8. ca. 12]

[155. ]Vid. 11 H. 7. c. 24.

[156. ][Ed.: Note, reader.]

[157. ]Hil. 11 H. 4. f. 41.

[158. ][Ed.: fit and lawful men.]

[159. ]Stanf. Pl. cor. 87,88. F. tit. Indictment 25. & Coron. 89. Br. tit. indict. 2.

[160. ][Ed.: friend of the court, a third party appearing to argue a point by grace of the court.]

[161. ]Vid. lestatutes de 1 R. 3. ca. 4. 33 H. 6. c. 2. W. 2. ca. 13. 1 E. 3. stat. 2. ca. 17 All tending that indictments may be duly had.

[162. ]Dier 3 Mar. 131, 132. Stanf. pl. cor. 90. 35 H. 8. ca. 2.

[163. ]* Mich. 35 & 36 El. in the case of Francis Dacres.

[164. ]5 El. cap. 1.

[165. ]Mich. 6 & 7 El. Dier fo. 234. Bonners case.

[166. ][Ed.: The offense of introducing foreign influence into the kingdom, used to regulate Catholics.]

[167. ][Ed.: One [everyone] ought to be subject to the law [of the place] where he offends.]

[168. ]Bract. lib. 3. fo. 154. b. Vincula qui sensit, didicit succurrere vinctis. Bract. lib. 3. fo. 105. a. Stanford 78. Bract. li. 3. f. 137. Note Shackells about the feet ought not to be, but for fear of escape. Mirror c. 2. §. 9.

[169. ][Ed.: Gaolers are accustomed to inflict harm upon prisoners, as by keeping them in shackles, but such things are forbidden by law, because a gaol ought to be for containment and not for punishment.]

[170. ][Ed.: When such a person is arrested in order to be produced before a justice, he ought not to be produced with his hands tied (except occasionally handcuffs to prevent escape) and this is because it ought not to appear that he has been brought to undergo any expiation.]

[171. ]a Brit. c. 5. fo. 14.

[172. ]b Cap. 11. fo. 17.

[173. ]W. 2. c. 1. after judgement. Lib. 3. fo. 44. Lib. 8. fo. 100. 24 H. 8. Dier 249. Pl. Com. 360. a.

[174. ]c Fleta li. 1, ca. 26.

[175. ][Ed.: All other attachable persons the sheriffs may keep in prison, etc.—not, however, to punish them, but to keep them, etc.]

[176. ]d Mirror c. 5. §:l.

[177. ]e § E. 2. cor. 432.

[178. ][Ed.: A certain priest, being arraigned of felony, put himself upon the country, and stood at the bar in irons, but by command of the justices he was freed from the irons.]

[179. ]f Tr. 7 E. 3. coram rege Rot. 44.

[180. ]* 1 E. 3. c. 7.

[181. ][Ed.: [It is presented] that, whereas a certain Robert Bayhens of Tanesby was arrested and detained in prison in Lincoln Castle for a certain debt of statute merchant, in the custody of Thomas Boteler, constable of Lincoln Castle aforesaid, there the aforesaid Thomas le Boteler put the selfsame Robert in a deep gaol amongs the pimps (lenones) in a vile prison, contrary to the form of the statute, etc., and detained him in the same deep place until the same Robert made fine with him for forty shillings, which he paid him by extortion.]

[182. ][Ed.: in safe and strict custody.]

[183. ]Tortures, the rack, &c.

[184. ]Rot. Pat. 26 H. 6.

[185. ]Rot. Parl. 28 H. 6. nu. 30.

[186. ]Hollenshed. pa. 670. &c. Innocentem cogit mentiri dolor. Fortescue. ca. 22. fo. 24.

[187. ]Virgil.

[188. ][Ed.: He chastises and hears charges of wrongdoing and forces confession. (Virgil, Aeneid, 6. 567.)]

[189. ][Ed.: after the accused person has been charged, firstly to summon, secondly to interrogate, thirdly to adjudge.]

[190. ]Luke 16. 1., 2. &c. John 7. 51. Nunquid lex nostra judicat hominem nisi prius audierit ab ipso?

[191. ][Ed.: No free man, etc. shall be in any way destroyed, nor shall we go upon him, nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land.]

[192. ]Proditor illudit verbis, dum verbera cudit.

[193. ]a Numb. 16. 31, 32. & 27. 3.

[194. ][Ed.: The earth broke up beneath their feet, and its opening mouth devoured them, etc.]

[195. ]b 2 Regum 11. 16.

[196. ][Ed.: is killed by the sword.]

[197. ]c Esth. 12. 2,3.

[198. ][Ed.: each of them was hanged on a gibbet.]

[199. ]d 2 Sam. 18. 9. 14.

[200. ][Ed.: hanged in a tree, and Joab thrust three darts into his heart.]

[201. ]e 2 Sam. 17. 23.

[202. ][Ed.: died by hanging [himself].]

[203. ]f 1 Reg. 2. 26, 27.

[204. ][Ed.: The king said to Abiathar the priest, etc., ‘You are a man worthy of death, but today I will not kill you, etc.’ Therefore Solomon thrust out Abiathar from being a priest.]

[205. ]g 2 Sam. 16. 5, 6 1 Reg. 2. 8. &c. 46.

[206. ][Ed.: killed by the sword.]

[207. ]h 1 Regum 16. 9. &c. 18.

[208. ]i Act. Apost. 5. 36,37.

[209. ][Ed.: who was slain, and around four hundred who believed in him were scattered and reduced to nothing.]

[210. ][Ed.: Judas of Galilee . . . perished, and all those who agreed with him were dispersed.]

[211. ]k Act. Apost. 1. 18. Math. 27. 5. laqueo se suspendit Qui molitur insidias in patriam, id facit quod insanus nauta perforans navem in qua ipse illeg.

[212. ][Ed.: Judas Iscariot, in accordance with his name a man of slaughter.]

[213. ][Ed.: And this man purchased a field with the gains of his iniquity, and fell headlong in the middle of it, and all his bowels gushed out.]

[214. ]*Felix quem faciunt aliena periculi cautum. Prov. 24. 21.

[1. ]Misprisio proditionis. See Bract. lib. 3. fo. 118. b. & 119. 2a.

[2. ]See hereafter ca. 65. of misprisions, &c. See hereafter in Theftbote. ca. 61. 1 & 2 Ph. & Mar. Ubi supra. See 1 E. 6. c. 12. and 1 El. ca. 6. 25 H. 8. ca. 12.

[3. ]*Hil. 14 El. cited by the Lo. Dier in the Lo. Lumleys case. MS.

[4. ]a 14 El. ca. 3.

[5. ]b 13 El. ca. 2.

[6. ]c 2 R. 3. fo. 9. Stanf. 57. c

[1. ]3. H. 7. cap. 14.

[2. ][Ed.: Also.]

[3. ]See before in the chapt. of High treason. Verb. Overt Act.

[4. ]See before in the chapt. of High treason. Ubi sup.

[5. ]18 E. 3. 1. 23 Ass. 17. 27 H.

[6. ]8. 27 H. 8. 13. 6. Vide. lib. Plac. Coke fo. 482.

[7. ]3 & 4 E. 6. ca. 5.

[1. ]a Bract. 1. 3. fo. 123. & 124. in Conc’ Oxon. Newburg. li. 2. ca. 13. 6 H. 3. Stow. Holl. 203. 2 H. 4. Rot. Parl. nu. 29 Sautries case. Fitz. N. B. 269. a. 1 El. ca. 1.

[2. ]b Vid. 23 H. 8. ca. 9. F. N. B. ubi supra. 5 El. ca. 23. 10 H. 7. 17. b. Doct. & Stud. lib. 2. ca. 29. Br. 2. Mar. tit. Heresy 1.

[3. ]Mat. Hammond Anno 21 El. Holl. 1579. Stowe. 1161. Hil. 9. Ja. Regis. Legates case.

[4. ][Ed.: Writ for burning a heretic.]

[5. ]Vide 1 E.

[6. ]c. 12. 1 El. c. 1. 6. 23 H. 8. ca. 9.

[7. ]1 El. ca. 1.

[8. ]5 R. 2. Stat. 2. cap. 5. repealed by 1 E. 6. c. 12. & 1 Eliz. ca. 1.

[9. ]*In diebus iliis Masters of Divinity (and Batchelors of Divinity) now Doctors of Divinity and Batchelors.

[10. ]a Rot. claus. 19 R. 2. m. 17. in Dors.

[11. ]b Exod. 20. 4. Levit. 26. 1. Deut. 5. 8. & 16. 22. Psal. 97. 7. I John 5. 21.

[12. ]c Rot. Parl. 6 R. 2. nu. 62. Vide 7 H. 4. nu. 62. Rot. Parl.

[13. ][Ed.: it pleases the king.]

[14. ][Ed.: We, wishing the said agreements or ordinances to be inviolably observed in each and every point, command you that you cause the aforesaid agreements or ordinances to be publicly proclaimed and kept in those places in your bailiwick where you shall think it most expedient, both within liberties and without, according to the above mentioned form. Witness the king at Westminster, the twenty-sixth day of May in the fifth year of the reign of King Richard the second.]

[15. ]Coram Rege Hil. 1 H. 5. Rot. 4. & 5.

[16. ][Ed.: [1] That it is not meritorious to make pilgrimages to St. Thomas, nor to St. Mary of Walsingham. 2. Nor to adore images of the crucifix and of other saints. 3. No priests are made except by God alone, etc.]

[17. ]Indictment generall. Vide supra ca. 1. Verbo, Per overt fait. Lollardi & falsi haeretici.

[18. ]Communes insidiatores viarum. Vide sup. c. 1. f. 5. Ad fidem Catholicam destruendá. Diversas falsas billas & scripturas, &c.

[19. ][Ed.: The jurors say upon their oath that A. R., E. D., Lollards and false heretics, on the Thursday after Easter week in the ninth year of the reign of King Henry the sixth after the conquest, at Abingdon in the county of Berkshire, within the virge, falsely and traitorously as common traitors and insurgents conspired, plotted and combined together with many other traitors associated with them, and felons of their company, and by their false malice aforethought, as common besetters of highways to destroy the catholic faith, and there falsely and traitorously, as common traitors and felons of the said lord king, made and wrote various false bills and seditious writings containing many things contrary to Christian faith and doctrine, and falsely, damnably and wickedly set, fixed and cast them forth in various places, that is to say, in the cities of London and Salisbury and the towns of Coventry and Marlborough, in order to publish them to the lord king’s people and that they might be believed by the same people, and from day to day did not cease or fear so to write, fix and cast them forth, to the gravest offence of the majesty and crown of our kingly dignity and in mockery of the Christian faith, and disturbance of the said lord king’s peace, and the injury and contempt of all faithful in Christ.]

[20. ][Ed.: as common besetters of highways.]

[21. ]Mich. 5. E. 4. Rot. 143. Coram Rege. In rationabili parte bonorum.

[22. ][Ed.: we had some reason to suspect the said John of heresy.]

[23. ]Mich. 11 H. 7. Rot. 327. In communi banco.

[24. ][Ed.: that he was not bound to pay any tithes to the curate or parochial church where he lived.]

[25. ][Ed.: Against the catholic faith or the determination of Holy Church,]

[26. ]Hil. 10. H. 7. f. 17.

[27. ]See in the second part of the Institutes, the exposition upon the statute of Artic. Cleri, the resolution of all the Judges of England to the 21 and 22 articles, or objections.

[28. ]a Mir. cap. 4. de Majestie. Bracton, ubi supra. Britton cap 9. Fleta lib. 1. ca. 35. Register. F. N. B. 269.

[29. ]b F. N. B. 269. Rot. Par. 2. H. 4. nu. 29. Sautryes case. Bre de haeretic. comburendo per regem & concilium in Parliamento.

[30. ][Ed.: Writ for burning a heretic.]

[31. ][Ed.: It is more serious to hurt the eternal majesty than an earthly majesty, [and] heresy is leprosy of the soul.]

[32. ]c 2 Mir. tit. Heresie. Br. 7.

[33. ][Ed.: for removing a leper.]

[34. ]d 2 Mar. ubi supra.

[35. ]e Vid. Doct. & Stud. lib. 2. ca. 29. Br. tit. Forfeiture 112. Stan. pl. cor. 35. I. 2. Mar. Br. tit. Heresie.

[36. ][Ed.: By my faith, if someone is an unbeliever his land is forfeitable, and the lord shall have it by way of escheat.]

[37. ]f Vid. hereafter in case of Piracy.

[38. ][Ed.: For the good of his soul. All prosecutions in the ecclesiastical courts are pro salute animae.]

[39. ]g Lib. 5. Caudries case. fol. 25. b.

[40. ]*1 H. 5. fo. 6. a. Rot. Parl. 5. H. 5. nu. 11. in the case of Sir John Oldcastle. Pasch. 9. H. 6. John Sharps case, &c. Rot. Parl. 7. H. 4. nu. 67. 11 H. 4. nu. 29. 3 H. 5. nu. 39. 1 H. 6. nu. 20.

[1. ]a 33 H. 8. ca. 8. 1 E. 6. cap. 12.

[2. ]b Inter leges Alveredi fo. 23. Edwardi & Guthruni, cap. 11. Ethelstani, ca. 6. Canuti. 4,5.

[3. ]c 5 Eliz. ca. 16. 1 Jac. cap. 12. A Conjurer deseribed.

[4. ]A Witch described.

[5. ]An Inchanter described.

[6. ][Ed.: who calls up an evil spirit with incantations or chants.]

[7. ][Ed.: Circe transformed Ulysses’ companions by incantations.]

[8. ][Ed.: By incantation they can pull down the moon from the sky.]

[9. ]*A sorcerer described.

[10. ][Ed.: a fortune teller that uses the power of incantations to demons.]

[11. ]Exod. cap. 22. 17. Deut. ca. 18. 10, 11, 12. Num. ca. 23. 23. 1 Reg. ca. 15. 23.

[12. ][Ed.: There is no enchantment against Jacob, nor divination against Israel.]

[13. ]d Linewood de officio arch-presb. § Ignorantia.

[14. ]*Mir. cap. 1. §. 5. & cap. 2. § 12. & cap. 4. § De majestie. Brit. fo. 16 b. & 71. F. N. B. 269. b.

[15. ][Ed.: That sorcery and divination are species of heresy.]

[16. ][Ed.: Heresy is a wicked and false belief arising from error in the true Christian faith.]

[17. ][Ed.: The judgment for heresie is burning to cinders.]

[18. ][Ed.: Sorcerers, sorceresses, and heathens are to be burnt.]

[19. ][Ed.: Christians who are still non-believers are to be tortured, and giving the proper recanting, are burnt.]

[20. ][Ed.: [writ] for burning heretics.]

[21. ]e Int. leges Edw. ca. 11. fo. 55. & Ethelstani ca. 6. fo. 60. & Canuti cap. 5. fo. 5. 45 E. 3. 17. b.

[22. ]*Some think that this should be the oath of allegiance, Que il serra foiall et loiall, &c. Vid. 25 E. 3. 42. B. Coron. 131.

[23. ]See hereafter ca. 74. of perjury, verb. That as well the judge, &c.

[24. ]1 Chron. chap. 10. v. 13, 14. 1 Reg 15. 23.

[25. ]*Nota. 1 Reg. 28. 8.

[26. ][Ed.: So Saul died for his transgression, which he committed against the word of the Lord, which he kept not, and also for asking the counsel of one that had a familiar spirit, to inquire of it. And inquired not of the Lord; therefore he slew him and turned the Kingdom unto David the son of Jesse.]

[27. ]1 Jac. cap. 12.

[28. ]5 Eliz. cap. 14. 3 Eliz. cap. 3.

[29. ]See the 1. part of the Institutes. Sect. 747.

[30. ]Vide lib. 1. in the case of Alton Woods. fo.

[31. ]5 El. cap. 14.

[32. ]8 El. ca. 3.

[33. ]31 El. ca. 4.

[34. ]See the Statute of 3 Ja. ca. 4.

[1. ]See the 1. pt of the Institutes. sect. 194,195.

[2. ]Holcrosts case. Artic. super Cart. ca. 10. The same was again resolved in Wrots case, ubi supra.

[3. ][Ed.: In case of homicide within the virge, when it belongs to the office of coroner to make inspections and inquiries thereof, let the coroner of the place be ordered that he, together with the coroner of the king’s household, should perform the office which belongs, etc.]

[4. ][Ed.: when two rights concur in one person, it is the same as if they were in two separate persons.]

[5. ]Sir Tho. Overburies case. Mich. 13. Jac. See before ca 7. Of murder more of this case.

[6. ][Ed.: And so that the same Richard Weston might more speedily kill and murder the said Thomas Overbury, on the first [day] of June in the eleventh year of King James mentioned above.]

[7. ][Ed.: so that he might more speedily kill and murder the aforesaid Thomas Overbury.]

[8. ][Ed.: so that he might more speedily kill and murder the aforesaid Thomas. And the afore said Thomas Overbury was seriously ill from the several poisons aforesaid, and from the working thereof, from the several aforesaid times until the fifteenth day of September in the above-mentioned eleventh year, on which day the aforesaid Thomas died poisoned by the several poisons aforesaid.]

[9. ][Ed.: [lapis causticus:] caustic stone [perhaps a compound of lime] [aqua fortis:] nitric acid.]

[10. ]Vide li. 9. fo. 67. Mackallies case Acc.

[11. ]2 E. 6. cap. 24.

[12. ][Ed.: because the pleas are before the king.]

[13. ][Ed.: A writ of common law issued by a superior to an inferior court requiring the latter to produce a certified record of a particular case tried therein. The writ is issued in order that the court issuing the writ may inspect the proceedings and determine whether there have been any irregularities.]

[14. ][Ed.: And thereupon to hear, examine, compel to answer, and without [delay] to determine.]

[15. ]39 H. 6. 42. 23 Ass. p. 7.

[16. ][Ed.: Taking with you the coroners of the pleas of the crown, etc.]

[17. ]a Mag. cart. ca. 29 5 E. 3. cap. 9. 25 E. 3. c. 4. stat. 5. 28 E. 3. ca. 3. 37 E. 3. cap. 18. 38 E. 3. cap. 9. 42 E. 3. cap. 3.

[18. ]b Rot. claus. 18 H. 3. m. Rot. Parl. 15 E. 3. nu. 9,10. & 15. 42 E. 3. nu. 29. Sir John A Lees case 17 R. 2. nu. 37. 2 H. 4. nu. 60.

[19. ]c 7 E. 3. fo. 26. 50. Vide 6E.3.fo.33.&8E.3.3026E.3.74. tit. rescous 21. 43. E. 3. 32. per Knivet 2. E. 3. fo. 7. John de Britains case. 3 E. 3. 19. 45. E. 3. Decies tantum 12.

[20. ]d 51.2. Quar. Imp. 167. 33. E. 3. Bie 916.

[21. ][Ed.: Quare: A real action to recover a presentation, the right to appoint a benefit or advowson, or other interest in church lands.]

[22. ]e 17. E. 3. 50. 74. F. N. B. 48. f. 13. E. 3. Jurid. 23.

[23. ][Ed.: Writ against a bishop who confers a benefice on a clerk during a dispute between others having a claim to it.]

[24. ]f 42. E. 3. 26. F. N. B. 107. D.

[25. ]g 19. H. 6. 47. 34. H. 6. 3. &c.

[26. ]h 39. H. 6. 26. 1. H. 4. 1. 15 E. 3. Corody 4.

[27. ]i Regist. fo. 165. a. F. N. B. fo. 7. b. 21. H. 3. Bre 882. Britton fo. 28. b. cap. 18.

[28. ]k 16 E. 3. Bre 651.

[29. ][Ed.: Writ summoning a person to show cause why a privilege under letters patent should not be revoked.]

[57. ][Ed.: The Rule.]