- Acknowledgments
- Introduction William Penn: His Life, His Times, and His Work
- Notes On Texts and Annotations
- Chronology of Penn’s Life and Times
- {part I}: Foundations the Ancient Constitution and English Liberties
- 1.: The People’s Ancient and Just Liberties Asserted, In the Trial of William Penn and William Mead, At the Sessions Held At the Old-baily In London, the First, Third, Fourth and Fifth of September, 1670, Against the Most Arbitrary Procedur
- 2.: England ’s Present Interest Considered, With Honour to the Prince, and Safety to the People (1675)
- {part Ii}: Penn’s Argument For Religious Liberty
- 3.: The Great Case of Liberty of Conscience Once More Briefly Debated and Defended, By the Authority of Reason, Scripture, and Antiquity: Which May Serve the Place of a General Reply to Such Late Discourses; As Have Oppos’d a Toleration (1670) the a
- 4.: One Project For the Good of England That Is, Our Civil Union Is Our Civil Safety Humbly Dedicated to the Great Council, the Parliament of England (1679)
- 5.: An Address to Protestants of All Perswasions More Especially the Magistracy and Clergy, For the Promotion of Virtue and Charity (1679) In Two Parts. By W. P. a Protestant.
- 6.: A Brief Examination and State of Liberty Spiritual, Both With Respect to Persons In Their Private Capacity, and In Their Church Society and Communion (1681)
- 7.: A Perswasive to Moderation to Church-dissenters, In Prudence and Conscience: Humbly Submitted to the King and His Great Council (1686)
- 8.: Good Advice to the Church of England, Roman-catholick, and Protestant Dissenter: In Which It Is Endeavoured to Be Made Appear, That It Is Their Duty, Principle, and Interest, to Abolish the Penal Laws and Tests (1687)
- {part Iii}: General Principles and Specific Events
- 9.: The Proposed Comprehension Soberly, and Not Unseasonably, Consider’d (1672)
- 10.: England’s Great Interest, In the Choice of This New Parliament Dedicated to All Her Free-holders and Electors (1679)
- 11.: A Letter From a Gentleman In the Country, to His Friends In London, Upon the Subject of the Penal Laws and Tests (1687)
- {part Iv}: an Expanding Vision For the Future
- 12.: An Essay Towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe By the Establishment of an European Dyet, Parliament, Or Estates (1693)
{PART III}
General Principles and Specific Events
9.
THE Proposed Comprehension Soberly, and Not Unseasonably, Consider’d (1672)
ALTHOUGH the Benefits wherewith Almighty God has universally bless’d the whole Creation, are a sufficient Check to the Narrowness of their Spirits, who would unreasonably confine all Comforts of Life within the streight Compass of their own Party (as if to recede from their Apprehensions, whereof themselves deny any Infallible Assurance, were Reason good enough to deprive other Dissenters of Nature’s Inheritance, and which is more peculiar, England’s Freedoms.) Yet since it fares so meanly with those Excellent Examples, that many vainly think themselves then best to answer the End of their being born into the World, when by a Severity, which least of all resembles the God of Love, they rigorously prosecute the Extirpation of their Brethren: Let it not seem Unreasonable, or Ill-timed, that we offer to your more serious Thoughts, the great Partiality and Injustice, that seem to be the Companions of a Comprehension, since you only can be concerned at this Time, to prevent it, by a more Large and Generous Freedom.
First, then, Liberty of Conscience (by which we commonly understand the free Exercise of any Dissenting Perswasion) is but what has been generally pleaded for, even by the Warmest Sticklers for a Comprehension, and without which it would be utterly impossible they should be comprehended: The Question then will be this, What Ground can there be, why Some, and not All, should be Tolerated? It must either respect Conscience or Government: If it be upon Matter of mere Religion, What Reason is there that one Party should be Tolerated, and another Restrained; since all those Reasons, that may be urged by that Party, which is Comprehended, are every whit as proper to the Party Excluded? For if the Former say, They are Orthodox, so say the Latter too; If the one urge, It is impossible they should believe without a Conviction; that the Understanding cannot be Forced; that Mildness gains most; that the True Religionnever Persecuted; that Severity is most Unworthy of her; that Sound Reason is the only Weapon which can Disarm the Understanding; that Coercion doth rather Obdurate than Soften; and that they therefore chuse to be sincere Dissenters, rather than Hypocritical Conformists: The other Party says the same. In fine, There can be nothing said for Liberty of Conscience, upon Pure Conscientious Grounds, by any one Party in England, that every one may not be interested in, unless Any will undertake to judge that of Five Sorts of Dissenters, Two are really such on Convictions, and Three upon meer Design. But if such Sentence would be lookt upon as most Arrogant and Unjust, how can it be Reasonable, that those whom some endeavour to exclude, should be thus prejudg’d, and such as are comprehended, be therefore so only from a strong Opinion of their Reality: We may conclude then, that since Liberty of Conscience is what in it self Comprehenders plead, and that it is evident, to affirm this, or that, or the other Party Orthodox, is but a meer Begging of the Question. What may be urged for one, is forceable for any other: Conscience (not moveable but upon Conviction) being what all pretend themselves alike concerned in.
But they say, that such as are like to be comprehended, are Persons, not Essentially Differing; that it were pity to exclude them whose Difference is rather in Minute Matters, than any Thing Substantial, whereas you err in Fundamentals. But how Paradoxal soever such may please to think it, that we should therefore plead the Justice of taking those in, Some unkindly would have left out, we know not; however, we believe it most reasonable to do so; For certainly the Reason for Liberty or Toleration, should hold Proportion with the weighty Cause of Dissent, and the Stress Conscience puts upon it. Where Matters are Trivial, they are more blameable that make them a Ground for Dissent, than those who perhaps (were that all the Difference) would never esteem them worth contending for, much less that they should rend from that Church, they otherwise confess to be a True One: So that whoever are Condemnable, certainly those who have been Authors and Promoters of Separation upon meer Toys and Niceties, are not most of all others to be justified. Had they conscientiously offer’d some Fundamental Discontent, and pleaded the Impossibility of reconciling some Doctrines with their Reason or Conscience, yet promising quiet Living, and all Due Subjection to Government, they might have been thus far more excusable, that People would have had Reason to have said; Certainly small Matters could not have induc’d these Men to this Disgraceful Separation, nor any thing of this Life have tempted them to this so Great and Troublesome Alteration: But to take Pet at a Ceremony, then Rend from the Church, set up a New Name and Model, gather People, raise Animosity, and only make fit for Blows, by a Furious Zeal kindled in their Heads, against a few Ineptiae, meer Trifles; and being utterly vanquish’d from these Proceedings, to become most earnest Solicitors for a Comprehension; though at the same Time of hot Pursuit after this Privilege, to seek nothing more than to prevent others of Injoying the same Favour, under the Pretence of more Fundamental Difference; Certainly this shews, that had such Persons Power, they would as well Disallow of a Comprehension to those who are the Assertors of those Ceremonies they recede from, as that for meer Ceremonies they did at first Zealously Dissent, and ever since remain more Unjustifiably Fierce for such Separation. And truly, If there were no more in it than this, it would be enough for us to say, That some in England never Rent themselves from the Church at all, much less for little Matters: that they never endeavour’d her Exile, but she found them upon her Return, which they opposed not, nor yet since have any Ways sought to install themselves in her Dignities, or enrich themselves by her Preferments. We appeal then to all Sober Men, if what is generally called the Episcopal Party of England, can with Good Conscience, and True Honour disinherit those of their Native Rights, Peace, and Protection, and leave them as Orphans to the wide World, indeed a Naked Prey to the Devourer, who from first to last have never been concerned, either to endeavour their Ruin, or any Ways withstand their Return, whilst it may be some of those, who have been the most Vigorous in both, and that for Circumstantial, and not Essential Differences, may be reputed more deserving of a Comprehension, than we are of a Toleration.
But it will be yet said, You are Inconsistent with Government, They are not, therefore You are Excluded, not out of Partiality, but Necessity. What Government besides their own they are consistent with, we leave on the Side of Story to tell, which can better speak their Mind than we are either able or willing to do: But this give us Leave to say in General, If any apprehend us to be such as merit not the Care of our Superiors, because supposed to be Destructive of the Government, let us be call’d forth by Name, and hear our Charge; and if we are not able to answer the Unbyast Reason of Mankind, in Reference to our Consistency with the Peace, Quiet, Trade, and Tribute of these Kingdoms, then, and not before, deny us all Protection. But that Men should be concluded before heard, and so sentenced for what they really are not, is like beheading them before they are Born. We do aver, and can make it appear, that there is no one Party more Quiet, Subject, Industrious, and in the Bottom of their very Souls, greater Lovers of the Good Old English Government and Prosperity of these Kingdoms among the Comprehended, than, for ought we yet see, may be found among those who are like to be unkindly Excluded; However, if such we were in any one Point, Cure rather than Kill us; and seek the Publick Good some cheaper way than by our Destruction; Is there no Expedient to prevent Ruin? Let Reason qualify Zeal, and Conscience Opinion.
To Conclude, If the Publick may be secured, and Conscience freely exercised by all, for the same Reasons, it may by some (and since Liberty of Conscience, is Liberty of Conscience, and the Reasons for it, equivalent) We see not in the whole World, why any should be depriv’d of That, which others for no better Reasons are like to enjoy.
Let it not then be unworthy of such to remember, that God affords his refreshing Sun to all; The Dung-hill is no more excepted than the most delightful Plain, and his Rain falls alike both upon the Just and Unjust: He strips not Mankind of what suits their Creaturely Preservation; Christians themselves have no more peculiar Privilege in the Natural Benefits of Heaven, than Turks or Indians. Would it not then be strange, that Infidels themselves, much less any Sort of Christians, should be deprived of Natural Privileges for meer Opinion, by those who pretend to be the Best Servants of that God, who shews them quite another Example, by the Universality of his Goodness as Creator; And Believers in that Christ, who himself preacht the Perfection of Love, both to Friends and Enemies, and laid down his Life to confirm it when he had done. If Men should love their Enemies, doubtless they ought at least to forbear their Friends: And though some Differences in Judgment about Religion be a sufficient Reason to excommunicate a Man the Air Ecclesiastical, yet nothing certainly of that Sort ought to Dis-privilege Men of their Air Natural and Civil to breath freely in: And let that Good our Superiors have observed to be the Fruit of our Toleration, not be weakned or blasted by an Untimely Comprehension of some, to the Exclusion of the rest; since the Reason holds the same for the less formidable Separatists, that may not be however any whit less Conscientious.
We will omit to mention, how much more Suitable it were to State-Matters, that all Parties should be kept upon an equal Poize, a Thing most true in it self, and most secure to the Publick Magistrate; and will conclude at this Time, That though we no Ways design a Mis-representing of any, much less their Exception, and least of all their Persecution; yet, a Comprehension either respecting the Persons and their Qualifications, or their Separation, and the Grounds and Reasons of it, We seriously believe, can never be consistent with that Conscience, Honor, Wisdom, and Safety, that ought to be the Mark, those who are concerned in it, should take their Aim by. But if a Comprehension should at last be compass’d, it is not doubted by many wise Men, but it will be found as Impracticable as other Acts more seemingly Severe have been, and at last will necessitate to that well-order’d universal Toleration of all, who both profess and practise Peace, Obedience, Industry, and Good Life, which will best please Almighty God, and rejoyce the Hearts of all Good Men.
From Real Friends toKingand
Country.
10.
ENGLAND’s Great Interest, in theChoiceof this New ParliamentDedicated to All Her Free-Holders and Electors (1679)
SINCE it hath pleased God and the King, to begin to revive and restore to us our Ancient Right of Frequent Parliaments, it will greatly concern us, as to our present Interest, and therein the Future Happiness of our Posterity, to act at this Time with all the Wisdom, Caution and Integrity we can. For besides, that ’tis our own Business, and that if by a Neglect of this Singular Opportunity, we desert our Selves, and forsake our own Mercies, We must expect to be Left of God, and Good Men too. It may be there has never happened, not only in the Memory of the Living, but in the Records of the Dead, so odd and so strange a Conjuncture as this we are under. It is made up of so many unusual and important Circumstances (all affecting us to the very Heart) that whether we regard the Long Sitting of the Late Parliament, or it’s abrupt and most unexpected Dissolution, or the Prorogation of the last, and it’s surprising Dissolution, or the strong Jealousies of the People, and that Universal Agitation that is now upon the Spirit of the Nation, and the Reasons and Motives thereof (so far as we can reach them) there seems never to have been a Time, wherein this Kingdom ought to show it self more Serious and Diligent in the Business of it’s own Safety.
To be plain with you, All is at Stake: And therefore I must tell you, That the Work of this Parliament is,
First, To pursue the Discovery and Punishment of the Plot: For that has been the Old Snake in the Grass, the Trojan Horse, with an Army in the Belly of it.
Secondly, To remove, and bring to Justice, those Evil Counsellors, and Corrupt and Arbitrary Ministers of State, that have been so Industrious to give the King Wrong Measures, to turn Things out of their Ancient and Legal Channel of Administration, and Alienate his Affections from his People.
Thirdly, To Detect and Punish the Pensioners of the former Parliament, in the Face of the Kingdom: This Breach of Trust, being Treason against the Fundamental Constitution of our Government.
Fourthly, To secure to us the Execution of our Ancient Laws by New Ones, and, among the rest, such as relate to Frequent Parliaments, the only True Check upon Arbitrary Ministers, and therefore feared, hated, and opposed by them.
Fifthly, That we be secur’d from Popery and Slavery, and that Protestant-Dissenters be eased.
Sixthly, That in Case this be done, the King be released from his Burdensome Debts to the Nation, and eas’d in the Business of his Revenue. And let me be free with you, if you intend to save Poor England, You must take this General Measure, viz. To guide and fix your Choice upon Men, that you have Reason to believe are Well-Affected, Able and Bold, To Serve the Country in these Respects.
The Words of the Writ, (at least, the Import of them) are, To Chuse Wise Men, Fearing God, and Hating Covetousness: And what to do? says the same Writ, To Advise the King of the Weighty Matters of the Kingdom. Let us not then play the Fools or Knaves, to Neglect or Betray the Common Interest of our Country by a base Election: Let neither Fear, Flattery, nor Gain Biass us. We must not make our Publick Choice, the Recompence of Private Favours from our Neighbours; they must excuse us for that: The Weight of the Matter will very well bear it. This is our Inheritance, All depends upon it: Men don’t use to lend their Wives, or give their Children to satisfie Personal Kindnesses; nor must we make a Swop of our Birth-Right, (and that of our Posterity too) for a Mess of Pottage,a Feast, or a Drinking-Bout; there can be no Proportion here: And therefore none must take it ill, that we use our Freedom about that, which in it’s Constitution, is the Great Bulwark of all our Ancient English Liberties. Truly, our not considering what it is to Chuse a Parliament, and how much All is upon the Hazard in it, may, at last, Lose us Fatally by our own Choice. For I must needs tell you, if we miscarry, it will be our Own Fault; we have no Body else to blame: For such is the Happiness of our Constitution, That we cannot well be destroy’d, but by our selves: And what Man in his Wits, would Sacrifice his Throat to his own Hands?
We, the Commons of England, are a great Part of the Fundamental Government of it; and Three Rights are so peculiar and inherent to us, that if we will not throw them away for Fear or Favour, for Meat and Drink, or those other little present Profits, that Ill Men offer to tempt us with, they cannot be altered or abrogated. And this I was willing to give you a brief Hint of, that you may know, What Sort of Creatures you are, and what your Power is, lest through Ignorance of your own Strength and Authority, you turn Slaves to the Humours of those, that properly and truly are but your Servants, and ought to be used so.
The First of these Three Fundamentals is Property, that is, Right and Title to your own Lives, Liberties and Estates: In this, every Man is a Sort of Little Soveraign to himself: No Man has Power over his Person, to Imprison or hurt it, or over his Estate to Invade or Usurp it: Only your own Transgression of the Laws, (and those of your own making too) lays you open to Loss; which is but the Punishment due to your Offences, and this but in Proportion to the Fault committed. So that the Power of England is a Legal Power, which truly merits the Name of Government. That which is not Legal, is a Tyranny, and not properly a Government. Now the Law is Umpire between King, Lords and Commons, and the Right and Property is One in Kind through all Degrees and Qualities in the Kingdom: Mark that.
The Second Fundamental, that is, your Birthright and Inheritance, is Legislation, or the Power of making Laws; No Law can be made or abrogated in England without you. Before Henry the Third’s Time, your Ancestors, the Freemen of England, met in their own Persons, but their Numbers much increasing, the Vastness of them, and the Confusion that must needs attend them, making such Assemblies not practicable for Business, this Way of Representatives was first pitch’d upon as an Expedient, both to Maintain the Common Right, and to avoid the Confusion of those mighty Numbers. So that now, as well as then, No Law can be made, no Money Levied, nor a Penny Legally Demanded (even to defray the Charges of the Government) without your own Consent: Than which, tell me, what can be Freer, or what more Secure to any People?
Your Third Great Fundamental Right and Priviledge is Executive, and holds Proportion with the other Two, in Order to compleat both your Freedom and Security, and that is, Your Share in the Judicatory Power, in the Execution and Application of those Laws, that you agree to be made. Insomuch as No Man, according to the Ancient Laws of this Realm, can be adjudg’d in Matter of Life, Liberty, or Estate, but it must be by the Judgment of His Peers, that is, Twelve Men of the Neighbourhood, commonly called a JURY; though this hath been infringed by Two Acts, made in the late Long Parliament, One against the Quakers in Particular, and the Other against Dissenters in General, called, An Act against Seditious Conventicles, where Persons are adjudged Offenders, and Punishable without a Jury; which, ’tis hoped, this ensuing Parliament will think fit in their Wisdom to Repeal, though with less Severity, than one of the same Nature (as to punishing Men without Juries) was by Henry the Eighth, who, for Executing of it, Hang’d Empson and Dudley.
Consider with your selves, that there is nothing more your Interest, than for you to understand your Right in the Government, and to be constantly Jealous over it; for your Well-Being depends upon it’s Preservation.
In all Ages there have been Ill Men, and we, to be sure, are not without them now, such as being conscious to themselves of ill Things, and dare not stand a Parliament, would put a Final Dissolution upon the very Constitution it self, to be safe, that so we might never see another.
But this being a Task too hard to compass, their next Expedient is, To make them for their Turn, by Directing and Governing the Elections; and herein they are very Artificial, and too often Successful: Which indeed is worse for us than if we had none. For thus the Constitution of Parliaments may be destroy’d by Parliaments, and we, who by Law are Free, may hereby come to be made Slaves by Law. If then you are Free, and resolve to be so, if you have any Regard to GOD’s Providence, in giving you a Claim to so Excellent a Constitution, if you would not void Your own Rights, nor lay a Foundation of Vassallage to your Unborn Followers, the Poor Posterity of your Loins, for whom God and Nature, and the Constitution of the Government, have made you Trustees, then seriously weigh these following PARTICULARS.
I. In your present Election, Receive no Man’s Gift, or Bribe, to Chuse him; but be assured, That he will be False to you, that basely Tempts you to be False to your Country, your self, and your Children. How can you hope to see GOD with Peace, That turn Mercenaries in a Matter, on which depends the Well-Being of an Whole Kingdom, for present and future Times? Since at a Pinch, One Good Man Gains a Vote, and Saves a Kingdom; And what does any County, or Burgess-Town in England know, but all may depend upon their making a Good Choice? But then to Sell the Providence of GOD, and the Dear-bought Purchase of your Painful Ancestors for a Little Money, (that after you have got it, you know not how little a While you may be suffered to keep it) is the Mark of a Wretched Mind. Truly, such ought not to have the Power of a Freeman, that would so abuse his own, and hazard other Men’s Freedom by it: He deserves to be cast over Board, that would Sink the Vessel, and thereby drown the Company embark’t with him.
Honest Gentlemen will think they give enough for the Choice, that pay their Electors in a constant, painful, and chargeable Attendance; But Such as give Money to be Chosen, would get Money by being Chosen; they design not to serve you, but themselves of you; and then fare you well. As you will answer it to Almighty GOD, I intreat you to shew your Abhorrence of this infamous Practice: It renders the very Constitution contemptible, that any should say, I can be Chosen, if I will spend Money, or give them Drink enough: And this is said not without Reason, Elections, that ought to be Serious Things, and Gravely and Reasonably perform’d, being generally made the Occasions of more Rudeness and Drunkenness, than any of the Wild May-Games in Use among us.
Thus by making Men Law-Breakers, they are it seems, made fit to Chuse Law-Makers, their Choice being the Purchase of Excess. But must we always owe our Parliaments to Rioting and Drunkenness? And must Men be made Uncapable of all Choice, before they chuse their Legislators? I would know of any of you all, if in a Difference about a Private Property, an Horse or a Cow, or any other Thing, you would be as easie, indifferent, and careless in chusing your Arbitrators? Certainly you would not: With what Reason then can you be unconcern’d in the Qualifications of Men, upon whose Fitness and Integrity depends all, you, and your Posterity may enjoy? Which leads me to the other PARTICULARS.
II. Chuse no Man that has been a Reputed Pensioner; ’tis not only against your Interest, but it is disgraceful to you, and the Parliament you chuse. The Representative of a Nation ought to consist of the Most Wise, Sober, and Valiant of the People; not Men of mean Spirits, or Sordid Passions, that would Sell the Interest of the People that chuse them, to advance their own, or be at the Beck of some Great Man, in Hopes of a Lift to a Good Employ: Pray beware of these. You need not be streightned, the Country is Wide, and the Gentry Numerous.
III. By no Means chuse a Man that is an Officer at Court, or whose Employment is Durante bene placito, that is, At Will and Pleasure; nor is this any Reflection upon the King, who being One Part of the Government, should leave the other Free, and without the least Awe or Influence, to bar, or hinder it’s Proceedings. Besides, an Officer is under a Temptation to be Byast, and to say True, An Office in a Parliament-Man, is but a softer and safer Word for a Pension: The Pretence it has above the other, is the Danger of it.
IV. In the next Place, Chuse no Indigent Person, for those may be under a Temptation of abusing their Trust, to gain their own Ends: For such do not Prefer you, which should be the End of their Choice, but Raise themselves by you.
V. Have a Care of Ambitious Men and Non-Residents, such as live about Town, and not with their Estates, who seek Honours and Preferments Above, and little, or never, embetter the Country with their Expences or Hospitality, for they intend themselves, and not the Advantage of the Country.
VI. Chuse No Prodigal or Voluptuous Persons, for besides that they are not Regular enough to be Law-Makers, they are commonly Idle; and though they may wish well to your Interest, yet they will lose it, rather than their Pleasures; they will scarcely give their Attendance, they must not be relied on. So that such Persons are only to be preferred before those, That are Sober to do Mischief: Whose Debauchery is of the Mind: Men of Unjust, Mercenary, and Sinister Principles; who, the Soberer they be to themselves, the Worse they are to you.
VII. Review the Members of the Last Parliaments, and their Inclinations and Votes, as near as you can learn them, and the Conversation of the Gentlemen of your own Country, that were not Members, and take your Measures by both, by that which is your True and Just Interest, at this Critical Time of the Day, and you need not be divided or distracted in your Choice.
VIII. Rather take a Stranger, if recommended by an Unquestionable Hand, than a Neighbour Ill Affected to your Interest. ’Tis not pleasing a Neighbour, because Rich and Powerful, but Saving England, that you are to Eye: Neither Pay, or Return Private Obligations at the Cost of the Nation; let not such Engagements put you upon Dangerous Elections, as you love your Country.
IX. Be sure to have your Eye upon Men of Industry and Improvement. For those that are Ingenious, and Laborious to Propagate the Growth of the Country, will be very tender of weakning or impoverishing it: You may trust such.
X. Let not your Choice be flung upon Men of Fearful Dispositions, that will let Good Sense, Truth, and your Real Interest in any Point sink, rather than displease some one or other Great Man. If you are but Sensible of your Own Real Great Power, you will wisely chuse those, that will, by all Just and Legal Ways, firmly keep, and zealously promote it.
XI. Pray see, that you chuse Sincere Protestants; Men that don’t play the Protestant in Design, and are indeed Disguis’d Papists, ready to pull off their Mask, when Time serves: You will know such by their Laughing at the Plot, Disgracing the Evidence, Admiring the Traytor’s Constancy, that were forc’d to it, or their Religion and Party were gone beyond an Excuse or an Equivocation. The contrary, are Men that thank God for this Discovery, and in their Conversation Zealously direct themselves in an Opposition to the Papal Interest, which indeed is a Combination against Good Sense, Reason and Conscience, and to introduce a blind Obedience without (if not against) Conviction. And that Principle which introduces Implicit Faith and Blind Obedience in Religion, will also introduce Implicit Faith and Blind Obedience in Government. So that it is no more the Law in the one than in the other, but the Will and Power of the Superior, that shall be the Rule and Bond of our Subjection. This is that Fatal Mischief Popery brings with it to Civil Society, and for which such Societies ought to beware of it, and all those that are Friends to it.
XII. Lastly, Among these, be sure to find out, and cast your Favour, upon Men of Large Principles, such as will not Sacrifice their Neighbour’s Property to the Frowardness of their own Party in Religion: Pick out such Men, as will Inviolably Maintain Civil Rights, for all that will Live Soberly and Civily under the Government.
Christ did not Revile those that Reviled Him, much less did He Persecute those that did not Revile Him. He rebuk’d His Disciples, that would have destroyed those that did not follow, and conform to them, saying, Ye know not what Spirit ye are of; I came not to Destroy Men’s Lives, but to Save them. Which made the Apostle to say, That the Weapons of their Warfare were not Carnal, but Spiritual. This was the Ancient Protestant Principle, and where Protestants Persecute for Religion, they are False to their own Profession, and Turn Papists even in the worst Sense, against whom their Ancestors did so stoutly exclaim. Read the Book of Martyrs of all Countries in Europe, and you will find I say True: Therefore beware also of that Popery. Consider, that such Partial Men don’t love England, but a Sect; and prefer Imposed Uniformity, before Virtuous and Neighbourly Unity. This is that Disturber of Kingdoms and States, and until the Good Man, and not the Opinionative Man, be the Christian in the Eye of the Government, to be sure, while Force is used to propagate or destroy Faith, and the outward Comforts of the Widow and Fatherless, are made a Forfeit for the Peaceable Exercise of their Consciences to God, He that Sits in Heaven, and Judgeth Righteously, whose Eye pities the Oppressed and Poor of the Earth, will with-hold His Blessings from us.
O lay to Heart, the Grievous Spoils and Ruins that have been made upon your harmless Neighbours, for near these Twenty Years, who have only desired to enjoy their Consciences to God, according to the Best of their Understandings, and to Eat the Bread of Honest Labour, and to have but a Penny for a Penny’s-Worth among you: Whose Ox or Ass have they taken? Whom have they wronged? Or when did any of them offer you Violence? Yet Sixty Pounds have been distrained for Twelve, Two Hundred Pounds for Sixty Pounds. The Flocks been taken out of the Fold, the Herd from the Stall; not a Cow left to give Milk to the Orphan, nor a Bed for the Widow to lie on; whole Barns of Corn swept away, and not a Penny return’d; and thus bitterly prosecuted even by Laws made against Papists. And what is all this for? Unless their Worshipping of God according to their Conscience; for they injure no Man, nor have they offered the least Molestation to the Government.
Truly, I must take Liberty to tell you, If you will not endeavour to redress these Evils in your Choice, I fear God will suffer you to fall into great Calamity by those you hate. You are afraid of Popery, and yet many of you practice it; For why do you fear it, but for it’s Compulsion and Persecution? And will you compel or persecute your selves, or chuse such as do? If you will, pray let me say, You hate the Papists, but not Popery. But God defend you from so doing, and direct you to do, as you would be done by; that chusing such as love England, her People, and their Civil Rights, Foundations may be laid for that Security and Tranquillity, which the Children unborn may have Cause to rise up and bless your Names and Memories for. Take it in good Part, I mean nothing but Justice and Peace to all; and so conclude my self,
Your Honest Monitor and Old England’s True Friend,
Philanglus.
11.
A Letter from a Gentleman in the Country, to His Friends in London, upon the Subject of the Penal Laws and Tests (1687)
Quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri non feceris
Printed in the Year 1687.
Gentlemen,
I WONDER mightily at the News you send me, that so many of the Town are averse to the Repeal of the Penal Statutes; surely you mean the Clergy of the present Church, and those that are Zealous for their Dignity and Power: For what part of the Kingdom has felt the Smart of them more, and at all times, and on all occasions represented their mischief to the Trade, Peace, Plenty and Wealth of the Kingdom, so freely as the Town has always done? But you unfold the Riddle to me, when you tell me, ’tis for fear of Popery, tho I own to you, I cannot comprehend it, any more then you do Transubstantiation: For that we should be afraid of Popery for the sake of Liberty, and then afraid of it because of Persecution, seems to me absurd, as it is, that Liberty should be thought the high way to Persecution. But because they are upon their fears, pray let me tell you mine, and take them among the rest in good part.
If the Romanists seek ease by Law, ’tis an Argument to me they desire to turn good Countrymen, and take the Law for their Security, with the rest of their Neighbours; and a greater Complement they cannot put upon our English Constitution, nor give a better pledge of their desires to be at peace with us. But if we are so Tenacious as we will keep on foot the greatest blemish of our Reformation, viz. our Hanging, Quartering, Plunder Banishing Laws; Is it not turning them out of this quiet course, and telling them if they will have ease, they must get it as they can, for we will never conceed it? And pray tell me if this be not thrusting them upon the methods we fear they will take, at the same time that we give that, for the reason why we do so.
If Law can secure us, which is the plea that is made, we may doubtless find an expedient in that which may repeal these, if the danger be not of Liberty it self, but of our loosing it by them at last; for there is no mischief the wit of man can invent, that the wit of man cannot avoid. But that which I confess makes me melancholy, is that methinks we never made more haste to be confined; no not in the business of the Declaration of Indulgence, when in the name of Property that was actually damn’d, which at least reprieved it; and the price the Church of England gave for it, viz. her promise of a legal ease, actually failed us: For instead of saving our selves from Popery, we are by these partialities provoking it every day, and methinks foolishly for our own safety; because there can be no other end in doing so, then securing that Party which calls it self the Church of England, that is in her Constitution none of the best Friends to Property; for mens Liberties and Estates are by her Laws made forfeitable for Non-conformity to Her: And I Challenge the Records of all time since Popery got the Chair in England, to produce an eight part of the Laws, to ruin men or Conscience, that have been made since the other has been the national Religion, which is, I say, a scandal to the Reformation.
She says, she is afraid of Popery, because of its Violence, and yet uses Force to compel it; Is not this resisting Popery with Popery? which we shall call loving the Treason but hating the Traytor: She would have Power to Force or Destroy others, but they should not have Power to Force or Destroy her, no not to save themselves: Shift the hand never so often, this Weapon is still the same. ’Twere happy therefore that all Parties were disarm’d of this Sword, and that it were put where it ought only to be, in the Civil Magistrates hand, to terifie Evil Doers, and cherish those that do well, remembering S Peter’s saying (in Cornelius’s case) for an Example, I perceive now of a truth that God is no respecter of Persons, but those that fear him, and work Righteousness in all Nations shall be accepted: Else what security does the Church of England give to the great body of her Dissenters that she will not do what she fears from Popery, when she has a Prince of her own Religion upon the Throne, that has made so fair a Progress these last six and twenty Years in ruining families, for non-conformity under Princes of an other Perswasion. Come, Interest will not lye, she fears Liberty, as much as Popery: Since those that want, and plead for the one, are an hundred times more in number than the Friends of the other, and all of her side, that Popery should not mount the Chair: So that she would get more then she would lose by the Repeal, if an equal desire to subject both Popish and Protestant Dissenters to her Power and Government be not the Principle she walks by in her present Aversion.
And to shew you that this is the case, and that her aversion to Popery is a sham to the Liberty desired, the Dissenters are of no use to her, while the penal Laws are on foot; for by them they are put in the power of a Prince of the Religion of the Church she fears; but the moment they are repealed, so far as concerns the preventing Popery to be national, the Dissenters are equally interested with the Church of England against it. But then here is the mischief; This Liberty takes the Rod out of her hand; she can no more whip people into her Churches, and she perhaps may modestly suspect her own vertue and ability to preach them thither.
In short, if she were in earnest against Popery, more then in love with her own Power and Grandure; that is, if the World were not in the way, she would rejoyce to deliver Men of her own Religion, that are so much more numerous then the Papists, that they might ballance against her fears of their prevailing: But to cry she is for Liberty to Protestant Dissenters, and make the demonstration of it, her keeping up the Laws that ruin them, and then say it is for fear of the Religion the Prince owns, and yet force them into his hands by doing so, is, I must confess, something incomprehensible.
Besides, properly and naturally speaking, the Church of England is the People of England, and when its apply’d to a Party, ’tis a Faction to the whole; and that Title has no more Truth in it, then ’tis sence to say the Roman Catholick Church, which in English, is a particular Universal Church: And pray is there no room left to consider this hard case of the Kingdom? I hope the civil Magistrate will, who is the supream Pastor of this civil Church on Earth. Is she then no more then a Party? no certainly. And how great a one, a true Liberty of Conscience would best tell us, and that is the true reason, and not Popery, that she is tender in the point.
I conclude then, that whilst those of that Religion only desire to be upon the Level with others; I mean upon Native Rights, the Great Charter, what we all of us call, our Birth-right, let us not refuse it, lest God suffer them to prevail to curb our partiallity. There are Laws enough to punish Offenders against the State, if these were repealed, and not condemn People by Anticipation. That Law which catches a Protestant will catch a Papish Traytor, Riotor or Seditious Person. Again, let us reflect, that we have a Prince of Age, and more honour; the prospect of three excellent Princes of the Protestant Religion, the paucity of the Papists, the number of the Enemies of their Communion, their unity in that aversion: what greater security can we have in the World? Policy, Honour, Religion, Number, Unity, ay, Necessity too, conspire to make us safe: for all these are concerned in the means of our preservation; unless our fears and our follies should prevail: which I confess I apprehend most; for they will be deserted of God, that forsake him and themselves too; who dare do a certain evil that a supposed good may come of it,contradict their own Principles, deny what they expect, sow what they would not reap, do to others what they would not that others should do to them: But there is a God in Heaven, and he is just: He will meet to us what we measure to one another, and his Judgment is inevitable. I therefore advise the Church of England to be as ready in her Christian complyances as is possible: First, because it is impious to keep up distroying Laws for Religion, when her Saviour tells her upon this very Question, That he came not to destroy mens lives but to save them.Secondly, Because by this she will wipe off the Reproach she throws by continuing them, upon her own Apologies for Liberty of Conscience, when under the wheel of Power. Thirdly, Because Liberty to the Papists by Law, is bringing them into the legal interest of the Kingdom, and will prevent the force, they may else be driven to, by being made and left desperate: For its not to be thought they will willingly pay the reckoning in another Reign, if by any means they can prevent it; and keeping up the penal Laws can be no security to the Church of England from such attempts, though they may provoke them upon her. Fourthly, She hereby saves her dissenters; and if it be really her inclination to do so, she has no other way, and this unites them to her in affection and interest, if not in Worship. But if on the contrary she persists obstinately to refuse this national paciffick; the dissenters, I hope, will consider their honest Interest, Conscience and Property, and to imbrace those oppertunities to secure them, that God in his all-wise providence is pleased to yield them in this conjuncture. Thus Gentlemen, you have my thoughts upon your News, pray communicate them to our acquaintance, and believe that I am, Yours, &c.
POST-SCRIPT.
For the Tests that are so much discoursed of, I shall only say, that ’tis, an other mystery of the Times to me, how the Church of England, that was against the Exclusion, can be for them that were design’d for a Preamble to it; since in so doing, she is for that which was contrived to introduce the Exclusion she was so Zealously against. I confess I never understood her very well, and she grows more and more unintelligible; but this I know, that she must either be sorry for what she has done, or she did not know what she did. The first reflects upon her Loyalty, the last upon her understanding; and because I think that the least, and likeliest evil, I conclude she is no infallible Guide upon the Question.
Another thing you tell me, that gives great offence is, his Majesties turning out Protestants, and putting in People of his Religion. This I conceive a fault, that the Church of England is only answerable for. Other Princes have been so unhappy as to Suffer Tests and Marks of distinction that have broken and disorder’d their Kingdoms, by depriving those of their Temporal comforts, that would not receive them; and this People, esteemed a mighty grievance; and were frequent and elegant in their complaints about it. We have a King now, that would remove these Marks of distinction, and secure all men upon their native Right and Bottom, That all Parties might sit safely under their own Vine, and under their own Fig-tree; so that now, who is for Liberty? becomes the Test. Are they then fit to be trusted that are out of his Interest, and against the Liberty he is for, and the Nation wants and craves? Or is it good-sense, that he (who is mortal as well as other men) should leave the Power in those hands, that to his face show their aversion to the Friends of his Communion tho he offers to maintain her still? She had the offer to keep them, upon that Principle that must heal and save the Kingdom, Liberty of Conscience: which shows the King was willing to be served by her sons to chuse, if upon the same general Principle with himself: wherefore ’tis the Gentlemen of the Church of England that turn themselves out of power, rather than endure Liberty of Conscience to others; and shall this Vice be their Vertue. They must be heartily in love with persecution that can sacrifice their Places to the upholding of penal Laws for Religion, because they would not let others, not only, not come in, but not live at their own Charges: A fine thing to suffer for, Their Ancestors were Martyers by penal Laws, but these for them. The cause is chang’d whatever they think, and I am afraid they are chang’d too for want of thinking. I Profess, I pity them with all my Heart, and wish them more Wit, and better Consciences next time against next time, if ever they have it; for these, if they will believe me, will hardly ever make so good a Bargin for them, as they have lost by them. More of this, if you like it, next time, and till then, Adieu.
FINIS.