Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow CHAP. XVIII.: In what Manner the Custom of judicial Combats gained Ground. - Complete Works, vol. 2 The Spirit of Laws

Return to Title Page for Complete Works, vol. 2 The Spirit of Laws

Search this Title:

CHAP. XVIII.: In what Manner the Custom of judicial Combats gained Ground. - Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, Complete Works, vol. 2 The Spirit of Laws [1748]

Edition used:

The Complete Works of M. de Montesquieu (London: T. Evans, 1777), 4 vols. Vol. 2.

Part of: Complete Works of Montesquieu, 4 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


CHAP. XVIII.

In what Manner the Custom of judicial Combats gained Ground.

FROM Agobard’s letter to Lewis the Debonnaire, it might be inferred, that the custom of judicial combats was not established among the Franks; for after having represented to that prince the abuses of the law of Gundebald, he desires* that private disputes should be decided in Burgundy by the law of the Franks. But as it is well known from other quarters, that the trial by combat prevailed at that time in France, this has been the cause of some perplexity. However, the difficulty may be solved by what I have said; the law of the Salian Franks did not allow of this kind of trial, and that of the Ripuarian Franks did.

But, notwithstanding the clamours of the clergy, the custom of judicial combats gained ground continually in France; and I shall presently make it appear, that the clergy themselves were in a great measure the occasion of it.

It is the Law of the Lombards that furnishes us with this proof. There has been long since a detestable custom introduced, says the preamble to the constitution of* Otho II. This is, that if the title to an estate was said to be false, the person who claimed under that title made oath upon the gospels that it was genuine; and without any farther judgment he took possession of the estate: so that they who would perjure themselves, were sure of gaining their point. The emperor Otho I. having caused himself to be crowned at Rome at the very time that a council was held there under pope John XII. all the lords of Italy represented to that prince the necessity of enacting a law to reform this horrid abuse. The pope and the emperor were of opinion, that the affair should be referred to the council, which was to be shortly held at Ravenna. There the lords made the same representations, and repeated their instances; but the affair was put off once more, under pretence of the absence of particular persons. When Otho II. and Conrad§ king of Burgundy arrived in Italy, they had a conference at Verona†† with the Italian lords‡‡ ; and at their repeated remonstrances, the emperor, with their unanimous consent, made a law, that whenever there happened any disputes about inheritances, and one of the parties insisted upon the legality of his title, and the other maintained its being false, the affair should be decided by combat; that the same rule should be observed in contests relating to fiefs; and that the clergy should be subject to the same law, but should fight by their champions. Here we see, that the nobility insisted on the trial by combat, because of the inconveniency of the proof introduced by the clergy; that notwithstanding the clamours of the nobility, the notoriousness of the abuse which called out loudly for redress, and the authority of Otho who came into Italy to speak and act as master, still the clergy held out in two councils; in fine, that the joint concurrence of the nobility and princes having obliged the clergy to submit, the custom of judicial combats must have been considered as a privilege of the nobility, as a barrier against injustice, and as a security of property, and from that very moment this custom must have gained ground. This was effected at a time when the power of the emperors was great, and that of the popes inconsiderable; at a time when the Othos came to revive the dignity of the empire in Italy.

I shall make one reflection, which will corroborate what has been above said, namely, that the custom of negative proofs produced that of judicial combats. The abuse complained of to the Othos, was, that a person who was charged with having a false title to an estate, defended himself by a negative proof, declaring upon the gospels it was not false. What was it they did to reform this abuse? They revived the custom of judicial combats.

I was in a hurry to speak of the constitution of Otho II. in order to give a clear idea of the disputes between the clergy and the laity of those times. There had been indeed a constitution of* Lotharius I. of an earlier date, who, upon the same complaints and disputes, being desirous of securing the just possession of property, had ordained, that the notary should make oath that the deed or title was not forged; and if the notary should happen to die, the witnesses should be sworn who had signed it. The evil however still continued, till they were obliged at length to have recourse to the remedy above-mentioned.

Before that time, I find, that in the general assemblies held by Charlemaign, the nation represented to him* , that in the actual stare of things it was extremely difficult, but that either the accuser or the accused must forswear themselves; and that for this reason it was much better to revive the judicial combat; which was accordingly done.

The usage of judicial combats gained ground among the Burgundians, and that of an oath was limited. Theodoric king of Italy suppressed the single combat among the Ostrogoths; and the laws of Chaindasuinthus and Recessuinthus seemed as if they would abolish the very idea of it. But these laws were so little respected in Narbonne Gaul, that they looked upon the legal duel as a privilege of the Goths .

The Lombards who conquered Italy, after the Ostrogoths had been destroyed by the Greeks, introduced the custom of judicial combat into that country; but their first laws gave a check to it . Charlemaign , Lewis the Debonnaire, and the Othos, made diverse general constitutions, which we find inserted in the laws of the Lombards, and added to the Salic laws, whereby the practice of legal duels, at first in criminal, and afterwards in civil cases, obtained a greater extent. They knew not what to do. The negative proof by oath had its inconveniencies; that of legal duels had its inconveniencies also; hence they often changed, according as the one or the other affected them most.

On the one hand, the clergy were pleased to see, that in all secular affairs, people were obliged to have recourse to the altar* ; and on the other, a haughty nobility were fond of maintaining their rights by the sword.

I would not have it inferred, that it was the clergy who introduced the custom so much complained of by the nobility. This custom was derived from the spirit of the Barbarian laws, and from the establishment of negative proofs. But a practice that contributed to the impunity of such a number of criminals, having given some people reason to think it was proper to make use of the sanctity of the churches, in order to strike terror into the guilty, and to intimidate perjurers, the clergy maintained this usage, and the practice which attended it; for in other respects they were absolutely averse to negative proofs. We find in Beaumanoir , that this kind of proof was never allowed in ecclesiastic courts; which contributed greatly, without doubt, to its suppression, and to weaken, in this respect, the regulation of the codes of the Barbarian laws.

This will convince us more strongly of the connection between the usage of negative proofs, and that of judicial combats, of which I have said so much. The lay tribunals admitted of both; and both were rejected by the ecclesiastic courts.

In chusing the trial by duel, the nation followed its military spirit; for while this was established as a divine decision, the trials by the cross, by cold or boiling waters, which had been also regarded in the same light, were abolished.

Charlemaign ordained, that if any differences should arise between his children, they should be terminated by the judgment of the cross. Lewis the Debonnaire* confined this judgment to ecclesiastic affairs; his son Lotharius abolished it in all cases: nay, he suppressed even the trial by cold water.

I do not pretend to say, that at a time when so few usages were universally received, these trials were not revived in some churches; especially as they are mentioned in a charter of Philip Augustus: but I affirm, they were very seldom practised. Beaumanoir , who lived at the time of St. Lewis, and a little after, enumerating the different kinds of trial, mentions that of judicial combat, but not a word of the others.

[* ]Si placeret Domino nostro ut eos transferret ad legem Francorum.

[]See this law, tit. 59. sect. 4. and tit. 67. sect. 5.

[* ]Law of the Lombards, book ii. tit. 55. chap. 34.

[]The year 962.

[]Ab Italiæ proceribus est proclamatum, ut imperator sanctus, mutatâ lege, facinus indignum destrueret. Law of the Lombards, book ii. tit. 55. chap. 34.

[]It was held in the year 967, in the presence of pope John XIII. and of the Emperor Otho I.

[§ ]Otho the Second’s uncle, son to Rodolphus, and king of Transjurian Burgundy.

[†† ]In the year 988.

[‡‡ ]Cum in hoc ab omnibus imperiales aures pulsarentur. Law of the Lombards, book ii. tit. 55. chap. 34.

[* ]In the law of the Lombards, book ii. tit. 55. sect. 33. In the copy which Muratori made use of, it is attributed to the emperor Guido.

[* ]In the law of the Lombards, book ii. tit. 55. sect. 23.

[]In palatio quoque, Bera comes Barcinonensis, cum impeteretur a quoquam Sunila, & infidelitatis argueretur, cum eodem secundum legem propriam, utpote quia uterque Gothus erat, equestri prælio congressus est & victus. The anonymous author of the life of Lewis the Debonnaire.

[]See in the law of the Lombards, book i. tit. 4. and tit. 9. sect. 23. and book 2. tit. 35. sect. 4. and 5. and tit. 55. sect. 1, 2, and 3. The regulations of Rotharis; and in sect. 15. that of Luitprandus.

[]Ibid. book ii. tit. 55. sect. 23.

[* ]The judicial oaths were made at that time in the churches, and during the first race of our kings there was a chapel set apart in the royal palace for the affairs that were to be thus decided. See the Formulas of Marculfus, book i. chap. 38. The laws of the Ripuarians, tit. 59. sect. 4. tit. 65. sect. 5. The history of Gregory of Tours; and the Capitulary of the year 803. added to the Salic Law.

[]Chap. 39. page 212.

[* ]We find his constitutions inserted in the law of the Lombards, and at the end of the Salic laws.

[]In a constitution inserted in the law of the Lombards, book ii. tit. 55. sect. 31.

[]In the year 1200.

[]Custom of Beauvoisis, chap. 39.