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MISCELLANY II

Chap. 1.CHAPTER I

Review ofEnthusiasm.—Its Defense, Praise:—Use in Business as well as Pleasure:—Operation by Fear, Love.—Modifications of Enthusiasm: Magnanimity; Heroick Virtue; Honour; Publick Zeal; Religion; Superstition; Persecution; Martyrdom.—Energy of the extatick Devotion in the Tender Sex.—Account of antient Priesthood.—Religious War.—Reference to a succeeding Chapter.

WHETHER in fact there be any real Enchantment, any Influence of Stars, any Power of Daemons or of foreign Natures over our own Minds, is thought questionable by many. Some there are who assert the[29] Negative, and endeavour to solve the Appearances of this kind by the natural Operation of our Passions, and the common Course of outward Things. For my own part, I cannot but at this present apprehend a kind of Enchantment or Magick in that which we call Enthusiasm; since I find, that having touch’d slightly on this Subject, I cannot so easily part with it at pleasure.

After having made some cursory Reflections on our Author’s *Letter, I thought I might have sufficiently acquitted my-self on this head; till passing to his next Treatise, I found my-self still further ingag’d. I perceiv’d plainly that I had as yet scarce enter’d into our Author’s Humour, or felt any thing of that Passion, which, as he informs us, is so easily communicable and naturally engaging. But what I had pass’d over in my first Reflections, I found naturally rising in me, upon second thoughts. So that by experience I prov’d it true what our Author says,† “That we all of us know something of this Principle.” And now that I find I have in reality so much of it imparted to me, I may with better reason[30] be pardon’d, if, after our Author’s example, I am led to write on such Subjects as these, with Caution, at different Reprises; and not singly, in one Breath.

I have heard indeed that the very reading of Treatises and Accounts of Melancholy, has been apt to generate that Passion in the over-diligent and attentive Reader. And this perhaps may have been the reason, why our Author himself (as he seems to intimate towards the Conclusion of his first *Letter) car’d not in reality to grapple closely with his Subject, or give us, at once, the precise Definition of Enthusiasm. This however we may, with our Author, presume to infer, from the coolest of all Studys, even from Criticism it-self, (of which we have been lately treating) † “That there is a Power in Numbers, Harmony, Proportion, and Beauty of every kind, which naturally captivates the Heart, and raises the Imagination to an Opinion or Conceit of something majestick and divine.”

Whatever this Subject may be in it-self; we cannot help being transported with the thought of it. It inspires us with something more than ordinary, and[31] raises us above our-selves. Without this Imagination or Conceit, the World wou’d be but a dull Circumstance, and Life a sorry Pass-time. Scarce cou’d we be said to live. The animal Functions might in their course be carry’d on; but nothing further sought for, or regarded. The gallant Sentiments, the elegant Fancys, the Belle-passions, which have, all of them, this Beauty in view, wou’d be set aside, and leave us probably no other Employment than that of satisfying our coarsest Appetites at the cheapest rate; in order to the attainment of a supine State of Indolence and Inactivity.

Slender wou’d be the Enjoyments of the Lover, the ambitious Man, the Warrior, or the Virtuoso, (as our Author has ‡ elsewhere intimated) if in the Beautys which they admire, and passionately pursue, there were no reference or regard to any higher Majesty or Grandure, than what simply results from the particular Objects of their pursuit. I know not, in reality, what we shou’d do to find a seasoning to most of our Pleasures in Life, were it not for the Taste or Relish, which is owing to this particular Passion, and the Conceit or Imagination which supports it. Without this, we cou’d not so much as[32] admire a Poem, or a Picture; a Garden, or a Palace; a charming Shape, or a fair Face.Love it-self wou’d appear the lowest thing in Nature, when thus anticipated, and treated according to the Anti-enthusiastick Poet’s method:

* And to indulge lust with whoever is at hand.

How Heroism or Magnanimity must stand in this Hypothesis, is easy to imagine. The Muses themselves must make a very indifferent figure in this philosophical Draught. Even the Prince of † Poets wou’d prove a most insipid Writer, if he were thus reduc’d. Nor cou’d there, according to this Scheme, be yet a place of Honour left even for our ‡Latin Poet, the great Disciple of this un-polite Philosophy, who dares with so little Equity employ the Muses Art in favour of such a System. But in spite of his Philosophy, he everywhere gives way to Admiration, and rapturous Views of Nature. He is transported with the several Beautys of the World, even whilst he arraigns the Order of it, and destroys the Principle of[33]Beauty, from whence in antient Languages the **World it-self was nam’d.

This is what our Author advances; when in behalf of Enthusiasm he quotes its formal Enemys, and shews That they are as capable of it as its greatest Confessors and Assertors. So far is he from degrading Enthusiasm, or disclaiming it in himself; that he looks on this Passion, simply consider’d, as the most natural, and its Object as the justest in the World. Even Virtue it-self he takes to be no other than a noble Enthusiasm justly directed, and regulated by that high Standard which he supposes in the Nature of Things.

He seems to assert, * “That there are certain moral Species or Appearances so striking, and of such force over our Natures, that when they present themselves, they bear down all contrary Opinion or Conceit, all opposite Passion, Sensation, or mere bodily Affection.” Of this kind he makes Virtue it-self to be the chief: since of all Views or Contemplations, this, in his account, is the most na[34]turally and strongly affecting. The exalted part of Love is only borrow’d hence. That of pure Friendship is its immediate Self. He who yields his Life a Sacrifice to his Prince or Country; the Lover who for his Paramour performs as much; the heroick, the amorous, the religious Martyrs, who draw their Views, whether visionary or real, from this Pattern and Exemplar of Divinity: all these, according to our Author’s Sentiment, are alike actuated by this Passion, and prove themselves in effect so many different Enthusiasts.

Nor is thorow Honesty, in his Hypothesis, any other than this Zeal, or Passion, moving strongly upon the Species or View of the Decorum, and Sublime of Actions. Others may pursue † different Forms, and fix their Eye on different Species, (as all Men do on one or other): The real honest Man, however plain or simple he appears, has that highest Species, ‡Honesty it-self, in view; and instead of outward Forms or Symmetrys, is struck with that of inward Character, the Harmony and Numbers of the Heart, and Beauty of the Affections, which form the Manners and Conduct of a truly social Life.[35]

’Tis indeed peculiar to the Genius of that cool Philosophy * above describ’d; that as it denies the Order or Harmony of Things in general, so by a just Consequence and Truth of Reasoning, it rejects the Habit of admiring or being charm’d with whatever is call’d Beautiful in particular. According to the Regimen prescrib’d by this Philosophy, it must be acknowledg’d that the Evils of Love, Ambition, Vanity, Luxury, with other Disturbances deriv’d from the florid, high, and elegant Ideas of Things, must in appearance be set in a fair way of being radically cur’d.

It need not be thought surprizing, that Religion it-self shou’d in the account of these Philosophers be reckon’d among those Vices and Disturbances, which it concerns us after this manner to extirpate. If the Idea of Majesty and Beauty in other inferior Subjects be in reality distracting; it must chiefly prove so, in that principal Subject, the Basis and Foundation of this Conceit. Now if the Subject it-self be not in Nature, neither the Idea nor the Passion grounded on it can be properly esteem’d natural: And thus all Admiration ceases; and Enthusiasm is at an end. But[36] if there be naturally such a Passion; ’tis evident that Religion it-self is of the kind, and must be therefore natural to Man.

We can admire nothing profoundly, without a certain religious Veneration. And because this borders so much on Fear, and raises a certain Tremor or Horror of like appearance; ’tis easy to give that Turn to the Affection, and represent all Enthusiasm and religious Extasy as the Product or mere Effect of Fear:

The first fear fashioned the gods on earth.1

But the original Passion, as appears plainly, is of another kind, and in effect is so confess’d by those who are the greatest Opposers of Religion, and who, as our Author observes, have shewn themselves sufficiently convinc’d, * “That altho these Ideas of Divinity and Beauty were vain; they were yet in a manner innate, or such as Men were really born to, and cou’d hardly by any means avoid.”

Now as all Affections have their Excess, and require Judgment and Discretion to moderate and govern them; so this high and noble Affection, which raises[37] Man to Action, and is his Guide in Business as well as Pleasure, requires a steddy Rein and strict Hand over it. All Moralists, worthy of any Name, have recogniz’d the Passion; tho among these the wisest have prescrib’d Restraint, press’d Moderation, and to all Tyro’s in Philosophy forbid the forward Use of Admiration, Rapture, or Extasy, even in the Subjects they esteem’d the highest, and most divine. They knew very well that the first Motion, Appetite, and Ardour of the Youth in general towards † Philosophy and Knowledg, depended chiefly on this Turn of Temper: Yet were they well appriz’d, withal, That in the Progress of this Study, as well as in the affairs of Life, the florid Ideas and exalted Fancy of this kind became the Fuel of many incendiary Passions; and that, in religious Concerns particularly, the Habit of Admiration and contemplative Delight, wou’d, by over-Indulgence, too easily mount into high Fanaticism, or degenerate into abject Superstition.

Upon the whole therefore, according to our Author, Enthusiasm is, in it-self, a very natural honest Passion; and has[38] properly nothing for its Object but what is ‡Good and Honest. ’Tis apt indeed, he confesses, to run astray. And by modern example we know, perhaps yet better than by any antient, that, in Religion, the Enthusiasm which works by Love, is subject to many strange Irregularitys; and that which works by Fear, to many monstrous and horrible Superstitions. Mysticks and Fanaticks are known to abound as well in our Reform’d, as in the Romish Churches. The pretended Floods of Grace pour’d into the Bosoms of the Quietists, Pietists, and those who favour the extatick way of Devotion, raise such Transports, as by their own Proselytes are confess’d to have something strangely agreeable, and in common with what ordinary Lovers are us’d to feel. And it has been remark’d by many, That the Female Saints have been the greatest Improvers of this soft part of Religion. What truth there may be in the related Operations of this pretended Grace and amorous Zeal, or in the Accounts of what has usually past between the Saints of each Sex, in these devout Extasys, I shall leave the Reader to examine: supposing he will find credible Accounts, sufficient to convince him of the dangerous progress of Enthusiasm in this amorous Lineage.[39]

There are many Branches indeed more vulgar, as that of Fear, Melancholy, Consternation, Suspicion, Despair. And when the Passion turns more towards the astonishing and frightful, than the amiable and delightful side, it creates rather what we call Superstition than Enthusiasm. I must confess withal, that what we commonly style Zeal in matters of Religion, is seldom without a mixture of both these Extravagancys. The extatick Motions of Love and Admiration, are seldom un-accompany’d with the Horrors and Consternations of a lower sort of Devotion. These Paroxysms of Zeal are in reality as the hot and cold Fits of an Ague, and depend on the different and occasional Views or Aspects of the Divinity; according as the Worshiper is * guided from without, or affected from within, by his particular Constitution. Seldom are those Aspects so determinate and fix’d, as to excite constantly one and the same Spirit of Devotion. In Religions therefore, which hold most of Love, there is generally room left for Terrors of the deepest kind. Nor is there any Religion so diabolical, as, in its representation of Divinity, to leave no room for Admiration and Esteem. Whatever Personage or[40]Specter of Divinity is worship’d; a certain Esteem and Love is generally affected by his Worshipers. Or if, in the Devotion paid him, there be in truth no real or absolute Esteem; there is however a certain astonishing Delight or Ravishment excited.

This Passion is experienc’d, in common, by every Worshiper of the Zealot-kind. The Motion, when un-guided, and left wholly to it-self, is in its nature turbulent and incentive. It disjoints the natural Frame, and relaxes the ordinary Tone or Tenor of the Mind. In this Disposition the Reins are let loose to all Passion which arises: And the Mind, as far as it is able to act or think in such a State, approves the Riot, and justifies the wild Effects, by the suppos’d Sacredness of the Cause. Every Dream and Frenzy is made Inspiration; every Affection, Zeal. And in this Persuasion the Zealots, no longer self-govern’d, but set adrift to the wide Sea of Passion, can in one and the same Spirit of Devotion, exert the opposite Passions of Love and Hatred; unite affectionately, and abhor furiously; curse, bless, sing, mourn, exult, tremble, caress, assassinate, inflict and suffer*Martyrdom, with[41] a thousand other the most vehement Efforts of variable and contrary Affection.

THE common Heathen Religion, especially in its latter Age, when adorn’d with the most beautiful Temples, and render’d more illustrious by the Munificence of the Roman Senate and succeeding Emperors, ran wholly into Pomp, and was supported chiefly by that sort of Enthusiasm, which is rais’d from the * external Objects of Grandure, Majesty, and what we call August. On the other side, the Egyptian or Syrian Religions, which lay more in Mystery and conceal’d Rites; having less Dependence on the Magistrate, and less of that Decorum of Art,[42] Politeness, and Magnificence, ran into a more pusillanimous, frivolous, and mean kind of Superstition; “The Observation of Days, the Forbearance of Meats, and the Contention about Traditions, Seniority of Laws, and † Priority of Godships.”

Hence a raging madness is abroad on both sides, because each place hates its neighbours’ deities, since it believes that only its own objects of worship are Gods.2

History, withal, informs us of a certain Establishment in Egypt, which was very extraordinary, and must needs have had a very uncommon effect; no way advantageous to that Nation in particular, or to the general Society of Mankind. We know very well, that nothing is more injurious to the Police, or municipal Constitution of any City or Colony, than the forcing of a particular Trade: Nothing more dangerous than the over-peopling any Manufacture, or multiplying the Traders, or Dealers, of whatever Vocation, beyond their natural Proportion, and the publick Demand. Now it happen’d of old, in this Mother-Land of Superstition,[43] that ‡ the Sons of certain Artists were by Law oblig’d always to follow the same Calling with their Fathers. Thus the Son of a Priest was always a Priest by Birth, as was the whole Lineage after him, without interruption. Nor was it a Custom with this Nation, as with others, to have only *one single Priest or Priestess to a Temple: but as the Number of Gods and Temples was infinite; so was that of the[44] Priests. The Religious Foundations were without Restriction: and to one single Worship or Temple, as many of the Holy Order might be Retainers, as cou’d raise a Maintenance from the Office.

Whatever happen’d to other Races or Professions, that of the Priest, in all likelihood, must, by this Regulation, have propagated the most of any. ’Tis a tempting Circumstance; to have so easy a Mastery over the World; to subdue by Wit instead of Force; to practise on the Passions, and triumph over the Judgment of Mankind; to influence private Familys, and publick Councils; conquer Conquerors; controul the Magistrate himself, and govern without the Envy which attends all other Government or Superiority. No wonder if such a Profession was apt to multiply: especially when we consider the easy Living and Security of the Professors, their Exemption from all Labour, and Hazard; the suppos’d Sacredness of their Character; and their free Possession of Wealth, Grandure, Estates, and Women.

There was no need to invest such a Body as this, with rich Lands and ample Territorys, as it happen’d in Egypt. The Generation or Tribe being once set apart as sacred, wou’d, without further encouragement, be able, no doubt, in[45] process of time, to establish themselves a plentiful and growing Fund, or religious Land-Bank. ’Twas a sufficient Donative, to have had only that single Privilege from the * Law; “That they might retain what they cou’d get; and that it might be lawful for their Order to receive such Estates by voluntary Contribution, as cou’d never afterwards be converted to other Uses.”

Now if, besides the Method of Propagation by Descent, other Methods of Increase were allow’d in this Order of Men; if Volunteers were also admitted at pleasure, without any Stint or Confinement to a certain Number; ’tis not difficult to imagine how enormous the Growth wou’d be of such a Science or Profession, thus recogniz’d by the Magistrate, thus invested with Lands and Power, and thus intitled to whatever extent of Riches or Possession cou’d be acquir’d by Practice and Influence over the superstitious part of Mankind.

There were, besides, in Egypt some natural Causes of Superstition, beyond those which were common to other Regions. This Nation might well abound in Prodigys, when even their Country and Soil it-self was a kind of Prodigy in Nature. Their solitary idle Life, whilst shut[46] up in their Houses by the regular Inundations of the Nile; the unwholesom Vapours arising from the new Mud, and slimy Relicts of their River, expos’d to the hot Suns; their various Meteors and Phaenomena; with the long Vacancy they had to observe and comment on them; the necessity, withal, which, on the account of their Navigation, and the Measure of their yearly drowned Lands, compell’d them to promote the Studys of Astronomy and other Sciences, of which their Priesthood cou’d make good advantages: All these may be reckon’d, perhaps, as additional Causes of the immense Growth of Superstition, and the enormous Increase of the Priesthood in this fertile Land.

’Twill however, as I conceive, be found unquestionably true, according to political Arithmetick, in every Nation whatsoever; “That the Quantity of Superstition (if I may so speak) will, in proportion, nearly answer the Number of Priests, Diviners, Soothsayers, Prophets, or such who gain their Livelihood, or receive Advantages by officiating in religious Affairs.” For if these Dealers are numerous, they will force a Trade. And as the liberal Hand of the Magistrate can easily raise Swarms of this kind, where they are already but in a moderate proportion; so where, thro’[47] any other cause, the Number of these increasing still, by degrees, is suffer’d to grow beyond a certain measure, they will soon raise such a Ferment in Mens Minds, as will at least compel the Magistrate, however sensible of the Grievance, to be cautious in proceeding to a Reform.

We may observe in other necessary Professions, rais’d on the Infirmitys and Defects of Mankind, (as for instance, in Law and Physick) “That with the least help from the Bounty or Beneficence of the Magistrate, the Number of the Professors, and the Subject-matter of the Profession, is found over and above increasing.” New Difficultys are started: New Subjects of Contention: Deeds and Instruments of Law grow more numerous and prolix: Hypotheses, Methods, Regimens, more various; and the Materia Medica more extensive and abundant. What, in process of time, must therefore naturally have happen’d in the case of Religion, among the Egyptians, may easily be gather’d.

Nor is it strange that we shou’d find the *Property and Power of the Egyptian[48] Priesthood, in antient days, arriv’d to such a height, as in a manner to have swallow’d up the State and Monarchy. A worse Accident befel the Persian Crown, of which the Hierarchy having got absolute possession, had once a fair Chance for Universal Empire. Now that the Persian or Babylonian Hierarchy was much after the Model of the Egyptian, tho different perhaps in Rites and Ceremonys, we may well judg; not only from the History of the †Magi, but from what is recorded of antient Colonys sent long before by the Egyptians into ‡Chaldea and the adjacent Countrys. And whether the Ethiopian Model was from that of Egypt, or the Egyptian from that of Ethiopia, (for ** each Nation had its pretence) we know by remarkable † Effects, that the Ethiopian Empire was once in the same[49] Condition: the State having been wholly swallow’d in the exorbitant Power of their landed Hierarchy. So true it is, “That Dominion must naturally follow Property.” Nor is it possible, as I conceive, for any State or Monarchy to withstand the Encroachments of a growing Hierarchy, founded on the Model of these Egyptian and Asiatick Priesthoods. No Superstition will ever be wanting among the Ignorant and Vulgar, whilst the Able and Crafty have a power to gain Inheritances and Possessions by working on this human Weakness. This is a Fund which, by these Allowances, will prove inexhaustible. New Modes of Worship, new Miracles, new Heroes, Saints, Divinitys (which, serve as new Occasions for sacredDonatives) will be easily supply’d on the part of the reli[50]gious Orders; whilst the Civil Magistrate authorizes the accumulative Donation, and neither restrains the Number or Possessions of the Sacred Body.

We find, withal, that in the early days of this antient Priestly Nation of whom we have been speaking, ’twas thought expedient also, for the increase of Devotion, to enlarge their System of Deity; and either by mystical Genealogy, Consecration, or Canonization, to multiply their reveal’d Objects of Worship, and raise new Personages of Divinity in their Religion. They proceeded, it seems, in process of time, to increase the * Number of their Gods, so far that, at last, they became in a manner numberless. What odd Shapes, Species, and Forms of Deity were in latter times exhibited, is well known. Scarce an Animal or Plant but was adopted into some share of Divinity.

† O pious nation, for whom Gods like these grow in the garden!

No wonder if by a Nation so abounding in religious Orders, spiritual Conquests[51] were sought in foreign Countrys, ‡ Colonys led abroad, and Missionarys detach’d, on Expeditions, in this prosperous Service. ’Twas thus a Zealot-People, influenc’d of old by their very Region and Climate, and who thro’ a long Tract of Time, under a peculiar Policy, had been rais’d both by Art and Nature to an immense Growth in religious Science and Mystery; came by degrees to spread their variety of Rites and Ceremonys, their distinguishing Marks of separate Worships and secrete Communitys, thro’ the distant World; but chiefly thro’ their neighbouring and dependent Countrys.

We understand from History, that even when the EgyptianState was least powerful in Arms, it was still respected for its Religion and Mysterys. It drew Strangers from all Parts to behold its Wonders. And the Fertility of its Soil forc’d the adjacent People, and wandring Nations, who liv’d dispers’d in single Tribes, to visit them, court their Alliance, and sollicit a Trade and Commerce with them, on whatsoever Terms. The Strangers, no doubt, might well receive religious Rites[52] and Doctrines from those, to whom they ow’d their Maintenance and Bread.

Before the time that Israel was constrain’d to go down to Egypt, and sue for Maintenance to these powerful Dynastys or Low-Land States, the Holy Patriarch*Abraham himself had been necessitated to this Compliance on the same account. He apply’d in the same manner to the EgyptianCourt. He was at first well receiv’d, and handsomly presented; but afterwards ill us’d, and out of favour with the Prince, yet suffer’d to depart the Kingdom, and retire with his Effects; without any attempt of recalling him again by force, as it happen’d in the case of his Posterity. ’Tis certain that if this holy Patriarch, who first instituted the sacred Rite of Circumcision within his own Family or Tribe, had no regard to any Policy or Religion of the Egyptians; yet he had formerly been a Guest and Inhabitant in Egypt (where † Historians mention this to have been a national[53] Rite); long * ere he had receiv’d any divine Notice or Revelation, concerning this Affair. Nor was it in Religion merely that this reverend Guest was said to have deriv’d Knowledg and Learning from the Egyptians. ’Twas from this Parent-Country of occult Sciences, that he was presum’d, together with other Wisdom, to have learnt that of †judicial Astrology; as his Successors did afterwards other prophetical and miraculous Arts, proper to the Magi, or Priesthood of this Land.

One cannot indeed but observe, in after times, the strange Adherence and servile Dependency of the whole Hebrew Race on the Egyptian Nation. It appears that tho they were of old abus’d in the Person of their grand Patriarch; tho afterwards held in bondage, and treated as the most abject Slaves; tho twice expel’d, or necessitated to save themselves by flight, out of this oppressive Region; yet in the very instant of their last Retreat,[54] whilst they were yet on their March, conducted by visible Divinity, supply’d and fed from Heaven, and supported by continual Miracles; they notwithstanding inclin’d so strongly to the Manners, the Religion, Rites, Diet, Customs, Laws, and Constitutions of their tyrannical Masters, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could be with-held from ‡ returning again into the same Subjection. Nor could their great Captains and Legislators prevent their * re[55]lapsing perpetually into the same Worship to which they had been so long accustom’d.

How far the divine Providence might have indulg’d the stubborn Habit and stupid Humour of this People, by giving them Laws (as the † Prophet says) which[56] he himself approv’d not, I have no Intention to examine. This only I pretend to infer from what has been advanc’d; “That the Manners, Opinions, Rites and Customs of the Egyptians, had, in the earliest times, and from Generation to Generation, strongly influenc’d the Hebrew People (their Guests, and Subjects) and had undoubtedly gain’d a powerful Ascendency over their Natures.”

How extravagant soever the multitude of the EgyptianSuperstitions may appear, ’tis certain that their Doctrine and Wisdom were in high repute; since it is taken notice of in Holy Scripture, as no small Advantage even to Mo[57]ses himself, * “That he had imbib’d the Wisdom of this Nation”; which, as is well known, lay chiefly among their Priests and Magi.

Before the Time that the great Hebrew Legislator receiv’d his Education among these Sages, a †Hebrew Slave, who came a Youth into the Egyptian Court, had already grown so powerful in this kind of Wisdom, as to outdo the chief Diviners, Prognosticators, and Interpreters of Egypt. He rais’d himself to be chief Minister to a Prince, who, following his Advice, obtain’d in a manner the whole Property, and consequently the absolute Dominion of that Land. But to what height of Power the establish’d Priesthood was arriv’d even at that time, may be conjectur’d hence; “That the Crown (to speak in a modern Style) offer’d not to meddle with the Church-Lands”; and that in this great Revolution nothing was[58] attempted, so much as by way of Purchase or Exchange,* in prejudice of this Landed Clergy: The prime Minister himself having join’d his Interest with theirs, and enter’d † by Marriage into their Alliance. And in this he was follow’d by the great Founder of the Hebrew-State; for he also ‡ match’d himself with the Priesthood of some of the neighbouring Nations, and Traders ** into Egypt, long ere his Establishment of the Hebrew Religion and Commonwealth. Nor had he perfected his Model, till he consulted the foreign Priest his †† Father-in-law, to whose Advice he paid such remarkable Deference.

BUT TO resume the Subject of our Speculation, concerning the wide Diffusion of the Priestly Science or Function; it appears from what has been said, that notwithstanding the Egyptian Priesthood was, by antient Establishment, hereditary; the Skill of Divining, Soothsaying, and Magick was communicated to others besides their national sacred Body: and that the Wisdom of the Magicians, the Power[59] of Miracles, their Interpretation of Dreams and Visions, and their Art of administring in Divine Affairs, were entrusted even to Foreigners who resided amongst them.

It appears, withal, from these Considerations, how apt the religious Profession was to spread it-self widely in this Region of the World; and what Efforts wou’d naturally be made by the more necessitous of these unlimited Professors, towards a Fortune, or Maintenance, for themselves and their Successors.

Common Arithmetick will, in this Case, demonstrate to us, “That as the Proportion of so many Lay-men to each Priest grew every day less and less, so the Wants and Necessitys of each Priest must grow more and more.” The Magistrate too, who according to this Egyptian Regulation had resign’d his Title or share of Right in sacred Things, cou’d no longer govern, as he pleas’d, in these Affairs, or check the growing Number of these Professors. The spiritual Generations were left to prey on others, and (like Fish of Prey) even on themselves, when destitute of other Capture, and confin’d within too narrow Limits. What Method, therefore, was there left to heighten the Zeal of Worshipers, and augment their Liberality, but “to foment their Emula[60]tion, prefer Worship to Worship, Faith to Faith; and turn the Spirit of Enthusiasm to the side of sacred Horror, religious Antipathy, and mutual Discord between Worshipers?”

Thus Provinces and Nations were divided by the most contrary Rites and Customs which cou’d be devis’d, in order to create the strongest Aversion possible between Creatures of a like Species. For when all other Animositys are allay’d, and Anger of the fiercest kind appeas’d, the religious Hatred, we find, continues still, as it began, without Provocation or voluntary Offence. The presum’d Misbeliever and Blasphemer, as one rejected and abhor’d of God, is thro’ a pious Imitation, abhor’d by the adverse Worshiper, whose Enmity must naturally increase as his religious Zeal increases.

From hence the Opposition rose of Temple against Temple, Proselyte against Proselyte. The most zealous Worship of oneGod, was best express’d (as they conceiv’d) by the open defiance of another.Sir-Names and Titles of Divinity pass’d as Watch-words. He who had not the Symbol, nor cou’d give the Word, receiv’d the Knock.[61]

Down with him! Kill him! Merit Heaven thereby;

As our * Poet has it, in his American Tragedy.

Nor did †Philosophy, when introduc’d into Religion, extinguish, but rather inflame this Zeal: as we may shew perhaps in our following Chapter more particularly; if we return again, as is likely, to this Subject. For this, we perceive, is of a kind apt enough to grow upon our hands. We shall here, therefore, observe only what is obvious to every Student in sacred Antiquitys, That from the contentious Learning and Sophistry of the antient Schools (when true Science, Philosophy, and Arts were already deep in their * Decline) religious Problems of a like contentious Form sprang up; and certain DoctrinalTests were fram’d, by which religious Partys were ingag’d and lifted against one another, with more Animosity than in any other Cause or Quarrel had been ever known. Thus religious Massacres began, and were carry’d on; Temples were demolish’d; holy Uten[62]sils destroy’d; the sacred Pomp trodden under-foot, insulted; and the Insulters in their turn expos’d to the same Treatment, in their Persons as well as in their Worship. Thus Madness and Confusion were brought upon the World, like that Chaos, which the Poet miraculously describes in the mouth of his mad Hero: When even in Celestial Places, Disorder and Blindness reign’d:—“No Dawn of Light”;

— † “No Glimpse or starry Spark,
But Gods met Gods, and jostled in the Dark.”[63]

Chap. 2.CHAPTER II

Judgment of Divines and grave Authors concerning Enthusiasm.—Reflections upon Scepticism.—A Sceptick-Christian.—Judgment of the Inspir’d concerning their own Inspirations.—Knowledg and Belief.—History of Religion resum’d.—ZealOffensive and Defensive.—A Church in Danger.—Persecution.—Policy of the Church ofRome.

WHAT I had to remark of my own concerning Enthusiasm, I have thus dispatch’d: What Others have remark’d on the same Subject, I may, as an Apologist to another Author, be allow’d to cite; especially if I take notice only of what has been dropt very naturally by some of our most approv’d Authors, and ablest Divines.

It has been thought an odd kind of Temerity, in our Author, to assert, * “That even Atheism it-self was not whol[64]ly exempt from Enthusiasm; That there have been in reality Enthusiastical Atheists; and That even the Spirit of Martyrdom cou’d, upon occasion, exert it-self as well in this Cause, as in any other.” Now, besides what has been intimated in the preceding Chapter, and what in fact may be demonstrated from the Examples of Vaninus and other Martyrs of a like Principle, we may hear an † excellent and learned Divine, of highest Authority at home, and Fame abroad; who after having describ’d an Enthusiastical Atheist and one atheistically inspir’d, says of this very sort of Men, “That they are Fanaticks too; however that word seem to have a more peculiar respect to something of aDeity: All Atheists being that blind Goddess-Nature’sFanaticks.”

And again: “All Atheists (says he) are possess’d with a certain kind of Madness, that may be call’d ‡Pneumatophobia, that makes them have an irra[65]tional but desperate Abhorrence from Spirits or incorporal Substances; they being acted also, at the same time, with an Hylomania, whereby they madly dote upon Matter, and devoutly worship it, as the only Numen.”

What the Power of Extasy is, whether thro’ Melancholy, Wine, Love, or other natural Causes, another learned * Divine of our Church, in a Discourse upon Enthusiasm, sets forth: bringing an Example from Aristotle, “of a Syracusean Poet, who never versify’d so well, as when he was in his distracted Fits.” But as to Poets in general, compar’d with the[66]religious Enthusiasts, he says: There is this Difference; “That a Poet is an Enthusiast in jest: and an Enthusiast is a Poet in good earnest.”

“’Tis a strong Temptation † (says the Doctor) with a Melancholist, when he feels a Storm of Devotion and Zeal come upon him like a mighty Wind; his Heart being full of Affection, his Head pregnant with clear and sensible Representations, and his Mouth flowing and streaming with fit and powerful Expressions, such as would astonish an ordinary ‡ Auditory; ’tis, I say, a shreud Temptation to him, to think it the very Spirit of God that then moves supernaturally in him; whenas all that Excess of Zeal and Affection, and Fluency of Words, is most palpably to be resolv’d into the power of Melancholy, which is a kind of natural Inebriation.”

The learned Doctor, with much pains afterwards, and by help of the Peripatetick[67] Philosophy, explains this Enthusiastick Inebriation, and shews in particular,** “How the Vapours and Fumes of Melancholy partake of the nature of Wine.”

One might conjecture from hence, that the malicious Opposers of early Christianity were not unvers’d in this Philosophy; when they sophistically objected against the apparent Force of the Divine Spirit speaking in divers Languages, and attributed it “To the Power of new*Wine.”

But our devout and zealous Doctor seems to go yet further. For besides what he says of the †Enthusiastick Power of Fancy in Atheists, he calls Melancholy‡a pertinacious and religious Complexion; and asserts, “That there is not any true spiritual Grace from God, but this mere natural Constitution, according to the several Tempers and Workings of it, will not only resemble, but sometimes seem to outstrip.” And after speaking of **PropheticalEnthusiasm, and establishing (as our Author †† does) a Legitimate and a Bastard-sort, he asserts and justifies the ‡‡DevotionalEnthusiasm (as he calls[68] it) of holy and sincere Souls, and ascribes this also to Melancholy.

He allows, “That the Soul may sink so far into Phantasms, as not to recover the use of her free Facultys; and that this enormous Strength of Imagination does not only beget the Belief of mad internal Apprehensions, but is able to assure us of the Presence of external Objects which are not.” He adds, “That what Custom and Education do by degrees, distemper’d Fancy may do in a shorter time.” And speaking (a) of Extasy and the Power of Melancholy in Extatick Fancys, he says, “That what the Imagination then puts forth, of herself, is as clear as broad day; and the Perception of the Soul at least as strong and vigorous, as at any time in beholding things awake.”

From whence the Doctor infers, “That the Strength of Perception is no sure Ground of Truth.”

Had any other than a reverend Father of our Church express’d himself in this manner, he must have been contented perhaps to bear a sufficient Charge of Scepticism.[69]

’Twas good fortune in my Lord Bacon’s Case, that he shou’d have escap’d being call’d an Atheist, or a Sceptick, when speaking in a solemn manner of the religious Passion, the Ground of Superstition, or Enthusiasm, (which he also terms *a Panick) he derives it from an Imperfection in the Creation, Make, or natural Constitution of Man. How far the Author of the†Letter differs from this Author in his Opinion both of the End and Foundation of this Passion, may appear from what has been said above. And, in general, from what we read in the other succeeding Treatises[70] of our Author, we may venture to say of him with Assurance, “That he is as little a Sceptick (according to the vulgar Sense of that word) as he is Epicurean, or Atheist.” This may be prov’d sufficiently from his Philosophy: And for any thing higher, ’tis what he no-where presumes to treat; having forborn in particular to mention any Holy Mysterys of our Religion, or Sacred Article of our Belief.

As for what relates to *Revelation in general, if I mistake not our Author’s meaning, he professes to believe, as far as is possible for any one who himself had never experienc’d any Divine Communication, whether by Dream, Vision, Apparition, or other supernatural Operation; nor was ever present as Eye-witness of any Sign, Prodigy, or Miracle whatsoever. Many of these, † he observes, are at this day pretendedly exhibited in the World, with an Endeavour of giving them the perfect Air and exact Resemblance of those recorded in Holy Writ. He speaks indeed with Contempt of the Mockery of modern Miracles and Inspiration. And as to all Pretences to things of this kind in our[71]present Age; he seems inclin’d to look upon ’em as no better than mere Imposture or Delusion. But for what is recorded of Ages heretofore, he seems to resign his Judgment, with intire Condescension, to his Superiors. He pretends not to frame any certain or positive Opinion of his own, notwithstanding his best Searches into Antiquity, and the Nature of religious Record and Tradition: but on all occasions submits most willingly, and with full Confidence and Trust, to the ‡ Opinions by Law establish’d. And if this be not sufficient to free him from the Reproach of Scepticism, he must, for ought I see, be content to undergo it.

To say truth, I have often wonder’d to find such a Disturbance rais’d about the simple name of **Sceptick. ’Tis certain that, in its original and plain signification, the word imports no more than barely, “That State or Frame of Mind in which every one remains, on every Subject of which he is not certain.” He who is certain, or presumes to say he knows, is in that particular, whether he be mistaken or in the right, a Dogmatist. Between these two States or Situations of[72] Mind, there can be no medium. For he who says, “That he believes for certain, or is assur’d of what he believes”; either speaks ridiculously, or says in effect, “That he believes strongly, but is not sure.” So that whoever is not conscious of Revelation, nor has certain Knowledg of any Miracle or Sign, can be no more than Sceptick in the Case: And the best Christian in the World, who being destitute of the means of Certainty, depends only on History and Tradition for his Belief in these Particulars, is at best but a Sceptick-Christian. He has no more than a nicely critical *Historical Faith, subject to various Speculations, and a thousand different Criticisms of Languages and Literature.

This he will naturally find to be the Case, if he attempts to search into Originals, in order to be his own Judg, and proceed on the bottom of his own Discernment, and Understanding. If, on the other hand, he is no Critick, nor competently learned in these Originals; ’tis plain he can have no original Judgment of his own; but must rely still on the Opinion of those who have opportunity to examine such matters, and whom he takes to be the unbias’d and disinterested Judges[73] of these religious Narratives. His Faith is not in antient Facts or Persons, nor in the antient Writ, or Primitive Recorders; nor in the successive Collators or Conservators of these Records (for of these he is unable to take cognizance): But his Confidence and Trust must be in those modern Men, or Societys of Men, to whom the Publick, or He himself, ascribes the Right to judg of these Records, and commits the Determination of sacred Writ and genuine Story.

Let the Person seem ever so positive or dogmatical in these high Points of Learning; he is yet in reality no Dogmatist, nor can any way free himself from a certain kind of Scepticism. He must know himself still capable of Doubting: Or if, for fear of it, he strives to banish every opposite Thought, and resolves not so much as to deliberate on the Case; this still will not acquit him. So far are we from being able to be sure when we have a mind; that indeed we can never be thorowly sure, but then only when we can’t help it, and find of necessity we must be so, whether we will or not. Even the highest implicit Faith is in reality no more than a kind of passiveScepticism; “A Resolution to examine, recollect, consider, or hear, as little as possible to the prejudice of that Belief,[74] which having once espous’d we are ever afterwards afraid to lose.”

If I might be allow’d to imitate our Author, in daring to touch now and then upon the Characters of our Divine Worthys, I shou’d, upon this Subject of Belief, observe how fair and generous the great Christian Convert, and learnedApostle, has shewn himself in his Sacred Writings. Notwithstanding he had himself an original Testimony and Revelation from Heaven, on which he grounded his Conversion; notwithstanding he had in his own Person the Experience of outward Miracles and inward Communications; he condescended still, on many occasions, to speak sceptically, and with some Hesitation and Reserve, as to the Certainty of these Divine Exhibitions. In his account of some Transactions of this kind, himself being the Witness, and speaking (as we may presume) of his own Person, and proper Vision, * he says only that “He knew a Man: whether in the Body or out of it, he cannot tell. But such a one caught up to the third Heaven, he knew formerly (he says) above fourteen years before his then Writing.” And when in another Capacity the same inspir’d Writer, giving Precepts to his Disciples, distinguishes[75] what † he writes by Divine Commission from what he delivers as his own Judgment and private Opinion, he condescends nevertheless to speak as one no way positive, or Master of any absolute Criterion in the Case. And in several subsequent ‡ Passages, he expresses himself as under some kind of Doubt how to judg or determine certainly, “Whether he writes by Inspiration or otherwise.” He only “thinks he has the Spirit.” He “is not sure,” nor wou’d have us to depend on him as positive or certain in a matter of so nice Discernment.

The holy Founders and inspir’d Authors of our Religion requir’d not, it seems, so strict an Assent, or such implicit Faith in behalf of their original Writings and Revelations, as later un-inspir’d Doctors, without the help of Divine Testimony, or any Miracle on their side, have requir’d in behalf of their own Comments and Interpretations. The earliest and worst of Hereticks, ’tis said, were those call’d Gnosticks, who took their name from an audacious Pretence to certain Knowledg and Comprehension of the greatest Mysterys of Faith. If the most dangerous State of Opinion was this dogmatical and presump[76]tuous sort; the safest, in all likelihood, must be the sceptical and modest.

There is nothing more evident than that our HolyReligion, in its original Constitution, was set so far apart from all Philosophy or refin’d Speculation, that it seem’d in a manner diametrically oppos’d to it. A Man might have been not only a Sceptick in all the controverted Points of the Academys, or Schools of Learning, but even a perfect Stranger to all of this kind; and yet compleat in his Religion, Faith, and Worship.

Among the polite Heathens of the antient World, these different Provinces of Religion and Philosophy were upheld, we know, without the least interfering with each other. If in some barbarous Nations the Philosopher and Priest were join’d in one, ’tis observable that the Mysterys, whatever they were, which sprang from this extraordinary Conjunction, were kept secret and undivulg’d. ’Twas Satisfaction enough to the Priest-Philosopher, if the initiated Party preserv’d his Respect and Veneration for the Tradition and Worship of the Temple, by complying in every respect with the requisite Performances and Rites of Worship. No Account was afterwards taken of the Philosophick Faith of the Proselyte, or Worshiper. His Opi[77]nions were left to himself, and he might philosophize according to what foreign School or Sect he fansy’d. Even amongst the Jews themselves, the Sadducee (a Materialist, and Denyer of the Soul’s Immortality) was as well admitted as the Pharisee; who from the Schools of Pythagoras, Plato, or other latter Philosophers of Greece, had learnt to reason upon immaterial Substances, and the natural Immortality of Souls.

’Tis no astonishing Reflection to observe how fast the World declin’d in * Wit and Sense, in Manhood, Reason, Science, and in every Art, when once the Roman Empire had prevail’d, and spread an universal Tyranny and Oppression over Mankind. Even the Romans themselves, after the early Sweets of one peaceful and long Reign, began to groan under that Yoke, of which they had been themselves the Imposers. How much more must other Nations, and mighty Citys, at a far distance, have abhor’d this Tyranny, and detested their common Servitude under a People, who were themselves no better than mere Slaves?

It may be look’d upon, no doubt, as providential, that at this time, and in[78] these Circumstances of the World, there shou’d arise so high an expectation of a divine Deliverer; and that from the Eastern Parts and Confines of Judea the Opinion shou’d spread it-self of such a Deliverer to come, with Strength from Heaven sufficient to break that Empire, which no earthly Power remaining cou’d be thought sufficient to encounter. Nothing cou’d have better dispos’d the generality of Mankind, to receive the Evangelical Advice; whilst they mistook the News, as many of the first Christians plainly did, and understood the Promises of a Messias in this temporal Sense, with respect to his second Coming, and sudden Reign here upon Earth.

†Superstition, in the mean while, cou’d not but naturally prevail, as Misery and Ignorance increas’d. The Roman Emperors, as they grew more barbarous, grew so much the more superstitious. The Lands and Revenues, as well as the Numbers of the Heathen Priests grew daily. And when the season came, that by means of a Convert-Emperor, the Heathen ‡Church-Lands, with an Increase of[79] Power, became transfer’d to the Christian Clergy, ’twas no wonder if by such Riches and Authority they were in no small measure influenc’d and corrupted; as may be gather’d even from the Accounts given us of these matters by themselves.

When, together with this, the Schools of the antient * Philosophers, which had been long in their Decline, came now to be dissolv’d, and their sophistick Teachers[80] became Ecclesiastical Instructors; the unnatural Union of Religion and Philosophy was compleated, and the monstrous Product of this Match appear’d soon in the World. The odd exterior Shapes of Deitys, Temples, and holy Utensils, which by the †Egyptian Sects had been formerly set in battel against each other, were now metamorphos’d into philosophical Forms and Phantoms; and, like Flags and Banners, display’d in hostile manner, and borne offensively, by one Party against another. In former times those barbarous Nations above mention’d were the sole Warriors in these religious Causes; but now the whole World became engag’d: when instead of Storks and Crocodiles, other Ensigns were erected; when sophistical Chimeras, crabbed Notions, bombastick Phrases, Solecisms, Absurditys, and a thousand Monsters of a scholastick Brood, were set on foot, and made the Subject of vulgar Animosity and Dispute.

Here first began that Spirit of Bigotry, which broke out in a more raging manner than had been ever known before, and was less capable of Temper or Moderation than any Species, Form, or Mixture of Religion in the antient World.[81]Mysterys, which were heretofore treated with profound respect, and lay unexpos’d to vulgar Eyes, became publick and prostitute; being enforc’d with Terrors, and urg’d with Compulsion and Violence, on the unfitted Capacitys and Apprehensions of Mankind. The very Jewish Traditions, and Cabalistick Learning underwent this Fate. That which was naturally the Subject of profound Speculation and Inquiry, was made the necessary Subject of a strict and absolute Assent. The allegorical, mythological Account of Sacred Things, was wholly inverted: Liberty of Judgment and Exposition taken away: No Ground left for Inquiry, Search, or Meditation: No Refuge from the dogmatical Spirit let loose. Every Quarter was taken up; every Portion prepossess’d. All was reduc’d to *Article and Proposition.

Thus a sort of philosophicalEnthusiasm overspread the World. And Bigotry (a † Species of Superstition hardly known before) took place in Mens Affections, and arm’d ’em with a new Jealousy against each other. Barbarous[82] Terms and Idioms were every day introduc’d: Monstrous Definitions invented and impos’d: New Schemes of Faith erected from time to time; and Hostilitys, the fiercest imaginable, exercis’d on these occasions. So that the Enthusiasm or Zeal, which was usually shewn by Mankind in behalf of their particular Worships, and which for the most part had been hitherto defensive only, grew now to be universally of the offensive kind.

IT MAY be expected of me perhaps, that being fallen thus from remote Antiquity to later Periods, I shou’d speak on this occasion with more than ordinary Exactness and Regularity. It may be urg’d against me, that I talk here, as at random, and without-book: neglecting to produce my Authoritys, or continue my Quotations, according to the profess’d Style and Manner in which I began this present Chapter. But as there are many greater Privileges by way of Variation, Interruption, and Digression, allow’d to us Writers ofMiscellany; and especially to such as are Commentators upon other Authors; I shall be content to remain mysterious in this respect, and explain my-self no further than by a noted Story; which seems to sute our Author’s purpose, and the present Argument.[83]

’Tis observable from Holy Writ, that the antient Ephesian Worshipers, however zealous or enthusiastick they appear’d, had only a defensive kind of Zeal in behalf of their * Temple; whenever they thought in earnest, it was brought in danger. In the † Tumult which happen’d in that City near the time of the holy Apostle’s Retreat, we have a remarkable instance of what our Author calls a religious Panick. As little Bigots as the People were, and as far from any offensive Zeal, yet when their establish’d Church came to be call’d in question, we see in what a manner their Zeal began to operate. ‡ “All with one voice, about the space of two hours, cried out, saying,[84] Great isDianaof the Ephesians.” At the same time this Assembly was so confus’d, that *the greater part knew not wherefore they were come together; and consequently cou’d not understand why their Church was in any Danger. But the Enthusiasm was got up, and a PanickFear for the Church had struck the Multitude. It ran into a popular Rage or epidemical Phrenzy, and was communicated (as our † Author expresses it) “by Aspect, or, as it were, by Contact, or Sympathy.”

It must be confess’d, that there was, besides these Motives, a secret Spring which forwarded this Enthusiasm. For certain Partys concern’d, Men of Craft, and strictly united in Interest, had been secretly call’d together, and told, “Gentlemen! ‡ (or Sirs!) Ye know that by this Mystery, or Craft, we have our Wealth. Ye see withal, and have heard, that not only here at Ephesus, but almost thro’out all Asia, this Paul has persuaded and turn’d away many People, by telling them, They are no real Gods who are figur’d, or wrought with hands: so that[85] not only this our Craft is in danger; but also the Temple it-self.”

Nothing cou’d be more moderate and wise, nothing more agreeable to that magisterial Science or Policy, which our Author ** recommends, than the Behaviour of the Town-Clerk or Recorder of the City, as he is represented on this occasion, in Holy Writ. I must confess indeed, he went pretty far in the use of this moderating Art. He ventur’d to assure the People, “That every one acquiesc’d in their antient Worship of the great Goddess, and in their Tradition of the Image, which fell down from Jupiter: That these were Facts undeniable: and That the new Sect neither meant the pulling down of their Church, nor so much as offer’d to blaspheme or speak amiss of their Goddess.”

This, no doubt, was stretching the point sufficiently; as may be understood by the Event, in after time. One might perhaps have suspected this Recorder to have been himself a Dissenter, or at least an Occasional Conformist, who cou’d answer so roundly for the new Sect, and warrant the Church in Being secure of Damage, and out of all Danger for the future. Mean[86] while the Tumult was appeas’d: No harm befel the Temple for that time. The new Sect acquiesc’d in what had been spoken on their behalf. They allow’d the Apology of the Recorder. Accordingly the Zeal of the Heathen Church, which was only defensive, gave way: And the new Religionists were prosecuted no further.

Hitherto, it seems, the Face of Persecution had not openly shewn it-self in the wide World. ’Twas sufficient Security for every Man, that he gave no disturbance to what was publickly establish’d. But when offensive Zeal came to be discover’d in one Party, the rest became in a manner necessitated to be Aggressors in their turn. They who observ’d, or had once experienc’d this intolerating Spirit, cou’d no longer tolerate on their part.* And they who had[87] once exerted it over others, cou’d expect no better Quarter for themselves. So that nothing less than mutual Extirpation became the Aim, and almost open Profession of each religious Society.[88]

In this extremity, it might well perhaps have been esteem’d the happiest Wish for Mankind, That one of these contending Partys of incompatible Religionists[89] shou’d at last prevail over the rest; so as by an universal and absolute Power to * determine Orthodoxy, and make that Opinion effectually Catholick, which in their particular Judgment had the best right to that Denomination. And thus by force of Massacre and Desolation, Peace in Wor[90]ship, and Civil Unity by help of the Spiritual, might be presum’d in a fair way of being restor’d to Mankind.

I shall conclude with observing how ably the Roman-Christian, and once Catholick Church, by the assistance of their converted * Emperors, proceeded in the Establishment of their growing Hierarchy. They consider’d wisely the various Superstitions and Enthusiasms of Mankind; and prov’d the different Kinds and Force of each. All these seeming Contrarietys of human Passion they knew how to comprehend in their political Model and subservient System of Divinity. They knew how to make advantage both from the high Speculations of Philosophy, and the grossest Ideas of vulgar Ignorance. They saw there was nothing more different than thatEnthusiasm which ran upon Spirituals, according to the † simpler Views of the divine Existence, and that which ran upon ‡ external Proportions, Magnificence of Structures, Ceremonys, Processions, Quires, and those other Harmonys which captivate the Eye and Ear. On this account they even added to this latter kind, and display’d Religion in a yet more gorgeous Habit of Temples, Statues, Paint[91]ings, Vestments, Copes, Miters, Purple, and the Cathedral Pomp. With these Arms they cou’d subdue the victorious Goths, and secure themselves an Attila,** when their Caesars fail’d them.

The truth is, ’tis but a vulgar Species of Enthusiasm, which is mov’d chiefly by Shew and Ceremony, and wrought upon by Chalices and Candles, Robes, and figur’d Dances. Yet this, we may believe, was lookt upon as no slight Ingredient of Devotion in those Days; since, at this hour, the Manner is found to be of considerable Efficacy with some of the Devout amongst our-selves, who pass the least for superstitious, and are reckon’d in the Number of the polite World. This the wise Hierarchy duly preponderating; but being satisfy’d withal that there were other Tempers and Hearts which cou’d not so easily be captivated by this exterior Allurement, they assign’d another Part of Religion to Proselytes of another Character[92] and Complexion, who were allow’d to proceed on a quite different bottom; by the inward way of Contemplation, and Divine Love.

They are indeed so far from being jealous of mere Enthusiasm, or the extatick manner of Devotion, that they allow their Mysticks to write and preach in the most rapturous and seraphick Strains. They suffer them, in a manner, to supersede all external Worship, and triumph over outward Forms; till the refin’d Religionists proceed so far as either expresly or seemingly to dissuade the Practice of the vulgar and establish’d Ceremonial Dutys. And then, indeed,* they check the suppos’d exorbitantEnthusiasm, which wou’d prove dangerous to their Hierarchal State.

If modern Visions, Prophecys, and Dreams, Charms, Miracles, Exorcisms, and the rest of this kind, be comprehended in that which we call Fanaticism or Superstition; to this Spirit they allow a full Career; whilst to ingenuous Writers they afford the Liberty, on the other side, in a civil manner, to call in[93] question these spiritual Feats perform’d in Monasterys, or up and down by their mendicant or itinerant Priests, and ghostly Missionarys.

This is that antient Hierarchy, which in respect of its first Foundation, its Policy, and the Consistency of its whole Frame and Constitution, cannot but appear in some respect august and venerable, even in such as we do not usually esteem weak Eyes. These are the spiritual Conquerors, who, like the first Caesars, from small Beginnings, establish’d the Foundations of an almost Universal Monarchy. No wonder if at this day the immediate View of this Hierarchal Residence, the City and Court of Rome, be found to have an extraordinary Effect on Foreigners of other latter Churches. No wonder if the amaz’d Surveyors are for the future so apt either to conceive the horridest Aversion to all Priestly Government; or, on the contrary, to admire it, so far as even to wish a Coalescence or Re-union with this antient Mother-Church.

In reality, the Exercise of Power, however arbitrary or despotick, seems less intolerable under such a spiritual Sovereignty, so extensive, antient, and of such a long Succession, than under the petty Tyrannys and mimical Politys of some new Preten[94]ders. The former may even *persecute with a tolerable Grace: The latter, who wou’d willingly derive their Authority from the former, and graft on their successive Right, must necessarily make a very aukard Figure. And whilst they strive to give themselves the same Air of Independency on the Civil Magistrate; whilst they affect the same Authority in Government, the same Grandure, Magnificence, and Pomp in Worship, they raise the highest Ridicule, in the Eyes of those who have real Discernment, and can distinguish Originals from Copys:

† O imitators, a slavish herd![95]

Chap. 3.CHAPTER III

Of the Force of Humour in Religion.—Support of our Author’s Argument in his Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Raillery.—Zealdiscuss’d. Spiritual Surgeons: Executioners: Carvers.—Original of human Sacrifice.—Exhilaration of Religion.—Various Aspects, from outward Causes.

THE celebrated Wits of the Miscellanarian Race, the Essay-Writers, casual Discoursers, Reflection-Coiners, Meditation-Founders, and others of the irregular kind of Writers, may plead it as their peculiar Advantage, “That they follow the Variety of Nature.” And in such a Climate as ours, their Plea, no doubt, may be very just. We Islanders, fam’d for other Mutabilitys, are particularly noted for the Variableness and Inconstancy of our Weather. And if our Taste in Letters be found answerable to this Temperature of our Climate; ’tis cer[96]tain a Writer must, in our Account, be the more valuable in his kind, as he can agreeably surprize his Reader, by sudden Changes, and Transports, from one Extreme to another.

Were it not for the known Prevalency of this Relish, and the apparent Deference paid to those Genius’s who are said to elevate and surprize; the Author of these Miscellanys might, in all probability, be afraid to entertain his Reader with this multifarious, complex, and desultory kind of Reading. ’Tis certain, that if we consider the Beginning and Process of our present Work, we shall find sufficient Variation in it. From a profess’d Levity, we are laps’d into a sort of Gravity unsutable to our manner of setting out. We have steer’d an adventurous Course, and seem newly come out of a stormy and rough Sea. ’Tis time indeed we shou’d enjoy a Calm, and instead of expanding our Sails before the swelling Gusts, it befits us to retire under the Lee-shore, and ply our Oars in a smooth Water.

’Tis the Philosopher, the Orator, or the Poet, whom we may compare to some First-Rate Vessel, which launches out into the wide Sea, and with a proud Motion insults the encountering Surges. We[97]Essay-Writers are of the Small-Craft, or Galley-kind. We move chiefly by Starts and Bounds; according as our Motion is by frequent Intervals renew’d. We have no great Adventure in view; nor can tell certainly Whither we are bound. We undertake no mighty Voyage, by help of Stars or Compass; but row from Creek to Creek, keep up a coasting Trade, and are fitted only for fair Weather and the Summer Season.

Happy therefore it is for us in particular, that having finish’d our Course of Enthusiasm, and pursu’d our Author into his *second Treatise, we are now, at last, oblig’d to turn towards pleasanter Reflections, and have such Subjects in view as must naturally reduce us to a more familiar Style. Wit and Humour (the profess’d Subject of the Treatise now before us) will hardly bear to be examin’d in ponderous Sentences and pois’d Discourse. We might now perhaps do best, to lay aside the Gravity of strict Argument, and resume the way of Chat; which, thro’ Aversion to a contrary formal manner, is generally relish’d with more than ordinary Satisfaction. For excess of Physick, we know, has often made Men hate the name of wholesom. And an abundancy of forc’d[98] Instruction, and solemn Counsel, may have made Men full as averse to any thing deliver’d with an Air of high Wisdom and Science; especially if it be so high as to be set above all human Art of Reasoning, and even above Reason it-self, in the account of its sublime Dispensers.

However, since it may be objected to us by certain Formalists of this sort, “That we can prove nothing duly without proving it in form”: we may for once condescend to their Demand; state our Case formally; and divide our Subject into Parts, after the precise manner, and according to just Rule and Method.

Our purpose, therefore, being to defend an Author, who has been charg’d as too presumptuous for introducing the way of Wit and Humour into religious Searches; we shall endeavour to make appear:

1st, That Wit and Humour are corroborative of Religion, and promotive of true Faith.

2ly, That they are us’d as proper Means of this kind by the holy Founders of Religion.

3ly, That notwithstanding the dark Complexion and sour Humour of some re[99]ligious Teachers, we may be justly said to have in the main, A witty and good-humour’d Religion.

Among the earliest Acquaintance of my Youth, I remember, in particular, a Club of three or four merry Gentlemen, who had long kept Company with one another, and were seldom separate in any Party of Pleasure or Diversion. They happen’d once to be upon a travelling Adventure, and came to a Country, where they were told for certain, they should find the worst Entertainment, as well as the worst Roads imaginable. One of the Gentlemen, who seem’d the least concern’d for this Disaster, said slightly and without any seeming Design, “That the best Expedient for them in this Extremity wou’d be to keep themselves in high Humour, and endeavour to commend every thing which the Place afforded.” The other Gentlemen immediately took the hint; but, as it happen’d, kept silence, pass’d the Subject over, and took no further notice of what had been propos’d.

Being enter’d into the dismal Country, in which they proceeded without the least Complaint; ’twas remarkable, that if by great chance they came to any tolerable Bit of Road, or any ordinary Pros[100]pect, they fail’d not to say something or other in its praise, and wou’d light often on such pleasant Fancys and Representations, as made the Objects in reality agreeable.

When the greatest part of the Day was thus spent, and our Gentlemen arriv’d where they intended to take their Quarters, the first of ’em who made trial of the Fare, or tasted either Glass or Dish, recommended it with such an air of Assurance, and in such lively Expressions of Approbation, that the others came instantly over to his Opinion, and confirm’d his Relish with many additional Encomiums of their own.

Many ingenious Reasons were given for the several odd Tastes and Looks of Things, which were presented to ’em at Table. “Some Meats were wholesom: Others of a high Taste: Others according to the manner of eating in this or that foreign Country.” Every Dish had the flavour of some celebrated Receit in Cookery; and the Wine, and other Liquors, had, in their turn, the advantage of being treated in the same elegant strain. In short, our Gentlemen eat and drank heartily, and took up with their indifferent Fare so well, that ’twas apparent they had wrought upon themselves to believe they were tolerably well serv’d.[101]

Their Servants, in the mean time, having laid no such Plot as this against themselves, kept to their Senses, and stood it out, “That their Masters had certainly lost theirs. For how else cou’d they swallow so contentedly, and take all for good which was set before ’em?”—

Had I to deal with a malicious Reader; he might perhaps pretend to infer from this Story of my travelling Friends, that I intended to represent it as an easy matter for People to persuade themselves into what Opinion or Belief they pleas’d. But it can never surely be thought, that Men of true Judgment and Understanding shou’d set about such a Task as that of perverting their own Judgment, and giving a wrong Bias to their Reason. They must easily foresee that an Attempt of this kind, shou’d it have the least Success, wou’d prove of far worse Consequence to them than any Perversion of their Taste, Appetite, or ordinary Senses.

I must confess it, however, to be my Imagination, that where fit Circumstances concur, and many inviting Occasions offer from the side of Mens Interest, their Humour, or their Passion; ’tis no extraordinary Case to see ’em enter into such a Plot as this against their own Understand[102]ings, and endeavour by all possible means to persuade both themselves and others of what they think convenient and useful to believe.

If in many particular Cases, where Favour and Affection prevail, it be found so easy a thing with us, to impose upon ourselves; it cannot surely be very hard to do it, where we take for granted, our highest Interest is concern’d. Now it is certainly no small Interest or Concern with Men, to believe what is by Authority establish’d; since in the Case of Disbelief there can be no Choice left but either to live a Hypocrite, or be esteem’d profane. Even where Men are left to themselves, and allow’d the Freedom of their Choice, they are still forward enough in believing; and can officiously endeavour to persuade themselves of the Truth of any flattering Imposture.

Nor is it unusual to find Men successful in this Endeavour: As, among other Instances, may appear by the many religious Faiths or Opinions, however preposterous or contradictory, which, Age after Age, we know to have been rais’d on the Foundation of Miracles and pretended Commissions from Heaven. These have been as generally espous’d and passionately cherish’d as the greatest Truths and most cer[103]tain Revelations. ’Tis hardly to be suppos’d that such Combinations shou’d be form’d, and Forgerys erected with such Success and Prevalency over the Understandings of Men, did not they themselves co-operate, of their own accord, towards the Imposture, and shew, “That by a good-Will and hearty Desire of believing, they had in reality a considerable Hand in the Deceit.”

’Tis certain that in a Country, where Faith has, for a long time, gone by Inheritance, and Opinions are entail’d by Law, there is little room left for the Vulgar to alter their Persuasion, or deliberate on the Choice of their religious Belief. Whensoever a Government thinks fit to concern it-self with Mens Opinions, and by its absolute Authority impose any particular Belief, there is none perhaps ever so ridiculous or monstrous in which it needs doubt of having good Success. This we may see thorowly effected in certain Countrys, by a steddy Policy, and sound Application of Punishment and Reward: with the Assistance of particular Courts erected to this end; peculiar Methods of Justice; peculiar Magistrates and Officers; proper Inquests, and certain wholesom Severitys, not slightly administer’d, and play’d with, (as certain Triflers propose) but duly and properly inforc’d; as is absolutely requisite to this end[104] of strict Conformity, and Unity in one and the same Profession, and manner of Worship.

But shou’d it happen to be theTruth it-self which was thus effectually propagated by the Means we have describ’d; the very Nature of such Means can, however, allow but little Honour to the Propagators, and little Merit to the Disciples and Believers. ’Tis certain that Mahometism, Paganism, Judaism, or any otherBelief may stand, as well as the truest, upon this Foundation. He who is now an OrthodoxChristian, wou’d by virtue of such a Discipline have been infallibly as true a Mussulman, or as errant a Heretick; had his Birth happen’d in another place.

For this reason there can be no rational Belief but where Comparison is allow’d, Examination permitted, and a sincere Toleration establish’d. And in this case, I will presume to say, “That WhateverBelief is once espous’d or countenanc’d by the Magistrate, it will have a sufficient advantage; without any help from Force or Menaces on one hand, or extraordinary Favour and partial Treatment on the other.” If theBelief be in any measure consonant to Truth and Reason, it will find as much favour in the Eyes of Mankind, as Truth and Reason need desire.[105] Whatever Difficultys there may be in any particular Speculations or Mysterys belonging to it; the better sort of Men will endeavour to pass ’em over. They will believe (as our * Author says) to the full stretch of theirReason, and add Spurs to their Faith, in order to be the more sociable; and conform the better with what their Interest, in conjunction with their Good-Humour, inclines them to receive as credible, and observe as their religious Duty and devotional Task.

Here it is that Good Humour will naturally take place, and the Hospitable Disposition of our travelling Friends above-recited will easily transfer it-self into Religion, and operate in the same manner with respect to the establish’d Faith (however miraculous or incomprehensible) under a tolerating, mild, and gentle Government.

Every one knows, indeed, That by Heresy is understood a Stubbornness in the Will, not a Defect merely in the Understanding. On this account ’tis impossible that an honest and good-humour’d Man shou’d be a Schismatick or Heretick, and affect to separate from his national Worship on slight Reason, or without severe Provocation.[106]

To be pursu’d by pettyInquisitors; to be threatned with Punishment, or penal Laws; to be mark’d out as dangerous and suspected; to be rail’d at in high Places, with all the study’d Wit and Art of Calumny; are indeed sufficient Provocations to ill Humour, and may force People to divide, who at first had never any such Intention. But the Virtue of Good-Humour in Religion is such, that it can even reconcile Persons to a Belief, in which they were never bred, or to which they had conceiv’d a former Prejudice.

From these Considerations we cannot but of course conclude, “That there is nothing so ridiculous in respect of Policy, or so wrong and odious in respect of common Humanity, as a moderate and half-wayPersecution.” It only frets the Sore; it raises the Ill-humour of Mankind; excites the keener Spirits; moves Indignation in Beholders; and sows the very Seeds of Schism in Mens bosoms. A resolute and bold-fac’dPersecution leaves no time or scope for these engendring Distempers, or gathering Ill-humours. It does the work at once; by Extirpation, Banishment, or Massacre; and like a bold Stroke in Surgery, dispatches by one short Amputation, what a bungling Hand wou’d make worse and worse, to[107] the perpetual Sufferance and Misery of the Patient.

If there be on earth a proper way to render the most sacred Truth suspected, ’tis by supporting it with Threats, and pretending to terrify People into the Belief of it. This is a sort of daring Mankind in a Cause, where they know themselves superior, and out of reach. The weakest Mortal finds within himself, that tho he may be out-witted and deluded, he can never be forc’d in what relates to his Opinion or Assent. And there are few Men so ignorant of human Nature, and of what they hold in common with their Kind, as not to comprehend, “That where great Vehemence is express’d by any-one in what relates solely to another, ’tis seldom without some private Interest of his own.”

In common Matters of Dispute, the angry Disputant makes the best Cause to appear the worst. A Clown once took a fancy to hear the Latin Disputes of Doctors at a University. He was ask’d what pleasure he could take in viewing such Combatants, when he could never know so much as which of the Partys had the better. “For that matter,” reply’d the Clown, “I a’n’t such a Fool neither, but I can see who’s the first that puts t’other[108] into a Passion.” Nature her-self dictated this Lesson to the Clown; “That he who had the better of the Argument, wou’d be easy and well-humour’d: But he who was unable to support his Cause by Reason, wou’d naturally lose his Temper, and grow violent.”

Were two Travellers agreed to tell their Story separate in publick: the one being a Man of Sincerity, but positive and dogmatical; the other less sincere, but easy and good-humour’d: tho it happen’d that the Accounts of this latter Gentleman were of the more miraculous sort; they wou’d yet sooner gain Belief, and be more favourably receiv’d by Mankind, than the strongly asserted Relations and vehement Narratives of the other fierce Defender of the Truth.

That GOOD HUMOUR is a chief Cause of Compliance, or Acquiescence in matters of Faith, may be prov’d from the very Spirit of those, whom we commonly call Criticks. ’Tis a known Prevention against the Gentlemen of this Character; “That they are generally ill-humour’d, and splenetick.” The World will needs have it, That their Spleen disturbs ’em. And I must confess I think the World in general to be so far right in this Conceit, That tho all Criticks perhaps[109] are not necessarily splenetick; all splenetick People (whether naturally such, or made so by ill Usage) have a necessary Propensity to Criticism and Satir. When Men are easy in themselves, they let others remain so; and can readily comply with what seems plausible, and is thought conducing to the Quiet or good Correspondence of Mankind. They study to raise no Difficultys or Doubts. And in religious Affairs, ’tis seldom that they are known forward to entertain ill Thoughts or Surmises, whilst they are unmolested. But if disturb’d by groundless Arraignments and Suspicions, by unnecessary Invectives, and bitter Declamations, and by a contentious quarrelsom Aspect of Religion; they naturally turn Criticks, and begin to question every thing. The Spirit of Satir rises with the ill Mood: and the chief Passion of Men thus diseas’d and thrown out of Good Humour, is to find fault, censure, unravel, confound, and leave nothing without exception and controversy.

These are the Scepticks or Scrupulists, against whom there is such a Clamor rais’d. ’Tis evident, in the mean while, that the very Clamor it-self, join’d with the usual Menaces and Shew of Force, is that which chiefly raises this sceptical Spirit, and helps to multiply the number of these inquisitive and ill-humour’dCri[110]ticks. Mere Threats, without power of Execution, are only exasperating and provocative. They * who are Masters of the carnal as well as spiritual Weapon, may apply each at their pleasure, and in what proportion they think necessary. But where the Magistrate resolves steddily to reserve his Fasces for his own proper Province, and keep the Edg-Tools and deadly Instruments out of other Hands, ’tis in vain for spiritual Pretenders to take such magisterial Airs. It can then only become them to brandish such Arms, when they have strength enough to make the Magistrate resign his Office, and become Provost or Executioner in their service.—

Shou’d any one who happens to read these Lines, perceive in himself a rising Animosity against the Author, for asserting thus zealously the Notion of a religious Liberty, and mutual Toleration; ’tis wish’d that he wou’d maturely deliberate on the Cause of his Disturbance and Ill-humour. Wou’d he deign to look narrowly into himself, he wou’d undoubtedly find that it is not Zeal for Religion or the Truth, which moves him on this occasion. For had he happen’d to be in a Nation where he was no Conformist, nor had any Hope or Expectation of obtaining the Prece[111]dency for his own Manner of Worship, he wou’d have found nothing preposterous in this our Doctrine of Indulgence. ’Tis a Fact indisputable, that whatever Sect or Religion is undermost, tho it may have persecuted at any time before; yet as soon as it begins to suffer Persecution in its turn, it recurs instantly to the Principles of Moderation, and maintains this our Plea for Complacency, Sociableness, and Good Humourin Religion. The Mystery therefore of this Animosity, or rising Indignation of my devout and zealous Reader, is only this; “That being devoted to the Interest of a Party already in possession or expectation of the temporal Advantages annex’d to a particular Belief; he fails not, as a zealous Party-Man, to look with jealousy on every unconformable Opinion, and is sure to justify those Means which he thinks proper to prevent its growth.” He knows that if in Matters of Religion any one believes amiss, ’tis at his own peril. If Opinion damns; Vice certainly does as much. Yet will our Gentleman easily find, if he inquires the least into himself, that he has no such furious Concern for the Security of Mens Morals, nor any such violent Resentment of their Vices, when they are such as no-way incommode him. And from hence it will be easy for him to infer, “That the Passion[112] he feels on this occasion, is not from pure Zeal, but privateInterest, and worldlyEmulation.”

COME we now (as authentick Rhetoricians express themselves) to our second Head: which we shou’d again subdivide into Firsts and Seconds, but that this manner of carving is of late days grown much out of fashion.

’Twas the Custom of our Ancestors, perhaps as long since as the days of our hospitable KingArthur, to have nothing serv’d at Table but what was intire and substantial. ’Twas a whole Boar, or solid Ox which made the Feast. The Figure of the Animal was preserv’d intire, and the Dissection made in form by the appointed Carver, a Man of Might as well as profound Craft and notable Dexterity; who was seen erect, with goodly Mein and Action, displaying Heads and Members, dividing according to Art, and distributing his Subject-matter into proper Parts, sutable to the Stomachs of those he serv’d. In latter days ’tis become the Fashion to eat with less Ceremony and Method. Every-one chuses to carve for himself. The learned Manner of Dissection is out of request; and a certain Method of Cookery has been introduc’d; by[113] which the anatomical Science of the Table is intirely set aside. Ragouts and Fricassees are the reigning Dishes, in which every thing is so dismember’d and thrown out of all Order and Form, that no Part of the Mass can properly be divided, or distinguish’d from another.

Fashion is indeed a powerful Mistress, and by her single Authority has so far degraded the carving Method and Use of Solids, even in Discourse and Writing, that our religious Pastors themselves have many of ’em chang’d their Manner of distributing to us their spiritual Food. They have quitted their substantial Service, and uniform Division into Parts and Under-Parts; and in order to become fashionable, they have run into the more savoury way of learned Ragout and Medley. ’Tis the unbred rustick Orator alone, who presents his clownish Audience with a divisible Discourse. The elegant Court-Divine exhorts in Miscellany, and is asham’d to bring his Two’s and Three’s before a fashionable Assembly.

Shou’d I therefore, as a mere Miscellanarian or Essay-Writer, forgetting what I had premis’d, be found to drop a Head, and lose the connecting Thred of my present Discourse; the Case perhaps wou’d not be so preposterous. For fear however[114] lest I shou’d be charg’d for being worse than my word, I shall endeavour to satisfy my Reader, by pursuing my Method propos’d: if peradventure he can call to mind, what that Method was. Or if he cannot, the matter is not so very important, but he may safely pursue his reading, without further trouble.

To proceed, therefore. Whatever Means or Methods may be employ’d at any time in maintaining or propagating a religious Belief already current and establish’d, ’tis evident that the first Beginnings must have been founded in that natural Complacency, and Good Humour, which inclines to Trust and Confidence in Mankind. Terrors alone, tho accompany’d with Miracles and Prodigys of whatever kind, are not capable of raising that sincere Faith and absolute Reliance which is requir’d in favour of the divinely authoriz’d Instructor, and spiritual Chief. The Affection and Love which procures a true Adherence to the new religious Foundation, must depend either on a real or counterfeit *Goodness in the religious Founder. Whatever ambitious Spirit may inspire him; whatever savage Zeal or persecuting Principle may lie in reserve, ready to disclose it-self when Authority and[115] Power is once obtain’d; the First Scene of Doctrine, however, fails not to present us with the agreeable Views of Joy, Love, Meekness, Gentleness, and Moderation.

In this respect, Religion, according to the common Practice in many Sects, may be compar’d to that sort of Courtship, of which the Fair Sex are known often to complain. In the Beginning of an Amour, when these innocent Charmers are first accosted, they hear of nothing but tender Vows, Submission, Service, Love. But soon afterwards, when won by this Appearance of Gentleness and Humility, they have resign’d themselves, and are no longer their own, they hear a different Note, and are taught to understand Submission and Service in a sense they little expected. Charity and Brotherly Love are very engaging Sounds: But who wou’d dream that out of abundant Charity and Brotherly Love shou’d come Steel, Fire, Gibbets, Rods, and such a sound and hearty Application of these Remedys as shou’d at once advance the worldly Greatness of religious Pastors, and the particular Interest of private Souls, for which they are so charitably concern’d?

It has been observ’d by our * Author, “That the Jews were naturally a very[116] cloudy People.” That they had certainly in Religion, as in every thing else, the least Good-Humour of any People in the World, is very apparent. Had it been otherwise, their holy Legislator and Deliverer, who was declar’d †the meekest Man on Earth, and who for many years together had by the most popular and kind Acts endeavour’d to gain their Love and Affection, wou’d in all probability have treated them afterwards with more Sweetness, and been able with ‡ less Blood and Massacre to retain them in their religious Duty. This however we may observe, That if the first Jewish Princes and celebrated Kings acted in reality according to the Institutions of their great Founder, not only Musick, but even Play and Dance, were of holy Appointment, and divine Right. The first Monarch of this Nation, tho of a melancholy Complexion, join’d Musick with his spiritual Exercises, and even us’d it as a Remedy under that darkEnthusiasm or **evil Spirit; which how far it might resemble that of Prophecy, experienc’d by him †† even after his[117] Apostacy, our ‡‡ Author pretends not to determine. ’Tis certain that the Successor of this Prince was a hearty Espouser of the merry Devotion, and by his example has shewn it to have been fundamental in the religious Constitution of his People. (a) The famous Entry or high Dance perform’d by him, after so conspicuous a manner, in the Procession of the sacred Coffer, shews that he was not asham’d of expressing any Extasy of Joy or * playsom Humour, which was practis’d by the † meanest of the Priests or People on such an occasion.[118]

Besides the many Songs and Hymns dispers’d in Holy Writ, the Book of Psalms it-self, Job, Proverbs, Canticles, and other intire Volumes of the sacred Collection, which are plainly Poetry, and full of humorous Images, and jocular Wit, may sufficiently shew how readily the inspir’d Authors had recourse to Humour and Diversion, as a proper Means to promote Religion, and strengthen the establish’d Faith.

When the Affairs of the Jewish Nation grew desperate, and every thing seem’d tending to a total Conquest and Captivity, the Style of their holy Writers and Prophets might well vary from that of earlier days, in the Rise and Vigor of their Common-wealth, or during the first Splendor of their Monarchy, when the Princes themselves prophesy’d, and potent Kings were of the number of the Sacred Pen-men. This still we may be assur’d of; That however melancholy or ill-humour’d any of the Prophets may appear at any time, ’was not that kind of Spirit, which God was wont to encourage in them. Witness the Case of the Prophet Jonah; whose Character is so naturally describ’d in Holy Writ.[119]

Pettish as this Prophet was, unlike a Man, and resembling rather some refractory boyish Pupil; it may be said that God, as a kind Tutor, was pleas’d to humour him, bear with his Anger, and in a lusory manner, expose his childish Frowardness, and shew him to himself.

* “Arise (said his gracious Lord) and go toNinive.” “No such matter,” says our Prophet to himself; but away over-Sea for Tarshish. He fairly plays the Truant, like an arch School-Boy; hoping to hide out of the way. But his Tutor had good Eyes, and a long Reach. He overtook him at Sea; where a Storm was ready prepar’d for his Exercise, and a Fish’s Belly for his Lodging. The Renegade found himself in harder Durance than any at Land. He was sufficiently mortify’d: He grew good, pray’d, moraliz’d, and spoke mightily against †Lying Vanitys.

Again, ‡ the Prophet is taken into favour, and bid go toNinive, to foretel Destruction. He foretels it. Ninive repents: God pardons: and the Prophet is angry.[120]

** “Lord!—Did I not foresee what this wou’d come to? Was not this my Saying, when I was safe and quiet at home?—What else shou’d I have run away for?—As if I knew not how little dependence there was on the Resolution of those, who are always so ready to forgive, and repent of what they have determin’d.—No!—Strike me dead!—Take my Life, this moment. ’Tis better for me.—If ever I prophesy again.” * * * * * *

†† “And Dost thou well then to be thus angry,Jonah? Consider with thy-self.—Come!—Since thou wilt needs retire out of the City, to see at a distance what will come of it; here, Take a better Fence than thy own Booth against the hot Sun which incommodes Thee. Take this tall Plant as a shady Covering for thy Head. Cool thy-self, and be deliver’d from thy Grief.”

When the Almighty had shown this Indulgence to the Prophet, he grew better-humour’d, and pass’d a tolerable Night. But the * next morning the Worm came,[121] and an East-Wind: the Arbor was nip’d: the Sun shone vehemently, and the Prophet’s Head was heated, as before. Presently the ill Mood returns, and the Prophet is at the old pass. “Better die, than live at this rate.—Death, Death alone can satisfy me. Let me hear no longer of Living.—No!—’Tis in vain to talk of it.”—

Again † GOD expostulates; but is taken up short, and answer’d churlishly, by the testy Prophet. “Angry he is; angry he ought to be, and angry he will be, to his Death.” But the Almighty, with the utmost pity towards him, in this melancholy and froward Temper, lays open the Folly of it; and exhorts to Mildness, and Good Humour, in the most tender manner, and under the most familiar and pleasant Images; whilst he shews ‡expressly more Regard and Tenderness to the very Cattel and Brute-Beasts, than the Prophet to his own Human Kind, and to those very Disciples whom by his Preaching he had converted.

In the antienter Parts of Sacred Story, where the Beginning of things, and Origin of human Race are represented to us,[122] there are sufficient Instances of this Familiarity of Style, this popular pleasant Intercourse, and Manner of Dialogue between **God and Man: I might add even between ††Man and Beast; and what is still more extraordinary, between God and ‡‡Satan.

Whatsoever of this kind may be allegorically understood, or in the way of Parable or Fable; this I am sure of, That the Accounts, Descriptions, Narrations, Expressions, and Phrases are in themselves many times exceedingly pleasant, entertaining, and facetious. But fearing lest I might be mis-interpreted, shou’d I offer to set these Passages in their proper Light, (which however has been perform’d by undoubted good Christians, and most learned and * eminent Divines of our own Church) I forbear to go any further into the Examination or Criticism of this sort.

As for our Saviour’s Style, ’tis not more vehement and majestick in his gravest Animadversions or declamatory Discourses; than it is sharp, humorous, and witty in[123] his Repartees, Reflections, fabulous Narrations, or Parables, Similes, Comparisons, and other Methods of milder Censure and Reproof. His Exhortations to his Disciples; his particular Designation of their Manners; the pleasant Images under which he often couches his Morals and prudential Rules; even his Miracles themselves (especially the † first he ever wrought) carry with them a certain Festivity, Alacrity, and Good Humour so remarkable, that I shou’d look upon it as impossible not to be mov’d in a pleasant manner at their Recital.

Now, if what I have here asserted in behalf of Pleasantry and Humour, be found just and real in respect of the Jewish and Christian Religions; I doubt not, it will be yielded to me, in respect of the antient Heathen Establishments; that the highest Care was taken by their original Founders, and following Reformers, to exhilarate Religion, and correct that Melancholy and Gloominess to which it is subject; according to those different Modifications of ‡Enthusiasm above specify’d.[124]

Our Author, as I take it, has ** elsewhere shewn that these Founders were real Musicians, and Improvers of Poetry, Musick, and the entertaining Arts; which they in a manner incorporated with Religion: Not without good reason; as I am apt to imagine. For to me it plainly appears, That in the early times of all Religions, when Nations were yet barbarous and savage, there was ever an Aptness or Tendency towards the dark part of Superstition, which among many other Horrors produc’d that of human Sacrifice. Something of this nature might possibly be deduc’d even from * Holy Writ. And[125] in other Historys we are inform’d of it more at large.

Every one knows how great a Part of the old Heathen Worship consisted in Play, Poetry, and Dance. And tho some of the more melancholy and superstitious Votarys might approach the Shrines of their Divinitys with mean Grimaces, Crouchings, and other fawning Actions, betraying the low Thoughts they had of the Divine Nature; yet ’tis well known, that in those times the illiberal†sycophantick manner of Devotion was by the wiser sort contemn’d, and oft suspected, ‡ as knavish and indirect.[126]

How different an Air and Aspect the good and virtuous were presum’d to carry with them to the Temple, let Plutarch singly, instead of many others, witness, in his excellent Treatise of *Su[127]perstition; and in another against the Epicurean Atheism, where it will plainly[128] enough appear * what a share Good Humour had in that which the politer Antients esteem’d as Piety, and true Religion.[129]

BUT NOW, methinks, I have been sufficiently grave and serious, in defense of what is directly contrary to Seriousness and Gravity. I have very solemnly pleaded for Gaity and Good Humour: I have declaim’d against Pedantry in learned Language, and oppos’d Formality in Form. I now find my-self somewhat impatient to get loose from the Constraint of Method: And I pretend lawfully to exercise the Privilege which I have asserted, of rambling from Subject to Subject, from Style to Style, in my Miscellaneous manner, according to my present Profession and Character.

I may, in the mean while, be censur’d probably for passing over my Third Head. But the methodical Reader, if he be scrupulous about it, may content himself with looking back: And if possibly he can pick it out of my Second, he will forgive this Anticipation, in a Writing which is govern’d less by Form than Humour. I had indeed resolv’d with my-self to make a large Collection of Passages from our most eminent and learned Divines, in order to have set forth this Latter Head of my Chapter; and by better Authority than my own to have evinc’d, “That we had in the main a good-humour’d Reli[130]gion.” But after considering a little while, I came to this short Issue with my-self: “That it was better not to cite at all, than to cite partially.” Now if I cited fairly what was said as well on the melancholy as the chearful side of our Religion, the Matter, I found, wou’d be pretty doubtfully balanc’d: And the Result at last wou’d be this; “That, generally speaking, as oft as a Divine was in good Humour, we shou’d find Religionthe sweetest and best-humour’d thing in Nature: But at other times (and that, pretty often) we shou’d find a very different Face of Matters.”

Thus are we alternately exalted and humbled, chear’d and dejected, according as our spiritual * Director is himself influenc’d: And this, peradventure, for our Edification and Advantage; “That by these Contrarietys and Changes we may be render’d more supple and compliant.” If we are very low, and down; we are taken up. If we are up, and high; we are taken down.—This is Discipline. This is Authority and Command.—Did Religion carry constantly one and the same Face, and were it always represented to us alike in every respect; we might perhaps be overbold, and make Acquaintance with it, in[131] too familiar a manner: We might think our-selves fully knowing in it, and assur’d of its true Character and Genius. From whence perhaps we might become more refractory towards the Ghostly Teachers of it, and be apt to submit our-selves the less to those who, by Appointment and Authority, represent it to us, in such Lights, as they esteem most proper and convenient.

I shall therefore not only conclude abruptly, but even sceptically on this my last Head: referring my Reader to what has been said already, on my preceding Heads, for the bare probability “of our having, in the main, a witty and good-humour’dReligion.”

This, however, I may presume to assert; That there are undoubtedly some Countenances or Aspects of our Religion, which are humorous and pleasant in them-selves; and that the sadder Representations of it are many times so over-sad and dismal, that they are apt to excite a very contrary Passion to what is intended by the Representers.[132]

[* ]Viz. Letter concerning Enthusiasm, above. VOL. I. Treatise I.

[† ] VOL. I. pag. 54.

[* ]Viz. Treatise I. (Letter ofEnthusiasm) VOL. I. pag. 55. lin. 7.

[† ] VOL. II. p. 75, 105, 400, &c.

[‡ ] VOL. II. pag. 400.

[† ] ουδὲν μέρος Ὁμήρῳ ἄθεον, οὐδὲ δυνάστου ἄπορον, οὐδὲ ἀρχη̑ς ἔρημον, ἀλλὰ πάντα μεστὰ θείων ὀνομάτων καὶ θείων λόγων, καὶ θείας τέχνης. [No part in Homer is devoid of Gods, or bare of princes, or destitute of magistrates; but all is full of names and speeches and art of Gods.] Maximus Tyr. Dissert. xvi.

[‡ ]Viz.Lucretius. As above, VOL. I. p. 52.

[** ] κόσμος, Mundus. From whence that Expostulation, έν σοὶ μέν τις κόσμος ὑφίστασθαι δύναται, ἐν δὲ τῳ̑ παντὶ ἀκοσμία; M. Ant. Lib. iv. 27. [We might with correct etymology call the universe an order, but not a disorder.] And that other Allusion to the same word, κόσμον δ’ ἐτύμως τὸ σύμπαν, ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἀκοσμίαν ὀνομάσαις ἄν. [Or can a certain order subsist within thee, and none in the universe?] Below, pag. 264. in the Notes.

[* ] VOL. I. pag. 138, 139, &c. VOL. II. pag. 100, 104, 5, 6.

[† ] VOL. II. pag. 429, 430.

[‡ ]The Honestum, Pulchrum, τὸ καλόν, πρέπον [the beautiful, the fitting]. Infra, pag. 182, &c.

[* ]Supra, pag. 32. And VOL. I. pag. 48, 49, 117, &c.

[1 ]Primus in orbe deos fecit timor.

[* ] Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 49.

[† ] So The Stagirite: διὰ γὰρ τὸ θαυμὰζειν οἱ ἄνθρωτοι καὶ νυ̑ν καὶ τὸ πρω̑τον ἤρξαντο φιλοσοφει̑ν. [For it was through wonder that men first began, and do still begin, to philosophise.] Metaph. Lib. i. Cap. 2. See below, pag. 202, 203 in the Notes.

[‡ ] τὸ καλὸν καὶ ἀγαθόν [the beautiful and good].

[* ]Infra, pag. 130.

[* ] A Passage of History comes to my mind, as it is cited by an eminent Divine of our own Church, with regard to that Spirit of MARTYRDOM which furnishes, it seems, such solid Matter for the Opinion and Faith of many Zealots. The Story, in the words of our Divine, and with his own Reflections on it, is as follows: “Two Franciscans offer’d themselves to the Fire to prove Savanorola to be a Heretick. But a certain Jacobine offer’d himself to the Fire to prove that Savanorola had true Revelations, and was no Heretick. In the mean time Savanorola preach’d; but made no such confident Offer, nor durst he venture at that new kind of Fire-Ordeal. And put Case, all four had pass’d thro’ the Fire, and died in the flames; What wou’d that have prov’d? Had he been a Heretick, or no Heretick, the more, or the less, for the Confidence of these zealous Idiots? If we mark it, a great many Arguments whereon many Sects rely, are no better Probation than this comes to.” Bishop Taylor in his dedicatory Discourse, before his Liberty of Prophesying. See Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 26, &c.

[* ]Infra, p. 90, 91.

[† ] Juvenal. Sat. xv. ver. 35. See VOL. II. p. 387, 388.

[‡ ] ἔστι δὲ Αἰγυπτίων έπτὰ γένεα· καὶ τούτων οἱ μέν, ἱρέες, οἱ δέ, μάχιμοι κεκλέαται.—οὐδὲ τούτοισιν ἔξεστι τέχνην ἐπασκη̑σαι οὐδεμίην, ἀλλὰ τὰ ἐς πόλε- μον ἐπασκέουσι μου̑να, παι̑ς παρὰ πατρὸς ἐκδεκόμενος. [The Egyptians are divided into seven classes—one of priests, one of warriors, etc. . . . The warriors may not practise any craft, but only that of war, which they inherit by birth.] Herodot. L. ii. §. 164.

ἱρα̑ται δὲ οὐκ εἱ̑ς ἑκάστου τω̑ν θεω̑ν, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ . . ἐπεὰν δέ τις ἀποθάνῃ, τούτου ὁ παι̑ς ἀντικατίσταται. [Not one priest, but a whole college of priests, is consecrated to each god, . . . and when one priest dies his son is consecrated in his place.] Ibid. §. 37.

[* ] τη̑ς δὲ χώρας ἁπάσης εἰς τρία μέρη διῃρημένης, &c. Cum tota regio in tres partes divisa sit, primam sibi portionem vendicat ordo sacerdotum, magnâ apud indigenas auctoritate pollens, tum ob pietatem in deos, tum quod multam ex eruditione scientiam ejusmodi homines asserunt. Ex reditibus autem suis cuncta per AEgyptum sacrificia procurant, ministros alunt; & propriis commoditatibus ancillantur, ται̑ς ἰδίαις χρείαις χορηγου̑σιν. Non enim (AEgyptii) existimant fas esse deorum honores mutari, sed semper ab eisdem eodem ritu peragi, neque eos necessariorum copiâ destituti qui in commune omnibus consulunt. In universum namque de maximis rebus consulentes, indesinenter Regi praestò sunt, in nonnullis tanquam participes imperii, in aliis reges, duces & magistri (συνεργοί, εἰσηγηταί, διδάσκαλοι) existentes. Ex astrologia quoque & sacrorum inspectione, futura praedicunt, atque è sacrorum librorum scriptis res gestas cum utilitate conjunctas praelegunt. Non enim, ut apud Graecos, unus tantummodo vir, aut foemina una, sacerdotio fungitur; sed complures sacrificia & honores deûm obeuntes, liberis suis candem vitae rationem quasi per manus tradunt. Hi autem cunctis oneribus sunt immunes, & primos post Regem honoris & potestatis gradus obtinent. [The whole country being divided into three parts, the order of priests claims the first part. It enjoys great authority among the people, both for its piety toward the Gods and for its profound learning. Out of their revenues the priests find all the sacrifices for Egypt, pay their servants, and meet their own expenses. For the Egyptians do not think it lawful to change the rites of the Gods, but hold that they must be carried on unchanged by the same class of persons, and that those who watch for all must not lack bread. For the priests, perpetually watching for the general good, are ever by the king’s side; and in some matters they share his power, in some they act as fellow-workers, advisers, teachers. They also foretell the future from astronomy and from the examination of victims, and from their sacred books they give useful teaching in history. For it is not as with the Greeks, among whom one man or one woman holds a priesthood, but several Egyptian priests attend to sacrifices and ritual, and they pass on the same way of life by inheritance to their children. They are exempted from all taxes, and they enjoy the first rank and dignity after the king. (This text was originally written in Greek; Shaftesbury quotes the opening lines from the Greek, then proceeds to supply the entire passage in Latin.)] Diod. Sic. lib. i. pag. 66.

[* ]Infra, p. 79.

[* ] Which was one Third. βουλομένην δὲ τὴν Ἴσιν, &c. Sed cumIsislucro etiam Sacerdotes invitare vellet ad cultus istos, (nempeOsiridis,mariti fato functi) tertiam eis terrae partem εἰς προσόδους, ad Deorum ministeria & sacra munia, fruendam donavit. [But as Isis wished to encourage the priests by gain also to the worship of her dead husband Osiris, she granted them one-third of the country, to employ its revenues for divine duties and sacrifices. (Again, Shaftesbury quotes the introductory words in Greek, then quotes the entire passage in Latin.)] Diod. Sic. lib. i. A remarkable Effect of Female Superstition! See also the Passage of the same Historian, cited above, pag. 43. in the Notes.

[† ] See Treatise II. viz. Sensus Communis, (VOL. I.) pag. 85, &c. Herodotus gives us the History at length in his third Book.

[‡ ] Diod. Sic. lib. i. p. 17, & 73.

[** ] Herodot. Euterpe; & Diod. Sic. lib. iii.

[† ] κατὰ τὴν Μερόην οἱ περὶ τὰς τω̑ν θεω̑ν θεραπείας τε καὶ τιμὰς διατρίβοντες ἱερει̑ς, &c. Qui in Meroe (urbe, & insula primaria AEthiopum) Deorum cultus & honores administrant sacerdotes, (ordo autem hic maximâ pollet auctoritate) quandocumque ipsis in mentem venerit, misso ad Regem nuncio, vitâ se illum abdicare jubent. Oraculis enim Deorum hoc edici: nec fas esse ab ullo mortalium, quod Dii immortales jusserint, contemni. [The priests who look after the ritual and worship of the Gods at Meröe (and very great is the authority of this order) send word to the king, whenever they think fit, that he must die; for so (they say) the oracles of the Gods enjoin, and what Gods command no mortal must disobey.—Diod. Sic. iii. 6.]—So much for their Kings. For as to Subjects, the Manner was related a little before. Unus ex lictoribus ad reum mittitur, signum mortis praeferens: quo ille viso, domum abiens sibi mortem consciscit. [One of their attendants is sent to the accused, bearing a sign of death; whereupon the accused goes home and kills himself.—Diod. Sic. iii. 5.] This, the People of our days wou’d call Passive-Obedience and Priest-craft, with a witness. But our Historian proceeds—Et per superiores quidem aetates, non armis aut vi coacti, sed merae superstitionis, ὑπ ’αὐτη̑ς τη̑ς δεισιδαιμονίας fascino, mente capti reges sacerdotibus morem gesserunt: donecErgamenes,AEthiopum rex, (Ptolomaeosecundo rerum potiente) Graecorum disciplinae & philosophiae particeps, mandata illa primus adspernari ausus fuit. Nam hic animo, qui regem deceret, sumto, cum militum manu in locum inaccessum, ubi aureum fuit templum AEthiopum, profectus; omnes illos sacrificos jugulavit, & abolito more pristino, sacra pro arbitrio suo instauravit. [In former generations the kings, not forced by arms, but simply bewitched by superstition, obeyed the priests. But Ergamenes, king of the Ethiopians in the time of Ptolemy II., who was initiated into Greek philosophy, was the first to despise their orders. With kingly courage he marched his soldiers upon the inaccessible spot where stood the golden temple of the Ethiopians, cut down all the priests, abolished the old usage, and rearranged the ritual to his own liking. (In each of these Greek and Latin references, Shaftesbury opens the quotation in Greek and completes it in Latin.)] Diod. Sic. lib. iii.

[* ] ὡς δὲ αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἔτεά ἐστι ἑπτακισχίλια καὶ μύρια ἐσ Ἄμασιν βασιλεύ- σαντα, ἐπεί τε ἐκ τω̑ν ὀκτὼ θεω̑ν οἱ δυώδεκα θεοὶ ἐγένοντο. [By the Egyptians’ own story it is 17,000 years from the time when the eight Gods grew into twelve down to the reign of Amasis.] Herodot. lib. ii. sect. 43.

[‡ ] οἱ δὲ οὐ̑ν Αἰγύπτιοι, &c. AEgyptii plurimas colonias ex AEgypto in orbem terrarum disseminatas fuisse dicunt. In Babylonem colonos deduxit Belus, qui Neptuni & Libyae filius habetur: & positâ ad Euphratem sede, instituit sacerdotes ad morem AEgyptiorum exemptos impensis & oneribus publicis, quos Babylonii vocant Chaldaeos, qui, exemplo Sacerdotum & Physicorum, Astrologorumque in AEgypto, observant stellas. [The Egyptians say that very many colonies were scattered over the world from Egypt. Belus, who is reputed son of Poseidon and Libya, led colonists to Babylon. After planting his town on the Euphrates, he instituted priests after the Egyptian fashion, exempt from taxes and public burdens; these, whom the Babylonians call Chaldeans, like the priests and the men of science and the astronomers in Egypt, watch the stars. (Again, the passage is introduced with the Greek, then offered in its entirety in Latin.)] Diod. Sic. lib. i. p. 17. Ibid. p. 73.

[* ] Gen. cap. xii. ver. 10, &c.

[† ]Abramus, quando AEgyptum ingressus est, nondum circumcisus erat, neque per annos amplius viginti post reditum.—Illius posteri circumcisi sunt, & ante introitum, & dum in AEgypto commorati sunt: post exitum verò non sunt circumcisi, quamdiu vixit Moses.—Fecit itaque Josue cultros lapideos, & circumcidit filios Israel in Colle Praeputiorum. Factum Deus ratum habuit, dixitque, Hodie ἀφει̑λον τὸν ὀνειδισμὸν Αἰλύπτου ἀφ’ ὑμω̑ν, abstuli opprobrium AEgypti à vobis. Josue cap. 5. ver. 3. Tam AEgyptiis quàm Judaeis opprobrio erant incircumcisi.—Apud AEgyptios circumcidendi ritus vetustissimus fuit, & ἀπ’ ἀρχη̑ς ab ipso initio institutus. Illi nullorum aliorum hominum institutis uti volunt. [Abram, when he went into Egypt, had not yet been circumcised nor for more than twenty years after his return. . . . His descendants were not circumcised as long as Moses lived. Thus Joshua made polished stones and Israel circumcised its sons on the Hill of Foreskins. God held the deed valid and he said, Today I have taken away the censure of Egypt from you. Joshua ch. 5, v. 3. So they were uncircumcised as a disgrace to the Egyptians rather than the Judeans. Among the Egyptians the rite of circumcision was very long standing and they were willing to use the practices no other men use.] Herodot. lib. 2. cap. 91. τὰ αἰδοι̑α ᾠ̑ ἄλλοι μὲν ἐω̑σι ὡς ἐλένοντο, πλὴν ὅσοι ἀπὸ τούτων ἔμαθον· Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ περιτάμνονται. [The Egyptians practise circumcision, but no other people do so except those who have learned it from the Egyptians.] Herod. lib. ii. cap. 36. Marshami Chronicus Canon, p. 72.

[* ] Gen. cap. xvii.

[† ] Julius Firmicus, apud Marshamum, p. 452, 453.

[‡ ] It can scarce be said in reality, from what appears in Holy Writ, that their Retreat was voluntary: And for the Historians of other Nations, they have presum’d to assert that this People was actually expel’d Egypt on account of their Leprosy; to which the Jewish Laws appear to have so great a Reference. Thus Tacitus:Plurimi auctores consentiunt, ortâ per AEgyptum tabe, quae corpora foedaret, regem Occhorim, adito Hammonis oraculo, remedium petentem, purgare regnum, & id genus hominum ut invisum Deis, alias in terras avehere jussum. Sic conquisitum collectumque vulgus,—Mosen unum monuisse, &c. [Several authors agree that when a disfiguring disease spread among the Egyptians, king Bocchoris consulted the oracle of Hammon, and was bidden to purge the kingdom and remove from it that class of men (the sick) as offensive to the Gods. So when the mob was hunted up and got together . . . Moses alone advised.] Hist. lib. v. c. 3. AEgyptii, quum scabiem & vitiliginem paterentur, responso moniti eum (Mosen) cum aegris, ne pestis ad plures serperet, terminis AEgypti pellunt. Dux igitur exulum factus, sacra AEgyptiorum furto abstulit: quae repetentes armis AEgyptii, domum redire tempestatibus compulsi sunt. [When the Egyptians were suffering from leprosy they were warned by an oracle to expel Moses and the sick from Egypt, lest the disease should spread further. Becoming therefore leader of the exiles, Moses stole the sacred objects of the Egyptians; and when the Egyptians tried to recapture these, they were driven home by storms.] Justin. lib. xxxvi. c. 2. And in Marsham we find this remarkable Citation from Manetho: Amenophin regem affectasse θεω̑ν γενέσθαι θεατήν, ὤσπερ Ω̑̓ρ εἰ̑ς τω̑ν πρὸ αὐτου̑ βεβασιλευκότων, Deorum esse contemplatorem, sicut Orum quendam Regum priorum. Cui responsum est, ὅτι δυνήσεται θεοὺς ἰδει̑ν, quòd posset videre Deos, si Regionem à leprosis & immundis hominibus purgaret. [That king Amenophis desired to see the Gods, like Orus, an earlier king, and received the answer from an oracle that he might see the Gods if he cleared the country of filthy lepers.] Chronicus Canon, p. 52.

[* ] See what is cited above (p. 52. in the Notes from Marsham) of the Jews returning to Circumcision under Joshua, after a Generation’s Intermission: This being approv’d by God, for the reason given, “That it was taking from them the Reproach of the Egyptians, or what render’d them odious and impious in the eyes of that People.” Compare with this the Passage concerning Moses himself, Exod. iv. 18, 25, 26. (together with Acts vii. 30, 34.) where in regard to the Egyptians, to whom he was now returning when fourscore years of Age, he appears to have circumcis’d his Children, and taken off this National Reproach:Zipporah his Wife, nevertheless, reproaching him with the Bloodiness of the Deed; to which she appears to have been a Party only thro’ Necessity, and in fear rather of her Husband, than of GOD.

[† ] Ezek. xx. 25. Acts xv. 10. Of these AEgyptian Institutions receiv’d amongst the Jews, see our Spencer.Cum morum quorundam antiquorum toleratio vi magnâ polleret, ad Hebraeorum animos Dei legi & cultui conciliandus, & à reformatione Mosaicâ invidiam omnem amoliretur; maximè conveniebat, ut Deus ritus aliquos antiquitùs usitatos in sacrorum suorum numerum assumeret, & lex à Mose data speciem aliquam cultus olim recepti ferret.—Ita nempe nati factique erant Israelitae, ex AEgypto recens egressi, quod Deo penè necesse esset (humanitùs loqui fas sit) rituum aliquorum veterum usum iis indulgere, & illius instituta ad eorum morem & modulum accommodare. Nam populus erat à teneris AEgypti moribus assuetus, & in iis multorum annorum usu confirmatus.—Hebraei, non tantum AEgypti moribus assueti, sed etiam refractarii fuerunt.—Quemadmodum cujusque regionis & terrae populo sua sunt ingenia, moresque proprii, ita natura gentem Hebraeorum, praeter caeteres orbis incolas, ingenio moroso, difficili, & ad infamiam usque pertinaci, finxit.—Cum itaque veteres Hebraei moribus essent asperis & efferatis adeò, populi conditio postulavit, ut Deus ritus aliquos usu veteri firmatos iis concederet, & νομικὴν λατρείαν τῃ̑ ἑαυτω̑ν ἀσθενείᾳ συμβαίνουσαν (uti loquitur Theodoretus) cultum legalem eorum infirmitati accommodatum instituerit.—Hebraei superstitiosa gens erant, & omni pene literaturá destituti. Quam altè Gentium superstitionibus immergebantur, è legibus intelligere licet, quae populo tanquam remedia superstitionis imponebantur. Contumax autem bellua superstitio, si praesertim ab ignorantiae tenebris novam ferociam & contumaciam hauserit. Facilè verò credi potest, Israelitas, nuper è servorum domo liberatos, artium humaniorum rudes fuisse, & vix quicquam supra lateres atque allium AEgypti sapuisse. Quando itaque Deo jam negotium esset, cum populo tam barbaro, & superstitioni tam impensè dedito; penè necesse fuit, ut aliquid eorum infirmitati daret, eosque dolo quodam (non argumentis) ad scripsum alliceret. Nullum animal superstitioso, rudi praecipuè, morosius est, aut majori arte tractandum. [When the acceptance of the old-fashioned morals was prevailing with great strength to reconcile the minds of the Hebrews to the laws and sacrificial rites of God and was removing all the ill-will from the Mosaic reformation, it was especially appropriate that God received some rites customary in former times into the number of his own sacred rituals and that the law given by Moses carried some aspect of these assimilated practices. Certainly the Israelites had been so born and reared, having departed from Egypt only recently, that it was almost necessary to God (it is right to say humane) to indulge them in the practice of some of their former rituals and to adapt his laws to their habit and standard. For they were a people habituated from childhood to the customs of the Egyptians and confirmed in them by the practice of many years. . . . The Hebrews were accustomed not only to the manners of the Egyptians but also to their obstinacies. . . . Just as a people from whatever locale and country have their own distinct character and habits peculiar to them, so nature fashioned the race of the Hebrews in distinction from the rest of the inhabitants of the world in disposition: capricious, difficult and stubborn even to the point of disgrace. . . . Therefore since the old Hebrews had such harsh and savage manners, the character of the people demanded that God would allow them some rituals of long-standing usage and a lawful servitude happened to them due to their own weakness; (just as Theodorus says) he established the ritual law suited to their weaknesses. . . . The Hebrews were a race full of superstitions and were almost destitute of all writing. How deeply they were immersed in the superstitions of the race you may understand from the laws which were being imposed on the people as if they were antidotes for superstitions. Moreover stiff-necked superstition is a monster, especially if from blind ignorance it will have drunk in a new ferocity and obstinacy. In truth it can easily be believed that the Israelites recently freed from slavery were untutored in civilized arts and scarcely had a taste for anything beyond the bricks and garlic of the Egyptians. And so since now God had a duty to people so barbarous and so thoroughly dedicated to superstition it was almost necessary that he give something to the inconstancy of those weak men and would draw them to himself by a certain trick (not by arguments). No animal is more full of dread, so especially ignorant, more wayward or in need of being taken in hand with greater skill.] Spencerus de Leg. Hebr. pag. 627, 628, 629.

[* ] (1.) καὶ ἐπαιδεύθη Μωση̑ς πάσῃ σοφίᾳ Αἰλυπτίων· ἠ̑ν δὲ δυνατὸς ἐν λόγοις καὶ ἐν ἔργοις. Act. Apost. cap. vii. ver. 22. [(εν is in the Loeb edition, but not in Shaftesbury’s.—ES) And Moses was educated in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. And he was powerful in speeches and in deeds. (Loosely paraphrased/translated by Shaftesbury in the main text.)]

(2.) Exod. cap. vii. ver. 11, & 22.

(3.) Ibid. cap. viii. ver. 7.

(4.) Justin. lib. xxxvi. cap. 2.

[† ] Gen. cap. xxxix, &c. Minimus aetate inter fratres Joseph fuit, cujus excellens ingenium veriti fratres clam interceptum peregrinis mercatoribus vendiderunt. A quibus deportatus in AEgyptum, cùm magicas ibi artes solerti ingenio percepisset, brevi ipsi Regi percarus fuit [Joseph was the youngest of the brothers, and they, fearing his cleverness, kidnapped him and sold him to foreign merchants. These men carried him to Egypt, where he quickly learned magic and rose to high favour even with the king.] Justin. lib. xxxvi. c. 2.

[* ] Gen. xlvii. ver. 22, 26.

[† ] Gen. xli. ver. 45.

[‡ ] Exod. chap. iii. ver. 1. and chap. xviii. ver. 1, &c.

[** ] Such were the Midianites, Gen. xxxvii. ver. 28, 36.

[†† ] Exod. xviii. ver. 17–24.

[* ]Dryden, Indian Emperor, Act v. Scene 2.

[† ]Infra, pag. 81.

[* ] VOL. I. pag. 221, 222, & 350. in the Notes. And Infra, pag. 79, 80, 1, 2, &c.

[† ]OEDIPUS of Dryden and Lee.

[* ]Viz. In his Letter concerning Enthusiasm, VOL. I.

[† ] Dr. Cudworth’s Intellectual System, pag. 134.

[‡ ] The good Doctor makes use, here, of a Stroke of Raillery against the over-frighted anti-superstitious Gentlemen, with whom our Author reasons at large in his second Treatise (viz. VOL. I. pag. 85, 86, &c. and 88, 89, &c.). ’Tis indeed the Nature of Fear, as of all other Passions, when excessive, to defeat its own End, and prevent us in the execution of what we naturally propose to our-selves as our Advantage. Superstition it-self is but a certain kind of Fear, which possessing us strongly with the apprehended Wrath or Displeasure of Divine Powers, hinders us from judging what those Powers are in themselves, or what Conduct of ours may, with best reason, be thought sutable to such highly rational and superior Natures. Now if from the Experience of many gross Delusions of a superstitious kind, the Course of this Fear begins to turn; ’tis natural for it to run, with equal violence, a contrary way. The extreme Passion for religious Objects passes into an Aversion. And a certain Horror and Dread of Imposture causes as great a Disturbance as even Imposture it-self had done before. In such a Situation as this, the Mind may easily be blinded; as well in one respect, as in the other. ’Tis plain, both these Disorders carry something with them which discover us to be in some manner beside our Reason, and out of the right use of Judgment and Understanding. For how can we be said to intrust or use our Reason, if in any case we fear to be convinc’d? How are we Masters of our-selves, when we have acquir’d the Habit of bringing Horror, Aversion, Favour, Fondness, or any other Temper than that of mere Indifference and Impartiality, into the Judgment of Opinions, and Search of Truth?

[* ] Dr. More, §. 11, 19, 20, and so on.

[† ] §. 16.

[‡ ] It appears from hence, that in the Notion which this learned Divine gives us of Enthusiasm, he comprehends the social or popular Genius of the Passion; agreeably with what our Author in his Letter concerning Enthusiasm (p. 15, 16, 44, 45.) has said of the Influence and Power of the Assembly and Auditory it-self, and of the communicative Force and rapid Progress of this extatick Fervor, once kindled, and set in action.

[** ] §. 20, 21, 23, 26.

[* ] Acts ii. 13.

[† ] §. 1.

[‡ ] §. 15.

[** ] §. 30, & 57.

[†† ] VOL. I. p. 53.

[‡‡ ] §. 63.

[(a) ] §. 28.

[* ]NATURA RERUM omnibus viventibus indidit metum & formidinem, vitae atque essentiae suae conservatricem, ac mala ingruentia vitantem & depellentem. Veruntamen eadem Natura modum tenere nescia est, sed timoribus salutaribus semper vanos & inanes admiscet: adeò ut omnia (si intus conspici darentur) Panicis Terroribus plenissima sint, praesertim humana; & maximè omnium apud vulgum, qui superstitione (quae verè nihil aliud quàm Panicus Terror est) in immensum laborat & agitatur; praecipuè temporibus duris & trepidis, & adversis. Franciscus Bacon de Augment. Scient. lib. ii. c. 13. [The nature of things, she who defends life and her own being, avoiding evil attacks and repelling them, gives to all living creatures dread and awe. Nevertheless the same nature does not know how to keep within a limit but mixes vain and empty alarms with advantageous ones to such an extent that all creatures, especially human beings are very full of panicky fears (if they were allowed to be seen within ourselves) and especially in the mind of the common crowd, the sort who of all men struggle and are troubled exceedingly by superstition (which is actually nothing other than panic) principally in harsh times and in anxious and unfortunate moments.]

The Author of the Letter, I dare say, wou’d have expected no quarter from his Criticks, had he express’d himself as this celebrated Author here quoted; who, by his Natura Rerum, can mean nothing less than the Universal Dispensing Nature, erring blindly in the very first Design, Contrivance, or original Frame of Things; according to the Opinion of Epicurus himself, whom this Author, immediately after, cites with Praise.

[† ]Viz. The Letter concerning Enthusiasm, above, VOL. I.

[* ]Infra, pag. 315.

[† ] VOL. I. pag. 44, 45, &c. And VOL. II. pag. 322, 323, &c.

[‡ ] VOL. I. pag. 360, 1, 2, &c. And Infra, pag. 103, 231, 315, 316.

[** ] VOL. II. pag. 205, 206, & 323, &c. And Infra, pag. 317, 318, &c.

[* ] VOL. I. pag. 146, 147. And Infra, pag. 316, 317, 320, &c.

[* ] 2 Cor. xii, ver. 2, 3.

[† ] 1 Cor. vii. 10, 12.

[‡ ] 1 Cor. vii. 40.

[* ] VOL. I. pag. 220, &c. And in the preceding Chapter, pag. 61.

[† ] VOL. I. pag. 133. And below, pag. 90.

[‡ ] How rich and vast these were, especially in the latter times of that Empire, may be judg’d from what belong’d to the single Order of the Vestals, and what we read of the Revenues belonging to the Temples of the Sun, (as in the time of the Monster Heliogabalus) and of other Donations by other Emperors. But what may give us yet a greater Idea of these Riches, is, That in the latter Heathen Times, which grew more and more superstitious, the restraining Laws (or Statues of Mort-main) by which Men had formerly been with-held from giving away Estates by Will, or otherwise, to Religious Uses, were repeal’d; and the Heathen-Church left, in this manner, as a bottomless Gulph and devouring Receptacle of Land and Treasure. Senatûs-consulto, & Constitutionibus Principum, Haeredes instituere concessum est Apollinem Didymaeum, Dianam Ephesiam, Matrem Deorum, &c. [By decree of the Senate and by the imperial orders of the Emperor it is granted to establish as heirs Didymean Apollo, Ephesian Diana, mother of the gods, etc.]

This answers not amiss to the modern Practice and Expression of Making our Soul our Heir: Giving to God what has been taken sometimes with freedom enough from Man; and conveying Estates in such a manner in this World, as to make good Interest of them in another. The Reproach of the antient Satirist is at present out of doors. ’Tis no affront to Religion now-a-days to compute its Profits. And a Man might well be accounted dull, who, in our present Age, shou’d ask the Question, Dicite, Pontifices, in sacro quid facit Aurum? Pers. Sat. ii. ver. 69. [Reverend pontiffs, tell us what good gold can do in a holy place?] See below, pag. 90, and 125. in the Notes, and 88. ibid.

[* ] As above, pag. 61.

[† ]Supra, pag. 42, 46, 47, 60. And VOL. I. pag. 350. in the Notes.

[* ]Infra, pag. 323, 3, 4. in the Notes. Et supra, p. 61.

[† ] Let any one who considers distinctly the Meaning and Force of the word BIGOTRY, endeavour to render it in either of the antient Languages, and he will find how peculiar a Passion it implies; and how different from the mere Affection of Enthusiasm or Superstition.

[* ] The Magnificence and Beauty of that Temple is well known to all who have form’d any Idea of the antient Grecian Arts and Workmanship. It seems to me to be remarkable in our learned and elegant Apostle, that tho an Enemy to this mechanical Spirit of Religion in the Ephesians; yet according to his known Character, he accommodates himself to their Humour, and the natural Turn of their Enthusiasm; by writing to his Converts in a kind of Architect-Style, and almost with a perpetual Allusion to Building, and to that Majesty, Order, and Beauty, of which their Temple was a Master-piece. ἐποικοδομηθέντες ἐπὶ τῳ̑ θεμελίῳ τω̑ν ἀποστόλων καὶ προφητω̑ν, ὄντος ἀκογωνιαίου αὐτου̑ Ἰησου̑ Χριστου̑ ἐν ᾠ̑ πα̑σα ἡ οἰκοδομὴ συναρμολγουμένη αὔξει εἰς ναὸν ἅγιον ἐν Κυρίῳ, ἐν ᾠ̑ καὶ ὑμει̑ς συνοικοδομει̑σθε εἰς κατοικητήριον του̑ Θεου̑ ἐν πνεύματι. [You are built upon the foundations of the apostles and the prophets, with Jesus Christ himself being the cornerstone on which the entire framed-together structure grows into a holy temple in the Lord. In this, even you will be built in together into a dwelling place for God in spirit.]—Eph. ch. ii. ver. 20, 21, 22. And so Ch. iii. ver. 17, 18, &c. And Ch. iv. ver. 16, 29.

[† ] Act. Apost. chap. xix. ver. 23.

[‡ ] Ibid. ver. 28, & 34.

[* ] Act. Apost. chap. xix. ver. 32.

[† ] Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 15.

[‡ ] Act. Apost. chap. xix. ver. 25, &c.

[** ] *Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 16, &c.

[* ] Thus the Controversy stood before the Time of the Emperor Julian, when Blood had been so freely drawn, and Crueltys so frequently exchang’d not only between Christian and Heathen, but between Christian and Christian; after the most barbarous manner. What the Zeal was of many early Christians against the Idolatry of the old Heathen Church (at that time the establish’d one) may be comprehended by any Person who is ever so slenderly vers’d in the History of those Times. Nor can it be said indeed of us Moderns, that in the quality of good Christians (as that Character is generally understood) we are found either backward or scrupulous in assigning to Perdition such Wretches as we pronounce guilty of Idolatry. The name Idolater is sufficient Excuse for almost any kind of Insult against the Person, and much more against the Worship of such a Mis-Believer. The very word Christian is in common Language us’d for Man, in opposition to Brute-Beast, without leaving so much as a middle place for the poor Heathen or Pagan: who, as the greater Beast of the two, is naturally doom’d to Massacre, and his Gods and Temples to Fracture and Demolishment. Nor are we masters of this Passion, even in our best humour. The French Poets, we see, can with great Success, and general Applause, exhibit this primitive Zeal even on the publick Stage: Polyeucte, Act II. Sc. 6.

Ne perdons plus de temps, le Sacrifice est prêt.
Allons y du vray Dieu soutenir l’intérêt,
Allons fouler aux piés ce Foudre ridicule
Dont arme un bois pourri ce Peuple trop credule;
Allons en éclairer l’aveuglement fatal,
Allons briser ces Dieux de Pierre & de Metau:
Abandonnons nos jours à cette ardeur celeste,
Faisons triompher Dieu; qu’il dispose du reste.
[Let us lose no more time, the Sacrifice is ready.
Let us go to sustain the true God’s interest,
Let us trample underfoot this ridiculous Thunder
With which this too credulous people arms a rotten wood [i.e., an idol];
Let us go to enlighten its fatal blindness,
Let us destroy these gods of stone and metal;
Let us give up our lives to this celestial ardor,
Let us make God triumph; let Him dispose of the rest!]

I shou’d scarce have mention’d this, but that it came into my mind how ill a Construction some People have endeavour’d to make of what our Author, stating the Case of Heathen and Christian Persecution, in his Letter of Enthusiasm, has said concerning the Emperor Julian. It was no more indeed than had been said of that virtuous and gallant Emperor by his greatest Enemys; even by those who, to the shame of Christianity, boasted of his having been most insolently affronted on all occasions, and even treacherously assassinated by one of his Christian Soldiers. As for such Authors as these, shou’d I cite them in their proper invective Style and Saint-like Phrase, they wou’d make no very agreeable appearance, especially in Miscellanys of the kind we have here undertaken. But a Letter of that elegant and witty Emperor, may not be improperly plac’d amongst our Citations, as a Pattern of his Humour and Genius, as well as of his Principle and Sentiments, on this occasion. Julian’s Epistles, Numb. 52.

Julian to the Bostrens.

“I should have thought, indeed, that the Galilaean Leaders wou’d have esteem’d themselves more indebted to me, than to him who preceded me in the Administration of the Empire. For in his time, many of them suffer’d Exile, Persecution, and Imprisonment. Multitudes of those whom in their Religion they term Hereticks, were put to the sword. Insomuch that in Samosata, Cyzicum, Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Galatia, and many other Countrys, whole Towns were level’d with the Earth. The just Reverse of this has been observ’d in my time. The Exiles have been recall’d; and the Proscrib’d restor’d to the lawful Possession of their Estates. But to that height of Fury and Distraction are this People arriv’d, that being no longer allow’d the Privilege to tyrannize over one another, or persecute either their own Sectarys, or the Religious of the lawful Church, they swell with rage, and leave no stone unturn’d, no opportunity unimploy’d, of raising Tumult and Sedition. So little regard have they to true Piety; so little Obedience to our Laws and Constitutions; however humane and tolerating. For still do we determine and steddily resolve, never to suffer one of them to be drawn involuntarily to our Altars. * * * As for the mere People, indeed, they appear driven to these Riots and Seditions by those amongst them whom they call CLERICKS: who are now enrag’d to find themselves restrain’d in the use of their former Power and intemperate Rule. * * * They can no longer act the Magistrate or Civil Judg, nor assume Authority to make Peoples Wills, supplant Relations, possess themselves of other Mens Patrimonys, and by specious Pretences transfer all into their own possession. * * * For this reason I have thought fit, by this Publick EDICT, to forewarn the People of this sort, that they raise no more Commotions, nor gather in a riotous manner about their seditious CLERICKS, in defiance of the Magistrate, who has been insulted and in danger of being ston’d by these incited Rabbles. In their Congregations they may, notwithstanding, assemble as they please, and croud about their Leaders, performing Worship, receiving Doctrine, and praying, according as they are by them taught and conducted: But if with any Tendency to Sedition; let them beware how they hearken, or give assent; and remember, ’tis at their peril, if by these means they are secretly wrought up to Mutiny and Insurrection. * * * Live, therefore, in Peace and Quietness! neither spitefully opposing, or injuriously treating one another. You misguided People of the new way, Beware, on your side! And you of the antient and establish’d Church, injure not your Neighbours and Fellow-Citizens, who are enthusiastically led away, in Ignorance and Mistake, rather than with Design or Malice! ’Tis by DISCOURSE and REASON, not by Blows, Insults, or Violence, that Men are to be inform’d of Truth, and convinc’d of Error. Again therefore and again I enjoin and charge the zealous Followers of the true Religion, no way to injure, molest, or affront the Galilaean People.”

Thus the generous and mild Emperor; whom we may indeed call Heathen, but not so justly Apostate: since being, at different times of his Youth, transfer’d to different Schools or Universitys, and bred under Tutors of each Religion, as well Heathen as Christian; he happen’d, when of full age, to make his choice (tho very unfortunately) in the former kind, and adher’d to the antient Religion of his Country and Forefathers. See the same Emperor’s Letters to Artabius, Numb. 7. and to Hecebolus, Numb. 43. and to the People of Alexandria, Numb. 10. See VOL. I. pag. 25.

[* ]Infra, pag. 343.

[* ] VOL. I. pag. 133. Supra, 78, 79.

[† ] VOL. II. pag. 270, 271.

[‡ ]Supra, pag. 41.

[** ] When this victorious Ravager was in full March to Rome, St. Leo (the then Pope) went out to meet him in solemn Pomp. The Goth was struck with the Appearance, obey’d the Priest, and retir’d instantly with his whole Army in a panick Fear; alledging that among the rest of the Pontifical Train, he had seen one of an extraordinary Form, who threaten’d him with Death, if he did not instantly retire. Of this important Encounter there are in St. Peter’s Church, in the Vatican, and elsewhere, at Rome, many fine Sculptures, Paintings, and Representations, deservingly made, in honour of the Miracle.

[* ] Witness the Case of Molinos, and of the pious, worthy and ingenious AbbéFenelon, now Archbishop of Cambray.

[* ]Infra, pag. 110.

[† ]O Imitatores, servum pecus! Horat. Lib. i. Ep. 19. ver. 19.

[* ]Viz. Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humour, VOL. I.

[* ] Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 34.

[* ]Supra, pag. 94.

[* ] VOL. I. pag. 94. and VOL. II. pag. 334.

[* ] Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 29. And above, pag. 55, 56.

[† ] Numb. Ch. xii. ver. 3.

[‡ ] Exod. Ch. xxxii. ver. 27, &c. And Numb. Ch. xvi. ver. 41.

[** ] 1 Sam. Ch. xviii. ver. 10. And Ch. xix. ver. 9.

[†† ] Ibid. ver. 23, 24.

[‡‡ ] Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 45.

[(a) ] 2 Sam. Ch. vi. ver. 5, 14, & 16.

[* ] Ibid. ver. 22.

[† ] Tho this Dance was not perform’d quite naked, the Dancers, it seems, were so slightly cloth’d, that in respect of Modesty, they might as well have wore nothing: their Nakedness appearing still by means of their high Caperings, Leaps, and violent Attitudes, which were proper to this Dance. The Reader, if he be curious, may examine what relation this religious Extasy and naked Dance had to the naked and processional Prophecy; (1 Sam. Ch. xix. ver. 23, & 24.) where Prince, Priest, and People prophesy’d in conjunction: the Prince himself being both of the itinerant and naked Party. It appears that even before he was yet advanc’d to the Throne, he had been seiz’d with this prophesying Spirit errant, processional, and saltant, attended, as we find, with a sort of Martial Dance perform’d in Troops or Companys, with Pipe and Tabret accompanying the March, together with Psaltry, Harp, Cornets, Timbrels, and other variety of Musick. See 1 Sam. Ch. x. ver. 5. and Ch. xix. ver. 23, 24, &c. and 2 Sam. Ch. vi. ver. 5. And above, Letter of Enthusiasm, VOL. I. pag. 45.

[* ] Jonah, Ch. i, &c.

[† ] Ibid. Ch. ii. ver. 8.

[‡ ] Ch. iii. ver. 1, &c.

[** ] Jonah, Ch. iv. ver. 1, 2, 3.

[†† ] Ver. 4, 5, 6.

[* ] Ver. 7, 8.

[† ] Ver. 9.

[‡ ] See the last Verse of this Prophet.

[** ] Gen. Ch. iii. ver. 9, &c.

[†† ] Numb. Ch. xxii. ver. 28, &c.

[‡‡ ] (1.) Job, Ch. i, & ii.

(2.) 2 Chron. Ch. xviii. ver. 18, 19, &c.

[* ] See Burnet,Archaeol. cap. 7. p. 280, &c.

[† ] St John, Chap. ii. ver. 11.

[‡ ] Above, Chap. i, ii.

[** ] VOL. I. pag. 237.

[* ] Gen. chap. xxii. ver. 1, 2, &c. and Judg. chap. xi. ver. 30, 31, &c.

These Places relating to Abraham and Jephthah, are cited only with respect to the Notion which these Primitive Warriors may be said to have entertain’d concerning this horrid Enormity, so common among the Inhabitants of the Palestine and other neighbouring Nations. It appears that even the elder of these Hebrew Princes was under no extreme Surprize on this trying Revelation. Nor did he think of expostulating, in the least, on this occasion; when at another time he cou’d be so importunate for the Pardon of an inhospitable, murderous, impious and incestuous City; Gen. xviii. 23, &c. See Marsham’s Citations, pag. 76, 77. Ex istis satius est colligere hanc Abrahami Tentationem non fuisse κεκαινουργημένην πράξιν, actionem innovatam; non recens excogitatam, sed ad pristinos Cananaeorum mores designatam. [From these facts it is preferable to deduce that the trial of Abraham was not a new action, not a new action, not a recent invention but one chosen in accordance with the former customs of the Canaanites.] See the learned Capel’s Dissertation upon Jephthah; “Ex hujus voti Lege (Lev. xxvii. ver. 28, 29.) JEPHTE Filiam omnino videtur immolasse, hoc est, morte affecisse, & executus est in eâ votum quod ipse voyerat, Jud. xi. 39.” [From the law of this hold promise Jephthah is understood to have sacrificed his daughter completely, that is, to have bound her by death, and the pledge was carried out against her which he himself had vowed.]

[† ] See VOL. I. pag. 35.

—Non tu prece poscis emaci, &c.
Haud cuivis promptum est, murmurque humilesque su surros,
Tollere de Templis.—
DeJovequid sentis?Estne, ut praeponere cures
Hunc cuinam?—
—Quâ tu mercede Deorum
Emeris auriculas?—
O curvae in terris animae, & coelestium inanes!
Quid juvat hoc, Templis nostros immittere mores,
Et bona Diis ex hâc scelerata ducere pulpâ?
Pers. Sat. ii. ver. 3.

[‡ ] [You are not the man to make higgling prayers. . . . It is not everyone who is ready to do away with muttering and whispering from our temples. . . . What is your view of Jupiter? May I assume that you would think of putting him above—‘above whom?’ . . . What is the price you pay for the ears of the Gods? . . . O ye souls that cleave to earth and have nothing heavenly in you! How can it answer to introduce the spirit of the age into the temple-service, and infer what the Gods like from this sinful pampered flesh of ours?]

Non est meum, si mugiat Africis
Malus procellis, ad miseras preces
Decurrere.—
Hor. lib. iii. Od. 29. ver. 57.

[It is not for me to betake myself to pitiful entreaties if my mast roar with the south-west wind.]

[* ] ὡ̑ βάρβαρ’ ἐξευρόντες Ἕλληνες κατὰ [Note: In the Loeb edition of Plutarch’s Moralia, vol. 2, “On Superstition,” this reads κακα, not κατα], τῃ̑ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, πηλώσεις, καταβαρβαρώσεις, σαββατισμούς, ῥίψεις ἐπὶ πρόσωπον αἰσχράς, προ- σκαθίσεις, ἀλλοκότους προσκυνήσεις, &c.† [Note: In the Loeb edition, “wicked” (αισχρας) is preceded by a comma, rather than being followed by a comma.] “O wretchedGreeks!” (says he, speaking to his then declining Countrymen) “who in a way of Superstition run so easily into the Relish of barbarous Nations, and bring into Religion that frightful Mein of sordid and vilifying Devotion, ill-favour’d Humiliation and Contrition, abject Looks and Countenances, Consternations, Prostrations, Disfigurations, and, in the Act of Worship, Distortions, constrain’d and painful Postures of the Body, wry Faces, beggerly Tones, Mumpings, Grimaces, Cringings, and the rest of this kind—A shame indeed to us Grecians!—For to us, we know, ’tis prescrib’d from of old by our peculiar Laws concerning Musick, and the publick Chorus’s, that we shou’d perform in the handsomest manner, and with a just and manly Countenance, avoiding those Grimaces and Contortions of which some Singers contract a Habit. And shall we not in the more immediate Worship of the DEITY preserve this liberal Air and manly Appearance? Or, on the contrary, whilst we are nicely observant of other Forms and Decencys in the Temple, shall we neglect this greater Decency in Voice, Words, and Manners; and with vile Cries, Fawnings, and prostitute Behaviour, betray the natural Dignity and Majesty of that Divine Religion and National Worship deliver’d down to us by our Forefathers, and purg’d from every thing of a barbarous and savage kind?”

What Plutarch mentions here, of the just Countenance or liberal Air, the στόμα δίκαιον, of the Musical Performer, is agreeably illustrated in his Alcibiades. ’Twas that heroick Youth, who, as appears by this Historian, first gave occasion to the Athenians of the higher Rank wholly to abandon the use of Flutes; which had before been highly in favour with them. The Reason given, was “the illiberal Air which attended such Performers, and the unmanly Disfiguration of their Looks and Countenance, which this Piping-work produc’d.” As for the real Figure or Plight of the superstitious Mind, our Author thus describes it: “Gladly wou’d the poor comfortless Mind, by whiles, keep Festival and rejoice: But such as its Religion is, there can be no free Mirth or Joy belonging to it. Publick Thanksgivings are but private Mournings. Sighs and Sorrows accompany its Praises. Fears and Horrors corrupt its best Affections. When it assumes the outward Ornaments of best Apparel for the Temple, it even then strikes Melancholy, and appears in Paleness and ghastly Looks. While it worships, it trembles. It sends up Vows in faint and feeble Voices, with eager Hopes, Desires, and Passions, discoverable in the whole Disorder of the outward Frame: and, in the main, it evinces plainly by Practice, that the Notion ofPythagoraswas but vain, who dar’d assert, That we were then in the best State, and carry’d our most becoming Looks with us, when we approach’d the Gods. For then, above all other Seasons, are the Superstitious found in the most abject miserable State of Mind, and with the meanest Presence and Behaviour; approaching the Sacred Shrines of the Divine Powers in the same manner as they wou’d the Dens of Bears or Lions, the Caves of Basilisks or Dragons, or other hideous Recesses of wild Beasts or raging Monsters. To me therefore it appears wonderful, that we shou’d arraign Atheism as impious; whilst Superstition escapes the Charge. Shall he who holds there are no Divine Powers, be esteem’d impious; and shall not he be esteem’d far more impious, who holds the Divine Beings such in their Nature as the Superstitious believe and represent? For my own part, I had rather Men shou’d say of me, &c.” See VOL. I. pag. 41. in the Notes. Nothing can be more remarkable than what our Author says again, a little below.† “The Atheist believes there is no Deity; the Religionist, or superstitious Believer, wishes there were none. If he believes, ’tis against his Will: mistrust he dares not, nor call his Thought in question. But cou’d he with Security, at once, throw off that oppressive Fear, which like the Rock ofTantalusimpends, and presses over him, he wou’d with equal Joy spurn his inslaving Thought, and embrace the Atheist’s State and Opinion as his happiest Deliverance. Atheists are free of Superstition, but the Superstitious are ever willing Atheists, tho impotent in their Thought, and unable to believe of the Divine Being as they gladly wou’d. νυνὶ δὲ τῳ̑ μὲν ἀθέῳ δεισιδαιμονίας οὐδὲν μέτεστιν, ὁ δὲ δεισιδαίμων τῃ̑ προαιρέσει ἄθεος ὤν, ἀσθενέστερός ἐστιν ἢ του̑ δοξάζειν περὶ θεω̑ν ὃ βούλεται” See VOL. I. pag. 35, 36, 40, 41.

[† ] Plutarchi Oper. T. II. pag. 166. Ed. Fran.

[† ] Ibid. 170.

[* ] Where speaking of Religion, as it stood in the Heathen Church, and in his own time; he confesses, “That as to the vulgar Disposition, there was no Remedy. Many even of the better sort wou’d be found, of course, to intermix with their Veneration and Esteem something of Terror or Fear in their religious Worship, which might give it perhaps the Character of SUPERSTITION: But that this Evil was a thousand times over-balanc’d by the Satisfaction, Hope, Joy, and Delight which attended religious Worship. This, says he, is plain and evident from the most demonstrable Testimonys. For neither the Societys, or Publick Meetings in the Temples, nor the Festivals themselves, nor any other diverting Partys, Sights, or Entertainments, are more delightful or rejoicing than what we our-selves behold, and act in the Divine Worship, and in the Holy Sacrifices and Mysterys which belong to it. Our Disposition and Temper is not, on this occasion, as if we were in the Presence of worldly Potentates, dread Sovereigns, and despotick Princes. Nor are we here found meanly humbling our-selves, crouching in Fear and Awe, and full of Anxiety and Confusion, as wou’d be natural to us in such a Case. But where the Divinity is esteem’d the nearest, and most immediately present, there Horrors and Amazements are the furthest banish’d; there the Heart, we find, gives freest way to Pleasure, to Entertainment, to Play, Mirth, Humour, and Diversion; and this even to an Excess.”

[* ]Supra, pag. 39.

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MISCELLANY II - Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristicks of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times, vol. 3 [1737]

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Part of: Characteristicks of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times, 3 vols.