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Roger Maynwaring, Religion and Alegiance - Joyce Lee Malcom, The Struggle for Sovereignty: Seventeenth-Century English Political Tracts, vol. 1 
The Struggle for Sovereignty: Seventeenth-Century English Political Tracts, 2 vols, ed. Joyce Lee Malcolm (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1999). Vol. 1.
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Roger Maynwaring, Religion and Alegiance
Roger Maynwaring, 1590-1653
IN TWO SERMONS
Preached before the Kings
The one on the fourth of Iuly, Anno 1627.
The other on the 29. of Iuly the same yeere,
ByRoger MaynwaringDoctor in Diuinitie, one of his Majesties Chaplaines in Ordinarie: and then, in his Month of Attendance.
By His Maiesties Speciall Command.
Printed by I. H. for Richard Badger.
Roger Maynwaring was to become notorious for the extreme divine right opinions set forth in the two sermons that composed his sole, printed work. A year after receiving his doctoral degree from Oxford, Maynwaring was appointed chaplain in ordinary to Charles I. In this capacity, in July 1627, he preached two sermons before the king, one on 4 July on religion, the other on 29 July on allegiance. The first of these is reprinted here. In it Maynwaring argues that Englishmen are bound, on pain of damnation, to pay all taxes and loans demanded by the king regardless of whether Parliament had given its consent. A month later the two sermons were published, apparently at the command of the king but the order was later attributed to the influence of Archbishop Laud.
When Parliament met in 1628 outraged members of the House of Commons drew up formal charges against Maynwaring accusing him of meaning to destroy Parliament. They sentenced him to prison during the pleasure of the house, fined him £1,000, and suspended him from his offices for three years. Contrite and frightened, Maynwaring appeared before the Commons to plead repentance. He was sent to the Fleet prison for the duration of the Parliament. At the members’ insistence, Charles also issued a proclamation “for the calling in and suppressing” of the two offending sermons.
Charles did not hide his sympathy for Maynwaring and his divine right views however. A month after Maynwaring was sentenced the king presented the offender to the living of Stanford Rivers, Essex. During the 1630s further royal preferments were showered upon Maynwaring, culminating in 1635 with his consecration to the bishopric of St. David’s.
When the Short Parliament met in March 1640, despite the press of other business, angry members of the Lords, where Maynwaring was now entitled to sit, promptly took up the issue of this last appointment and succeeded in depriving him of his vote. New charges were prepared against him, this time for popish innovations. When the Long Parliament met, members imprisoned Maynwaring, removing all his preferments. He died in 1653.
The volume in which Maynwaring’s two sermons appeared was published in two editions in 1627 and reprinted in 1667 and 1709.
The First Sermon, Preached before the Kings Majestie at Oatlands, on the fourth day of July, 1627.
I counsell thee, to keepe the Kings commandement, and that in regard of the oath of God.
Unity is the foundation of all difference and Distinction; Distinction the mother of Multitude; Multitude and number inferre Relation; which is the knot and confederation of things different, by reason of some Respect they beare unto each other. These Relations and Respects challenge Duties correspondent; according as they stand in distance or deerenesse, afarre off, or neere conjoined.
Of all Relations, the first and most originall is that betweene the Creator, and the Creature; whereby that which is made depends upon the Maker thereof, both in Constitution and Preservation: for which, the Creature doth ever owe to the Creator, the actuall & perpetuall performance of that, which, to its Nature is most agreeable: which duty is called Naturall. And sometimes also is the Creature bound to submit in those things, that are quite and cleane against the naturall, both inclination, and operation thereof; if the Creator’s pleasure be so to command it: which dutifull submission is called by the Divines, an Obedientiall capacity, in that which is made, by all meanes to doe homage to him that made it of meere nothing.
The next, is that betweene Husband and Spouse; a respect, which even Ethnick Antiquity called and accounted Sacred: the foule violation of which sacred Bed and bond of Matrimony, was ever counted hainous; and justly recompenced with that wound and dishonour, that could never bee blotted out.
Upon this, followed that third bond of reference which is betweene Parents, and Children; where, if dutifull obedience be not performed by them that received, to them that gave their being; the malediction is no lesse than this, that their light shall be put out in obscure darkenesse, the Ravens of the valleyes to picke out their eyes, and the young Eagles to eate them up.
In the fourth place, did likewise accrew that necessary dependance of the Servant on his Lord; God having so ordained, that the eyes of Servants should looke unto the hand of their Masters; and the eyes of the Hand-maid, unto the hand of her Mistresse.
From all which forenamed Respects, there did arise that most high, sacred, and transcendent Relation, which naturally growes betweene The Lord’s Anointed, and their loyall Subjects: to, and over whom, their lawfull Soveraignes are no lesse than Fathers, Lords, Kings, and Gods on earth.
Now, as the Duties comporting with all these severall Relations, if they shall be answerably done, are the cause of all the prosperity, happinesse, and felicity which doth befall them in their severall stations: so is it, in the world, the only cause of all tranquillity, peace, and order; and those things, which distinction, number, and disparitie of Condition have made Different, it most effectually reduceth to Union: that, as of One there arose many, so, by this means, doe Multitudes become to bee made One againe. Which happy Reunion, Nature doth by all meanes much affect: but the effecting thereof is the maine and most gratious worke of Religion. Which the wisdome of Salomon well seeing, and the Spirit that was in him well searching into, hee sends forth the sententious dictates of his divine and Royall wisdome, fenced with no lesse reason, than the fortresse of Religion; in these words following: I counsel thee, to keepe the King’s commandement, and that in regard of the oath of God.
This is God’s Text, and the King’s: and for the sake of all Kings was it written. And as the King is the sacred & supreme Head of two Bodies, the one Spirituall, the other Secular: so, this high and royall Text containes in it two parts correspondent: The one Civill, which is a Counsell of State, or a politique caution; I counsell thee to keepe theKing’s commandement: the other Spirituall, which is a devout or religious reason; And that in regard of the oath of God. The First part is founded upon the Second; the Second is the ground of the First: Religion the stay of Politie; which, if it be truly taught, devoutly followed, & sincerely practiced, is the roote of all virtues; the foundation of all well-ordered Commonweales; and the well-head, from whence, all, even temporall felicity doth flow. The zeale, and fervor of which Religion, if at any time it fall into a wane or declination, contempt or derision, portends evermore, the Ruine and desolation of that State and Kingdome, where, the service and worship of him who sits in heaven, is set at naught: and fills the world with terrible examples of God’s revenging Justice, and most irefull indignation.
Now, in the first part, doe lie these particulars.
1. First, there is Rex, a King.
2. Secondly, Mandatum Regis, the Commandement of a King.
3. Then, Custodia Mandati, the Keeping of, and obedience to this Commandement.
4. After this, Consilium, Counsell to pursue, and practise this obedience.
And lastly, the Counsellor, who gives this most divine and Royall Counsell; which is no lesse than Salomon: who (as wee all know) was,
1. A King, and the Sonne of a King.
2. A King, and the wisest of all Kings.
3. A King, and a Preaching King.
4. A King, and a very Faire (if not the Fairest and clearest) Type of him, who was the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.
To ingeminate againe, the parts of the Text: 1. Rex, a King: and what is higher (in heaven or earth) than a King? God only excepted, who is excelso excelsior: higher than the highest. 2. Mandatum Regis: and what is stronger than it? For ver. 4. Sermo eius potestate plenus. 3. Obedience to this Commandement: and what more rightfull, just, and equall with men? what with God more acceptable? 4. Counsell, to follow this: what more needfull, wise, or gratious? 5. And all this from such a Counsellor, than which, none ever greater, but he alone, of whom it was said, Ecce plus quàm Salomon, hîc: Behold, a greater than Salomon, is here.
A King: This is the Suppositum, or Person on whose behalfe this Counsell is given: and it is a Rule of that Science, whose Maximes are priviledged from errour; that, Actiones sunt suppositorum; Individualls challenge all activity as peculiar unto them. Now, all things that worke, and have any operation, must (of necessity) worke by some Power, or ability which is in them. All Power is either such as is Created, and derived from some higher Cause, or such, as is Uncreated, and Independent. Of this last kinde, is that Power which is in God alone; who is selfe-able in all things, and most puissant of himself, and from, and by no other. All Powers created are of God; no power, unlesse it bee given from above. And all powers, that are of this sort, are ordained of God. Among all the Powers that be ordained of God, the Regall is most high, strong and large: Kings above all, inferiour to none, to no man, to no multitudes of men, to no Angell, to no order of Angels. For though in Nature, Order, and Place, the Angels be superiour to men: yet, to Powers and persons Royall, they are not, in regard of any dependence that Princes have of them. Their Power then the highest. No Power, in the world, or in the Hierarchy of the Church, can lay restraint upon these supreames; therefore theirs the strongest. And the largest it is, for that no parts within their Dominions, no persons under their Jurisdictions (be they never so great) can be priviledged from their Power; nor bee exempted from their care, bee they never so meane. To this Power, the highest and greatest Peere must stoope, and cast downe his Coronet, at the footstoole of his Soveraigne. The poorest creature, which lieth by the wall, or goes by the highwayside, is not without sundry and sensible tokens of that sweet and Royall care, and providence; which extendeth itselfe to the lowest of his Subjects. The way, they passe by, is the King’s highway. The Lawes, which make provision for their reliefe, take their binding force from the Supreame will of their Liege-Lord. The bread, that feedes their hungry soules, the poore ragges, which hide their nakedness, all are the fruit and superfluity of that happie plenty and abundance caused by a wise and peaceable government. Whereas, if we should come to heare the dreadfull and confused noyse of warre, and to see those garments rolled in blood, if plough-shares should bee turned into swords, and sythes into speares; then Famine of bread, and cleanesse of teeth, and dearth of all good things, would bee the just and most deserved punishment, of all, both their, and our sinnes.
Now, to this high, large, and most constraining Power of Kings, not only Nature, but even God himselfe gives from heaven, most full and ample Testimonie: and that this Power is not meerely human, but Superhuman, and indeed no lesse than a Power Divine. Though Majesty (saith Herodotus) be shrouded under Mortality, yet is it endowed with such a Power from above, as beares no small resemblance with the Deity. For if it were of men, or if that Power which is dispersed in Communities and multitudes, were collected and settled in the King; then might this Power be thought human, and to rise from men. But, because God would have men to conceive quite otherwise of Regal Soveraignty; therefore himselfe pronounceth this of them, who weare Crownes on their heads, sit upon Thrones, and with Scepters in their hands rule Nations; I said yee are Gods.
That sublime Power therefore which resides in earthly Potentates, is not a Derivation, or Collection of human power scattered among many, and gathered into one head, but a participation of God’s owne Omnipotency, which hee never did communicate to any multitudes of men in the world, but, only, and immediately, to his owne Vicegerents. And, that is his meaning when he saith, By me Kings raigne; Kings they are, by my immediate constitution; and by me also, doe they Rule, and exercise their so high and large Authoritie.
This therefore may be well conceived to be the cause, wherefore God doth pleade in Scripture, and that so mainely, not only for the Soveraignty, but also for the Security of his Anointed; I said yee are Gods: and he saith it in no secret, but standing in Synagoga Deorum; for so the Psalme begins, as if he would have all the world take knowledge of what he said. Then, Per me Reges regnant. After that, Nolite tangere Christos meos. And lastly, Curse not the King; Ne detrahas Regi (sayes the Vulgar) Traduce not, detract not from the King. Put all together, 1. I said yee are Gods. 2. By me Kings raigne. 3. Touch not mine Anointed. 4. And speake not amisse of the King, no not in thy secret thought. And take we these sentences asunder againe, thus:
1. I said yee are Gods: there’s their sublime and independent Soveraigntie.
2. Per me Reges regnant: there’s their unresistable Authority.
3. Nolite tangere Christos meos: there’s their sacred and anointed Majestie, with the security of their royall State, and persons.
4. In cogitatione tuâ, Regi ne detrahas: speake not ill of the King, in thy thought: there’s the tendering, and preserving of their great and precious Names from obloquie; and the safety, and indemnity of their Royall fame and glorie.
To put then, an end to this first point: Royalty is an Honour, wherein, Kings are stated immediately from God. Fathers they are, & who gave Fathers Authority over their Families, but hee alone, from whom all the Fatherhood in heaven and earth is named? The power of Princes then, is both Naturall, and Divine, not from any consent or allowance of men. And hee that gaine-says this, transgreditur terminos quos posuêrunt Patres, saith Antonine. Not therefore, in any consent of Men, not in Grace, not in any Municipall Law, or Locall custome, not in any law Nationall, nor yet in the law of Nations, which, consent of men, and tract of time, hath made forcible; not finally, in the Pope, or any People is Regall preheminencie founded; for Adam had Dominion setled in him, before ever there was either Pope, or People. Neither Popes nor Populous Multitudes have any right to give, or take, in this case. So that Royalty is a Prehemencie wherein Monarches are invested, immediately from God; For by him doe they raigne. And likewise Sacred to God himselfe; For hee who toucheth them, toucheth the apple of God’s owne eye: and therefore, Touch not mine anointed.
Supreame also it is, and Independent upon any Man, Men, or Angels; and for this saith he; They are Gods: whose glorious and dreadfull Names, must not bee medled with by any wicked tongues, or pennes, nor mingled with any lewd perverse or depraving thoughts; and for this, Curse not the King in thy thought.
And yet notwithstanding this; they are to bee sustained, and supplied by the hands and helpes of men; for the King himselfe is served by the field; & Reddite quae Caesaris, Caesari: Render as due, not give as arbitrary, for, for this cause pay wee tribute, saith the great Apostle. God alone it is, who hath set Crownes on their heads, put scepters, yea and revenging swords into their hands, setled them in their thrones; for this, doe their Royalties render to God (as a due debt) that great Care, Paines, and Providence which they sustaine in the ruling over, and preserving of their people in wealth, peace, and godlinesse: and for this, doe the people render, as due, to them againe, by naturall and originall Justice, tribute, to whom tribute, custome, to whom custome appertaineth.
The second point was, Mandatum Regis; the Commandement of the King. Now, a Mandate or Commaund is a signification of his will, who hath power to send it forth. Five severall Intimations of the will are observed by the Divines. 1. Either, when a man doth undertake the transacting, and doing of anything himselfe, and that is cleere intimation of his will, by reason that all actions rise from the will: whose proper sway is, to set on worke all the power of the soule, and parts of the body. Or 2. when some Counsell is given for ought to be dispatched, by which the Will and Pleasure of him who gives the Counsell, is signified; and that which is counselled, is shewne possible to be done, and that, in reason, it ought not to be left undone. 3. The Permitting also of anything to be done, where there is power to hinder it, is a cleere intimation (at least), of a kinde of resolution, to have it done. But 4. the Resolute and Mandatory forbidding, Or 5. commanding of anything, is the most undoubted and expresse declaration of his will, who hath Power and Jurisdiction, so to derive his pleasure.
Now then, a Commandement is an act descending from three most eminent faculties of the human soule. First, from the Understanding, finding out by exact discourse, advice, and counsell, what is to be done, by which extensions of reason, the Intellectual part drawes to practise. Secondly, from the Judgement, decreeing and resolving what is the meetest to bee done, amongst many particulars. And lastly, from the Imperiall sway of the Will, which fastens a Command on all other powers, to doe their parts, for the dispatch of such designes, as Reason hath found out, and Judgement thought meete or necessary to be done.
To draw then towards some conclusion of the point in hand; All the significations of a Royall pleasure, are, and ought to be, to all Loyall Subjects, in the nature, and force of a Command. As well, for that none may, nor can search into the high discourse, and deepe Counsells of Kings; seeing their hearts are so deepe, by reason of their distance from common men, even as the heavens are in respect of the earth. Therefore said he, who was wise in heart, and deepe in Counsell, The heavens for height, and the earth for depth, and the heart of a King is unsearchable. As also, for that none may dare to call in question the Judgement of a King, because, the heart of a King is in the hand of God, and hee turneth it which way hee pleaseth. Who then may question that, which, God doth proclaime from heaven to bee in his hands, and at his guidance? And for his Soveraigne will (which gives a binding force, to all his Royall Edicts, concluded out of the Reasons of State, and depth of Counsell) who may dare resist it, without incurable waste and breach of Conscience? seeing the Apostle speakes under termes of so great terrour; that he who resists commits a sinne done with an high hand, for he resists the ordinance of God: and so contracts an hainous guilt, and incurres likewise the heaviest punishment: for, to his owne soule doth he receive Damnation.
Nay, though any King in the world should command flatly against the Law of God, yet were his Power no otherwise at all, to be resisted, but, for the not doing of His will, in that which is cleerely unlawfull, to indure with patience, whatsoever penalty His pleasure should inflict upon them, who in this case would desire rather to obey God than Man. By which patient and meeke suffering of their Soveraigne’s pleasure, they should become glorious Martyrs: whereas, by resisting of His will, they should forever endure the paine, and staine of odious Traitors, and impious Malefactors.
But, on the other side; if any King shall command that, which stands not in any opposition to the originall Lawes of God, Nature, Nations, and the Gospell; (though it be not correspondent in every circumstance, to Lawes Nationall, and Municipall) no Subject may, without hazard of his own Damnation, in rebelling against God, question, or disobey the will and pleasure of his Soveraigne. For, as a Father of the Countrey, hee commands what his pleasure is, out of counsell and judgement. As a King of Subjects, he injoines it. As a Lord over God’s inheritance, hee exacts it. As a Supreame head of the body, he adviseth it. As a Defendour of the Faith, hee requires it as their homage. As a Protectour of their persons, lives, and states, he deserves it. And as the Soveraigne procurer of all the happinesse, peace, and welfare, which they enjoy, who are under him, hee doth most justly claime it at their hands. To Kings therefore, in all these respects, nothing can be denied (without manifest and sinfull violation of Law and Conscience) that may answer their Royall state and Excellency: that may further the supply of their Urgent Necessities: that may be for the security of their Royall persons (whose lives are worth millions of others): that may serve for the Protection of their Kingdomes, Territories, and Dominions: that may enable them to yeeld Reliefe, aide, and succour to their deere & Royall Confederates & Allies: or that may be for the defence, and Propagation of that sacred and precious Truth; the publique profession whereof, They doe maintaine by their Lawes, and Prerogatives Royall.
The third point is Obedience. Obedience is a willing and Understanding act of an Inferiour, done at the command, and to the honour of a Superiour. Reasonable then, and Willing, must it be. Violenced-duties, forced and extorted actions, are not within the compasse of true Obedience. Voluntary service is that which pleaseth God and Man. And so well doth this suit with the nature of God, (to whom all things ought to yeeld most willing obedience) that hee pronounceth it better than sacrifice, and to hearken, better than the fat of Rammes.
Every will therefore, and Inclination that is in the Creature, is charged with the dutie of Obedience toward the Maker of it. To this end, God hath planted a double Capacity, and possibility in the Creature, to submit to his pleasure. The one is Naturall, by which, the Creature, in all its actions, that follow, and flow from its forme, doth actually and perpetually serve the Creatour: as the Heavens, in moving; the Earth, in standing still; the Fire, in burning; the Air, and Water, in refreshing, cooling, and flowing.
The other capacity, is called Obedientiall: whereby the Creature is ever ready to doe that which is contrary to its owne Nature; if the Maker’s pleasure bee to command it so. And with this Obedience, did the Earth fearefully shrinke, and fall asunder, to swallow up those Rebells against God, and the King; so to give them a sudden and ready passage into hell, by a direct and streight diameter. Thus, did the waters stand on heapes, and leave the Channell dry, that God’s people might finde a marvelous way, and his enemies a strange death. Thus, did stones yeeld to be lifted up against their nature, into the air, that they might fall backe, and recoile with greater violence; to bruise and braine the enemies of his people. Thus, did the Fire of the Babilonian-Furnace refresh the three Children. And thus, in fine, did the Sunne stand still in Gibeon, and the Moone, in the Valley of Aialon; to give the longer light, and lesser heate to them, who fought for him, that made both Sunne and Moone.
Now, this Power which God hath over, & this kinde of Subjection which he receives from the Creature, is a priviledge, and prerogative, which God hath reserved only to himselfe; and not communicated, at any time, to any King, or Caesar, to have, or to receive Regularly: but only, by way of Impetration, and extraordinary Dispensation, for dispatch of some miraculous worke, as it was in Moses, and Josuah.
All the Obedience therefore, that Man can challenge from man, is, in part, Naturall; as agreeable and convenient to their inclinations: and, in part, Morall, in as much as it is Free and Willing. And this, of right, may every Superiour exact of his Inferiour, as a due debt. And every Inferiour must yeeld it unto his lawfull Superiour, for the same reason. Children, to Parents, in discipline, and Domesticalls: Servants, to their Lords, in their respective and obliged duties: Souldiers, to their Commanders, in Martiall affaires, and feates of Armes: People, to their Pastours, in Conscientious-duties and matters of Salvation: Subjects, to their lawfull Soveraignes, in the high Concernements, of State and Policie. And This is that Obedience, wherewith we are all charged in this Text, by the Word of God, and Wisdome of Salomon.
To draw then toward an end of this third point: We may observe, that, in the Text, there is a double, nay a treble Majestie: The Divine Majestie of him, who is the Living God, and everlasting King; The Majestie of King Salomon, that gives the Counsell; And the Majestie of all Kings, on whose behalfe this Counsell is given. And, did we well consider the King, that gives the Counsell; and the King, that is now to receive the Obedience; and the King, for whose sake it is to be given; and the Reason, why: In regard of the oath of God: it were reason sufficient, without any more adoe, to perswade all Rationall-men, to accept of this Counsell.
But, there be Pretenders of Conscience, against Obedience; of Religion, against Allegiance; of Human Lawes, against Divine; of Positive, against Naturall; and so, of Man’s Wisdome, against the will and wisdome of God; and of their owne Counsells, against the Counsell of Salomon. These men (no doubt) may bee wise in their generation; but wiser than Salomon no man can thinke them: nor (as I hope) doe they thinke themselves so, for if they did, of such there were little hope. Some there were, in the days of Justin Martyr, who were so strongly conceited of their owne wayes, as to thinke themselves wiser than the Scriptures. Upon them, and the like, Saint Augustine, (against the Donatists), lets fall this sentence, as an heavy beame to bruise their hairy scalps: They (saith he) who preferre their owne desires of contention, before divine and human testimonies; deserve, that, neither their words should be ever held for Lawes, nor their deeds taken for Precedents. Now therefore, Salomon’s wisdome is great, and his Counsell deepe, and able to perswade; and, if these men’s wisdome be from above, as Salomon’s was, it is no doubt perswadeable. And, if I wisht it were, and that they would be perswaded, (as some have beene) I would propound unto their view, a few short Considerations, which, (if they would please well, and seriously to weigh them) might (with facility) remove, as well, all their Speculative, as, Practique errours.
First, if they would please to consider, that, though such Assemblies, as are the Highest, and greatest Representations of a Kingdome, be most Sacred and honourable, and necessary also for those ends to which they were at first instituted: yet know we must, that, ordained they were not to this end, to contribute any Right to Kings, whereby to challenge Tributary aides and Subsidiary helpes;1 but for the more equall Imposing, and more easie Exacting of that, which, unto Kings doth appertaine, by Naturall and Originall Law, and Justice; as their proper Inheritance annexed to their Imperiall Crownes, from their very births. And therefore, if, by a Magistrate, that is Supreame; if, upon Necessity, extreame and urgent; such Subsidiary helpes be required: a Proportion being held respectively to the abilities of the Persons charged, and the Summe, or Quantity so required, surmount not (too remarkeably) the use and charge for which it was levied; very hard would it be for any man in the world, that should not accordingly satisfie such demaunds; to defend his Conscience, from that heavy prejudice of resisting the Ordinance of God, and receiving to himselfe Damnation: though every of those Circumstances be not observed, which by the Municipall Lawes is required.
Secondly, if they would consider the Importunities, that often may be; the urgent and pressing Necessities of State, that cannot stay (without certaine and apparent danger) for the Motion, and Revolution of so great and vast a body, as such Assemblies are; nor yet abide those long and pawsing Deliberations, when they are assembled; nor stand upon the answering of those jealous and overwary cautions, and objections made by some, who (wedded over-much to the love of Epidemicall and Popular errours) are bent to crosse the Just and lawfull designes of their wise and gratious Soveraignes: and that, under the plausible shewes of singular liberty, and freedome; which, if their Consciences might speake, would appeare nothing more than the satisfying either of private humours, passions, or purposes.
In the third place; if they would well weigh the Importance, weight, and moment of the present affaires; for which such helpes are required.
1. It is for the honour of his Sacred Majestie; and to enable him to do that which he hath promised in the word of a King: that is, to give supplie to those Warres, which, the Resolutions of his owne Subjects represented in the high Court of Parliament, caused him to undertake; and that, with the highest Protestations, and fullest Assurances from them, to yeeld him all those Subsidiarie helpes that way, which, the Power, or Love of Subjects, could possibly reach unto.
2. It is for the Security of his Royall State and Person, which ought ever to be most deare and tender unto us: his Life being worth Millions of ours.
3. It is for the Safety and Protection of his Majestie’s Kingdomes, Territories, and Dominions.
4. It is for the Reliefe, and Succour of his Royall and Confederate Uncle the King of Denmarke; who, in a Cause that much neerer concernes us, than it doth himselfe, hath hazarded his life, Crowne, and Kingdome; as they well know.
5. It is also, for the Securing, and Preserving of all our Lives, Goods and States, and the Preventing of Forreigne Invasions, by bitter and subtile enemies of ours, both intended, and projected.
6. And lastly: It is for the Defence, and Propagation of that Sacred and Precious Truth, which we all professe to follow, protest our Interest in, and resolve to die for; if need require, and occasion bee offered.
Fourthly, if they would Consider, what Treasures of wealth are dispended within this Realme, upon purposes of infinite less importance: Nay, to lewd & vile uses, much is spent and with wonderfull alacrity quite cast away: what within, and what without the body; upon backe, and belly, upon fingers, and feete, Rings and Roses, rioting, and drunkennesse, in chambering, and wantonnesse, in pride, and vanity, in lust, and luxury, in strife, and envie; So that, if God come to claime his Tenth, or the King his Tribute, the Devill is gone away with all. So that, we cannot say, as Saint Augustine yet sometimes said, Quod non accipit Christus, tollit fiscus: but where the Devill hath devoured all, there, God and the King, doe loose their right. Mundus totus in maligno positus.
Fifthly, if they would consider, what Advantage this their Recusancy in Temporalls gives to the common Adversarie: who, for disobedience in Spiritualls, hath hitherto alone inherited that Name. For, that, which we ourselves condemne in them, blame them for so doing, and professe to hate that Religion, that teacheth them so to doe; that is, to refuse Subjection unto Princes, in Spiritualls: The same (if not worse) some of our owne side now (if ours they be) dare to practise. For, in Temporalls they submit to his Majestie; though he be no Defendour, but a Suppressour of their Religion. Of their Lives, and States, indeed, his Majestie is a most gratious Protector; but of their Religion not so. Of our Lives, States, Faith, and Religion, is his Sacred Majestie a most gratious Defendour, by his Lawes, and Prerogative Royall; and in his owne Person, a most glorious Example of zealous and active Devotion. Therefore, wee must needs bee argued of lesse Conscience, and more ingratitude, both to God, and the King; if in Temporall things we obey not. They, in Spiritualls, deny Subjection, wherein they may perhaps frame unto themselves some reasons of probabilitie, that their offence is not so hainous. If we, in Temporalls, shall bee Refractary, what colour of reason can possibly we finde out, to make our defence withall, without the utter shaming of ourselves, and laying a staine (that cannot easily be washed out) upon that Religion, which his Majestie doth so gratiously maintaine, and ourselves Professe?
And last of all, (to conclude) if they would consider and know, that hee who doth not, upon the former reasons and Considerations, yeeld all willing Obedience to this Counsell of grace; and observe the Command of his Soveraigne; as Salomon here adviseth: is so farre from being a good man, or a good Christian, or a good Subject, that he is not worthy to be reputed amongst the Reasonables; but such as the Apostle calls absurd and unreasonable men. And, if they shall now at length thinke upon this Transcendent dutie, to doe it with all Obedience, and Alacritie; to God, shall they doe that, which, to him, will be most acceptable: to his Anointed, shall they give great content, in the performance of that promise, we all made to his Majestie, by way of Representation, in that high and honourable Court of Parliament: to their deere and Native Countrie, shall they doe that, which, by Nature they are bound to doe: to themselves, shall they doe well, yea, their owne soules shall they reward with good, and their Consciences with perpetuall Peace. Amen.
Et sic, liberavi animam meam.
[1. ]The “Tributary aides and Subsidiary helpes” in question are probably the forced loans levied in 1626. These loans differed from earlier forced loans because all subsidy payers were assessed. They seemed to constitute taxation without parliamentary approval.