- Correspondence and Miscellaneous Writings 1779–1781 ( Continued )
- 1780 - to the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To General Washington
- To — ? 1
- To General Washington
- To General Baron De Riedesel 1
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To General Washington
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison 1 )
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To General Washington
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To the Committee of Congress At Headquarters
- To General Edward Stevens
- To James Madison 1
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- To General Washington
- To General Edward Stevens
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To General Edward Stevens
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To Brigadier-general Edward Stevens
- To General Washington
- To General Washington
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To General Washington
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To the Virginia Delegates In Congress
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To the Delegates of Virginia In Congress
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates 1 (benjamin Harrison)
- To General Washington
- To Brigadier-general Edward Stevens
- To Lieut. John Louis De Unger 1
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To General Washington
- To Major Wall 1
- To — ? 1
- To the County Lieutenants of Hampshire and Berkeley
- To Rowland Madison
- To Brigadier-general George Rogers Clark
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- Extracts From Diary 1
- 1781 - to the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- Circular - Letter to the County Lieutenants of Henrico, Hanover, Goochland, Fluvanna, Albemarle, Amherst, Chesterfield, Powhatan, Cumberland, Dinwiddie, Amelia, Buckingham, Bedford, Halifax, Charlotte, Prince Edward, Lunenburg, Mecklinburg, Sussex, Southh
- Circular-letter to the County Lieutenants of Shenandoah, Rockingham, Augusta, and Rockbridge
- Circular-letter to the County Lieutenants of Henrico, Hanover, Goochland, Powhatan, and Chesterfield
- To Colonel Francis Taylor
- To Colonel Richard Meade
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To Colonel John Nicholas
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To the Governor of Maryland 1 (thomas Sim Lee)
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- To Jacob Wray
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson.
- To the Virginia Delegates In Congress
- To Major-general Nathanael Greene
- To the Governor of North Carolina (abner Nash)
- To the President of Congress
- To the Virginia Delegates In Congress
- Circular-letter to the County Lieutenants
- Proclamation Concerning Paroles 1
- Circular-letter to the County Magistrates
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- Proclamation Convening Assembly 1
- Circular-letter to Members of the General Assembly
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- To the Virginia Delegates In Congress
- To Benjamin Harrison 1
- To — 1
- To the Governor of Maryland (thomas Sim Lee)
- Proclamation Concerning Foreigners
- To Benjamin Harrison
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To Colonel Theodoric Bland
- To Major-general Nathanael Greene
- To Brigadier-general George Rogers Clark
- Circular-letter to County Lieutenants
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- Circular Letter to the County Lieutenants of Berkeley and Frederick
- To Major-general Nathanael Greene
- To General Washington
- To Major-general Horatio Gates (?)
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- To Brigadier-general George Rogers Clark
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To Brigadier-general Thomas Nelson
- To Colonel James Innes
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To Brigadier-general Robert Lawson
- To the Officer Commanding the Naval Force of His Most Christian Majesty On the Coast of Virginia (jean Le Gardeur Chevalier De Tilley)
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To Mrs. William Byrd (nÉe Mary Willing)
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates 1 (richard Henry Lee)
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (richard Henry Lee)
- To Colonel Edward Carrington
- To the Speakers of the General Assembly of North Carolina
- To the Governor of Maryland (thomas Sim Lee)
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To the President of Congress. 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (richard Henry Lee)
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To Major-general Marquis De La Fayette
- To the Speaker of the General Assembly 1 (richard Henry Lee)
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To the Virginia Delegates In Congress
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (richard Henry Lee)
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To His Excellency the President of Congress
- To Brigadier-general George Weedon
- To Major-general Marquis De Lafayette
- To the Commanding Officer of the British Force At Portsmouth (major-general Benedict Arnold)
- Circular-letter to the County Lieutenants
- To the Rev. James Madison and Robert Andrews
- To the President of Congress (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Phillips, Or Other the Commanding Officer of the Forces of His Britannic Majesty By Sea Or By Land In Virginia
- Correspondence and Miscellaneous Writings 1781–1782
- To Major-general Nathanael Greene
- To the Virginia Delegates In Congress
- To Rev. James Madison
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To the French Minister (chevalier De La Luzbrne)
- Circular Letter to the County Lieutenants
- To Colonel Oliver Towels
- To Colonels Skinner and Garrard
- To David Jamieson 1
- To the President of Pennsylvania (joseph Reed)
- To the President of Pennsylvania (joseph Reed)
- To Colonel James Innes
- To Colonel Benjamin Harrison
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- To the President of Congress 1 (samuel Huntington)
- To Major-general Baron Steuben 1
- To Colonel Vanmeter
- To Major-general Baron Steuben
- Circular Letter to Members of the General Assembly For the Counties of Fluvanna, Albemarle, Louisa, Caroline, King William, New Kent, Charles City, Prince George, Dinwiddie, Amelia, Cumberland, Powhatan, Goochland, Henrico, Hanover, and Chesterfield
- To Colonel James Innes
- To Colonel Abraham Penn
- Circular Letter to the County Lieutenants of Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Greensville, Brunswick, Amelia and Cumberland
- To General Washington
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To Colonel Fleming and Brigadier-general Andrew Lewis
- To Marquis Major-general De La Fayette
- Circular Letter to the Persons Appointed By the Marquis Fayette to Remove Horses Out of the Route of the Enemy
- To General Washington 1
- To the Speaker of the House of Delegates (benjamin Harrison)
- To Major-general Marquis De La Fayette
- To Major-general Marquis La Fayette 1
- To Edmund Randolph
- To General Washington
- To Major-general Horatio Gates
- 1782 - to James Madison
- To the Governor of Virginia 1 (benjamin Harrison)
- To Colonel James Monroe
- To the Governor of Virginia (benjamin Harrison)
- To Robert R. Livingston
- To James Steptoe
- To FranÇois Jean, Chevalier De Chastellux
- To James Madison
- Advertisement 1
- Notes On Virginia 1782
- Query I an Exact Description of the Limits and Boundaries of the State of Virginia?
- Query Ii a Notice of Its Rivers, Rivulets, and How Far They Are Navigable?
- Query Iii a Notice of the Best-seaports of the State, and How Big Are the Vessels They Can Receive?
- Query Iv a Notice of Its Mountains?
- Query V Its Cascades and Caverns?
- Query Vi a Notice of the Mines and Other Subterraneous Riches; Its Trees, Plants, Fruits, &c.
- Query Vii a Notice of All What Can Increase the Progress of Human Knowledge?
- Query Viii the Number of Its Inhabitants?
- Query Ix the Number and Condition of the Militia and Regular Troops, and Their Pay?
- Query X the Marine?
- Query Xi a Description of the Indians Established In That State?
QUERY XI
A description of the Indians established in that State?
When the first effectual settlement of our colony was made, which was in 1607, the country from the sea-coast to the mountains, and from the Patowmac to the most southern waters of James river, was occupied by upwards of forty different tribes of Indians. Of these the Powhatans, the Mannahoacs, and Monacans, were the most powerful. Those between the sea-coast and falls of the rivers, were in amity with one another, and attached to the Powhatans as their link of union. Those between the falls of the rivers and the mountains, were divided into two confederacies; the tribes inhabiting the head waters of Patowmac and Rappahannoc, being attached to the Mannahoacs; and those on the upper parts of James river to the Monacans. But the Monacans and their friends were in amity with the Mannahoacs and their friends, and waged joint and perpetual war against [167] the Powhatans. We are told that the Powhatans, Mannahoacs, and Monacans, spoke languages so radically different, that interpreters were necessary when they transacted business. Hence we may conjecture, that this was not the case between all the tribes, and, probably, that each spoke the language of the nation to which it was attached; which we know to have been the case in many particular instances. Very possibly there may have been anciently three different stocks, each of which multiplying in a long course of time, had separated into so many little societies, the principles of their government being so weak as to give this liberty of all its members.
The territories of the Powhatan confederacy south of the Patowmac, comprehended about 8000 square miles, 30 tribes, and 2400 warriors. Captain Smith tells us, that within 60 miles of James town were 5000 people, of whom 1500 were warriors. From this we find the proportion of their warriors to their whole inhabitants, was as 3 to 10. The Powhatan confederacy, then, would consist of about 8000 inhabitants, which was one for every square [168] mile; being about the twentieth part of our present population in the same territory, and the hundredth of that of the British islands.
Besides these were the Nòttoways, living on Nottoway river, the Mehèrrins and Tùteloes on Meherrin river, who were connected with the Indians of Carolina, probably with the Chòwanocs. [169]
The preceding table contains a state of these several tribes, according to their confederacies and geographical situations, with their numbers when we first became acquainted with them, where these numbers are known. The numbers of some of them are again stated as they were in the year 1669, when an attempt was made by the assembly to enumerate them. Probably the enumeration is imperfect, and in some measure conjectural, and that a farther search into the records would furnish many more particulars. What would be the melancholy sequel of their history, may, however, be argued from the census of 1669; by which we discover that the tribes therein enumerated were, in the space of 62 years,
reduced to about one-third of their former numbers. Spirituous liquors, the small-pox, war, and an abridgement of territory to a people who lived principally on the spontaneous productions of nature, had committed terrible havoc among them, which generation, under the obstacles opposed to it among them, was not likely to make good. That the lands of this country were taken from them by conquest, is not so general a truth as is supposed. I [170] find in our historians and records, repeated proofs of purchase, which cover a considerable part of the lower country; and many more would doubtless be found on further search. The upper country, we know, has been acquired altogether by purchases made in the most unexceptionable form.
Westward of all these tribes, beyond the mountains, and extending to the great lakes, were the Massawòmecs, a most powerful confederacy, who harrassed unremittingly the Powhatàns and Manahoàcs. These were probably the ancestors of tribes known at present by the name of the Six Nations.
Very little can now be discovered of the subsequent history of these tribes severally. The Chickahòminies removed about the year 1661, to Mattapony river. Their chief, with one from each of the Pamùnkies and Màttaponies, attended the treaty of Albany in 1685. This seems to have been the last chapter in their history. They retained, however, their separate name so late as 1705, and were at length blended with the Pamùnkies and Màttaponies, and exist at present only under their names. There remain of the Màttaponies three or four men only, and they [171] have more negro than Indian blood in them. They have lost their language, have reduced themselves, by voluntary sales, to about fifty acres of land, which lie on the river of their own name, and have from time to time, been joining the Pamùnkies, from whom they are distant but 10 miles. The Pamùnkies are reduced to about 10 or 12 men, tolerably pure from mixture with other colors. The older ones among them preserve their language in a small degree, which are the last vestiges on earth, as far as we know, of the Powhatan language. They have about 300 acres of very fertile land, on Pamunkey river, so encompassed by water that a gate shuts in the whole. Of the Nottoways, not a male is left. A few women constitute the remains of that tribe. They are seated on the Nottoway river, in Southampton country, on very fertile lands. At a very early period, certain lands were marked out and appropriated to these tribes, and were kept from encroachment by the authority of the laws. They have usually had trustees appointed, whose duty was to watch over their interests, and guard them from insult and injury. [172]
The Mònacans and their friends, better known latterly by the name of Tuscaròras, were probably connected with the Massawòmecs, or Five nations. For though we are told their languages were so different that the intervention of interpreters was necessary between them, yet do we also learn that the Erigas, a nation formerly inhabiting on the Ohio, were of the same original stock with the Five Nations, and that they partook also of the Tuscaròra language. Their dialects might, by long separation, have become so unlike as to be unintelligible to one another. We know that in 1712, the Five nations received the Tuscaròras into their confederacy, and made them the Sixth nation. They received the Mehèrrins and Tùteloes also into their protection: and it is most probable, that the remains of many other of the tribes, of whom we find no particular account, retired westwardly in like manner, and were incorporated with one or the other of the western tribes. [173]
I know of no such thing existing as an Indian monument; for I would not honor with that name arrow points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half shapen images. Of labor on the large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common ditch for the draining of lands; unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of which many are to be found all over this country. These are of different sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all; but on what particular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have thought they covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of interment. Some ascribed them to the custom, said to prevail among the Indians, of collecting, at certain periods, the bones of all their dead, wheresoever deposited at the time of death. Others again supposed them the general sepulchres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds; and this opinion was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, (those constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile meadow-grounds on [174] river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down from the aboriginal Indians, that, when they settled in a town, the first person who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support him; that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the second reclined against him, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. There being one of these in my neighborhood, I wished to satisfy myself whether any, and which of these opinions were just. For this purpose I determined to open and examine it thoroughly. It was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, on which had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidical form, of about 40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about twelve feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with trees of twelve inches diameter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock [175] was formed. I first dug superficially in several parts of it, and came to collections of human bones, at different depths, from six inches to three feet below the surface. These were lying in the utmost confusion, some vertical, some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass, entangled and held together in clusters by the earth. Bones of the most distant parts were found together, as, for instance, the small bones of the foot in the hollow of a scull; many sculls would sometimes be in contact, lying on the face, on the side, on the back, top or bottom, so as, on the whole, to give the idea of bones emptied promiscuously from a bag or a basket, and covered over with earth, without any attention to their order. The bones of which the greatest numbers remained, were sculls, jaw bones, teeth, the bones of the arms, thighs, legs, feet and hands. A few ribs remained, some vertebræ of the neck and spine, without their processes, and one instance only of the bone which serves [176] as a base to the vertebral column. The sculls were so tender, that they generally fell to pieces on being touched. The other bones were stronger. There were some teeth which were judged to be smaller than those of an adult; a scull, which on a slight view, appeared to be that of an infant, but it fell to pieces on being taken out, so as to prevent satisfactory examination; a rib, and a fragment of the under jaw of a person about half grown; another rib of an infant; and a part of the jaw of a child, which had not cut its teeth. This last furnishing the most decisive proof of the burial of children here, I was particular in my attention to it. It was part of the right half of the under jaw. The processes, by which it was articulated to the temporal bones, were entire, and the bone itself firm to where it had been broken off, which, as nearly as I could judge, was about the place of the eye tooth. Its upper edge, wherein would have been the sockets of the teeth, was perfectly smooth. Measuring it with that of an adult, by placing their hinder processes together, its broken end extended to the penultimate grinder of the adult. This bone was white, all the others [177] of a sand color. The bones of infants being soft, they probably decay sooner, which might be the cause so few were found here. I proceeded then to make a perpendicular cut through the body of the barrow, that I might examine its internal structure. This passed about three feet from its centre, was opened to the former surface of the earth, and was wide enough for a man to walk through and examine its sides. At the bottom, that is, on the level of the circumjacent plain, I found bones; above these a few stones, brought from a cliff a quarter of a mile off, and from the river one eighth of a mile off; then a large interval of earth, then a stratum of bones, and so on. At one end of the section were four strata of bones plainly distinguishable; at the other, three; the strata in one part not ranging with those in another. The bones nearest the surface were least decayed. No holes were discovered in any of them, as if made with bullets, arrows, or other weapons. I conjectured that in this barrow might have been a thousand skeletons. Every one will readily seize the circumstances above related, which militate against the opinion, that it covered the bones [178] only of persons fallen in battle; and against the tradition also, which would make it the common sepulchre of a town, in which the bodies were placed upright, and touching each other. Appearances certainly indicate that it has derived both origin and growth from the accustomary collection of bones, and deposition of them together; that the first collection had been deposited on the common surface of the earth, a few stones put over it, and then a covering of earth, that the second had been laid on this, had covered more or less of it in proportion to the number of bones, and was then also covered with earth; and so on. The following are the particular circumstances which give it this aspect. 1. The number of bones. 2. Their confused position. 3. Their being in different strata. 4. The strata in one part having no correspondence with those in another. 5. The different states of decay in these strata, which seem to indicate a difference in the time of inhumation. 6. The existence of infant bones among them.
But on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians; for a party passing, about [179] thirty years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it for some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey. There is another barrow much resembling this, in the low grounds of the South branch of Shenandoah, where it is crossed by the road leading from the Rock-fish gap to Staunton. Both of these have, within these dozen years, been cleared of their trees and put under cultivation, are much reduced in their height, and spread in width, by the plough, and will probably disappear in time. There is another on a hill in the Blue ridge of mountains, a few miles North of Wood’s gap, which is made up of small stones thrown together. This has been opened and found to contain human bones, as the others do. There are also many others in other parts of the country.
Great question has arisen from whence came those aboriginals of Ame-[180] rica? Discoveries, long ago made, were sufficient to show that the passage from Europe to America was always practicable, even to the imperfect navigation of ancient times. In going from Norway to Iceland, from Iceland to Grœnland, from Grœnland to Labrador, the first traject is the widest; and this having been practised from the earliest times of which we have any account of that part of the earth, it is not difficult to suppose that the subsequent trajects may have been sometimes passed. Again, the late discoveries of Captain Cook, coasting from Kamschatka to California, have proved that if the two continents of Asia and America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow streight. So that from this side also, inhabitants may have passed into America; and the resemblance between the Indians of America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, would induce us to conjecture, that the former are the descendants of the latter, or the latter of the former; excepting indeed the Esquimaux, who, from the same circumstance of resemblance, and from identity of language must be derived from the Grœnlanders, and these probably from some of the northern parts of the old continent. A knowledge of their [181] several languages would be the most certain evidence of their derivation which could be produced. In fact, it is the best proof of the affinity of nations which ever can be referred to. How many ages have elapsed since the English, the Dutch, the Germans, the Swiss, the Norwegians, Danes and Swedes have separated
from their common stock? Yet how many more must elapse before the proofs of their common origin, which exists in their several languages, will disappear? It is to be lamented, then, very much to be lamented, that we have suffered so many of the Indian tribes already to extinguish, without our having previously collected and deposited in the records of literature, the general rudiments at least of the languages they spoke. Were vocabularies formed of all the languages spoken in North and South America, preserving their appellations of the most common objects in nature, of those which must be present to every nation barbarous or civilized, with the inflections of their nouns and verbs, their principles of regimen and concord, and these deposited in all the public libraries, it would furnish op-[182] portunities to those skilled in the languages of the old world to compare them with these, now, or at any future time, and hence to construct the best evidence of the derivation of this part of the human race.
I will now proceed to state the nations and numbers of the Aborigines which still exist in a respectable and independent form. And as their undefined boundaries would render it difficult to specify those only which may be within any certain limits, and it may not be unacceptable to present a more general view of them, I will reduce within the form of a Catalogue all those within, and circumjacent to, the United States, whose names and numbers have come to my notice. These are taken from four different lists, the first of which was given in the year 1759 to General Stanwix by George Croghan, Deputy agent for Indian affairs under Sir William Johnson; the second was drawn up by a French trader of considerable note, resident among the Indians many years, and annexed to Colonel Bouquet’s printed account of his expedition in 1764. The third was made out by Captain [183] Hutchins, who visited most of the tribes, by order, for the purpose of learning their numbers in 1768; and the fourth by John Dodge, an Indian trader, in 1779, except the numbers marked*, which are from other information. [184]
But apprehending these might be different appellations for some of the tribes already enumerated, I have not inserted them in the table, but state them separately as worthy of further inquiry. The variations observable in numbering the same tribe may sometimes be ascribed to imperfect information, and sometimes to a greater or less comprehension of settlements under the same name. [191]
END OF VOLUME III
- ἀμφ’ αὐτοϊσι δ’ ἔπειτα μέγαν ϰαὶ ἀμνμονα τύμβον
- χεύαμεν Ἀργειων ἱερὸς στρατὸς αἰχμητάων
- ἀϰτη ἔπι προύχούση, ἐπί πλατεῖ Ἐλλησπόντᾠ
- 꽥ς ϰεν τηλεφαυὴς ἐϰ ποντόφιν ἀνδράσιν εἴη
- τοὶς, οἴ νῦν γεγάασι, ϰαὶ οἴ μετόϰισθεν ἔσονται.
-
- Τω̂ [Editor: illegible character] [Editor: illegible character]δη δύο μὲν γενεαὶ μερόπων ἀνθρώπων
- Εϕθία[Editor: illegible character] ̈́ι ο[Editor: illegible character] ω̂ρόσθ[Editor: illegible character]ν [Editor: illegible character]μα τράϕ[Editor: illegible character]ν ἠδ’ ἐγένοντο
- Ε[Editor: illegible character] Πύλῳ ἠγαθ[Editor: illegible character]η, μ[Editor: illegible character]τὰ δὲ τριτάτοἰσιν ἄνασσεν·
- II. Hom. II. 250.
-
- Two generations now had passed away,
- Wise by his rules, and happy by his sway;
- Two ages o’er his native realm he reign’d,
- And now th’ example of the third remained.
- Pope.