Front Page Titles (by Subject) THE EIGHTH BOOK of the HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. - The English Works, vol. IX (The Peloponnesian War Part II)
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THE EIGHTH BOOK of the HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. - Thucydides, The English Works, vol. IX (The Peloponnesian War Part II) 
The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury; Now First Collected and Edited by Sir William Molesworth, Bart., (London: Bohn, 1839-45). 11 vols. Vol. 9.
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THE EIGHTH BOOK of the HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES.
THE PRINCIPAL CONTENTS.
The revolt of the Athenian confederates and the offers made by Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, the king’s lieutenants of the lower Asia, draw the Lacedæmonians to the war in Ionia and Hellespont.—First in Ionia, and the provinces of Tissaphernes: who, by the counsel of Alcibiades and connivance of Astyochus, hindereth their proceedings.—Alcibiades in the meanwhile, to make way for his return into his country, giveth occasion of sedition about the government: whence ensued the authority of the four hundred, under the pretext of the five thousand: the recalling of Alcibiades by the army: and at length, by his countenance, the deposing again of the four hundred, and end of the sedition.—But in the meantime they lose Eubœa.—Mindarus, the successor of Astyochus, finding himself abused by Tissaphernes, carrieth the war to Pharnabazus into Hellespont: and there presently loseth a battle to the Athenians before Abydos, being then summer and the twenty–first year of the war.
year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4.year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4. The fear and sorrow of the Athenians upon hearing of the news.The Athenians resolve to stand it out.year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4.The end of the nineteenth summer.
1. When the news was told at Athens, they believed not a long time, though it were plainly related and by those very soldiers1 that escaped from the defeat itself, that all was so utterly lost as it was. When they knew it, they were mightily offended with the orators1 that furthered the voyage: as if they themselves had never decreed it. They were angry also with those that gave out prophecies2 , and with the soothsayers: and with whosoever else had at first by any divination put them into hope that Sicily should be subdued. Every thing, from every place, grieved them; and fear and astonishment, the greatest that ever they were in, beset them round3 . For they were not only grieved for the loss which both every man in particular and the whole city sustained, of so many men of arms, horsemen, and serviceable men, the like whereof they saw was not left: but seeing they had neither galleys in their haven, nor money in their treasury, nor furniture in their galleys, were even desperate at that present of their safety; and thought the enemy out of Sicily would come forthwith with their fleet into Peiræus, especially after the vanquishing of so great a navy; and that the enemy here would surely now, with double preparation in every kind, press them to the utmost both by sea and land, and be aided therein by their revolting confederates. Nevertheless, as far as their means would stretch, it was thought best to stand it out; and getting materials and money where they could have it, to make ready a navy, and to make sure of their confederates, especially those of Eubœa; and to introduce a greater frugality in the city4 , and to erect a magistracy of the elder sort, as occasion should be offered to preconsult of the business that passed. And they were ready, in respect of their present fear, (as is the people’s fashion), to order every thing aright. And as they resolved this, so they did it. And the summer ended.
The Grecians take part all of them against the Athenians.The hopes of the Lacedæmonians.year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4.
2. The winter following, upon the great overthrow of the Athenians in Sicily, all the Grecians were presently up against them. Those who before were confederates of neither side, thought fit no longer, though uncalled, to abstain from the war, but to go against the Athenians of their own accord; as having not only every one severally this thought, that had the Athenians prospered in Sicily they would afterwards have come upon them also, but imagined1 withal that the rest of the war would be but short, whereof it would be an honour to participate. And such of them as were confederates of the Lacedæmonians, longed now more than ever to be freed as soon as might be of their great toil. But above all, the cities subject to the Athenians were ready, even beyond their ability, to revolt; as they that judged according to their passion, without admitting reason in the matter, that the next summer they were to remain with victory2 . But the Lacedæmonians themselves took heart, not only from all this, but also principally from that, that their confederates in Sicily with great power, having another navy now necessarily added to their own1 , would in all likelihood be with them in the beginning of the spring. And being every way full of hopes, they purposed without delay2 to fall close to the war: making account, if this were well ended, both to be free hereafter from any more such dangers as the Athenians, if they had gotten Sicily, would have put them into; and also having pulled them down, to have the principality of all Greece now secure unto themselves.
Agis levieth money.year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4.The Lacedæmonians appoint a fleet of a hundred galleys to be made ready amongst the cities of league.
3. Whereupon Agis their king went out with a part of his army the same winter from Deceleia, and levied money amongst the confederates for the building of a navy: and turning into the Melian gulf, upon an old grudge took a great booty from the Œtæans, which he made money of3 ; and forced those of Pthiotis being Achaians, and others in those parts subjects to the Thessalians, (the Thessalians complaining and unwilling), to give them hostages and money. The hostages he put into Corinth, and endeavoured to draw them into the league. And the Lacedæmonians imposed upon the states confederate, the charge of building one hundred galleys: that is to say, on their own state and on the Bœotians, each twenty–five; on the Phoceans and Locrians, fifteen; on the Corinthians, fifteen; on the Arcadians, Sicyonians, and Pellenians, ten; and on the Megareans, Trœzenians, and Hermionians, ten. And put all things else in readiness presently with the spring to begin the war.
The Athenians build their navy, and contract their charges.
4. The Athenians also made their preparations, as they had designed; having gotten timber and built their navy this same winter, and fortified the promontory of Sunium that their cornboats might come about in safety. Also they abandoned the fort in Laconia, which they had built as they went by for Sicily. And generally where there appeared expense upon anything unuseful, they contracted their charge.
The Eubœansyear xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4. offer to revolt to Agis.The Lesbians offer to revolt to Agis.The Chians and Erythræans desire to revolt.year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4. Tissaphernes, lieutenant of the lower Asia, laboureth to have the Lacedæmonians come unto him.
5. Whilst they were on both sides doing thus1 , there came unto Agis about their revolt from the Athenians, first the ambassadors of the Eubœans. Accepting the motion, he sent for Alcamenes the son of Sthenelaidas and for Melanthus from Lacedæmon, to go commanders into Eubœa. Whom, when he1 was come to him with about three hundred freedmen, he was now about to send over. But in the meantime came the Lesbians, they also desiring to revolt: and by the means2 of the Bœotians Agis changed his former resolution, and prepared for the revolt of Lesbos, deferring that of Eubœa; and assigned them Alcamenes, the same that should have gone into Eubœa, for their governor3 : and the Bœotians promised them ten galleys, and Agis other ten. Now this was done without acquainting therewith the state of Lacedæmon. For Agis, as long as he was about Deceleia with the power he had, had the law in his own hands, to send what army and whither he listed, and to levy men and money at his pleasure. And at this time, the confederates of him (as I may call them) did better obey him, than the confederates of the Lacedæmonians did them at home4 : for having the power in his hands, he was terrible wheresoever he came. And he was now for the Lesbians. But the Chians and Erythræans, they also desiring to revolt, went not to Agis, but to the Lacedæmonians in the city: and with them went also an ambassador from Tissaphernes, lieutenant to king Darius in the low countries of Asia1 . For Tissaphernes also instigated the Peloponnesians, and promised to pay their fleet. For he had lately begged of the king2 the tribute accruing in his own province; for which he was in arrearage, because he could receive nothing out of any of the Greek cities by reason of the Athenians. And therefore he thought by weakening the Athenians, to receive his tribute the better, and withal to draw the Lacedæmonians into a league with the king: and thereby, as the king had commanded, to kill or take alive Amorges, Pissuthnes his bastard son, who was in rebellion against him about Caria3 . The Chians therefore and Tissaphernes followed this business jointly.
year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4. Pharnabazus, lieutenant of Hellespont, laboureth the like for himself.year xix. A. C. 413. Ol. 91. 4.
6. Calligeitus the son of Laophon, a Magarean, and Timagoras the son of Athenagoras, a Cyzicene, both banished their own cities and abiding with Pharnabazus the son of Pharnaces, came also about the same time to Lacedæmon; sent by Pharnabazus to procure a fleet for the Hellespont, that he also, if he could, might cause the Athenian cities in his province to revolt for his tribute’s sake, and be the first to draw the Lacedæmonians into league with the king: just the same things that were desired before by Tissaphernes. Now Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes treating apart1 , there was great canvassing at Lacedæmon, between the one side that persuaded to send to Ionia and Chios, and the other that would have the army and fleet go first into the Hellespont. But the Lacedæmonians indeed approved best by much of the business of the Chians and of Tissaphernes. For with these co–operated Alcibiades, hereditary guest and friend of Endius the ephore of that year in the highest degree: insomuch as in respect of that guesthood, Alcibiades his family received a Laconic name2 . For Endius was called Endius Alcibiadis. Nevertheless the Lacedæmonians sent first one Phrynis, a man of those parts3 , to Chios, to see if the galleys they had were so many as they reported, and whether the city were otherwise so sufficient as it was said to be. And when the messenger brought back word that all that had been said was true, they received both the Chians and the Erythræans presently into their league: and decreed to send them forty galleys, there being at Chios, from such places as the Chians named, no less than sixty already. And of these at first they were about to send out ten, with Melancridas for admiral1 : but afterwards, upon occasion of an earthquake, for Melancridas they sent Chalcideus, and instead of ten galleys they went about the making ready of five only in Laconia. So the winter ended: and nineteenth year of this war written by Thucydides2 .
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4. The Lacedæmonians send to Corinth to hasten away the fleet to Chios.The confederates in council at Corinth set downyear xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4. an order for the war following, with which to begin and which to follow.The Athenians understand the purpose of the Chians to revolt.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.
7. In the beginning of the next summer, because the Chians pressed to have the galleys sent away, and feared lest the Athenians should get notice what they were doing; (for all their ambassadors went out by stealth); the Lacedæmonians send away to Corinth three Spartans, to will them with all speed to transport their galleys over the isthmus to the other sea towards Athens, and to go all to Chios, as well those which Agis had made ready to go to Lesbos as the rest: the number of the galleys of the league which were then there, being forty wanting one. 8. But Calligeitus and Timagoras, who came from Pharnabazus, would have no part in this fleet that went for Chios; nor would deliver the money, twenty–five talents, which they had brought with them, to pay for their setting forth, but made account to go out with another fleet afterwards by themselves. When Agis saw that the Lacedæmonians meant to send first to Chios, he resolved not of any other course himself; but the confederates assembling at Corinth went to council upon the matter, and concluded thus: that they should go first to Chios under the command of Chalcideus, who was making ready the five galleys at Laconia; and then to Lesbos under the charge of Alcamenes, intended also to be sent thither by Agis; and lastly into Hellespont, in which voyage they ordained that Clearchus, the son of Rhamphias, should have the command; and concluded to carry over the isthmus first the one half of their galleys, and that those should presently put to sea, that the Athenians might have their minds more upon those, than on the other half to be transported afterwards. For they determined to pass that sea openly; contemning the weakness of the Athenians, in respect they had not any navy of importance yet appearing. As they resolved, so presently they carried over one and twenty galleys. 9. But when the rest urged to put to sea, the Corinthians were unwilling to go along before they should have ended the celebration of the Isthmian holidays, then come. Hereupon Agis was content, that they for their parts should observe the Isthmian truce; and he therefore to take the fleet upon himself as his own1 . But the Corinthians not agreeing to that, and the time passing away, the Athenians got intelligence the easier of the practice of the Chians: and sent thither Aristocrates, one of their generals, to accuse them of it. The Chians denying the matter, he commanded them for their better credit to send along with him some galleys for their aid due by the league1 : and they sent seven. The cause why they sent these galleys, was the many not acquainted with the practice; and the few and conscious not willing to undergo the enmity of the multitude without having strength first, and their not expecting any longer the coming of the Lacedæmonians, because they had so long delayed them.
The Athenians drive the Peloponnesian galleys into Peiræus, a desert haven, and there besiege them.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.
10. In the meantime the Isthmian games were celebrating, and the Athenians (for they had word sent them of it) came and saw2 ; and the business of the Chians grew more apparent. After they went thence, they took order presently that the fleet might not pass from Cenchreiæ undiscovered. And after the holidays were over, the Corinthians put to sea for Chios3 under the conduct of Alcamenes. And the Athenians at first with equal number came up to them, and endeavoured to draw them out into the main sea4 : but seeing the Peloponnesians followed not far, but turned another way, the Athenians went also from them. For the seven galleys of Chios, which were part of this number, they durst not trust. But afterwards having manned thirty–seven others5 , they gave chase to the enemy by the shore, and drave them into Peiræus in the territory of Corinth: (this Peiræus is a desert haven, and the utmost upon the confines of Epidauria). One galley that was far from land, the Peloponnesians lost; the rest they brought together into the haven. But the Athenians charging them by sea with their galleys, and withal setting their men a–land, mightily troubled and disordered them: brake their galleys upon the shore, and slew Alcamenes their commander. And some1 they lost of their own.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4. The voyage of Chalcideus and Alcibiades to Chios.
11. The fight being ended, they assigned a sufficient number of galleys to lie opposite to those of the enemy, and the rest to lie under a2 little island not far off: in which also they encamped, and sent to Athens for a supply. For the Peloponnesians had with them for aid of their galleys, the Corinthians the next day3 : and not long after, divers others of the inhabitants thereabouts. But when they considered that the guarding of them in a desert place would be painful, they knew not what course to take; and once they thought to have set the galleys on fire: but it was concluded afterwards to draw them to the land, and guard them with their landmen till some good occasion should be offered for their escape. And Agis also, when he heard the news, sent unto them Thermon, a Spartan. The Lacedæmonians having been advertised of the departure of these galleys from the isthmus, (for the ephores had commanded Alcamenes, when he put to sea to send them word by a horseman1 ), were minded presently to have sent away also the five galleys also that were in Laconia, and Chalcideus the commander of them, and with him Alcibiades. But afterwards, as they were ready to go out, came the news of the galleys chased into Periæus: which so much discouraged them, in respect they stumbled in the very entrance of the Ionic war, that they purposed now, not only not to send away those galleys of their own, but also to call back again some of those that were already at sea.
12. When Alcibiades saw this, he dealt with Endius and the rest of the ephores again, not to fear the voyage: alleging that they would [make haste, and] be there before the Chians should have heard of the misfortune of the fleet; and that as soon as he should arrive in Ionia himself, he could easily make the cities there to revolt, by declaring unto them the weakness of the Athenians and the diligence of the Lacedæmonians; wherein he should be thought more worthy to be believed than any other. Moreover to Endius he said, that it would be an honour in particular to him, that Ionia should revolt and the king be made confederate to the Lacedæmonians by his own means2 , and not to have it the mastery of Agis: for he was at difference with Agis. So having prevailed with Endius and the other ephores1 , he took sea with five galleys, together with Chalcideus of Lacedæmon; and made haste.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4. Sixteen galleys of Peloponnesus, intercepted and hardly handled in their return from Sicily by the Athenians, arrive in Corinth.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.
13. About the same time came back from Sicily those sixteen galleys of the Peloponnesians, which, having aided Gylippus in that war, were intercepted by the way about Leucadia and evil entreated by twenty–seven galleys of Athens, that watched thereabouts under the command of Hippocles, the son of Menippus, for such galleys as should return out of Sicily. For all the rest, saving one, avoiding the Athenians, were arrived in Corinth before1 .
Chios and Erythræ revolt.Clazomenæ revolteth.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.
14. Chalcideus and Alcibiades, as they sailed, kept prisoner every man they met with by the way; to the end that notice might not be given of their passage. And touching first at Corycus in the continent, where also they dismissed those whom they had apprehended; after conference there with some of the conspirators of the Chians, that advised them to go to the city without sending them word before, they came upon the Chians suddenly and unexpected. It put the commons into much wonder and astonishment: but the few had so ordered the matter beforehand, that an assembly2 chanced to be holden at the same time. And when Chalcideus and Alcibiades had spoken in the same; and told them that many galleys were coming to them, but not that those other galleys were besieged in Peiræus; the Chians first, and afterwards the Erythræans, revolted from the Athenians. After this they went with three galleys to Clazomenæ, and made that city to revolt also. And the Clazomenians presently crossed over to the continent, and there fortified Polichna1 : lest they should need a retiring place from the little island wherein they dwelt. The rest also, all that had revolted, fell to fortifying, and making of preparation for the war.
The Athenians abrogate the decree touching the thousand talents reserved for the extremities of state, and furnish out a fleet with the money.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.
15. This news of Chios was quickly brought to the Athenians; who conceiving themselves to be now beset with great and evident danger, and that the rest of the confederates, seeing so great a city to revolt, would be no longer quiet, in this their present fear2 decreed that those thousand talents, which through all this war they had affected to keep untouched, forthwith abrogating the punishment ordained for such as spake or gave their suffrages3 to stir it, should now be used, and therewith galleys not a few manned. They decreed also to send thither out of hand, under the command of Strombichides the son of Diotimus, eight galleys of the number of those that besieged the enemy at Peiræus; the which, having forsaken their charge to give chase to the galleys that went with Chalcideus, and not able to overtake them, were now returned: and shortly after also to send Thrasycles to help them with twelve galleys more, which also had departed from the same guard upon the enemy. And those seven galleys of Chios, which likewise kept watch at Peiræus with the rest, they fetched from thence, and gave the bondmen that served in them their liberty, and the chains to those that were free. And instead of all those galleys that kept guard1 upon the galleys of the Peloponnesians, they made ready other with all speed in their places; besides thirty more, which they intended to furnish out afterwards. Great was their diligence; and nothing was of light importance that they went about for the recovery of Chios.
16. Strombichides in the meantime arrived2 at Samos: and taking into his company one Samian galley, went thence to Teos, and entreated them not to stir. But towards Teos was Chalcideus also coming with twenty–three galleys from Chios: and with him also the land forces of the Clazomenians and Erythræans3 . Whereof Strombichides having been advertised, he put forth again before his arrival; and standing off at sea, when he saw the many galleys that came from Chios, he fled towards Samos, they following him. The land forces, the Teians would not at the first admit: but after this flight of the Athenians, they brought them in. And these for the most part4 held their hands for a while, expecting the return of Chalcideus from the chase: but when he stayed somewhat long, they fell of themselves to the demolishing of the wall built about the city of Teos by the Athenians towards the continent; wherein they were also helped by some few barbarians, that came down thither under the leading of Tages, deputy lieutenant of Tissaphernes.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.Miletus revolteth.
17. Chalcideus and Alcibiades, when they had chased Strombichides into Samos, armed the mariners that were in the galleys of Peloponnesus, and left them in Chios; instead of whom they manned with mariners of Chios both those and twenty galleys more: and with this fleet they went to Miletus with intent to cause it to revolt. For the intention of Alcibiades, that was acquainted with the principal Milesians, was to prevent the fleet which was to come from Peloponnesus, and to turn these cities first1 ; that the honour of it might be ascribed to the Chians, to himself, to Chalcideus, and (as he had promised) to Endius that set them out, as having brought most of the cities to revolt with the forces of the Chians only and of those galleys that came with Chalcideus. So these, for the greatest part of their way undiscovered, and arriving not much sooner than Strombichides and Thrasycles, (who now chancing to be present with [those] twelve galleys from Athens followed them with Strombichides), caused the Milesians to revolt. The Athenians following them at the heels with nineteen galleys, being shut out by the Milesians, lay at anchor at Lada2 , an island over against the city.
Presently upon the revolt of Miletus was made the first league between the king and the Lacedæmonians by Tissaphernes and Chalcideus, as followeth:
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4. League between Tissaphernes and the Lacedæmonians.
18. “The Lacedæmonians and their confederates have made a league with the king and Tissaphernes on these articles:
“Whatsoever territory or cities the king possesseth, and his ancestors have possessed, the same are to remain the king’s.
“Whatsoever money or other profit redounded to the Athenians from their cities1 , the king and the Lacedæmonians are jointly to hinder, so as the Athenians may receive nothing from thence, neither money nor other thing.
“The king, and the Lacedæmonians and their confederates, are to make joint war against the Athenians. And without consent of both parts it shall not be lawful to lay down the war against the Athenians, neither for the king, nor for the Lacedæmonians and their confederates.
“If any shall revolt from the king, they shall be enemies to the Lacedæmonians and their confederates: and if any shall revolt from the Lacedæmonians and their confederates, they shall in like manner be enemies to the king.”
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4.Lebedos and Eræ revolt.
19. This was the league. Presently after this the Chians set out ten galleys more, and went to Anæa: both to hearken what became of the business at Miletus, and also to cause the cities thereabouts to revolt. But word being sent them from Chalcideus to go back, and that Amorges was at hand2 with his army, they went thence to the temple of Jupitor. [Being there] they1 descried sixteen galleys more, which had been sent out by the Athenians under the charge of Diomedon after the putting to sea of those with Thrasycles: upon sight of whom they fled, one galley to Ephesus, the rest towards Teos. Four of them the Athenians took, but empty, the men having gotten on shore: the rest escaped into the city of Teos. And the Athenians went away again towards Samos. The Chians putting to sea again with the remainder of their fleet and with the land forces, caused first Lebedos to revolt, and then Eræ: and afterwards returned, both with their fleet and landmen, every one to his own.
The Peloponnesians in Peiræus escape.Astyochus admiral of the Peloponnesians.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 91. 4. Tissaphernes razeth the remainder of the Athenian wall at Teos.
20. About the same time, the twenty galleys of Peloponnesus, which the Athenians had formerly2 chased into Peiræus, and against whom they now lay with a like number, suddenly forced their passage; and having the victory in fight, took four of the Athenian galleys; and going to Cenchreiæ, prepared afresh for their voyage to Chios and Ionia. At which time there came also unto them from Lacedæmon for commander, Astyochus; who was now admiral of the whole navy3 . When the landmen were gone from Teos, Tissaphernes himself came thither with his forces; and he also demolished the wall as much as was left standing, and went his way again. Not long after the going away of him, came thither Diomedon with ten galleys of Athens. And having made a truce with the Teians, that he also might be received, he put to sea again, and kept the shore to Eræ, and assaulted it; but failing to take it, departed.
21. It fell out about the same time that the commons of Samos, together with the Athenians who were there with three galleys, made an insurrection against the great men; and slew of them in all about two hundred. And having banished four hundred more, and distributed amongst themselves their lands and houses, (the Athenians having now, as assured of their fidelity, decreed them their liberty), they administered the affairs of the city from that time forward by themselves, no more communicating with the Geomori1 , nor permitting any of the common people to marry with them.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. The Chians endeavour to turn Lesbos from the Athenians to the Lacedæmonians with their single power: and cause first Methymna, then Mytilene to revolt.
22. After this, the same summer, the Chians, as they had begun, persevering in their earnestness to bring the cities to revolt, even without the Lacedæmonians, [with their single forces], and desiring to make as many fellows of their danger as they were able, made war by themselves with thirteen galleys against Lesbos: which was according to what was concluded by the Lacedæmonians, namely, to go thither in the second place, and thence into the Hellespont. And withal the land forces, both of such Peloponnesians as were present and of their confederates thereabouts, went along by them to Clazomenæ and Cyme: these under the command of Eualas a Spartan, and the galleys, of Deiniades a man of the parts thereabouts1 . The galleys putting in at Methymna, caused that city to revolt first. . . . . . . . . . .2
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.The Athenians recover MytileneAstyochus seeing he could do no good at Lesbos, returned to Chios.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.The Athenians recover Clazomenæ.
23. Now Astyochus the Lacedæmonian admiral, having set forth as he intended from Cenchreiæ3 , arrived at Chios. The third day after his coming thither, came Leon and Diomedon into Lesbos with twenty–five galleys of Athens: for Leon came with a supply of ten galleys more from Athens afterwards1 . Astyochus in the evening of the same day, taking with him one galley more of Chios, took his way toward Lesbos, to help it what he could: and put in at Pyrrha, and the next day at Eressos. Here he heard that Mytilene was taken by the Athenians, even with the shout of their voices. For the Athenians coming unexpected, entered the haven2 : and having beaten the galleys of the Chians, disbarked and overcame those that made head against them, and won the city. When Astyochus heard this, both from the Eressians and from those Chian galleys that came from Methymna with Eubulus; which having been left there before, as soon as Mytilene was lost fled, and three of them chanced to meet with him, (for one was taken by the Athenians); he continued his course for Mytilene no longer: but having caused Eressos to revolt, and armed the soldiers he had aboard, made them to march toward Antissa and Methymna by land3 , under the conduct of Eteonicus; and he himself with his own galleys and those three of Chios, rowed thither along the shore, hoping that the Methymnæans, upon sight of his forces, would take heart and continue in their revolt. But when in Lesbos all things went against him, he re–embarked his army and returned to Chios. And the landmen4 that were aboard, and should have gone into Hellespont, went again into their cities. After this came to them six galleys to Chios, of those of the confederate fleet at Cenchreiæ. The Athenians, when they had reestablished the state of Lesbos, went thence and took Polichna, which the Clazomenians had fortified in the continent; and brought them all back again into the city which is in the island, save only the authors of the revolt; for these got away to Daphnus. And Clazomenæ returned to the obedience of the Athenians.
24. The same summer, those Athenians that with twenty galleys lay in the isle of Lada before Miletus, landing in the territory of Miletus at Panormus, slew Chalcideus the Lacedæmonian commander, that came out against them but with a few; and set up a trophy, and the third day after departed1 . But the Milesians pulled down the trophy, as erected where the Athenians were not masters.
The Athenians make sharp war upon Chios.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.Praise of the Chians.
Leon and Diomedon, with the Athenian galleys that were at Lesbos, made war upon the Chians by sea from the isles called Œnussæ, which lie before Chios, and from Sidussa and Pteleum (forts they held in Erythræa), and from Lesbos2 . They that were aboard were men of arms of the roll, compelled to serve in the fleet3 . With these they landed at Cardamyle; and having overthrown the Chians that made head in a battle at Bolissus, and slain many of them, they recovered from the enemy all the places of that quarter. And again they overcame them in another battle at Phanæ, and in a third at Leuconium. After this, the Chians went out no more to fight: by which means the Athenians made spoil of their territory, excellently well furnished1 . For except it were the Lacedæmonians, the Chians were the only men that I have heard of, that had joined advisedness to prosperity; and the more their city increased, had carried the more respect in the administration thereof to assure it. Nor ventured they now to revolt, (lest any man should think that, in this act at least, they regarded not what was the safest), till they had many and strong confederates with whose help to try their fortune; nor till such time as they perceived the people of Athens (as they themselves could not deny) to have their estate after the defeat in Sicily reduced to extreme weakness. And if through human misreckoning they miscarried in aught, they erred with many others: who in like manner had an opinion, that the state of the Athenians would quickly have been overthrown.
Being therefore shut up by sea, and having their lands spoiled, some within undertook to make the city return unto the Athenians. Which though the magistrates perceived, yet they themselves stirred not; but having received Astyochus into the city with four galleys that were with him from Erythræ, they took advice together, how by taking hostages, or some other gentle way, to make them give over the conspiracy. Thus stood the business with the Chians.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. The Athenians fight with the Milesians, and begin to besiege the city.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
25. In the end of this summer a thousand five hundred men of arms of Athens, and a thousand of Argos1 , (for the Athenians had put armour upon five hundred light–armed of the Argives), and of other confederates a thousand more, with forty–eight galleys, reckoning those which were for transportation of soldiers, under the conduct of Phrynicus, Onomacles, and Scironides, came in2 to Samos, and crossing over to Miletus encamped before it. And the Milesians issued forth with eight hundred men of arms of their own, besides the Peloponnesians that came with Chalcideus and some auxiliar strangers3 with Tissaphernes (Tissaphernes himself being also there with his cavalry): and fought with the Athenians and their confederates. The Argives, who made one wing of themselves, advancing before the rest and in some disorder, in contempt of the enemy, as being Ionians and not likely to sustain their charge, were by the Milesians overcome: and lost no less than three hundred of their men. But the Athenians, when they had first overthrown the Peloponnesians, and then beaten back the barbarians and other multitude, and not fought with the Milesians at all, (for they, after they were come from the chase of the Argives and saw their other wing defeated, went into the town), sat down with their arms, as being now masters of the field, close under the wall of the city. It fell out in this battle, that on both sides the Ionics had the better of the Dorics. For the Athenians overcame the opposite Peloponnesians; and the Milesians, the Argives. The Athenians, after they had erected their trophy, the place being an isthmus, prepared to take in the town with a wall: supposing if they got Miletus, the other cities would easily come in.
The Athenians rise from Miletus upon the coming of fifty–five galleys from Peloponnesus.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
26. In the meantime it was told them about twilight, that the five and fifty galleys from Peloponnesus and Sicily were hard by, and only not already come. For1 there came into Peloponnesus out of Sicily, by the instigation of Hermocrates to help to consummate the subversion of the Athenian state, twenty galleys of Syracuse and two of Selinus: and the galleys that had been preparing in Peloponnesus being then also ready, they were, both these and the other, committed to the charge of Theramenes, to be conducted by him to Astyochus the admiral: and they put in first at Eleus2 , an island over against Miletus. And being advertised there that the Athenians lay before the town, they went from thence into the gulf of Iasus, to learn how the affairs of the Milesians stood. Alcibiades coming a horseback to Teichiussa of the territory of Miletus, in which part of the gulf the Peloponnesian galleys lay at anchor, they were informed by him of the battle: for Alcibiades was, with the Milesians and with Tissaphernes, present in it. And he exhorted them, unless they meant to lose what they had in Ionia and the whole business, to succour Miletus with all speed, and not to suffer it to be taken in with a wall. 27. According to this, they concluded to go the next morning and relieve it. Phrynichus, when he had certain word from Derus1 of the arrival of those galleys, his colleagues advising to stay and fight it out with their fleet, said that he would neither do it himself, nor suffer them to do it, or any other, as long as he could hinder it. For seeing he might fight with them hereafter, when they should know against how many galleys of the enemy, and with what additions to their own2 , sufficiently and at leisure made ready, they might do it; he would never, he said, for fear of being upbraided with baseness, (for it was no baseness for the Athenians to let their navy give way upon occasion; but by what means soever it should fall out, it would be a great baseness to be beaten3 ), be swayed to hazard battle against reason, and not only to dishonour the state, but also to cast it into extreme danger; seeing that since their late losses it hath scarce been fit with their strongest preparation, willingly, no nor urged by precedent necessity, to undertake4 , how then without constraint to seek out voluntary, dangers? Therefore he commanded them with all speed to take aboard those that were wounded, and their landmen and whatsoever utensils they brought with them; but to leave behind whatsoever they had taken in the territory of the enemy, to the end that their galleys might be the lighter: and to put off for Samos, and thence, when they had all their fleet together, to make out against the enemy as occasion should be offered. As Phrynichus advised this, so he put it in execution: and was esteemed a wise man, not then only, but afterwards; nor in this only, but in whatsoever else he had the ordering of. Thus the Athenians presently in the evening, with their victory unperfect, dislodged from before Miletus. From Samos the Argives, in haste and in anger for their overthrow, went home.
The Peloponnesians and Tissaphernes take Iasus: wherein was Amorges, rebel to the king, whom they take prisoner.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.The end of the twentieth summer.
28. The Peloponnesians setting forth betimes in the morning from Teichiussa, put in at Miletus1 ; and stayed there one day. The next day they took with them those galleys of Chios, which had formerly been chased together with Chalcideus; and meant to have returned to Teichiussa, to take aboard such necessaries2 as they had left ashore. But as they were going, Tissaphernes came to them with his landmen, and persuaded them to set upon Iasus, where Amorges the king’s enemy then lay. Whereupon they assaulted Iasus upon a sudden: and they within not thinking but they had been the fleet of the Athenians, took it. The greatest praise in this action was given to the Syracusians. Having taken Amorges, the bastard son of Pissuthnes, but a rebel to the king, the Peloponnesians delivered him to Tissaphernes, to carry him if he would to the king, as he had order to do. The city they pillaged; wherein, as being a place of ancient riches, the army got a very great quantity of money. The auxiliary soldiers of Amorges, they received without doing them hurt, into their own army; being for the most part Peloponnesians. The town itself they delivered to Tissaphernes, with all the prisoners, as well free as bond; upon composition with him, at a Daric stater1 by the poll. And so they returned to Miletus. And from hence they sent Pedaritus the son of Leon, whom the Lacedæmonians had sent hither to be governor of Chios, to Erythræ; and with him, the bands that had aided Amorges by land; and made Philip governor there in Miletus. And so this summer ended.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
29. The next winter Tissaphernes, after he had put a garrison into Iasus, came to Miletus: and for one month’s pay, which was promised on his part at Lacedæmon, he gave unto the soldiers through the whole fleet after an Attic drachma a man by the day. But for the rest of the time he would pay but three oboles, till he had asked the king’s pleasure: and if the king commanded it, then he said he would pay them the full drachma. Nevertheless upon the contradiction of Hermocrates, general of the Syracusians, (for Theramenes was but slack in exacting pay, as not being general, but only to deliver the galleys that came with him to Astyochus), it was agreed that but for the five galleys that were over and above, they should have more than three oboles a man. For to fifty–five galleys he allowed three talents a month; and to as many as should be more than that number, after the same proportion1 .
The Athenians send part of the fleet against Chios, and part against Miletus.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
30. The same winter the Athenians that were at Samos, (for2 there were now come in thirty–five galleys more from home, with Charminus, Strombichides, and Euctemon, their commanders), having gathered together their galleys, as well those that had been at Chios as all the rest, concluded, distributing to every one his charge by lot, to go lie before Miletus with a fleet; but against Chios, to send out both a fleet and an army of landmen. And they did so. For Strombichides, Onomacles, and Euctemon, with thirty galleys and part of those thousand3 men of arms that went to Miletus, which they carried along with them in vessels for transportation of soldiers, according to their lot went to Chios: and the rest remaining at Samos with seventy–four galleys, were masters of the sea, and went1 to Miletus.
Astyochus goeth from Chios to Clazomenæ:thence to Phocæa and Cume.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. The Lesbians offer to turn to Astyochus.
31. Astyochus, who was now2 in Chios requiring hostages in respect of the treason, after he heard of the fleet that was come with Theramenes, and that the articles of the league with Tissaphernes were mended3 , gave over that business: and with ten galleys of Peloponnesus and ten of Chios, went thence and assaulted Pteleum; but not being able to take it, he kept by the shore to Clazomenæ. There he summoned those within to yield: with offer to such of them as favoured the Athenians, that they might go up and dwell at Daphnus. And Tamos the deputy lieutenant4 of Ionia, offered them the same. But they not hearkening thereunto, he made an assault upon the city, being unwalled: but when he could not take it, he put to sea again, and with a mighty wind was himself carried to Phocæa and Cume; but the rest of the fleet put in at Marathusa, Pele, and Drimyssa, islands that lie over against Clazomenæ. After they had stayed there eight days in regard of the winds, spoiling and destroying, and partly taking aboard whatsoever goods of the Clazomenians lay without, they went afterwards to Phocæa and Cume to Astyochus. 32. While Astyochus was there, the ambassadors of the Lesbians came unto him, desiring to revolt1 from the Athenians. And as for him, they prevailed with him: but seeing the Corinthians and the other confederates were unwilling in respect of their former ill success there, he put to sea for Chios. Whither after a great tempest his galleys, some from one place and some from another, at length arrived all. After this, Pedaritus, who was now2 at Erythræ, whither he was come from Miletus by land, came over with his forces into Chios. Besides those forces he brought over with him, he had the soldiers which were of the five galleys that came thither with Chalcideus and were left there, to the number of five hundred; and armour to arm them.
Astyochus and I’edaritus, the governor of Chios, disagree.
Now some of the Lesbians having promised to revolt3 , Astyochus communicated the matter with Pedaritus and the Chians, alleging how meet it would be to go with a fleet and make Lesbos to revolt; for that they should either get more confederates, or failing, they should at least weaken the Athenians. But they gave him no ear; and for the Chian galleys, Pedaritus told him [plainly] he should have none of them. 33. Whereupon Astyochus taking with him five galleys of Corinth, a sixth of Megara, one of Hermione, and those of Laconia which he brought with him, went towards Miletus to his charge: mightily threatening the Chians, in case they should need him, not to help them.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
When he was come to Corycus in Erythræa, he stayed there. And the Athenians from Samos lay on the other side of the point, the one not knowing that the other was so near1 . Astyochus, upon a letter sent him from Pedaritus, signifying that there were come certain Erythræan captives dismissed from Samos with design to betray Erythræ, went presently back to Erythræ: so little he missed of falling into the hands of the Athenians. Pedaritus also went over to him; and having narrowly enquired touching these seeming traitors, and found that the whole matter was but a pretence which the men had used for their escape from Samos2 , they acquitted them, and departed one to Chios, the other, as he was going before, towards Miletus.
The Athenian galleys tossed with tempest.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. The Athenians take the galleys of the Peloponnesians, sent to waft in the ships of corn from Ægypt to Cnidus.
34. In the meantime, the army of the Athenians being come about by sea from Corycus to Arginum, lighted on three long–boats of the Chians; which3 when they saw, they presently chased. But there arose a great tempest; and the long–boats of Chios with much ado recovered the harbour. But of the Athenian galleys, especially such as followed them furthest, there perished three, driven ashore at the city of Chios; and the men that were aboard them were part taken, and part slain. The rest of the fleet escaped into a haven called Phœnicus, under the hill Mimas: from whence they got afterwards to Lesbos, and there fortified1 .
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
35. The same winter Hippocrates setting out from Peloponnesus with ten galleys of Thurium, commanded by Dorieus the son of Diogoras2 with two others, and with one galley of Laconia and one of Syracuse, went to Cnidus. This city was now revolted from Tissaphernes3 : and the Peloponnesians that lay at Miletus hearing of it, commanded that, the one half of their galleys remaining for the guard of Cnidus, the other half should go about Triopium, and help to bring in the ships which were to come from Ægypt4 . This Triopium is a promontory of the territory of Cnidus, lying out in the sea and consecrated to Apollo. The Athenians, upon advertisement hereof, setting forth from Samos, took those galleys1 that kept guard at Triopium: but the men that were in them escaped to land. After this they went to Cnidus, which they assaulted; and had almost taken, being without wall. And the next day they assaulted it again; but being less able to hurt it now than before, because they had fenced it better this night, and the men also were gotten into it that fled from their galleys under Triopium, they invaded2 and wasted the Cnidian territory; and so went back to Samos.
They assault the city of Cnidus, but cannot win it.
36. About the same time, Astyochus being come to the navy at Miletus, the Peloponnesians had3 plenty of all things for the army. For they had not only sufficient pay, but the soldiers also had store of money yet remaining of the pillage of Iasus. And the Milesians underwent the war with a good will. Nevertheless the former articles of the league made by Chalcideus with Tissaphernes seemed4 defective, and not so advantageous to them as to him. Whereupon they agreed to new ones, in the presence of Tissaphernes5 , which were these:
The second league between the Lacedæmonians and the king of Persia.
37. “The agreement of the Lacedæmonians and their confederates with king Darius and his children6 , and with Tissaphernes, for league and amity according to the articles following:
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
“Whatsoever territories and cities do belong unto king Darius, or were his father’s or his ancestors’, against these shall neither the Lacedæmonians1 go to make war, nor any way to annoy them: neither shall the Lacedæmonians nor their confederates exact tribute of any of those cities. Neither shall king Darius, nor any under his dominion, make war upon or any way annoy the Lacedæmonians, or any of the Lacedæmonian confederates.
“If the Lacedæmonians or their confederates shall need anything of the king, or the king of the Lacedæmonians or of their confederates: what they shall persuade each other to do, that if they do it, shall be good.
“They shall both of them make war jointly against the Athenians and their confederates: and when they shall give over the war, they shall also do it jointly.
“Whatsoever army shall be in the king’s country, sent for by the king, the king shall defray.
“If any of the cities comprehended in the league made with the king, shall invade the king’s territories, the rest shall oppose them and defend the king to the utmost of their power. If any city of the king’s, or under his dominion, shall invade the Lacedæmonians or their confederates, the king shall make opposition and defend them to the utmost of his power.”
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. Theramenes goeth to sea in a light–horseman, and is cast away.
38. After this accord made, Theramenes delivered his galleys into the hands of Astyochus: and putting to sea in a light–horseman, is no more seen1 .
The Chians in distress, send for aid to Astyochus.Astyochus refuseth to aid them, and is complained of by Pedaritus his letters to the state.
The Athenians that were now come with their army from Lesbos to Chios, and were masters of the field and of the sea, fortified Delphinium, a place both strong to the land–ward, and that had also a harbour2 for shipping, and was not far from the city itself of Chios. And the Chians, as having been disheartened in divers former battles, and otherwise not only not mutually well affected, but jealous one of another; (for Tydeus3 and his accomplices had been put to death by Pedaritus for Atticism, and the rest of the city was kept in awe, but by force, and for a time); stirred not against them. And for the causes mentioned, not conceiving themselves, neither with their own strength nor with the help of those that Pedaritus had with him, sufficient to give them battle, they sent to Miletus to require aid from Astyochus. Which when he denied them, Pedaritus sent letters to Lacedæmon complaining of the wrong. Thus proceeded the affairs of the Athenians at Chios. Also their fleet at Samos went often out against the fleet of the enemy at Miletus: but when theirs would never come out of the harbour to encounter them, they returned to Samos and lay still.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. The galleys that were provided for Pharnabazus set forth toward Ionia.Antisthenes and eleven other Spartans sent with absolute authority into Ionia.They arrive at Caunus in Asia.
39. The same winter, about the solstice, went out from Peloponnesus towards Ionia those twenty–seven galleys, which at the procurement of Calligeitus of Megara and Timagoras of Cyzicus were made ready by the Lacedæmonians for Pharnabazus. The commander of them was Antisthenes a Spartan: with whom the Lacedæmonians sent eleven Spartans more to be of council with Astyochus; whereof Lichas the son of Arcesilaus was one1 . These had commission, that when they should be arrived at Miletus, besides their general care to order everything to the best, they should send away these galleys, either the same or more or fewer, into the Hellespont to Pharnabazus, if they so thought fit; and to appoint Clearchus the son of Rhamphias, that went along in them, for commander: and that the same eleven, if they thought it meet, should put Astyochus from his charge, and ordain Antisthenes in his place: for they had him in suspicion for the letters of Pedaritus. These galleys holding their course from Malea through the main sea, and arriving at Melos, lighted on ten galleys of the Athenians: whereof three they took, but without the men, and fired them. After this, because they feared lest those Athenian galleys that escaped from Melos should give notice of their coming to those in Samos, (as also it fell out), they changed their course and went towards Crete: and having made their voyage the longer that it might be the safer, they put in at Caunus in Asia. Now from thence, as being in a place of safety, they sent a messenger to the fleet at Miletus for a convoy.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. The Chians desire help of Astyochus.year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
40. The Chians and Pedaritus about the same time, notwithstanding [their former repulse, and] that Astyochus was still backward, sent messengers to him, desiring him to come with his whole fleet to help them, being besieged: and not to suffer the greatest of their confederate cities in all Ionia to be thus shut up by sea and ravaged by land, as it was. For the Chians having many slaves1 , more than any one state except that of the Lacedæmonians, whom for their offences they the more ungently punished because of their number; many of them, as soon as the Athenians appeared to be settled in their fortifications, ran over presently to them; and were they, that knowing the territory so well, did it the greatest spoil. Therefore the Chians said he must help them, whilst there was hope and possibility to do it: Delphinium being still in fortifying and unfurnished2 , and greater fences being in making both about their camp and fleet. Astyochus, though he meant it not before, because he would have made good his threats, yet when he saw the confederates were willing, he was bent to have relieved them.
Astyochus is diverted from helping the Chians, and goeth to waft in the twenty–seven galleys of Peloponnesus that lay at Caunus.year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
41. But in the meantime came the messenger from the twenty–seven galleys, and from the Lacedæmonian counsellors, that were come to Caunus1 . Astyochus therefore esteeming the wafting in of these galleys, whereby they might the more freely command the sea, and the safe coming in of those Lacedæmonians, who were to look into his actions, a business that ought to be preferred above all other, presently gave over his journey for Chios, and went towards Caunus. As he went by the coast, he landed at Cos Meropidis2 , being unwalled, and thrown down by an earthquake which had happened there, the greatest verily in man’s memory; and rifled it, the inhabitants being fled into the mountains: and overrunning the country, made booty of all that came in his way, saving of freemen; and those he dismissed. From Cos he went by night to Cnidus: but found it necessary, by the advice of the Cnidians, not to land his men there, but to follow as he was after those twenty galleys of Athens, wherewith Charminus, one of the Athenian generals gone out from Samos, stood watching for those twenty–seven galleys that were come from Peloponnesus, the same that Astyochus himself was going to convoy in. For they at Samos had had intelligence from Miletus1 of their coming: and Charminus was lying for them about Syme, Chalce, Rhodes, and the coast of Lycia: for by this time he knew that they were at Caunus. 42. Astyochus, therefore, desiring to outgo the report of his coming, went as he was to Syme; hoping to find those galleys out from the shore. But [a shower of] rain, together with the cloudiness of the sky, made his galleys to miss their course in the dark, and disordered them.
A fight between the Peloponnesian and Athenian fleets: wherein the Athenians had the worse.
The next morning, the fleet being scattered, the left wing was manifestly descried by the Athenians, whilst the rest wandered yet about the island. And thereupon Charminus and the Athenians put forth against them with twenty galleys2 , supposing they had been the same galleys they were watching for from Caunus: and presently charging, sunk three of them and hurt others, and were superior in the fight, till such time as, contrary to their expectation, the greater part of the fleet came in sight, and enclosed them about. They then betook themselves to flight: and with the loss of six galleys the rest escaped into the island of Teuglussa, and from thence to Halicarnassus. After this the Peloponnesians putting in at Cnidus, and joining with those seven–and–twenty galleys that came from Caunus, went all together to Syme: and having there erected a trophy, returned again and lay at Cnidus.
year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
43. The Athenians, when they understood what had passed in this battle, went from Samos with their whole navy to Syme. But neither went they out against the navy in Cnidus, nor the navy there against them. Whereupon they took up the furniture of their galleys at Syme, and assaulted Loryma, a town in the continent; and so returned to Samos.
Tissaphernes and the Lacedæmonians disagree about the articles of their league.year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
The whole navy of the Peloponnesians being1 at Cnidus, was [now] in repairing and refurnishing with such things as it wanted: and withal those eleven Lacedæmonians conferred with Tissaphernes (for he also was present) touching such things as they disliked in the articles before agreed on2 , and concerning the war, how it might be carried for the future in the best and most advantageous manner for them both. But Lichas was he that considered the business more nearly; and said, that neither the first league, nor yet the later by Theramenes, was made as it ought to have been: and that it would be a very hard condition, that whatsoever territories the king and his ancestors possessed before, he should possess the same now3 ; for so he might bring again into subjection all the islands, and the sea, and the Locrians, and all as far as Bœotia; and the Lacedæmonians, instead of restoring the Grecians into liberty, should put them into subjection to the rule of the Medes. Therefore he required other and better articles to be drawn, and not to stand to these: as for pay, in the new articles they would require none1 . But Tissaphernes chafing at this, went his way in choler: and nothing was done.
Rhodes revolteth to the Peloponnesians.year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
44. The Peloponnesians solicited by messengers from the great men of Rhodes, resolved to go thither: because they hoped it would not prove impossible, with their number of seamen and army of land soldiers, to bring that island into their power2 ; and withal supposed themselves able, with their present confederates, to maintain their fleet without asking money any more of Tissaphernes. Presently therefore, the same winter, they put forth from Cnidus: and arriving in the territory of Rhodes, at Cameirus, first frighted the commons out of it, that knew not of the business; and they fled3 . Then the Lacedæmonians called together both these, and the Rhodians of the two cities Lindus and Iëlysus; and persuaded them to revolt from the Athenians. And Rhodes turned to the Peloponnesians. The Athenians at the same time, hearing of their design, put forth with their fleet from Samos, desiring to have arrived before them: and were seen in the main sea, too late, though not much4 . For the present they went away to Chalce, and thence back to Samos; but afterwards they came forth with their galleys divers times, and made war against Rhodes, from Chalce, Cos, and Samos. Now the Peloponnesians did no more to the Rhodians, but levy money amongst them to the sum of thirty–two talents: and otherwise for fourscore days that they lay there, having their galleys hauled ashore, they meddled not1 .
A. C. 412.Alcibiades flieth to Tissaphernes, and crosseth the business of the Peloponnesians.He adviseth Tissaphernes to shorten their pay:year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. and to corrupt the captains.The integrity of Hermocrates.Alcibiades answereth in Tissaphernes’ name to the cities that call upon him for money, and puts them off.He counselleth Tissaphernes to prolong the war, and afflict both sides.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.He adviseth him, of the two, to favour the Athenians the rather, as fitter to help subdue the Grecians.
45. In this time, as also before the going of the Peloponnesians to Rhodes, came to pass the things that follow. Alcibiades, after the death of Chalcideus and battle at Miletus, being suspected by the Peloponnesians, and Astyochus having received letters from them from Lacedæmon to put him to death; (for he was an enemy to Agis, and also otherwise not well trusted): retired to Tissaphernes first, for fear; and afterwards to his power hindered2 the affairs of the Peloponnesians. And being in everything his instructor, he not only cut shorter their pay, insomuch as from a drachma he brought it to three oboles, and those also not continually paid; advising Tissaphernes to tell them, how that the Athenians, men of a long continued skill in naval affairs, allowed but three oboles to their own, not so much for want of money, but lest the mariners, some of them growing insolent by superfluity, should disable their bodies by spending their money on such things as would weaken them, and others should quit the galleys with the arrear of their pay in their captains’ hands for a pawn1 : but also gave counsel to Tissaphernes to give money to the captains of the galleys and to the generals of the several cities, save only those of Syracuse, to give way unto it. For Hermocrates [the general of the Syracusians] was the only man, that in the name of the whole league stood against it. And for the cities that came to require money, he would put them back himself, and answer them in Tissaphernes his name; and say, namely to the Chians, that they were impudent men, being the richest of the Grecian states and preserved by strangers, to expect nevertheless that others, for their liberty, should not only venture their persons, but maintain them with their purses: and to other states, that they did unjustly, having laid out their money before they revolted that they might serve the Athenians, not to bestow as much or more now upon themselves: and told them, that Tissaphernes, now he made war at his own charges, had reason to be sparing; but when money should come down from the king he would give them their full pay, and assist the cities as should be fit. 46. Moreover, he advised Tissaphernes not to be too hasty to make an end of the war, nor to fetch in the Phœnician fleet which was making ready, nor take more men2 into pay, whereby to put the whole power both by sea and land into the hands of one: but to let the dominion remain divided into two, that the king, when one side troubled him, might set upon it with the other: whereas the dominion both by sea and land being in one, he will want by whom to pull down those that hold it, unless with great danger and cost he should come and try it out himself: but thus the danger would be less chargeable, he being but at a small part of the cost; and he should wear out the Grecians one against another, and himself in the meantime remain in safety1 . He said further, that the Athenians were fitter to partake dominion with him than the other; for that they were less ambitious of power by land; and that their speeches and actions tended more to the king’s purpose2 : for that they would join with him to subdue the Grecians, that is to say, for themselves as touching the dominion by sea, and for the king as touching the Grecians in the king’s territories: whereas the Lacedæmonians, on the contrary, were come to set them free: and it was not likely but that they that were come to deliver the Grecians from the Grecians, will, if they overcome the Athenians, deliver them also from the barbarians. He gave counsel therefore, first to wear them out both; and then, when he had clipped, as near as he could, the wings of the Athenians, to dismiss the Peloponnesians out of his country.
Tissaphernes, guided by the counsel of Alci–year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. biades, hindereth the success of the Peloponnesians.
And Tissaphernes had a purpose to do accordingly; as far as by his actions can be conjectured. For hereupon he gave himself to believe Alcibiades, as his best counsellor in these affairs: and neither paid the Peloponnesians their wages, nor would suffer them to fight by sea: but pretending the coming of the Phœnician fleet, whereby they might afterwards fight with odds1 , he overthrew their proceedings, and abated the vigour of their navy, before very puissant; and was in all things else more backward than he could possibly dissemble.
Alcibiades aimeth at his return to Athens by making show of his power with Tissaphernes.Motion made for the recalling of Alcibiades, and deposing of the people.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
47. Now Alcibiades advised the king and Tissaphernes to this, whilst he was with them, partly because he thought the same to be indeed the best course; but partly also, to make way for his own return into his country: knowing that if he destroyed it not, the time would one day come that he might persuade the Athenians to recall him. And the best way to persuade them to it, he thought, was this: to make it appear unto them that he was powerful with Tissaphernes. Which also came to pass. For after the Athenian soldiers at Samos saw what power he had with him, the captains of galleys and principal men there2 : partly upon Alcibiades his own motion, who had sent to the greatest amongst them, that they should remember him to the best sort, and say that he desired to come home, so the government might be in the hands of a few, not of evil persons nor yet of the multitude that cast him out3 ; and that he would bring Tissaphernes to be their friend, [and to war on their side]: but chiefly of their own accords, had their minds inclined to the deposing of the popular government.
Conspiracy in the army at Samos against the democracy of Athens.
48. This business was set on foot first in the camp; and from thence proceeded afterwards into the city. And certain persons went over to Alcibiades out of Samos, and had conference with him. And when he had undertaken to bring to their friendship first Tissaphernes, and then the king, in case the government were taken from the people: for then, he said, the king might the better rely upon them: they that were of most power in the city, who also were the most toiled out1 , entered into great hope both to have the ordering of the state at home themselves, and victory also over the enemy. And when they came back to Samos, they drew all such as were for their purpose into an oath of conspiracy with themselves: and to the multitude gave it out openly, that if Alcibiades might be recalled and the people put from the government, the king would turn their friend and furnish them with money.
year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. Phrynichus is against the recalling of Alcibiades.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
Though the multitude were grieved with this proceeding for the present, yet for the great hope they had of the king’s pay they stirred not. But they that were setting up the oligarchy, when they had communicated thus much to the multitude, fell to consideration, anew and with more of their complices, of the things spoken by Alcibiades. And the rest thought the matter easy, and worthy to be believed: but Phrynichus, who yet was general of the army, liked it not; but thought, as the truth was, that Alcibiades cared no more for the oligarchy than the democracy, nor had any other aim in it, but only by altering the government that then was to be called home by his associates: and said, “they were especially to look to this, that they did not mutiny for the king1 , who could not very easily be induced (the Peloponnesians being now as much masters at sea as themselves, and having no small cities within his dominions) to join with the Athenians, whom he trusted not; and to trouble himself, when he might have the friendship of the Peloponnesians, that never did him hurt: as for the confederate cities to whom they promise oligarchy, in that they themselves do put down the democracy,” he said, “he knew full well, that neither those which were already revolted would the sooner return to, nor those that remained be ever the more confirmed in their obedience thereby: for they would never be so willing to be in subjection either to the few or to the people, as they would be to have their liberty, which side soever it were that should give it them: but would think, that even those which are termed the good men2 , if they had the government, would give them as much to do as the people, being contrivers and authors to the people of doing those mischiefs against them, out of which they make most profit unto themselves: and that if the few had the rule, then they should be put to death unheard, and more violently than by the former; whereas the people is their refuge, and moderator of the others’ insolence. This,” he said, “he was certain that the cities thought; in that they had learned the same by the actions themselves: and that therefore what was yet propounded by Alcibiades, he by no means approved1 .” 49. But those of the conspiracy there assembled, not only approved the present proposition, but also made preparation to send Pisander2 and others ambassadors to Athens: to negociate concerning the reduction of Alcibiades, the dissolution of the democracy, and the procuring unto the Athenians the friendship of Tissaphernes.
The treason of Phrynichus against the state, for fear of Alcibiades.He writes secret letters to Astyochus.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. Astyochus appeacheth him to Alcibiades.Phrynichus sends to Astyochus again, and offers to put the whole army into his hands.The device of Phrynichus to avoid the danger.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
50. Now Phrynichus knowing that an overture was to be made at Athens for the restoring of Alcibiades, and that the Athenians would embrace it; and fearing lest being recalled he should do him a mischief (in regard he had spoken against it) as one that would have hindered the same: betook himself to this course. He sends secret letters to Astyochus, the Lacedæmonian general, who was yet3 about Miletus, and advertised him that Alcibiades undid their affairs, and was procuring the friendship of Tissaphernes for the Athenians: writing in plain terms the whole business, and desiring to be excused if he rendered evil to his enemy with some disadvantage to his country. Astyochus had before this laid by the purpose of revenge against Alcibiades, especially when he was not in his own hands1 . And going to him to Magnesia and to Tissaphernes, related unto them what advertisement he had received from Samos, and made himself the appeacher. For he adhered, as was said, to Tissaphernes for his private lucre, both in this and in divers other matters: which was also the cause that concerning the pay, when the abatement was made, he was not so stout in opposing it as he ought to have been. Hereupon Alcibiades sendeth letters presently to those that were in office at Samos, accusing Phrynichus of what he had done, and requiring to have him put to death. Phrynichus perplexed with this discovery, and brought into danger indeed, sends again to Astyochus, blaming what was past as not well concealed: and promised now to be ready to deliver unto him the whole army at Samos to be destroyed: writing from point to point, (Samos being unwalled), in what manner he would do it; and saying, that since his life was brought in danger, they could not blame him though he did this or any other thing, rather than be destroyed by his most deadly enemies. This also Astyochus revealed unto Alcibiades. 51. But Phrynichus having had notice betimes how he abused him, and that letters of this from Alcibiades were in a manner come2 , he anticipates the news himself: and tells the army, that whereas Samos was unwalled and the galleys rid not all within, the enemy meant to come and assault the harbour1 : that he had sure intelligence hereof, and that they ought therefore with all speed to raise a wall about the city, and to put garrisons into other places thereabouts2 . Now Phrynichus was general himself, and it was in his own power to see it done. They then fell to walling; whereby Samos (which they meant to have done howsoever) was so much the sooner walled in. Not long after came letters from Alcibiades, that the army was betrayed by Phrynichus, and that the enemy purposed to invade the harbour where they lay3 . But now they thought not Alcibiades worthy to be believed, but rather that having foreseen the design of the enemy, he went about, out of malice, to fasten it upon Phrynichus as conscious of it likewise. So that he did him no hurt by telling it, but bare witness rather of that which Phrynichus had told them of before.
Alcibiades endeavoureth to turn Tissaphernes to the part of the Athenians.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.
52. After this Alcibiades endeavoured to incline and persuade Tissaphernes to the friendship of the Athenians. For though Tissaphernes feared the Peloponnesians, because their fleet was greater than that of the Athenians; yet if he had been able4 , he had a good will to have been persuaded by him; especially in his anger against the Peloponnesians, after the dissension at Cnidus, about the league made by Theramenes; (for they were already fallen out, the Peloponnesians being about this time in Rhodes). Wherein that which had been before spoken by Alcibiades, how that the coming of the Lacedæmonians was to restore all the cities to their liberty, was now verified by Lichas; in that he said, it was an article not to be suffered, that the king should hold those cities which he and his ancestors then or before had holden. Alcibiades therefore, as one that laboured for no trifle, with all his might applied himself to Tissaphernes.
Pisander getteth the Athenians to be content with the oligarchy, and to give him and others commission to treat with Alcibiades.year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1.Phrynichus accused by Pisan–year xx. A. C. 412. Ol. 92. 1. der, and discharged of his command.
53. The Athenian ambassadors sent from Samos with Pisander, being arrived at Athens, were making their propositions to the people: and related unto them summarily the points of their business, and principally this; “that if they would call home Alcibiades, and not suffer the government to remain in the hands of the people in such manner as it did, they might have the king for their confederate, and get the victory of the Peloponnesians”. Now when many opposed that point touching the democracy; and the enemies of Alcibiades clamoured withal, that it would be a horrible thing he should return by forcing the government1 , when the Eumolpidæ and Ceryces2 bare witness against him concerning the mysteries for which he fled, and prohibited his return under their curse: Pisander, at this great opposition and querimony, stood out, and going amongst them took out one by one those that were against it, and asked them; “whether, now that the Peloponnesians had as many galleys at sea to oppose them as they themselves had, and confederate cities more than they, and were furnished with money by the king and Tissaphernes, the Athenians being without, they had any other hope to save their state but by persuading the king to come about to their side”. And they that were asked having nothing to answer, then in plain terms he said unto them: “This you cannot now obtain, except we administer the state with more moderation, and bring the power into the hands of a few, that the king may rely upon us. And we1 deliberate at this time, not so much about the form, as about the preservation of the state; for if you mislike the form2 , you may change it again hereafter. And let us recall Alcibiades, who is the only man that can bring this to pass.” The people hearing of the oligarchy, took it very heinously at first: but when Pisander had proved evidently, that there was no other way of safety, in the end, partly for fear and partly because they hoped again to change the government, they yielded thereunto. So they ordered, that Pisander and ten others should go and treat both with Tissaphernes and Alcibiades, as to them should seem best. Withal, upon the accusation of Pisander against Phrynichus, they discharged both Phrynichus and Scironides, his fellow–commissioner, of their command: and made Diomedon and Leon generals of the fleet in their places. Now the cause why Pisander accused Phrynichus, and said he had betrayed Iasus and Amorges, was only this: he thought him a man unfit for the business now in hand with Alcibiades.
Pisander, after he had gone about to all those combinations1 , (which were in the city before, for obtaining of places of judicature and of command), exhorting them to stand together and advise about deposing the democracy; and when he had dispatched the rest of his business, so as there should be no more cause for him to stay there2 : took sea with those other ten to go to Tissaphernes.
A. C. 411. Leon and Diomedon war upon the Peloponnesian navy at Rhodes.
55. Leon and Diomedon arriving the same winter at the Athenian fleet, made a voyage against Rhodes; and finding there the Peloponnesian galleys drawn up to land, disbarked and overcame in battle such of the Rhodians as made head; and then put to sea again and went to Chalce. After this they made sharper war upon them from Cos3 . For from thence they could better observe the Peloponnesian navy when it should put off from the land.
year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. Chios distressed, and Pedaritus the captain slain.
In this while there arrived at Rhodes Xenophontidas, a Laconian, sent out of Chios from Pedaritus, to advertise them that the fortification of the Athenians there was now finished: and that unless they came and relieved them with their whole fleet, the state of Chios must utterly be lost. And it was resolved to relieve them. But Pedaritus in the meantime, with the whole power both of his own auxiliary forces and of the Chians, made an assault upon the fortification which the Athenians had made about their navy: part whereof he won, and had gotten some galleys that were drawn a–land. But the Athenians issuing out upon them, first put to flight the Chians, and then overcame also the rest of the army about Pedaritus: and slew Pedaritus himself, and took many of the Chians prisoners and much armour1 . 56. After this the Chians were besieged both by sea and land more narrowly: and great famine was in the city.
Alcibiades unable to make good his word, about bringing Tissaphernes to the Athenians’ side, demands excessive conditions, to make the breach ap–year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. pear to proceed from the Athenians, and to save his own credit.year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
Pisander, and the other Athenian ambassadors that went with him, when they came to Tissaphernes, began to confer about the agreement. But Alcibiades (for he was not sure of Tissaphernes, because he stood in fear too much of the Peloponnesians, and had a purpose besides, as Alcibiades himself had taught him, to weaken both sides [yet more]), betook himself to this shift: that Tissaphernes should break off the treaty by making to the Athenians exorbitant demands. And it seemed that Tissaphernes and he aimed at the same thing1 : Tissaphernes for fear; and Alcibiades, for that when he saw Tissaphernes not desirous to agree, [though the offers were never so great], he was unwilling to have the Athenians think he could not persuade him to it, but rather that he was already persuaded and willing, and that the Athenians came not to him with sufficient offers. For Alcibiades being the man that spake for Tissaphernes, though he were also present, made unto them such excessive demands, that though the Athenians should have yielded to the greatest part of them, yet it must have been attributed to them that the treaty went not on2 . For they demanded, first, that all Ionia should be rendered: then again, the adjacent islands and other things: which the Athenians stood not against. In fine, at the third meeting, when he feared now plainly to be found unable to make good his word, he required, that they should suffer the king to build a navy, and sail up and down by their coast3 wheresoever and with what number soever of galleys he himself should think good. Upon this the Athenians would treat no longer, esteeming the conditions intolerable and that Alcibiades had abused them, and so went away in a chafe to Samos.
Tissaphernes hearkeneth again to the Peloponnesians.
57. Presently after this, the same winter, Tissaphernes went to Caunus, with intent both to bring the Peloponnesians back to Miletus, and also, (as soon as he should have agreed unto new articles, such as he could get), to give the fleet their pay; and not to fall directly out with them: for fear lest so many galleys wanting maintenance, should either be forced by the Athenians to fight and so be overcome, or, emptied of men, the business might succeed with the Athenians according to their own desire without him. Besides he was afraid1 , lest looking for maintenance they should make spoil in the continent. In consideration and foresight of all which things, he desired to counterpoise the Grecians2 . And sending for the Peloponnesians, he gave them their pay; and now made the third league, as followeth:
The third league between Tissa–year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. phernes and the Peloponnesians.
58. “In the thirteenth year of the reign of Darius, Alexippidas being ephor in Lacedæmon, agreement was made in the plain of Mæander, between the Lacedæmonians and their confederates on one part, and Tissaphernes and Hieramenes1 and the sons of Pharnaces on the other part, concerning the affairs of the king, and of the Lacedæmonians and their confederates.
“That whatsoever country in Asia belongeth to the king, shall be the king’s still2 : and that concerning his own countries, it shall be lawful for the king to do whatsoever he shall think meet.
“That the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall not invade any the territories of the king to harm them; nor the king, the territories of the Lacedæmonians or their confederates.
“If any of the Lacedæmonians or their confederates shall invade the king’s country to do it hurt, the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall oppose it: and if any of the king’s country shall invade the Lacedæmonians or their confederates to do them hurt, the king shall oppose it.
“That Tissaphernes shall, according to the rates agreed on3 , maintain the present fleet till the king’s fleet arrive.
year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
“That when the king’s navy shall be come, the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall maintain their own navy themselves, if they please: or if they will have Tissaphernes to maintain it, he shall do it; and that the Lacedæmonians and their confederates, at the end of the war, repay Tissaphernes whatsoever money they shall have received of him1 .
“When the king’s galleys shall be arrived, both they and the galleys of the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall make the war jointly, according as to Tissaphernes and the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall seem good: and if they will give over the war against the Athenians, they shall give it over in the same manner.”
59. Such were the articles. After this Tissaphernes prepared for the fetching in of the Phœnician fleet, according to the agreement, and to do whatsoever else he had undertaken: desiring to have it seen, at least, that he went about it.
Oropus taken by treason.year xx. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
60. In the end of this winter, the Bœotians took Oropus by treason. It had in it a garrison of Athenians2 . They that plotted it, were certain Eretrians and some of Oropus itself; who were then contriving the revolt of Eubœa. For the place being built to keep Eretria in subjection3 , it was impossible, as long as the Athenians held it, but that it would much annoy both Eretria and the rest of Eubœa. Having4 Oropus in their hands already, they came to Rhodes to call the Peloponnesians into Eubœa. But the Peloponnesians had a greater inclination to relieve Chios now distressed: and putting to sea, departed out of Rhodes with their whole fleet. When they were come about Triopium, they descried the Athenian fleet in the main sea going from Chalce. And neither side assaulting other, they put in, the one fleet at Samos, the other at Miletus: for the Peloponnesians saw they could not pass to relieve Chios without a battle. Thus ended this winter; and the twentieth year of this war written by Thucydides.
year xxi.The Chians fight against the Athenians that besieged them.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
61. The next summer, in the beginning of the spring, Dercylidas a Spartan was sent by land into Hellespont with a small army, to work the revolt of Abydos, a colony of the Milesians. And the Chians at the same time, whilst Astyochus was at a stand how to help them, were compelled by the pressure of the siege to hazard a battle by sea. Now whilst Astyochus lay at Rhodes, they had received into the city of Chios, after the death of Pedaritus, one Leon a Spartan, that came along with Antisthenes as a private soldier1 : and with him twelve galleys that lay at the guard of Miletus, whereof five were Thurians, four Syracusians, one of Anæa, one of Miletus, and one of Leon’s own. Whereupon the Chians issuing forth with the whole force of the city, seized a certain place of strength: and1 put forth thirty–six galleys against thirty–two of the Athenians, and fought. After a sharp fight, wherein the Chians and their associates had not the worst, and when it began to be dark, they retired again into the city.
Abydos and Lampsacus revolt.Strombichides recovereth Lampsacus.
62. Presently after this, Dercylidas being arrived now in Hellespont from Miletus by land, Abydos revolted to him and to Pharnabazus: and two days after revolted Lampsacus. Strombichides having intelligence of this, made haste thither from Chios with four–and–twenty sail of Athenians: those being also of that number which transported his men of arms. And when he had overcome the Lampsacenes that came out against him, and taken Lampsacus, being an open town, at the first shout of their voices, and made prize of all the goods they found and of the slaves, he placed the freemen there again: and went against Abydos. But when that city neither yielded nor could be taken by assault, he crossed over from Abydos to the opposite shore: and in Sestos, a city of Chersonesus, possessed heretofore by the Medes2 , he placed a garrison for the custody of the whole Hellespont.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
63. In the meantime not only the Chians had the sea at more command, but Astyochus also and the army at Miletus, having been advertised of what passed in the fight by sea, and that Strombichides and those galleys with him were gone away, took heart. And Astyochus going to Chios with two galleys, fetched away the galleys that were there1 : and with the whole fleet now together went against Samos. But seeing they of Samos, by reason of their jealousy one towards another, came not against him, he went back again to Miletus. For it was about this time that the democracy was put down at Athens2 .
The democracy at Athens put down by Pisander and his fellows.The authors of the oligarchy resolve to leave out Alcibiades, and to govern the state with their private means for themselves.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
For after that Pisander and his fellow–ambassadors that had been with Tissaphernes, were come to Samos, they both assured their affairs yet better in the army, and also provoked the principal men of the Samians to attempt with them the erecting of the oligarchy; though there were then an insurrection amongst them against the oligarchy. And withal the Athenians at Samos, in a conference amongst themselves, deliberated how, since Alcibiades would not, to let him alone; for indeed they thought him no fit man to come into an oligarchy: but for themselves, seeing they were already engaged in the danger, to take care both to keep the business from a relapse, and withal to sustain the war, and to contribute money and whatsoever else was needful with alacrity, out of their private estates; and no more to toil for other than themselves3 . 64. Having thus advised, they sent Pisander with half the ambassadors presently home, to follow the business there; with command to set up the oligarchy in all the cities they were to touch at by the way: the other half they sent about1 , some to one part [of the state] and some to another. And they sent away Diotrephes to his charge, who was now about Chios, chosen to go governor of the cities upon Thrace.
The Athenians having set up the oligarchy in Thasos, it presently revolteth from them.
He, when he came to Thasos, deposed the people. And within two months at most after he was gone, the Thasians fortified their city: as needing no longer an aristocracy with the Athenians2 , but expecting liberty every day by the help of the Lacedæmonians. For there were also certain of them with the Peloponnesians, driven out by the Athenians: and these3 practised with such in the city as were for their purpose, to receive galleys into it and to cause it to revolt. So that it fell out for them just as they would have it: that that estate of theirs4 was set up without their danger, and that the people was deposed that would have withstood it. Insomuch as at Thasos it fell out contrary to what those Athenians thought, which erected the oligarchy: and so, in my opinion, it did in many other places of their dominion. For the cities now grown wise5 , and withal resolute in their proceedings, sought a direct liberty; and preferred not before it that outside of a well–ordered government, introduced by the Athenians.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. The proceeding of Pisander in setting up the oligarchy.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
65. They with Pisander, according to the order given them, entering into the cities as they went by, dissolved the democracies: and having in some places obtained also an aid of men of arms, they came to Athens: and found the business, for the greatest part, dispatched to their hands by their accomplices before their coming. For certain young men combining themselves, had not only murdered Androcles privily, a principal patron of the popular government, and one that had his hand the farthest in the banishment of Alcibiades: (whom they slew for two causes; for the sway he bare amongst the people; and to gratify Alcibiades, who they thought would return and get them the friendship of Tissaphernes): but had also made away divers men unfit for their design in the same manner. They had withal an oration ready made, which they delivered in public, wherein they said, that there ought none to receive wages but such as served in the wars1 , nor to participate of the government more than five thousand; and those, such as by their purses and persons were best able to serve the commonwealth. 66. And this with the most carried a good shew: because they that would set forward the alteration of the state, were to have the managing of the same1 . Yet the people and the Council of the Bean met still; but debated nothing, save what the conspirators thought fit: nay, all that spake were of that number, and had considered before what they were to say2 . Nor would any of the rest speak against them, for fear, because they saw the combination was great: and if any man did, he was quickly made away by one convenient means or other; and no inquiry made after the deed–doers, nor justice prosecuted against any that was suspected. But the people were so quiet and so afraid, that every man thought it gain to escape violence, though he said never a word. Their hearts failed them, because they thought the conspirators more indeed than they were: and to learn their number, in respect of the greatness of the city and for that they knew not one another, they were unable3 . For the same cause also was it impossible for any man that was angry at it, to bemoan himself, whereby to be revenged on them that conspired4 : for he must have told his mind, either to one he knew not, or to one he knew and trusted not. For the populars approached each other, every one with jealousy, as if they thought him of the plot. For indeed there were such amongst them, as no man would have thought would ever have turned to the oligarchy: and those were they that caused1 in the many that diffidence; and by strengthening the jealousy of the populars one against another, conferred most to the security of the few.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. The form of the new oligarchy.
67. During this opportunity, Pisander and they that were with him, coming in fell in hand presently with the remainder of the business. And first they assembled the people, and delivered their opinion, for ten men to be chosen with power absolute to make a draught of laws; and having drawn them, to deliver their opinion at a day appointed before the people, touching the best form of government for the city. Afterwards, when that day came, they summoned the assembly to Colonus2 : which is a place consecrated to Neptune without the city, about two furlongs off. And they that were appointed to write the laws, presented this, and only this: That it should be lawful for any Athenian to deliver whatsoever opinion he pleased; imposing of great punishments upon whosoever should either accuse any that so spake of violating the laws3 , or otherwise do him hurt. Now here indeed it was in plain terms propounded, “that not any magistracy of the form before used, might any longer be in force, nor any fee belong unto it: but that five Prytanes might be elected, and these five choose a hundred, and every one of this hundred take unto him three others: and these four hundred entering into the council–house, might have absolute authority to govern the state as they thought best, and to summon the five thousand as oft as to them it should seem good”.
Pisander a principal man of the oligarchals.Antiphon another setter up of the few.The praise of Antiphon.Phrynichus an–year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. other author of the oligarchy.
68. He that delivered this opinion was Pisander: who was also otherwise openly the forwardest to put down the democracy. But he that contrived the whole business, how to bring it to this pass, and had long thought upon it, was Antiphon: a man for virtue not inferior to any Athenian of his time, and the ablest of any man both to devise well, and also to express well what he had devised: and though he came not into the assemblies of the people, nor willingly to any other debatings, because the multitude had him in jealousy for the opinion they had of the power of his eloquence; yet when any man that had occasion of suit, either in the courts of justice or in the assembly of the people, came to him for his counsel, this one man was able to help him most. The same man, when afterwards the government of the four hundred went down and was vexed of the people, was heard plead for himself, when his life was in question for that business1 , the best of any man to this day. Phrynichus also shewed himself an earnest man for the oligarchy, and that more earnestly than any other; because he feared Alcibiades, and knew him to be acquainted with all his practices at Samos with Astyochus; and thought in all probability, that he would never return to live under the government of the few. And this man, in any matter of weight, appeared the most sufficient to be relied on1 . Also Theramenes the son of Agnon, an able man both for elocution and understanding, was another of the principal of those that overthrew the democracy.
So that it is no marvel if the business took effect, being by many and wise men conducted, though it were a hard one. For it went sore with the Athenian people, almost a hundred years after the expulsion of the tyrants, to be now deprived of their liberty: having not only not been subject to any, but also for the half of this time been inured to dominion over others.
The Four Hundred enter upon the senate and dismiss the senate of five hundred called.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. the Council of the Bean.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
69. When the assembly, after it had passed these things no man contradicting, was dissolved; then afterwards they brought the four hundred into the council–house in this manner. The Athenians were evermore partly on the walls, and partlyat their arms in the camp, in regard of the enemy that lay at Deceleia1 . Therefore on the day appointed, they suffered such as knew not their intent, to go forth as they were wont. But to such as were of the conspiracy, they quietly gave order not to go to the camp itself2 , but to lag behind at a certain distance: and if any man should oppose what was in doing, to take arms and keep them back. They to whom this charge was given, were [the] Andrians, Tenians, three hundred Carystians, and such of the colony of Ægina which the Athenians had sent thither to inhabit3 , as came on purpose to this action with their own arms. These things thus ordered, the four hundred, with every man a secret dagger, accompanied with one hundred and twenty young men of Greece4 , whom they used for occasions of shedding of blood, came in upon the Counsellers of the Bean, as they sat in the councilhouse, and commanded them to take their salary and be gone: which also they brought ready with them, for the whole time they were behind5 , and paid it to them as they went out. 70. And the rest of the citizens mutinied not, but rested quiet1 .
Agis, in hope that the city was in sedition, cometh to assault it, but is repulsed.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.The Four Hundred send to Lacedæmon to procure a peace.
The four hundred being now entered into the council–house, created Prytanes amongst themselves by lot, and made their prayers and sacrifices to the gods, all that were before usual at the entrance upon the government. And afterwards receding far from that course which in the administration of the state was used by the people, saving that for Alcibiades his sake they recalled not the outlaws, in other things they governed the commonwealth imperiously: and not only slew some, though not many, such as they thought fit to be made away, and imprisoned some, and confined others to places abroad; but also sent heralds to Agis, king of the Lacedæmonians, who was then at Deceleia, signifying that they would come to composition with him; and that now he might better treat with them, than he might before with the unconstant people. 71. But he, not imagining that the city was yet in quiet nor willing so soon to deliver up their ancient liberty, but rather that if they saw him approach with great forces they would be in tumult, not yet believing fully but that some stir or other would arise amongst them, gave no answer at all to those that came from the four hundred, touching the composition: but having sent for new and great forces out of Peloponnesus, came down himself not long after, both with the army at Deceleia and those new comers, to the Athenian walls: hoping that they would fall into his hands according to his desire, at least the more easily for their confusion, or perhaps at the very first shout of their voices, in respect of the tumult that in all likelihood was to happen both within and without the city. For, as for the long walls, in regard of the few defendants likely to be found upon them, he thought he could not fail to take them1 . But when he came near, and the Athenians were without any the least alteration within; and had with their horsemen which they sent out, and a part of their men of arms and of their light–armed and of their archers, overthrown some of his men that approached too near, and gotten some arms and bodies of the slain: rectified thus, he withdrew his army again. And himself, and such as were with him before, stayed in their places at Deceleia; but as for those that came last, after they had stayed awhile in the country, he sent them home again. After this the four hundred, notwithstanding their former repulse, sent ambassadors unto Agis anew: and he now receiving them better, by his advice they sent ambassadors also to Lacedæmon about an agreement, being desirous of peace.
They sent to Samos, to excuse their doings to the army.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
72. They likewise sent ten men to Samos, to satisfy the army: and to tell them, “that the oligarchy was not set up to any prejudice of the city or citizens, but for the safety of the whole state: and that they which had their hands in it were five thousand, and not four hundred only1 ; notwithstanding that the Athenians, by reason of warfare and employment abroad, never assembled, of how great consequence soever was the matter to be handled, so frequent as to be five thousand there at once”2 . And having in other things instructed them how to make the best of the matter, they sent them away immediately after the government was changed: fearing, as also it fell out, lest the seafaring multitude would not only not continue in this oligarchical form themselves, but the mischief beginning there would depose them also.
The oligarchy assaulted at Samos by the populars.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
73. For in Samos there was a commotion about the oligarchy already: and this that followeth, happened about the same time that the four hundred were set up in Athens. Those Samians that had risen3 against the nobility, and were of the people’s side, turning when Pisander came thither, at the persuasion of him and of those Athenians in Samos that were his accomplices, conspired together to the number of three hundred, and were to have assaulted the rest as populars. And one Hyperbolus, a lewd fellow1 , who, not for any fear of his power or for any dignity, but for wickedness of life and dishonour he did the city, had been banished by ostracism, they slew: abetted therein both by Charminus, one of the commanders, and by other Athenians that were amongst them, who had given them their faith. And together with these, they committed other facts of the same kind: and were fully bent to have assaulted the popular side. But they having gotten notice thereof, made known the design both to the generals, Leon and Diomedon; (for these being honoured by the people, endured the oligarchy unwillingly); and also to Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, whereof one was captain of a galley, and the other captain of a band of men of arms2 , and to such others continually as they thought stood3 in greatest opposition to the conspirators: and required of them that they would not see them destroyed, and Samos alienated from the Athenians, by the only means of which their dominion had till this time kept itself in the state it is in. They hearing it, went to the soldiers, and exhorted them one by one not to suffer it; especially to the Paralians, who were all Athenians and freemen, come thither in the galley called Paralus, and had always before been enemies to the oligarchy1 . And Leon and Diomedon, whensoever they went forth any whither, left them certain galleys for their guard: so that when the three hundred assaulted them, the commons of the Samians, with the help of all these, and especially of the Paralians, had the upperhand: and of the three hundred slew thirty. Three of the chief authors they banished: and burying in oblivion the fault of the rest, governed the state from that time forward as a democracy.
The army send to Athens to signify their doings against the oligarchy at Samos: not knowing that the oligarchy was then in authority at Athens.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.The democracy re–established in the army.year xxi. A C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
74. The Paralus, and in it Chæreas the son of Archestratus, a man of Athens, one that had been forward in the making of this change, the Samians and the soldiers dispatched presently away to Athens, to advertise them of what was done: for they knew not yet, that the government was in the hands of the four hundred. When they arrived, the four hundred cast some two or three of these of the Paralus into prison: the rest, after they had taken the galley from them and put them aboard another military galley, they commanded to keep guard about Eubœa. But Chæreas, by some means or other getting presently away, seeing how things went, came back to Samos; and related to the army all that the Athenians had done, aggravating it to the utmost: as that they punished every man with stripes, to the end that none should contradict the doings of those that bore rule; and that their wives and children at home were abused; and that they had an intention further to take and imprison all that were of kin to any of the army which was not of their faction, to the intent to kill them if they of Samos would not submit to their authority. And many other things he told them, adding lies of his own. 75. When they heard this, they were ready at first to have fallen upon the chief authors of the oligarchy, and upon such of the rest as were partakers of it. Yet afterwards, being hindered by such as came between1 and advised them not to overthrow the state, the enemy lying so near with their galleys to assault them; they gave it over. After this, Thrasybulus the son of Lycus, and Thrasyllus, (for these were the principal authors of the change), determining now openly to reduce the state at Samos to a democracy, took oaths of all the soldiers, especially of the oligarchicals, the greatest they could devise2 : both that they should be subject to the democracy and agree together; and also that they should zealously prosecute the war against the Peloponnesians; and withal be enemies to the four hundred, and not to have to do with them by ambassadors. The same oath was taken by all the Samians that were of age; and the Athenian soldiers communicated with them their whole affairs, together with whatsoever should succeed of their dangers1 : for whom and for themselves, they made account there was no refuge of safety; but that if either the four hundred or the enemy at Miletus overcame them, they must needs perish.
The army encourageth itself against the city and state at home by comparison of their strength.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.year xxi. A C 411. Ol. 92. 1.
76. So there was a contention at this time: one side compelling the city to a democracy; the other, the army to an oligarchy. And presently there was an assembly of the soldiers called: wherein they deprived the former commanders, and such captains of galleys as they had in suspicion, of their charge; and chose others, both captains of galleys and commanders, in their places; of which Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus were two. And they stood up and encouraged one another, both otherwise, and with this: “that they had no cause to be dejected for the city’s revolting from them; for they at Athens, being the lesser part, had forsaken them, who were not only the greater part, but also every way the better provided2 . For they having the whole navy, could compel the rest of the cities subject unto them to pay in their money as well now, as if they were to set out from Athens itself. And that they also had a city, namely Samos, no weak one; but even such a one, as when they were enemies, wanted little of taking the dominion of the sea from the Athenians. That the seat of the war, was the same it was before3 ; and that they should be better able to provide themselves of things necessary, having the navy, than they should be that were at home in the city. And that they at Athens were masters of the entrance of Peiræus, both formerly by the favour of them at Samos1 : and that now also, unless they restore them the government, they shall again be brought to that pass, that those at Samos shall be better able to bar them the use of the sea, than they shall be to bar it them of Samos. That it was a trifle and worth nothing, which was conferred to the overcoming of the enemy by the city; and a small matter it would be to lose it, seeing they had neither any more silver to send them, (for the soldiers shifted for themselves), nor yet good direction, which is the thing for which the city hath the command of the armies. Nay, that in this point they erred which were at Athens; in that they had abrogated the laws of their country: whereas they at Samos did both observe the same themselves, and endeavour to constrain the other to do so likewise2 . So that such of them in the camp as should give good council, were as good as they in the city. And that Alcibiades, if they would decree his security and his return, would with all his heart procure the king to be their confederate. And that which is the main thing, if they failed of all other helps, yet with so great a fleet they could not fail of many places to retire to, in which they might find both city and territory.”
77. When they had thus debated the matter in the assembly and encouraged one another, they made ready, as at other times, whatsoever was necessary for the war1 . And the ten ambassadors which were sent to Samos from the four hundred, hearing of this by the way at Delos, whither they were come already, stayed still there.
Upon the murmur of the soldiers against Astyochus, he goeth to Samos to offer the Athenians battle:
78. About the same time also, the soldiers of the Peloponnesian fleet at Miletus murmured amongst themselves, that Astyochus and Tissaphernes overthrew the state of their affairs. Astyochus in refusing to fight; both before, when their own fleet was stronger2 , and that of the Athenians but small; and also now, whilst they were said to be in sedition, and their fleet divided; and in expecting the Phœnician fleet, in fame, not in fact to come from Tissaphernes3 : and Tissaphernes, in that he not only brought not in that fleet of his, but also impaired theirs by not giving them their pay, neither fully nor continually: and that they therefore ought no longer to delay time, but to hazard battle. This was urged principally by the Syracusians.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.who refuse it.The Athenians offer battle to the Peloponnesians, and they refuse it.
79. Astyochus and the confederates, when they heard of the murmur, and had in council resolved to fight, especially after they were informed that Samos was in a tumult: putting forth with their whole fleet to the number of one hundred and twelve sail, with order given to the Milesians to march by land to the same place, went to Mycale. But the Athenians, being come out from Samos with their fleet of eighty–two galleys, and riding now at Glauce of the territory of Mycale, ([for] in this part [toward Mycale] Samos is but a little way from the continent), when they descried the Peloponnesian fleet coming against them, put in again to Samos: as not esteeming themselves a sufficient number, to hazard their whole fortune on the battle. Besides, they stayed for the coming of Strombichides from Hellespont to their aid (for they saw that they of Miletus had a desire to fight) with those galleys that went from Chios against Abydos1 : for they had sent unto him before. So these retired into Samos. And the Peloponnesians putting in at Mycale, there encamped: as also did the land–forces of the Milesians, and others of the country thereabouts. The next day, when they meant to have gone against Samos, they received news that Strombichides with his galleys was arrived out of Hellespont: and thereupon returned presently to Miletus. Then the Athenians on the other side, with the addition of these galleys, went to Miletus, being now one hundred and eight sail, intending to fight: but when nobody came out against them, they likewise went back to Samos.
The Peloponnesians send part of their fleet to–year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. wards the Hellespont, but there went through but only ten galleys.
80. Immediately after this, the same summer, the Peloponnesians, who refused to come out against the enemy, as holding themselves with their whole fleet too weak to give them battle, and were now at a stand how to get money for the maintenance of so great a number of galleys1 : sent Clearchus, the son of Rhamphias, with forty galleys, according to the order at first from Peloponnesus2 , to Pharnabazus. For not only Pharnabazus himself had sent for, and promised to pay them: but they were advertised besides by ambassadors, that Byzantium had a purpose to revolt. Hereupon these Peloponnesian galleys having put out into the main sea, to the end that they might not be seen as they passed by; and tossed with tempests, part of them, which were the greatest number, and Clearchus with them, got into Delos, and came afterwards to Miletus again; but Clearchus went thence again into the Hellespont by land, and had the command there: and part under the charge of Helixus, a Megarean, which were ten sail, went safely through into the Hellespont, and caused Byzantium to revolt. And after this, when they of Samos heard of it, they sent certain galleys into Hellespont to oppose them, and to be a guard to the cities thereabouts: and there followed a small fight between them of eight galleys to eight, before Byzantium.
Alcibiades is recalled and cometh to Samos.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.He manifesteth his power with Tissaphernes.Alcibiades general of the Athenian army.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
81. In the meantime, they that were in authority at Samos, and especially Thrasybulus, who after the form of government changed was still of the mind to have Alcibiades recalled, at length in an assembly persuaded the soldiers to the same. And when they had decreed for Alcibiades both his return and his security, he went to Tissaphernes and fetched Alcibiades to Samos: accounting it their only means of safety, to win Tissaphernes from the Peloponnesians to themselves. An assembly being called, Alcibiades complained of and lamented the calamity of his own exile, and speaking much of the business of the state gave them no small hopes of the future time: hyperbolically magnifying his own power with Tissaphernes, to the end that both they which held the oligarchy at home might the more fear him, and so the conspiracies1 dissolve, and also those at Samos the more honour him and take better heart unto themselves; and withal, that the enemy might object the same to the utmost to Tissaphernes2 , and fall from their present hopes. Alcibiades therefore, with the greatest boast that could be, affirmed that Tissaphernes had undertaken to him, that as long as he had anything left, if he might but trust the Athenians they should never want for maintenance; no, though he should be constrained3 to make money of his own bed; and that he would fetch the Phœnician fleet, now at Aspendus, not to the Peloponnesians but to the Athenians: and that then only he would rely upon the Athenians, when Alcibiades called home should undertake for them4 . 82. Hearing this and much more, they chose him presently for general together with those that were before; and committed unto them the whole government of their affairs. And now there was not a man that would have sold his present hopes, both of subsisting themselves1 and being revenged of the four hundred, for any good in the world: and were ready even then, upon those words of his, contemning the enemy there present, to set sail for Peiræus. But he, though many pressed it, by all means forbade their going against Peiræus, being to leave their enemies so near: but since they had chosen him general, he was, he said, to go to Tissaphernes first, and to dispatch such business with him as concerned the war. And as soon as the assembly brake up, he took his journey accordingly: to the end that he might seem to communicate everything with him, and for that he desired also to be in more honour with him, and to show that he was general, and a man capable to do him2 good or hurt. And it happened to Alcibiades, that he awed the Athenians with Tissaphernes, and Tissaphernes with the Athenians.
The Peloponnesians murmur against Tissaphernes aad Astyochus.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.Mutiny against Astyochus.The Milesians take in the fortyear xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. made in their city by Tissaphernes.
83. When the Peloponnesians that were at Miletus, heard that Alcibiades was gone home; whereas they mistrusted Tissaphernes before, now they much more accused him3 . For it fell out, that when at the coming of the Athenians with their fleet before Miletus they refused to give them battle, Tissaphernes became thereby a great deal slacker in his payment; and besides that he was hated by them before this for Alcibiades’ sake4 , the soldiers now, meeting in companies apart, reckoned up one to another the same matters which they had noted before, and some also, men of value and not the common soldier alone, recounted this withal; how they had never had their full stipend; that the allowance was but small, and yet not continually paid; and that unless they either fought, or went to some other place where they might have maintenance, their men would abandon the fleet; and that the cause of all this was in Astyochus, who for private lucre gave way to the humour of Tissaphernes. 84. Whilst these were upon this consideration, there happened also a certain tumult about Astyochus. For the mariners of the Syracusians and Thurians, by how much they were a multitude that had greater liberty than the rest, with so much the stouter importunity they demanded their pay. And he not only gave them somewhat an insolent answer, but also threatened Dorieus, that amongst the rest spake for the soldiers under himself, and lift up his staff against him. When the soldiers saw that, they took up a cry like seamen indeed, all at once; and were running upon Astyochus to have stricken him. But foreseeing it, he fled to an altar; and was not stricken, but they were parted again1 . The Milesians also took in a certain fort in Miletus, built by Tissaphernes, having privily assaulted it; and cast out the garrison that was within it. These things were by the rest of the confederates, and especially by the Syracusians, well approved of: but Lichas liked them not; saying, it behoved the Milesians, and the rest dwelling within the king’s dominion, to have obeyed Tissaphernes in all moderate things, and till such time as the war should have been well dispatched to have courted him. And the Milesians, for this and other things of this kind, were offended with Lichas: and afterwards when he died of sickness, would not permit him to be buried in that place where the Lacedæmonians then present would have had him.
Mindarus successor to Astyochus, taketh charge of the army, and Astyochus goeth home.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
85. Whilst they were quarrelling1 about their business with Astyochus and Tissaphernes, Mindarus cometh in from Lacedæmon to succeed Astyochus in his charge of the fleet: and as soon as he had taken the command upon him, Astyochus departed. But with him Tissaphernes sent2 a Carian, named Gauleites, one that spake both the languages, both to accuse the Milesians about the fort, and also to make an apology for himself: knowing that the Milesians went principally to exclaim upon him; and that Hermocrates went with them, and would bewray how Tissaphernes undid the business of the Peloponnesians with Alcibiades, and dealt on both hands. For he was continually at enmity with him about the payment of the soldiers’ wages: and in the end, when Hermocrates was banished from Syracuse, and other commanders of the Syracusian fleet, namely, Potamis, Myscon, and Demarchus, were arrived at Miletus, Tissaphernes lay more heavy upon him being an outlaw, than before; and accused him amongst other things, that he had asked him money, and because he could not have it became his enemy. So Astyochus and Hermocrates and the Milesians went their way to Lacedæmon.
The ambassadors from the Four Hundred to excuse the change at Athensyear xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.Alcibiades saveth the Athenian state.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
Alcibiades by this time was come back from Tissaphernes to Samos. 86. And those ambassadors of the four hundred, which had been sent out before1 to mollify and to inform those of Samos, came from Delos now, whilst Alcibiades was present. An assembly being called, they were offering to speak. But the soldiers at first would not hear them; but cried out to have them put to death, for that they had deposed the people: yet afterwards with much ado they were calmed, and gave them hearing. They declared, “that the change had been made for the preservation of the city, not to destroy it, nor to deliver it to the enemy; for they could have done that before now, when the enemy during their government assaulted it2 : that every one of the five thousand was to participate of the government in their turns3 : and their friends were not, as Chæreas had laid to their charge, abused; nor had any wrong at all, but remained every one quietly upon his own.” Though they delivered this and much more, yet the soldiers believed them not1 , but raged still; and declared their opinions, some in one sort some in another, most agreeing in this to go against Peiræus. And now Alcibiades appeared to be the first and principal man in doing service to the commonwealth2 . For when the Athenians at Samos were carried headlong to invade themselves: in which case most manifestly the enemy had presently possessed himself of Ionia and Hellespont: [it was thought that] he was the man that kept them from it. Nor was there any man at that time able to have held in the multitude, but himself. He both made them to desist from the voyage, and rated off from the ambassadors those that were in their own particular incensed against them. Whom also he sent away, giving them their answer himself: “That he opposed not the government of the five thousand, but willed them to remove the four hundred, and to establish the council that was before of five hundred: that if they had frugally cut off any expense, so that such as were employed in the wars might be the better maintained, he did much commend them for it.” And withal he exhorted them to stand out, and give no ground to their enemies: for that as long as the city held out, there was great hope for them to compound3 ; but if either part miscarry once, either this at Samos or the other at Athens, there would none be left for the enemy to compound withal1 .
There chanced to be present also the ambassadors of the Argives, sent unto the popular faction of the Athenians in Samos, to assist them. These Alcibiades commended, and appointed to be ready when they should be called for: and so dismissed them. These Argives came in with those of the Paralus, that had been bestowed formerly2 in the military galley by the four hundred, to go about Eubœa, and to convoy Læspodias, Aristophon, and Melesias, ambassadors from the four hundred, to Lacedæmon. These as they sailed by Argos, seized on the ambassadors3 , and delivered them as principal men in deposing of the people to the Argives: and returned no more to Athens, but came with the galley they then were in to Samos, and brought with them these ambassadors from the Argives.
Tissaphernes goeth to the Phœnician fleet at Aspendus.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
87. The same summer, Tissaphernes, at the time4 that the Peloponnesians were offended with him most, both for the going home of Alcibiades and divers other things, as now manifestly Atticizing, with purpose, as indeed it seemed, to clear himself to them concerning his accusations, made ready for his journey to Aspendus for the Phœnician fleet, and willed Lichas to go along with him: saying that he would substitute Tamos his deputy lieutenant over the army, to pay the fleet1 whilst himself was absent.
Conjectures of divers upon his going.
This matter is diversly reported: and it is hard to know with what purpose he went to Aspendus, and yet brought not the fleet away with him. For it is known that one hundred and forty–seven sail of Phœnicians were come forward as far as Aspendus: but why they came not through, the conjectures are various. Some think it was upon design (as he formerly2 intended) to wear out the Peloponnesian forces: for which cause also Tamos, who had that charge, made no better, but rather worse payment than himself. Others, that having brought the Phœnicians as far as Aspendus, he might dismiss them for money: for he never meant to use their service3 . Some again said, it was because they exclaimed so against it at Lacedæmon: and that it might not be said he abused them, but that he went openly to a fleet really set out.
The opinion of the author.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
For my own part, I think it most clear that it was to the end to consume and to balance the Grecians, that he brought not those galleys in: consuming them, in that he went thither and delayed the time; and equalizing them, in that bringing them to neither he made neither party the stronger. For if he had had a mind to end the war, it is manifest he might have been sure to have done it. For if he had brought them to the Lacedæmonians, in all reason he had given them the victory, who had a navy already1 rather equal than inferior to that of their enemies. But that which hurt them most2 , was the pretence he alleged for not bringing the fleet in. For he said, they were not so many sail as the king had ordained to be gotten together. But sure he might have ingratiated himself more in this business, by dispatching it with less of the king’s money, than by spending more3 . But whatsoever was his purpose, Tissaphernes went to Aspendus and was with the Phœnicians: and by his own appointment the Peloponnesians sent Philip, a Lacedæmonian, with him with two galleys, as to take charge of the fleet.
Alcibiades, knowing that Tissaphernes would never bring on the fleet, goeth after him, to make the Peloponnesians think the fleet was stayed for his and the Athenians’ sakes
88. Alcibiades, when he heard that Tissaphernes was gone to Aspendus, goes after him with thirteen galleys, promising to those at Samos a safe and great benefit; which was, that he would either bring those Phœnician galleys to the service of the Athenians, or at least hinder their coming to the Peloponnesians: knowing, as is likely, the mind of Tissaphernes by long acquaintance, that he meant not to bring them on, and desiring, as much as he could, to procure him the ill will of the Peloponnesians for the friendship shown to himself and to the Athenians, that he might thereby the better engage him to take their part. So he presently put to sea, holding his course for Phaselis and Caunus upwards4 .
year xxi. A C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. Sedition at Athens about the change of the oligarchy into democracy again.Ambition of the oligarchicals amongst themselves over–year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. throweth their government.
89. The ambassadors of the four hundred being returned from Samos to Athens, and having related what they had in charge from Alcibiades: how that he exhorted them to hold out, and not give ground to the enemy; and that he had great hopes to reconcile them to the army, and to overcome the Peloponnesians: whereas many of the sharers in the oligarchy were formerly discontented, and would gladly, if they could have done it safely, have quitted the business, they were now a great deal more confirmed in that mind. And already they had their meetings apart, and did cast aspersions on the goverment; and had for their ringleaders some of the heads of the oligarchicals and such as bare office amongst them, as Theramenes the son of Agnon, and Aristocrates the son of Scellius, and others, who though they were partakers with the foremost in the affairs of state, yet feared, as they said, Alcibiades and the army at Samos; and joined in the sending of ambassadors to Lacedæmon, because they were loth, by singling themselves from the greater number, to hurt the state, not that they dismissed the state into the hands of a very few: but said, that the five thousand ought in fact to be assigned, and not in voice only, and the government to be reduced to a greater equality. And this was indeed the form pretended in words by the four hundred. But the most of them, through private ambition, fell upon that, by which an oligarchy made out of a democracy is chiefly overthrown1 . For at once they claimed every one, not to be equal, but to be far the chief. Whereas in a democracy, when election is made, because a man is not overcome by his equals, he can better brook it1 . But the great power of Alcibiades at Samos, and the opinion they had that the oligarchy was not like to last, was it that most evidently encouraged them: and thereupon they every one contended who should most eminently become the patron of the people.
The oligarchalsyear xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. fortify the mouth of the haven of Peiræus.year xxi. A. C 411. Ol. 92. 1.
90. But those of the four hundred that were most opposite to such a form of government, and the principal of them; both Phrynichus, who had been general at Samos and was ever since2 at difference with Alcibiades; and Aristarchus, a man that had been an adversary to the people both in the greatest manner and for the longest time; and Pisander and Antiphon, and others of the greatest power, not only formerly, as soon as they entered into authority, and afterwards when the state at Samos revolted to the people, sent ambassadors to Lacedæmon and bestirred themselves for the oligarchy3 , and built a wall in the place called Eetioneia: but much more afterwards, when their ambassadors were come from Samos, and that they saw not only the populars, but also some others of their own party thought trusty before, to be now changed. And to Lacedæmon they sent Antiphon and Phrynichus with ten others with all possible speed, as fearing their adversaries1 both at home and at Samos, with commission to make a peace with the Lacedæmonians on any tolerable conditions, whatsoever or howsoever: and in this time went on with the building of the wall in Eetioneia with greater diligence than before. The scope they had in this wall, as it was given out by Theramenes2 [the son of Agnon], was not so much to keep out those of Samos, in case they should attempt by force to enter into Peiræus, as at their pleasure to be able to let in both the galleys and the land–forces of the enemies. For this Eetioneia is the pier3 of the Peiræus, close unto which is the mouth of the haven. And therefore they built this wall so to another wall that was built before to the continent, that a few men lying within it might command the entrance. For the end of each wall was brought to the tower upon the [very] mouth of the haven1 , as well of the old wall towards the continent as of the new which was built within it to the water. They built also an open ground–gallery, an exceeding great one and close to their new wall within Peiræus: and were masters of it, and constrained all men as well to bring thither their corn which they had already come in, as to unload2 there whatsoever should come in afterward; and to take and sell it from thence.
Theramenes murmureth against their fortifying in Eetioneia.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. The scope of the oligarchicals.Phrynichus murdered.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. Theramenes and his faction set themselves against the rest of the Four Hundred.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.The soldiers pull down the wall they had built in Eetioneia.
91. These things Theramenes murmured at long before: and when the ambassadors returned from Lacedæmon without compounding for them all in general, he gave out that this wall would endanger the undoing of the city. For at this very instant there happened to be riding on the coast of Laconia forty–two galleys, amongst which were some of Tarentum, some of Locri, some Italians, and some Sicilians3 ; set out from Peloponnesus at the instance of the Eubœans, bound for Eubœa and commanded by Hegesandridas the son of Hegesander, a Spartan. And these Theramenes said were coming, not so much towards Eubœa, as towards those that fortified in Eetioneia: and that if they were not looked to, they would surprise the city4 . Now some matter might indeed be gathered also from those that were accused: so that it was not a mere slander. For their principal design was, to retain the oligarchy with dominion over their confederates: but if they failed of that, yet being masters of the galleys and of the fortification, to have subsisted free themselves: if barred of that, then rather than to be the only men to suffer death under the restored democracy, to let in the enemy; and without either navy or fortification to have let what would have become of the city, and to have compounded for the safety of their own persons1 . 92. Therefore they went diligently on with the fortification, wherein were wickets and entries and backways for the enemy: and desired to have it finished in time. And though these things were spoken but amongst a few before and in secret, yet when Phrynichus, after his return from his Lacedæmonian ambassage, was by a certain watchman2 wounded treacherously in the market–place when it was full, as he went from the council–house, and not far from it fell instantly dead, and the murtherer gone; and that one of his complices, an Argive, taken by the four hundred and put to the torture, would confess no man of those named to him, nor anything else saving this, that many men used to assemble at the house of the captain of the watch and at other houses: then at length, because this accident bred no alteration, Theramenes and Aristocrates, and as many other, either of the four hundred or out of that number, as were of the same faction, proceeded more boldly to assault the government. For now also the fleet being come about from Laconia1 , and lying upon the coast of Epidaurus, had made incursions upon Ægina. And Theramenes thereupon alleged, that it was improbable that those galleys holding their course for Eubœa, would have put in at Ægina and then have gone back again to lie at Epidaurus, unless they had been sent for by such men as he had ever accused of the same: and that therefore there was no reason any longer to sit still. And in the end, after many seditious and suspicious speeches, they fell upon the state in good earnest. For the soldiers that were in Peiræus employed in fortifying Eetioneia, (amongst whom was also Aristocrates, captain of a band of men, and his band with him2 ), seized on Alexicles, principal commander of the soldiers under the four hundred, an eminent man of the other side: and carrying him into a house, kept him in hold. As soon as the news hereof was brought unto the four hundred, who chanced at the same time to be sitting in the council–house, they were ready all of them presently to have taken arms1 , threatening Theramenes and his faction. He to purge himself was ready to go with them and to help to rescue Alexicles: and taking with him one of the commanders who was also of his faction, went down into Peiræus. To help him went also Aristarchus, and certain horsemen of the younger sort. Great and terrible was the tumult. For in the city they thought Peiræus was already taken; and him that was laid in hold, slain: and in Peiræus, they expected every hour the power of the city to come upon them. At last the ancient men, stopping them that ran up and down the city to arm themselves; and Thucydides of Pharsalus, the city’s host, being then there, going boldly and close up to every one he met, and crying out unto them not to destroy their country when the enemy lay so near waiting for an advantage: with much ado quieted them, and held their hands from spilling their own blood. Theramenes coming into Peiræus, (for he also had command over the soldiers), made a shew by his exclaiming of being angry with them: but Aristarchus and those that were of the contrary side, were extremely angry in good earnest. Nevertheless the soldiers went on with their business, and repented not a jot of what they had done2 . Then they asked Theramenes, if he thought this fortification were made to any good end, and whether it were not better to have it demolished. And he answered, that if they thought good to demolish it, he also thought the same. At which word they presently got up, both the soldiers and also many others of Peiræus, and fell a digging down of the wall. Now the provocation that they used to the multitude, was in these words: “that whosoever desired that the sovereignty should be in the five thousand instead of the four hundred, ought also to set himself to the work in hand.” For notwithstanding all this, they thought fit as yet to veil the democracy with the name of the five thousand; and not to say plainly whosoever will have the sovereignty in the people: lest the five thousand should have been extant indeed, and so a man by speaking to some or other of them, might do hurt to the business through ignorance. And for this cause it was that the four hundred would neither let the five thousand be extant, nor yet let it be known that they were not. For to make so many participant of the affairs of state, they thought was a direct democracy: but to have it doubtful, would make them afraid of one another.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.A day appointed for an assembly, wherein to treat of agreement.
93. The next day, the four hundred, though out of order1 , yet met together in the councilhouse, and the soldiers in Peiræus, having enlarged Alexicles whom they had before imprisoned, and quite razed the fortification, came into the theatre of Bacchus near to Munychia, and there sat down with their arms: and presently, according as they had resolved in an assembly then holden, marched into the city, and there sat down again in the temple of Castor and Pollux1 . To this place came unto them certain men elected by the four hundred, and man to man reasoned and persuaded with such as they saw to be of the mildest temper, both to be quiet themselves and to restrain the rest: saying, that not only the five thousand should be made known who they were, but that out of these such should be chosen in turns to be of the four hundred, as the five thousand should think good: and entreating them by all means that they would not in the meantime overthrow the city, and force it into the hand of the enemy. Hereupon the whole number of the men of arms, after many reasons alleged to many men, grew calmer: and feared most2 the loss of the whole city. And it was agreed betwixt them, that an assembly should be held for making of accord in the temple of Bacchus at a day assigned.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
94. When they came to the temple of Bacchus, and wanted but a little of a full assembly, came news that Hegesandridas with his forty–two galleys came from Megara along the coast towards Salamis. And now there was not a soldier1 but thought it the very same thing that Theramenes and his party had before told them, “that those galleys were to come to the fortification”, and that it was now demolished to good purpose. But Hegesandridas, perhaps upon appointment, hovered upon the coast of Epidaurus and thereabouts: but it is likely that in respect of the sedition of the Athenians he stayed in those parts, with hope to take hold of some good advantage. Howsoever it was, the Athenians as soon as it was told them, ran presently with all the power of the city down to Peiræus: less esteeming their domestic war than that of the common enemy, which was not now far off, but even in the haven2 . And some went aboard the galleys that were then ready, some launched the rest; and others ran to defend the walls and mouth of the haven.
The battle between the Athenians and the fleet of Hegesandridas at Eretria.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.The Athenians defeated.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
95. But the Peloponnesian galleys being now3 gone by and gotten about the promontory of Sunium, cast anchor between Thoricus and Prasiæ, and put in afterwards at Oropus. The Athenians with all speed, constrained to make use of tumultuary forces1 , such as a city in time of sedition might afford, and desirous with all haste to make good their greatest stake, (for Eubœa, since they were shut out of Attica, was all they had), sent a fleet under the command of Timocharis to Eretria. Which arriving, with those galleys that were in Eubœa before, made up the number of six–and–thirty sail. And they were presently constrained to hazard battle: for Hegesandridas brought out his galleys from Oropus, when he had first there dined. Now Oropus is from Eretria about three–score furlongs of sea. Whereupon the Athenians also, as the enemy came towards them, began to embark: supposing that their soldiers had been somewhere near unto the galleys. But it fell out that they were gone abroad to get their dinner, not in the market; (for by set purpose of the Eretrians, to the end that the enemy might fall upon the Athenians that embarked slowly before they were ready, and force them to come out and fight2 , nothing was there to be sold); but in the utmost houses of the city. There was besides a sign set up at Eretria, to give them notice at Oropus at what time to set forward. The Athenians drawn out by this device3 , and fighting before the haven of Eretria, made resistance nevertheless for a while: but afterwards they turned their backs, and were chased ashore. Such as fled to the city of the Eretrians, taking it for their friend, were handled most cruelly, and slaughtered by them of the town; but such as got to the fort in Eretria, holden by the Athenians, saved themselves: and so did so many of their galleys as got to Chalcis.
The Peloponnesians, after they had taken twenty–two Athenian galleys with the men, whereof some they slew and some they took prisoners, erected a trophy: and not long after having caused all Eubœa to revolt, save only Oreus, which the Athenians held with their own forces1 , they settled the rest of their business there.
The lamentable estate of the Athenians upon the loss of Eubœa.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1. The Lacedæmonians let slip the advantage which they might have had, if in prosecution of the victory they had come to Peiræus.The Lacedæmonians commodious enemies to the Athenians.
96. When the news of that which had happened in Eubœa was brought to Athens, it put the Athenians into the greatest astonishment that ever they had been in before. For neither did their loss in Sicily, though then thought great, nor any other at any time so much affright them as this. For now when the army at Samos was in rebellion, when they had no more galleys nor men to put aboard, when they were in sedition amongst themselves and in continual expectation of falling together by the ears: then in the neck of all arrived this great calamity; wherein they not only lost their galleys, but also, which was worst of all, Eubœa, by which they [had] received more commodity than by Attica. How then could they choose but be dejected? But most of all they were troubled, and that for the nearness, with a fear lest upon this victory the enemy should take courage and come immediately into Peiræus, now empty of shipping: of which they thought nothing wanting, but that they were not there already. And had they been anything adventurous, they might easily have done it: and then1 , had they stayed there and besieged them, they had not only increased the sedition, but also compelled the fleet to come away from Ionia to the aid of their kindred and of the whole city, though enemies to the oligarchy; and in the meantime gotten the Hellespont, Ionia, the Islands, and all places even to Eubœa, and, as one may say, the whole Athenian empire into their power. But the Lacedæmonians, not only in this but in many other things, were most commodious enemies to the Athenians to war withal. For being of most different humours; the one swift, the other slow; the one adventurous, the other timorous; the Lacedæmonians gave them great advantage, especially when their greatness was by sea. This was evident in the Syracusians: who being in condition like unto them, warred best against them.
The Athenians settle their government, and put an end to the sedition, by deposing the Four Hundred, and setting up the Five Thousand.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
97. The Athenians upon this news made ready, notwithstanding, twenty galleys; and called an assembly, one then presently in the place called Pnyx, where they were wont to assemble at other times: in which having deposed the four hundred, they decreed the sovereignty to the five thousand; of which number were all such to be, as were charged with arms: and from that time forward to salariate no man for magistracy; with a penalty on the magistrate receiving the salary, to be held for an execrable person. There were also divers other assemblies held afterwards; wherein they elected law–makers, and enacted other things concerning the government1 . And now first (at least in my time) the Athenians seem to have ordered their state aright: which consisted now of a moderate temper, both of the few and of the many. And this was the first thing, that after so many misfortunes past made the city again to raise her head.
They recall Alcibiades.
They decreed also the recalling of Alcibiades, and those that were in exile with him: and sending to him and to the army at Samos, willed them to fall in hand with their business.
Most of the oligarchicals fly to the enemy.Aristarchus betrayeth Œnoe.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 1.
98. In this change Pisander and Alexicles, and such as were with them, and they that had been principal in the oligarchy, immediately withdrew themselves to Deceleia. Only Aristarchus (for it chanced that he had charge of the soldiers) took with him certain archers of the most barbarous2 , and went with all speed to Œnoe. This was a fort of the Athenians in the confines of Bœotia; and (for the loss that the Corinthians had received by the garrison of Œnoe1 ) was by voluntary Corinthians, and by some Bœotians by them called in to aid them, now besieged. Aristarchus therefore having treated with these, deceived those in Œnoe: and told them, that the city of Athens had compounded with the Lacedæmonians, and that they were to render up the place to the Bœotians; for that it was so conditioned in the agreement. Whereupon, believing him as one that had authority over the soldiery, and knowing nothing because besieged, upon security for their pass they gave up the fort. So the Bœotians receive Œnoe: and the oligarchy and sedition at Athens cease.
A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2. Mindarus with the Peloponnesian fleet, seeing Tissaphernes and the Phœnician fleet came not, resolves to go to Pharnabazus in the Hellespont.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2.
99. About the same time of this summer, when none of those whom Tissaphernes at his going to Aspendus had substituted to pay the Peloponnesian navy at Miletus, did it; and seeing neither the Phœnician fleet nor Tissaphernes came2 to them; and seeing Philip, that was sent along with him, and also another, one Hippocrates a Spartan that was lying in Phaselis, had written to Mindarus the general, that the fleet was not to come at all and in every thing Tissaphernes abused them; seeing also that Pharnabazus had sent for them, and was willing, upon the coming to him of their fleet, for his own part also as well as Tissaphernes, to cause the rest of the cities within his own province to revolt from the Athenians: then at length, Mindarus hoping for benefit by him3 , with good order and sudden warning, that the Athenians at Samos might not be aware of their setting forth, went into the Hellespont with seventy–three galleys, besides sixteen which the same summer were gone into the Hellespont before, and had overrun part1 of Chersonnesus. But tossed with the wind she was forced to put in at Icarus: and after he had stayed there through ill weather some five or six days, he arrived at Chios.
Mindarus stayeth by the way at Chios: Thrasyllus in the meantime outgoes him, and watches for his going by at Lesbos.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2.
100. Thrasyllus having been advertised of his departure from Miletus, he also puts to sea from Samos with five and fifty sail; hasting to be in the Hellespont before him. But hearing that he was in Chios, and conceiving that he would stay there, he appointed spies to lie in Lesbos and in the continent over against it, that the fleet of the enemy might not remove without his knowledge: and he himself going to Methymna, commanded provision to be made of meal, and other necessaries; intending, if they stayed there long, to go from Lesbos and invade them in Chios. Withal, because Eressos was revolted from Lesbos2 , he purposed to go thither with his fleet: if he could, to take it in. For the most potent of the Methymnæan exiles had gotten into their society about fifty men of arms3 out of Cume, and hired others out of the continent: and with their whole number in all three hundred, having for their leader Anaxarchus a Theban, chosen in respect of their descent from the Thebans1 , first assaulted Methymna. But beaten in the attempt by the Athenian garrison that came against them from Mytilene, and again in a skirmish without the city driven quite away, they passed by the way of the mountain to Eressos, and caused it to revolt. Thrasyllus therefore intended to go thither with his galleys, and to assault it. At his coming he found Thrasybulus there also before him, with five galleys from Samos: for he had been advertised of the outlaws coming over; but being too late to prevent them, he went to Eressos and lay before it at anchor. Hither also came two galleys of Methymna, that were going home from the Hellespont: so that they were in all threescore and seven sail, out of which they made an army, intending with engines, or any other way they could, to take Eressos by assault2 .
Mindarus and his fleet steal by into the Hellespont unseen of those that watched their going in Lesbos.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2.
101. In the meantime, Mindarus and the Peloponnesian fleet that was at Chios, when they had spent two days in victualling their galleys, and had received of the Chians three Chian tessaracostes3 a man, on the third day put speedily off from Chios: and kept far1 from the shore, that they might not fall amongst the galleys at Eressos. And leaving Lesbos on the left hand, went to the continent side: and putting in at a haven in Craterei2 , belonging to the territory of Phocæa, and there dining, passed along the territory of Cume, and came to Arginusæ in the continent over against Mytilene, where they supped. From thence they put forth late in the night, and came to Harmatus, a place in the continent over against Methymna: and after dinner going a great pace by Lectus, Larissa, Hamaxitus, and other the towns in those parts, came before midnight to Rhœteium; this now is in Hellespont3 . But some of his galleys put in at Sigeium, and other places thereabouts.
The Athenians at Sestos with eighteen galleys steal out of the Hellespont: but are met by Mindarus, and four of them taken.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2.
102. The Athenians that lay with eighteen galleys at Sestos, knew that the Peloponnesians were entering into the Hellespont by the fires, both those which their own watchmen put up, and by the many which appeared on the enemies’ shore: and therefore the same night in all haste, as they were, kept the shore of Chersonnesus towards Elæus, desiring to get out into the wide sea and to decline the fleet of the enemy: and went out unseen of those sixteen galleys that lay at Abydos4 , though these had warning before from the fleet of their friends that came on, to watch them narrowly that they went not out. But in the morning, being in sight of the fleet with Mindarus and chased by him, they could not all escape, but the most of them got to the continent and into Lemnos; only four of the hindmost were taken near Elæus: whereof the Peloponnesians took one with the men in her, that had run herself aground at the temple of Protesilaus; and two other without the men; and set fire on a fourth, abandoned upon the shore of Imbros.
103. After this they besieged Elæus the same day, with those galleys of Abydos which were with them1 , and with the rest, being now altogether fourscore and six sail. But seeing it would not yield, they went away to Abydos.
The Athenians haste from Lesbos after the Peloponnesians into Hellespont.
The Athenians, who had been deceived by their spies, and not imagining that the enemy’s fleet could have gone by without their knowledge, and attended at leisure the assault of Eressos: when now they knew they were gone, immediately left Eressos and hasted to the defence of Hellespont. By the way they took two galleys of the Peloponnesians, that having ventured into the main more boldly in following the enemy than the rest had done, chanced to light upon the fleet of the Athenians. The next day they came to Elæus, and stayed: and thither from Imbros came unto them those other galleys that had escaped from the enemy. Here they spent five days in preparation for a battle2 .
104. After this, they fought in this manner. The Athenians went by the shore, ordering their galleys one by one, towards Sestos. The Peloponnesians also, when they saw this, brought out their fleet against them from Abydos.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2. The Athenians and Peloponnesians fight, and the Athenians get the victory.
Being sure to fight, they drew out their fleets in length, the Athenians along the shore of Chersonnesus, beginning at Idacus and reaching as far as Arrhiana, threescore and six1 galleys: and the Peloponnesians, from Abydos to Dardanum, fourscore and six2 galleys. In the right wing of the Peloponnesians, were the Syracusians: in the other, Mindarus himself, and those galleys that were nimblest. Amongst the Athenians, Thrasyllus had the left wing, and Thrasybulus the right: and the rest of the commanders, every one the place assigned him.
Now the Peloponnesians laboured to give the first onset, and with their left wing to over–reach the right wing of the Athenians and keep them from going out3 , and to drive those in the middle to the shore which was near. The Athenians, who perceived it, where the enemy went about to cut off their way out, put forth the same way that they did, and outwent them: the left wing of the Athenians was also gone forward by this time beyond the point called Cynos–sema4 . By means whereof that part of the fleet which was in the middest became both weak and divided, especially when theirs was the less fleet: and the sharp and angular figure of the place about Cynos–sema, took away the sight of what passed there from those that were on the other side.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2.
105. The Peloponnesians therefore, charging this middle part, both drave their galleys to the dry land: and being far superior in fight, went out after them and assaulted them upon the shore. And to help them neither was Thrasybulus able who was in the right wing, for the multitude of the enemies that pressed him; nor Thrasyllus in the left wing, both because he could not see what was done for the promontory of Cynos–sema, and because also he was kept from it by the Syracusians and others, lying upon his hands no fewer in number than themselves. Till at last the Peloponnesians, bold upon their victory, chasing some one galley some another, fell into some disorder in a part1 of their army. And then those about Thrasybulus, having observed that the opposite galleys sought now no more to go beyond them, turned upon them; and fighting put them presently to flight2 : and having also cut off from the rest of the fleet such galleys of the Peloponnesians, of that part that had the victory, as were scattered abroad, some they assaulted3 , but the greatest number they put into affright unfoughten. The Syracusians also, whom those about Thrasyllus had already caused to shrink, when they saw the rest fly fled outright.
The courage of the Athenians erected with this victory.year xxi. A C 411. Ol. 92. 2.
106. This defeat being given, and the Peloponnesians having for the most part escaped first to the river Pydius4 , and afterwards to Abydos: though the Athenians took but few of their galleys, (for the narrowness of the Hellespont afforded to the enemy a short retreat), yet the victory was the most seasonable to them that could be. For having till this day stood in fear of the Peloponnesian navy, both for the loss which they had received by little and little and also for their great loss in Sicily, they now ceased either to accuse themselves, or to think highly any longer of the naval power of their enemies. The galleys they took were these: eight of Chios, five of Corinth, of Ambracia two1 , of Leucas, Laconia, Syracuse, and Pellene, one a–piece. Of their own they lost fifteen.
When they had set up a trophy in the promontory of Cynos–sema, and taken up the wrecks, and given truce to the enemies to fetch away the bodies of their dead: they presently sent away a galley with a messenger to carry news of the victory to Athens. The Athenians, upon the coming in of this galley hearing of their unexpected good fortune, were encouraged much after their loss in Eubœa and after their sedition: and conceived that their estate might yet keep up, if they plied the business courageously.
The Athenians recover Cyzicus, and take eight galleys of the Peloponnesians.
107. The fourth day after this battle, the Athenians that were in Sestos having hastily prepared2 their fleet, went to Cyzicus, which was revolted: and espying, as they passed by, the eight galleys come from Byzantium riding under Harpagium and Priapus, set upon them: and having also overcome those that came to their aid from the land, took them3 . Then coming to Cyzicus, being an open town, they brought it again into their own power; and levied a sum of money amongst them.
year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2. The Peloponnesians recover some of their galleys taken, at Elæus.They send for the fleet with Hegesandridas out of Eubœa.
The Peloponnesians1 in the meantime going from Abydos to Elæus, recovered as many of their galleys [formerly] taken as remained whole: the rest, the Elæusians [had] burnt. They also sent Hippocrates and Epicles into Eubœa, to fetch away the fleet that was there.
Alcibiades returneth from Aspendus to Samos.Hefortifieth Cos.
108. About the same time also, returned Alcibiades to Samos with his thirteen galleys2 from Caunus and Phaselis: reporting that he had diverted the Phœnician fleet from coming to the Peloponnesians, and that he had inclined Tissaphernes to the friendship of the Athenians more than he was before. Thence manning out nine galleys more, he exacted a great sum of money of the Hallicarnasseans, and fortified Cos. Being now almost autumn, he returned to Samos3 .
The Antandrians put out the garrison of Tissaphernes out of their citadel.year xxi. A. C. 411. Ol. 92. 2.
The Peloponnesians being now in Hellespont, the Antandrians (who are Æolians) received into the city men of arms4 from Abydos by land through mount Ida, upon injury that had been done them by Arsaces, a deputy lieutenant of Tissaphernes. This Arsaces having feigned a certain war, not declared against whom, had formerly called out the chiefest of the Delians (the which in hallowing of Delos by the Athenians were turned out, and had planted themselves in Adramyttium) to go with him to this war: and when under colour of amity and confederacy he had drawn them out, he observed a time when they were at dinner, and having hemmed them in with his own soldiers murdered them with darts. And therefore, for this act’s sake fearing lest he might do some unlawful prank against them also, and for that he had otherwise done them injury1 , they cast his garrison out of their citadel.
Tissaphernes goeth toward Hellespont, to recover the favour of the Peloponnesians.
109. Tissaphernes, hearing of this, being the act of the Peleponnesians as well as that at Miletus or that at Cnidus; (for in those cities his garrisons had also been cast out in the same manner2 ); and conceiving that he was deeply charged to them, and fearing lest they should do him some other hurt; and withal not enduring that Pharnabazus should receive them, and with less time and cost speed better against the Athenians than he had done: resolved to make a journey to them in the Hellespont, both to complain of what was done at Antandros, and to clear himself of his accusations the best he could, as well concerning the Phœnician fleet as other matters. And first he put in at Ephesus, and offered sacrifices to Diana3 .
The end of the one–and–twentieth summer.
When the winter following this summer shall be ended, the one–and–twentieth year [of this war] shall be complete1 .
[1 ][“By the best or most credible of the soldiers that escaped” &c. Goell.—“that all was at any rate so utterly lost” &c.]
[1 ][That is, Demostratus; and probably Pisander, ch. 49: also Androcles, ch. 65. Goell.]
[2 ][The people misinterpreted an oracle from Dodona, Σικελίαν οἰκίζειν: overlooking a small hill so called not far from the city.]
[3 ][“And these events had changed their hopes into fear and the utmost consternation”. Goell.]
[4 ][That is, in respect of sacred festivals, shows, and the pay of the jurors. Duk.—The preconsultation operated as a veto upon moving any matter in the public assembly not first approved of by this council. It seems probable that this innovation was intended as a step to further changes of an oligarchical tendency. See Thirl. ch. xxvii.]
[1 ][ἡγούμενοι: om. Bekker, &c.]
[2 ][“As they that judged according to passion: and did not allow them a word to say as to their being able to hold out another summer”: that is, considered they had no chance of holding out. Arnold, Goeller.]
[1 ][“To their former resources”. The meaning is, that necessity had compelled the Sicilians to equip a fleet, which but for the Athenian expedition they never would have done. Arn.]
[2 ][“They purposed in earnest to fall” &c.]
[3 ][“Upon the old enmity between them carried off the greater part of their pillageable property, and made money of it: and forced the Achæans of Phthia” &c. The unexpected excursion left no time to drive off the cattle: which Agis seized, and then restored to the owners for money. Arn.—The Ænianes, or as they are called from dwelling about mount Œta, the Œtæans, in early times inhabited the inland parts of Thessaly. Although they admitted a certain dependence on the Delphic oracle, and adopted the fables of Hercules, yet from their geographical position they lived in opposition and hostility to the Malians and Dorians. It is probable, that the migration of the Dorians to Peloponnesus is in some way connected with the arrival of the Ænianes in this region. It was chiefly on this account that Sparta founded Heracleia in Trachinia (iii. 92): which would doubtless have caused the revival of an important Doric power in this part of Greece, had not the jealousy of the Thessalians and Dolopians, and even of the Malians themselves, been awakened at its first establishment. Muell. i. 2.—The “others in those parts”, must have been the Perrhæbians to the north of Larissa, and the Magnesians to the east of mount Pelion. For these were subject to the Thessalians, and were called periœci, but had not ceased to be distinct nations: Thessaly itself comprehending the valley of the Peneus (the ancient ἄρ̧γος πελασγικὸν), and a district towards the Pegasæan bay called by Herodotus αἰολίς. This country, and the towns of Larissa, Crannon, Pharsalus, and Iolcus, the Thessalians had in their own immediate possession: the cultivation however being performed by their slaves the penestæ, the ancient Pelasgo–Æolian inhabitants. Idem iii. 4.]
[1 ][“And no less active than if they were at the beginning of preparation for the war, there came this winter unto Agis” &c.]
[1 ][“When they were come”.]
[2 ][“The co–operation”. The Lesbians were akin to the Bœotians: see iii. 2, note.]
[3 ][“For harmost”. The name of a Spartan officer appointed in those states, which had hitherto been under the Athenian government: who was found no less oppressive than their old masters. Herm. §39.]
[4 ][“And at this time the allies did far more readily, as one may say, obey him than the Lacedæmonians at home”. For the power of the Spartan kings beyond the frontiers, see v. 60, note.]
[1 ][“Darius son of Artaxerxes”. Lower Asia, according to Herodotus, was divided by Darius, son of Hystaspes, into three satrapies: one called the province of Dascylium (i. 129), and comprehending the Hellespontine cities, Phrygia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Cappadocia: another, Ionia, Æolis, Caria, Lycia, and Pamphylia: and a third comprising only Mysia and Lydia. But the two last were more generally united under one governor who resided at Sardis, and was called Satrap τῶν κάτω, or τῶν ἐπιθαλασσίων. This province appears sometimes to have had civil and military governors distinct from each other: the σατράπης and the στρατηγός τῶν κάτω being different persons. Arn]
[2 ][“For he had lately been called upon by the king to pay the tribute accruing &c.”]
[3 ][Pissuthnes, the satrap of Ionia, had rebelled against Darius; and after maintaining himself with the aid of some Greek auxiliaries for some time against Tissaphernes and two other generals, had at last been induced to surrender on solemn assurance of personal security. He was brought to Darius, and put to death by a torture called the σποδὸς, and said to be the invention of Darius himself. The intended victim was entertained with a banquet, and it was contrived that he should fall asleep. He then sank through a trap–door into a pit filled with cinders, where he rotted and starved. This atrocity was probably the cause of the rebellion of the son. See Thirl. ch. xxvii.]
[1 ][“Now each side treating these matters a part, both those from Pharnabazus and those from Tissaphernes”.]
[2 ][“The Laconic name”: that is, Alcibiades, originally a Laconian name. As Endius was the son of Alcibiades, so again his son would be Alcibiades the son of Endius: and so, according to the Greek custom, the two names would alternate through all generations. See Arnold’s note.]
[3 ][“One of the periœci”.]
[1 ][“The then admiral”. ii. 80, n.]
[2 ][This expression, and the same in ch. 60, are amongst the proofs adduced to show that this book was written by Thucydides. See ch. 109, note.]
[1 ][“And that he should take upon himself the responsibility of the expedition”.—“The Athenians got more intelligence of &c.”]
[1 ][“He commanded them as a pledge of their fidelity to the league, to send some galleys”. Duk. Göll.]
[2 ][“And the Athenians, the games (or the truce of the games) being announced, sent theori to them”. Goell. See i. 25, note.]
[3 ][“With twenty–one ships”.]
[4 ][“And the Athenians, with equal number, first of all sailing up to them, then began to retreat towards the main sea”. Arn. Goell.]
[5 ][“But afterwards manned others, so that the number in all was thirty–seven”: that is, having manned sixteen additional ships. “It seems easier to adopt this interpretation of the words of Thucydides, than with Krueger to strike out the words καὶ τριάκοντα: though, as he observes, they may have crept into the text from ch. 15, and if omitted they would leave the context perfectly intelligible and probable”. Thirlwall.—Poppo and Arnold consider the above the correct interpretation. Goeller takes the words in their literal sense, that there were manned thirty–seven additional ships, making in all fifty–eight.]
[1 ][That is, some men.]
[2 ][“Under the little island”.]
[3 ][“For there came to the Peloponnesians the next day the Corinthians, who were going to their ships to protect them”. Arn. Goell.]
[1 ][“And to the Lacedæmonians it was first of all reported that the ships had got to sea from the isthumus: (for the ephors had ordered Alcamenes, when that should happen to send &c.): and they were minded &c.”.]
[2 ][“By his (Alcibiades) means”:—“for he (Alcibiades) was at difference” &c. Goell. For the cause of this difference see ch. 44, note.]
[1 ][Of the origin of the office of the five ephori little is known. They were ancient Doric magistrates: but by whom or when instituted, is uncertain. Their power seems to have originated in judicial functions: the basis being a superintendence (whence their name, ἔϕοροι, inspectors,) over the market. This was at Sparta no unimportant object of care: every Spartan bringing his corn to market to exchange for other commodities. This jurisdiction received its first extension from the privilege of instituting scrutinies into the official conduct of all magistrates, except the gerontes: in the end, it usurped many of the functions of royalty. Thus, the ephors transacted business with foreign ambassadors, and dispatched their own abroad. In war, they sent out the troops on what day they deemed fit: and appear to have had even the power to determine the number. The king, or the general to whom they entrusted the army, received from them instructions how to act: they were recalled by their scytale, and summoned by them before a judicial tribunal. They had, it appears, at all times the management of the treasury: and as the finances of Sparta were continually on the increase, so the office of treasurer must have become more important. But it is evident that the power of the ephors was essentially founded on the supreme authority of the public assembly, which they had the privilege of convening and putting to the vote, and whose agents and plenipotentiaries they were. Unable to act for itself, it entrusted to the ephors, who were chosen from among the people on democratic principles, a power similar to that exercised in so pernicious a manner by the demagogues of Athens. Plato and Aristotle compare their power to a tyranny: and in Greece the tyrant, it will be remembered, generally arose out of the demagogue. Accordingly, the ephors reached the summit of their power, when they began to lead the public assembly. They are censured by Aristotle (ii. 7.) for their corrupt habits and dissolute life: their mode of election was, he says, a mockery. They were the cause of the dissolution of the Spartan constitution: the decrees by which it was undermined, (particularly the law of the ephor Epitadeus, permitting the gift and devise of landed property), originated with them. And when Agis and Cleomenes engaged in a fruitless struggle with a degenerate age to restore the constitution of Lycurgus, they began with the overthrow of the ephors. See Muell. iii. 7.]
[1 ][“About this time were returning the sixteen galleys of the Peloponnesians from Sicily, which had aided Gylippus in putting an end to the war. And being intercepted about Leucadia, and evil entreated &c, all but one escaped the Athenians and arrived at Corinth.” Bekker, &c, ξυνδιαπολεμήσασαι: vulgo, ξυνπολεμήσασαι.]
[2 ][βουλήν, “the council”: which is used in opposition to ἐκκλησία, the assembly of the people: and implies that the constitution of Chios was oligarchical. An assembly was hardly the thing wanted.]
[1 ][τὴν πολίχναν. A general name, which has become a proper one by usage; like Ham, Kirby &c, in English; or more like Borgo in Italian: the full name of the place being properly τὴν πολίχναν τῶν κλαζομενίων, Borgo dei Clazomeni; and thence in common speech, simply τὴν πολίχναν, Borgo. Arn.—Clazomenæ, at this time an island, was by Alexander joined to the continent by a mole. Goell.]
[2 ][ἐκπλήξεως: consternation.]
[3 ][“As spake or put it to the vote”.]
[1 ][“That had left the guard”:—“they manned and sent out with all speed others in their places”.]
[2 ][“With his eight galleys”.]
[3 ][παρῄει: “and at the same time the land forces of the Clazomenians and Erythræans moved along the shore”: that is, by the side of Chalcideus. Arn. Goell.]
[4 ][And the land forces held their hand” &c. Bekker &c, οἱ πεζοὶ: vulgo, οἱ πολλοί.]
[1 ][“Was to bring over them (the Milesians) before the arrival of the fleet from Peloponnesus”.]
[2 ][“Lade, the island” &c. The scene of the sea–fight in 498 between the Persians under Darius and the revolted Ionians: see Herod vi. 7–17. It is now joined to the continent by the mud of the Mæander, and its place marked only by a hill: and Miletus is no longer on the sea–shore.]
[1 ][“From these cities”.]
[2 ][“At hand by land”.]
[1 ][“And they descry” &c.—Around the temple of Jupiter a small town had probably grown up, as at the more famous διὸς ἱερὸν near the mouth of the Bosphorus. The “land forces” mentioned a little below, were those of the Clazomenians and Erythræans, said in ch. 16 to have been admitted into Teos. Arnold.]
[2 ][“Had as before mentioned chased”: see ch. 10.]
[3 ][“To whom now belonged the entire (ναυαρ̧χία) command of the fleet”: that is, of the fleet of the allies, as well as of Sparta.—In the fifth century A. C. a general demoralization, the fruit of the extended limits of the foreign power of Sparta, pervaded by degrees every department of the state. Expeditions in distant countries, beyond seas especially, operated not only to thwart the design of the legislator, by bringing individuals in contact with foreign manners and luxuries, but occasioned in many respects a total abandonment of it. From this source flowed a degree of self–seeking, the more dangerous that the possibility of it had not been contemplated in framing the constitution. But the necessity of sending to various countries commanders independent of the king, ran counter to the constitution of Lycurgus. This begat new dignities: Harmosts for the conquered cities, Navarchs and Epistolcis for the fleet: the lawful limits of which offices means were soon found to evade. And that characters such as Clearchus and Lysander, should under these circumstances be found not proof against the allurements of fame and ambition, is far less surprising than the same weakness in Pausanias, in whose time Sparta possessed more of the virtue of self–denial. Herm. § 46.]
[1 ][The same class as the γαμόροι of Syracuse: see vi. 36, note.—“Nor permitting the common people either to give their children in marriage to them, or to marry from amongst them”. Goell.]
[1 ][“Deiniadas, a periœcos”. This is an unusual occurrence. But the Spartans did not hold the naval service in much estimation: and moreover, the inhabitants of the maritime towns were more practised in naval affairs than the Dorians of the interior. Even here it is not to be supposed that the periœcos had any Spartans under him: but that like Gylippus, he was no more than a commander of the Chians. See Muell. iii. 2.]
[2 ]It seemeth that something is here wanting, and supplied thus by Fran. Porta. “Then the Chians, leaving four galleys here for guard of the place, went to Mytilene with the rest, and caused that city also to revolt”. [The foregoing sentence is supplied by Æmilius, not Francis, Portus. Valla has supplied the sentence in nearly the same words. The Greek is found in one MS. only. “And four ships are left behind in it. And the rest again caused Mytilene to revolt”.]
[3 ][“Setting forth with four ships, as he was preparing to do, from Cenchreiæ”. See ch. 20.]
[1 ][After Diomedon in ch. 19.]
[2 ][“As they were sailing unexpectedly entering the haven”.]
[3 ][“And armed (the inhabitants), he sends the hoplitæ of his own ships to Antissa &c.” Goell. Arn.]
[4 ][That is, the forces of “their confederates thereabouts” (ch. 22), who with the Peloponnesian landforces had accompanied the Chian fleet in its expedition to Lesbos. Arn. Goell.]
[1 ][“Sailed across and set up a trophy”.]
[2 ][“Leon and Diomedon, with &c., from the Œnussæ, the islands lying before Chios, and from Sidusse and Pteleum, destroyed the forts they possessed in Erythræa: and making Lesbos the base of their operations, made war with their fleet upon Chios”. Valla, Goeller: inserting καθεῖλον, found in one MS.]
[3 ][The epibatæ, usually chosen from the fourth class, were now, owing to the peculiar exigency of the times, drawn from the higher classes. Goell. Arn.]
[1 ][“And from the Medan war until that time unravaged”.]
[1 ][A thousand of Athens: fifteen hundred of Argos: Bekk. &c.]
[2 ][“From Athens”.]
[3 ][It is a question whether these were Greeks or barbarians: probably however they were Greeks: Arcadians, we may suppose, from Peloponnesus (see v. 29, note). The word ξενικὸν describes them with respect to Tissaphernes, and not to the historian himself. The “Peloponnesians that came with Chalcideus” must have been too few to offer any resistance to a 1000 heavy–armed Athenians, being only the epibatæ of five ships: but the Peloponnesian mercenaries of Tissaphernes added considerably to their strength. “And some foreign (ἐπικουρ̧ικὸν) mercenaries of Tissaphernes”. Arn.]
[1 ][“For of the Sikeliots, at the instigation mainly of Hermocrates &c., there came of Syracusan galleys twenty and of Selinuntian two, and those from Peloponnesus, which had been preparing and were now ready. And both were committed to Theramenes of Lacedæmon &c.”]
[2 ][“At Leros, the island” &c. Bekker &c., λέρον: vulgo, ἐλεόν.]
[1 ][Bekker &c., λέρου: vulgo, δέρου.]
[2 ][“And with how many of their own against them” (the enemy’s galleys).]
[3 ][“But rather would it be base to have to compound, if they were beaten, on any terms”. Goell. Valla and Portus agree with Hobbes.]
[4 ][“Willingly, or at any rate only on strong necessity, to undertake the enemy”. Goell.]
[1 ][“After (the departure of the Athenians) put in” &c. Goell.]
[2 ][σκεύη: The masts, sails, and rigging; which had, as usual, been left on shore, when the fleet sailed in expectation of going into action. Compare Xenoph. Hellen. i. 1. § 13: vi. 2. 27. Arn. See ch. 43.]
[1 ][The Daric stater was of gold, and equivalent to twenty Attic drachmæ. Schol.—The Daric stater, as also that of Philip of Macedon, Alexander, and Lysimachus, was equal in value to the golden Attic stater, or the Attic didrachme. And the didrachme was valued at 20 drachmæ of silver: so that in the mina there would be 5 staters, in the talent 300; calculating the value of gold at ten times that of silver. Boeckh. The same appears from Xenoph. Anab. i. 7. § 18. Arn.]
[1 ][“It was agreed that for every 5 ships, they should have somewhat more than 3 oboli a man a day. For he gave 3 talents a month for 5 ships: and to the rest, insomuch as there were more ships than this number (that is, for any number less than five), he was to give after the same rate.” Goell. Vulgo, ἐς πέντε ναῦς καὶ πεντήκοντα: Bekker &c. om. καὶ π.—The alteration of 3 oboles a man a day to 3 talents for every 5 ships a month, would give 36 minæ for each ship a month: and reckoning 200 men to each ship, the month’s pay of each man would be 18 drachmæ, or 3⅘ oboles a day.]
[2 ][“The Athenians having gathered &c, as well &c as all the rest (for there were now &c).”—This was done in pursuance of the advice of Phrynichus (ch. 27), to assemble their fleet at Samos, and make sorties from time to time. The distribution of the command by lot, was practised, where no one of the generals was αὐτοκράτωρ: see instances in vi. 42, 62.]
[3 ][See chap. 25, note.]
[1 ][“Made a descent on”.]
[2 ][“At the time before mentioned,” ch. 24:—“as a precaution against treason”.]
[3 ][“And that the affairs of the league were in better plight”.—“And with the ten galleys of Peloponnesus”: that is, six that arrived in ch. 23, and four brought by Astyochus in ch. 24.]
[4 ][ὕπαρχος must be the subsatrap.]
[1 ][“Again to revolt”. See ch. 22, 23.]
[2 ][“Who at the time before mentioned (ch. 28) went by land from Miletus, being at Erythræ passed over” &c. The “five galleys” see in ch. 6, 8, 12, 17.]
[3 ][“Having announced their intention to revolt”:—“to go with the fleet”.]
[1 ][“And the Athenians sailing with an army from Samos to Chios took up their station on the opposite side of a hill; separated from each other without knowing it. But Astyochus, upon a letter from Peraditus reaching him at nightfall &c., went presently &c.”]
[2 ][That is, the men had persuaded the Athenians, that if they had their liberty they could bring Erythræ back to them.]
[3 ][“And no sooner did they see them and give chace, than straight a great tempest arose: and the longboats &c.” Goell.]
[1 ][“And there began preparations for the fortification”: that is, for fortifying Delphinium (ch. 38). Arn.]
[2 ][Diagoras was of the royal family of Rhodes; where the monarchy expired about 660 A. C. His sons had before the present time been condemned to death and banished by the Athenians, as heads of the aristocracy. Dorieus, one of them, is again condemned, and again escapes in ch. 84. The ancient fortune of the Rhodians, which was owing to their adherence to the Doric customs and to their great commercial activity, was interrupted by the troubles of this war: in which democracy and aristocracy were alternately introduced by the Athenian and Lacedæmonian influence. Soon after this period (A. C. 408) the city of Rhodes was founded, and peopled with the inhabitants of the three cities, Lindus, Ialysus, and Cameirus: see iii, 103, n. In 396 Rhodes was again recovered and made democratical by Athens: but in 391 the Spartan party was again uppermost, and the Social War finally put an end to Athenian influence. The Doric characteristics were retained here longer than in most other Doric states: courage, constancy, with a haughty sternness of manners, and a certain temperance, which in a manner contrasted with their magnificence in meals, buildings, and all the arts. Muell. iii. 9.]
[3 ][Popp. Goell. Arn. Thirl. ὑπὸ τισσαϕέρνους, “revolted from the Athenians through Tissaphernes”. Vulgo et Bekk. ἀπὸ τ.]
[4 ][“And they in Miletus hearing of it, bade that one–half &c., the other half, which were about Triopion, should attack and seize the corn ships from Egypt”. That is, the Athenian corn ships: part of Egypt being at this time in revolt from Persia. Goell.]
[1 ][“The six galleys that” &c.]
[2 ][They went away and wasted” &c. Bekker &c, ἀπελθόντες: vulgo, ἐπελθόντες.]
[3 ][“Had still plenty” &c.]
[4 ][“To the Peloponnesians”]
[5 ][“Whilst Theramenes was still there”.]
[6 ][The king’s sons were probably named, in order that they might be bound after their father’s death. For the new king, it seems, was not bound by his predecessor’s acts, unless accepted by himself. Thus the treaties with Philip and Antiochus were renewed with their successors. Livy xl. xlii. Arnold.]
[1 ][“Nor their allies”. This and the former treaty (ch. 18) differ, in this article, only in the substitution of ἦσαν for εἶχον, property for possession: “whatsoever belonged unto”, instead of “whatsoever they used to possess”: what territories belong to the king, being still left an open question. See again ch. 58.]
[1 ][“Sails away and is lost at sea”. Thirl.—“Sails away and disappears”: fearing to be called to account at Sparta for complying with Tissaphernes about the pay. Arn. Goell.]
[2 ][“Having harbours”.]
[3 ][“For the accomplices of Tydeus, the son of Ion, had now &c, and the rest of the city was by force reduced to an oligarchy”. Whether this Ion is the poet of Chios, one of some celebrity, whose first tragedy was represented in 452, is uncertain.]
[1 ][See Lichas, ch. 43, 84, and v. 50. The powers of these ξύμβουλοι are far more extensive than of those in ii. 85, iii. 69, 76, or even in v. 63: the reason of this strong measure appears, perhaps, in ch. 50.]
[1 ][The Chians had been a trading people from very early times: and are said to be the first of the Greeks that regularly dealt in slaves. The antiquity of slavery amongst them is proved by their slaves still retaining the Homeric name θερ̧άποντες, signifying “those that wait on others”, whether bond or free: which had never been exchanged for the more common name δοῦλος. Arn.—The Athenians were probably not far behind the Chians: Hermann (§ 114) calculating their slaves at nearly 400,000: though Mueller (iii. 3) says that, in this war, their slaves were not 200,000. It seems certain, however, that their number was considerable enough to induce the state to render their condition not only tolerable, but very little inferior to that of the citizens: Herm. ibid.—It appears from Herodotus (vi. 37), that in earlier times slavery was known in no part of Greece. It was the want of slaves that drew to the Nine–pipes for water the daughters of the Athenian citizens, for violating whom the Pelasgi were expelled from Attica.]
[1 ][“Came a message from Caunus, that the 27 galleys and the council of the Lacedæmonians are at hand”.]
[2 ][“At Cos Meropis”. Cos was said to be the daughter of the hero Merops, by whom it was first settled. The ancient inhabitants were called by the Greeks Meropes. Some connect the name with the Homeric epithet of ἄνθρωποι, μέροπες, articulate speakers.—“The city being unwalled &c., he rifled &c.”]
[1 ][“from Melos. Bekk. &c.]
[2 ][With less than the twenty galleys”: see ch. 41.]
[1 ][“Being now at Cnidus”.]
[2 ][“Touching what had been already done, if aught displeased them, and concerning the war &c.”]
[3 ][“It would be a serious matter, if whatsoever territory the king &c had ever ruled, the same he should now claim as part of his empire”.—“All the islands and Thessaly, and the Locri” &c.]
[1 ][“Or at any rate not to stand to these: nor was pay wanted upon any such terms”.]
[2 ][“Because they hoped to bring that island, one not inconsiderable both for number of ships and land forces, into their power”.]
[3 ][“And arriving first at Cameirus of Rhodes with 94 ships, frighted &c; especially as the city was unwalled; and they fled”.]
[4 ][“But being too late, though not much, they thereupon went away to Chalce”.]
[1 ][“And the Peloponnesians levied of the Rhodians 32 talents, and drew up their ships and did nothing else for 80 days”.]
[2 ][“Endamaged with him (Tissaphernes) the affairs &c”.—Alcibiades, during his stay at Sparta, had made an implacable enemy of Agis. He is said to have excited his jealousy, by declaring himself ambitious of giving a king to Sparta: which, whether well or ill founded, was increased by his queen Timæa calling, amongst her women, her infant son Leotychides by the name of Alcibiades. The Spartan government too was far from being well pleased with the influence of Alcibiades amongst the Asiatic Greeks, though immediately subservient to its interest. See Thirl. ch. xxviii.]
[1 ][That is, leaving in their captains’ hands their arrears of pay: a pledge, which would induce the captain to give leave of absence to the injury of the service. Goell.]
[2 ][“More of the Grecians”.]
[1 ][“And the danger would be less, to wear out the Greeks against each other, at less cost and with security to himself”.]
[2 ][“And that they conducted the war on principles and with a practice most conformable to the king’s interest”. Arn.]
[1 ][“With more than enough”. Goell. Arn.]
[2 ][What is said in the first instance of “the soldiers”, that is, of the army in general, becomes limited to the trierarchs and principal men, when mention is made of a regular design on mere political grounds to overthrow the constitution: for to this the army at large had no inclination. Arn.—“To remember him to the chief men”.]
[3 ][“And not of the mischievous and democratical party that cast him out”.—Hobbes seems to have read ξυμπολεμεῖν, “to war on their side”, for ξυμπολετεύειν: “to come home and share in the government”.]
[1 ][That is, with the public burthens, which were thrown principally on the rich. Goell.]
[1 ][“And said that for themselves they had especially to see to it, that there be no sedition: that it was not easy for the king (the Peloponnesians being &c.) to join” &c.]
[2 ][καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς. See iv. 40, n.]
[1 ][“And that he at all events was not pleased with aught that Alcibiades even at the present time was about”.]
[2 ][Peisander had been one of the most active in stirring the public feeling in the affair of the Hermesbusts.]
[3 ][ἔτι τότε; “yet at the time before mentioned”: ch. 42. All this took place before the Peloponnesians set out for Rhodes in ch. 44.]
[1 ][“But Astyochus was not thinking of punishing Alcibiades, especially as he no longer put himself, as heretofore, within his reach: but going” &c.]
[2 ][“Were all but arrived”.]
[1 ][“The naval camp”.]
[2 ][“To fortify the city and take other precautions”.]
[3 ][“Meant to attack them”.]
[4 ][That is, to become a friend of the Athenians.—“especially when he saw the difference at Cnidus with the Peloponnesians about the treaty of Theramenes. For now about this time, they being in Rhodes, had happened the quarrel, wherein that which &c.” See ch. 43.]
[1 ][“That he should return, who had violated the laws”.]
[2 ]Eumolpidæ, a family descended from Eumolpus, the author at Athens of the Mysteries of Ceres. This family had the chief authority in matters that concerned those rites. — Ceryces, heralds in war, ambassadors in peace. Suidas. They pronounced all formal words in the ceremonies of their religion, and were a family descended from Ceryx son of Mercury. [Other families besides these are mentioned, in which public rites were hereditary: as the Eteobutadæ, Thaulonidæ, &c. Goell.—In every family of the Kerukes, the father had his son solemnly enrolled in the sacred order as soon as he had passed his boyhood, having first made oath that he was his true son, to prevent the intermixture of any strange blood. At Sparta, the sacred order of the Kerukes and μάγειροι, cooks, were strictly hereditary. Arn.]
[1 ][“And unless we deliberate &c: and unless we recall” &c.]
[2 ][That is, “any of these present alterations”.]
[1 ][ξυνωμοσίας, sometimes called ἐταιρείας, societies or clubs: already mentioned in iii. 82. These were naturally the resort of the weaker of the two political parties: and accordingly the first trace of them appears in the time of Cimon, when the aristocracy was on the decline. Their professed object was to give each other mutual support in elections and in suits in the courts of law: their real object, to overthrow the democracy, by the aid, if need be, of the foreign enemy, and at the expense of the independence of their own state. And accordingly Lysander, in his choice of the 30 tyrants, is said to have been guided by no principle of either aristocracy or wealth, but simply by the clubs.]
[2 ][“And having arranged other matters (ἐπὶ τοἰς παροῦσιν) against the present democracy, so that there should be no longer delay: took sea” &c. Schol. Goell.]
[3 ][“And carried on the war thence (from Chalce) rather than from Cos”. Bekk. &c., μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκ: vulgo om. ἢ. It appears in ch. 60, that the Athenians had taken up their station at Chalce. Arnold.]
[1 ][“And slew Pedaritus and many of the Chians, and took much armour”.]
[1 ][“And it seems to me that this same thing was also the object of Tissaphernes”.]
[2 ][“For Alcibiades, speaking on behalf and in the presence of Tissaphernes, made such excessive demands, that the Athenians, though conceding in a great measure whatever he asked, were nevertheless the side that brake off the conference”.]
[3 ][Bekker, Arnold, Thirlwall, ἑαυτοῦ, “his own”, the king’s coast. Goeller and others: ἑαυτῶν, the coast “of themselves”, that is, of Persia and the Athenians. This touches the question of the treaty said by Diodorus and Plutarch to have been concluded between the Athenians and Persia after Cimon’s victories, A. C. 450; whereby it was provided, that no king’s ship of war should sail beyond Phaselis and the Cyanean or Chelidonian islands. Arnold seems inclined to give some credit to the treaty: upon which Haack remarks, that Thucydides makes no mention of it in i. 112, where he relates the expedition and death of Cimon: whilst Hermann (§ 39) contents himself with refering to the authorities on both sides; calling it “the so–called Cimonian peace”. Thirlwall however treats it as an undoubted fabrication. Goeller observes, that whether that story be true or not, and supposing the Athenians on this occasion to deliver up to the king all Ionia, it was still important to them to restrain him from menacing the islands with his fleet: for which reason he prefers ἑαυτῶν. The passage in Livy, xxxiii. 20: “Nephelida, promontorium Ciliciæ, inclytum fœdere antiquo Atheniensium”: is supposed to refer to this treaty of Cimon.—“Which the Athenians not opposing, at last at the third meeting, fearing &c., he required &c. Then indeed the Athenians would concede no more, but conceiving they were trifled with and abused by Alcibiades, went away &c.”]
[1 ][“Especially afraid”.]
[2 ][“In consideration &c., conformably to his design of counterpoising the Grecians, sending” &c.]
[1 ][Hieramenes is said to have married a sister of Darius.]
[2 ][“That the king’s territory, so far as it lies in Asia, belongs to the king”. Another expression intended to evade the question, what is or is not the king’s territory: see ch. 18, 37.]
[3 ][κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα: “according to the original treaty”. It is not clear whether this refers to the rate of pay, or only to the general undertaking mentioned in ch. 5, to pay the Peloponnesian fleet. The rate of pay specified at Sparta appears, from ch. 29, to have been a drachme a day. But after the present treaty the Peloponnesians, it seems, contented themselves with the ordinary allowance: for Xenophon, Hell. i. 5, speaks of a contract whereby the king had engaged to give half a drachme a day. Kreuger supposes that this was the rate always implied, when no particular sum was expressed. Thirl. ch. xxviii.]
[1 ][Received, that is, after the arrival of the king’s fleet. Goeller, Arnold, Thirlwall.]
[2 ][Took Oropus “though garrisoned by Athenians”.]
[3 ][“For the place being immediately opposite to Eretria, it was impossible &c.”]
[4 ][“Having then Oropus &c., the Eretrians come to Rhodes” &c.]
[1 ][“The Chians had, after the death of Pedaritus, received as commander Leon, a Spartan from Miletus, who came with Antisthenes as epibates”. The meaning here of epibates (iii. 95, note) is doubtful. Kreuger supposes it to be the title of an inferior officer in the Spartan naval service, like ἐπιστολεὺς: but this the scholiast denies. Perhaps it only signified one who sailed with the admiral, to be ready for any special service which might need a Spartan. Arn., Antisthenes, see ch. 39.]
[1 ][“And at the same time”.]
[2 ][Popp. Goell. Arn. τότε: “held at that memorable time by the Medes” (i. 89). Vulgo et Bekk. ποτε.]
[1 ][Not all the ships; for the Chians would not have parted with their own: it seems therefore that Leon’s squadron only can be referred to. Thirl.]
[2 ][“For about this time, and still earlier, the democracy had been put down at Athens”. Bekk. &c., κατελέλυτο: vulgo, κατελύετο.—It was in the month of April that Astyochus sailed to Samos: and the government of the Four Hundred was set up in Athens at the end of February or the beginning of March. Goell.]
[3 ][“And at the same time their Athenian partisans at Samos considered amongst themselves, that they had best let Alcibiades alone; since he would not join them: (for that he was no fit man to come into an oligarchy): and to depend on themselves, being already engaged &c., to see that affairs suffer no relapse, and with alacrity to contribute &c., as men toiling no longer for other than themselves.”]
[1 ][“To other subject places”.]
[2 ][That is, the aristocracy of Thasos had no need of the aristocracy of Athens.]
[3 ][“With all their might”.]
[4 ][“That the city was set up”.]
[5 ][σωϕροσύνην λαβοῦσαι: “assuming a sober wary spirit”: with regard to the means of effecting their object. The phrase is very singular and obscure. Thirl.]
[1 ][“They openly too held language, preconcerted amongst them, that none ought to receive wages, but such &c.” The pay of the army and navy, a highly necessary measure of Pericles (i. 141, note), first placed arms in the hands of such as were necessitated to gain their daily bread. In the course of this war, either by Cleon or an unknown Callistratus, was introduced the further innovation of paying the citizens that attended the assembly (iii. 59, note). This, together with the pay of the jurors (v. 18, note), magistrates, senators &c., was now abolished: which at once operated to exclude from the magistracies and judicial offices the classes without property. The former however was revived after the fall of the 30 tyrants.]
[1 ][“This was thrown out as a bait to the many: for as for the powers of government, the authors of the revolution meant to keep them to themselves”. The 400 were all chosen by Peisander and his party: the 5000 were never to be named at all.—The “council of the bean” was the senate: chosen by the bean, that is, by ballot.]
[2 ][“And all that was to be said, was considered beforehand by the conspirators”.]
[3 ][“And to find out the conspirators, a thing impossible for the greatness of the city, their ignorance of each other also put it out of their power”.]
[4 ][“For the same cause, one that was aggrieved could not even complain to any one, thereby to repel him that was plotting against him.”]
[1 ][“Most of all caused”.]
[2 ][“They enclosed the assembly at &c.—about ten stadia off”.—The Scythians, or foreign mercenary police, used to enclose the place of assembly with a red rope, as well to exclude non–voters as to confine the voters till the business was finished. The ordinary place of assembly, originally the Pnyx within the city, was afterwards, as in most democratic states, the theatre, mostly that of Dionysus in the Peiræus. (Herm. § 128). The present assembly was held without the city, that is, beyond the influence of the slaves and metœci, who would have favoured any disturbance.]
[3 ][“Should either prosecute by γραϕή παρανόμων, or should otherwise do him hurt. And thereupon it was openly propounded, that no magistracy” &c. See iii. 43, note.]
[1 ][“When called in question for having established (the Four Hundred)”. Thucydides is said to have been a disciple of Antiphon: a supposition which receives countenance from the terms in which he is here spoken of. He is also said to have been the first orator who wrote speeches for his clients, or opened a school of rhetoric. He is sent, in ch. 90, with Phrynichus and others on an embassy to Sparta: for this he was tried and lost his life: his property was confiscated, his body refused burial in Attica, and his family declared ἄτιμοι.]
[1 ][“And for this dangerous business, after that he entered upon it, he appeared the ablest of all”. See his assassination, ch. 92. The career of the person next named, Theramenes, son of Hagnon, is remarkable. He will be found before long deserting to the democracy. He was one of the promoters of the prosecution of the ten generals for not recovering their own dead after their victory at Arginusæ. He was afterwards one of Lysander’s 30 tyrants: and was finally put to death for his opposition to the headlong measures of Critias, the leader of the extreme party amongst the thirty.]
[1 ][“The Athenians, in regard of the enemy at Deceleia, were all of them evermore, some upon the walls, and some on station where the arms were piled. On this day, therefore, they suffered” &c. As soon as the assembly was dissolved, those that were not in the conspiracy, were allowed to disperse as usual after the parade.]
[2 ][“Not to go exactly to the station of the arms”.]
[3 ][These new settlers peculiarly dreaded the Peloponnesians getting the upper hand in the war, and restoring (as in fact they did at the end of the war) the Æginetæ whom they had dispossessed of their estates. Arn.]
[4 ][Supposed to be called Grecians, to distinguish them from the Scythians, of whom the ordinary police of Athens was composed. They were probably members of some of the aristocratical clubs already noticed: see ch. 54. Arn.]
[5 ][“For the remainder of the current year”.]
[1 ][“And when the council went out in this manner without opposition, and the rest of the citizens mutinied not, but rested quiet: then the Four Hundred being entered into the council–house &c.”]
[1 ][“Hoping either that their agitation would render them more submissive to their (the Peloponnesians’) purpose, or that in the confusion likely to be found both within and without he might succeed, even with the very first attack, in taking the long walls, in regard of their deserted state for the same reason”. Goell. Arn. τῆς τῶν μακρῶν τειχῶν: vulgo et Bekk. τῶν γὰρ μ. τ.]
[1 ][“And that the government was in the hands of 5000, and not 400 only.”]
[2 ][It is observed that this could not be true, because some decrees, as ostracism and all privilegia, required a majority, or at all events the presence, of 6000 citizens. It is also observed that it does not appear how so large a proportion of the citizens could be absent on foreign service, as to leave at home no more than 5000 to attend the assembly. But in the first place, that is not said: but only that 5000 did not attend the assembly. And next, the assertion is not that of Thucydides, but of Pisander and his party: and most probably an exaggeration. Of the citizens however, whose gross number is reckoned at about 20,000, a fourth part would be a large proportion to assemble on any but very important occasions.]
[3 ][τότε: “at the time before–mentioned”: see ch. 21.]
[1 ][μοχθηρὸν ἄνθρ̧ωπον: an epithet implying that he was capable of any baseness. He labours under the charge not only of political profligacy, but of private dishonesty in the exercise of his trade of a lampmaker. Thirl. ch. xxxii. There is a tradition that it was by an intrigue of Alcibiades that ostracism was applied to Hyperbolus, and that it answered its intended purpose: ostracism was thereby rendered contemptible, and fell into disuse (Herm. § 164). It is an invention attributed to Cleisthenes: it was afterwards adopted by the democracies of Argos and Megara, and under another name, petalism, at Syracuse also. It is spoken of by Aristotle (iii. 9, v. 8) with some approbation, not only as a check on the dangerous power of individuals, but also as some security against the people resorting to more violent measures to rid themselves of obnoxious persons. He adds however that the people knew not how to use their weapon: instead of looking to the common weal, στασιαστικῶς ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ὀστρακισμοῑς. iii. 9.]
[2 ][“Captain of the hoplites”.]
[3 ][“And to such others as they thought stood always”.]
[1 ][“Especially to the Paralians, the crew of the ship (Paralus); all Athenians and freemen, and ever at all times hostile to oligarchy, even before its appearance”.—The whole ναυτικὸς ὄχλος, the greater part of whom were slaves, (i. 141, note; iii. 17, note), was strongly disposed to democracy: but the Paralians, receiving higher pay, had a still stronger interest than the rest in upholding the maritime dominion, and therefore also the democracy, of Athens.]
[1 ][“By those between (the two extreme parties)”: that is to say, by the moderate men. Goeller.]
[2 ][See v. 18, note.]
[1 ][“Made common cause with them as to the result of the present dangerous crisis”.]
[2 ][“The better able to provide themselves”. Goell. Arn.]
[3 ][“For that they both had Samos for their city, &c.: and were able to defend themselves from the enemy from this place as heretofore”.—The allusion of taking the dominion of the sea from Athens, is to the events of i. 116: where Pericles, notwithstanding the honours he received on his return from that expedition, and his comparison of his nine months’ siege of Samos to Agamemnon’s ten years’ siege of Troy, appears to have had a narrow escape of coming home with a different tale.]
[1 ][“Of themselves, stationed as an advanced guard at Samos”.]
[2 ][“And will endeavour to force them (the Athenians) to do so”.]
[1 ][“They set themselves also to preparing for war with no less alacrity”.]
[2 ][“Whilst they were themselves yet in greater strength”: greater, that is, than now.]
[3 ][“They were running the risk of perishing by delay”.]
[1 ][For these galleys see ch. 62. “Besides, having previous intelligence that they in Miletus were intending to fight, they stayed” &c.]
[1 ][“The same summer, the Peloponnesians, immediately after their declining to put to sea, as being now in their opinion too weak to engage with the united force of the enemy, being at a stand how &c, especially as Tissaphernes paid badly: send Clearchus with forty galleys” &c. Goell.]
[2 ][See this order in chap. 39.]
[1 ][ξυνωμοσίαι: “the clubs”.]
[2 ][“That the enemy might to the utmost be embroiled with Tissaphernes”. Goell. Arn.]
[3 ][“At last be constrained”.]
[4 ][“Should undertake to him (Tissaphernes)”. Bekker &c., αὐτῷ: vulgo, αὐτοῖς.]
[1 ][“Of saving themselves”.]
[2 ][“To do him now good” &c. Bekker &c., ἤδη: vulgo om.]
[3 ][“Were much more ill–disposed towards him”. Duk. Goell.]
[4 ][“Became slacker in his payments: and added to the hatred they bore him even before this on account of Alcibiades. And the soldiers meeting &c.”]
[1 ][“For the multitude (the mariners) of the Syracusans and Thurians, being for the most part freemen, therefore with the stoutest importunity &c.” Their navy was not, like that of the Athenians and Peloponnesians, manned with slaves.—“And he not only gave them a somewhat insolent answer and used threats, but against Dorieus, as he spake in behalf of his men, he lifted up his staff.” The custom of carrying sticks was common to the Spartans with the Dorians of lower Italy. Muell. iv. 2. See Herod. iii. 137, where the Crotonians attack τοῖσι σκυτάλοισι the Persians laying hands on Democedes.—“When the multitude of the soldiers saw it, they as well indeed as the sailors raised a cry and ran upon Astyochus &c:—he was not however stricken indeed, but &c.”]
[1 ][“In this sort”.]
[2 ][“Sent as ambassador”. The Carians generally understood Greek, and also acted as interpreters to the Persians. Mardonius sends a Carian to consult the oracles of Greece: and Cyrus has Carian interpreters at his court. See Valckenaer ad Herod. viii. 133. Goell.]
[1 ][τότε: see ch. 72, 77.]
[2 ][The assault by Agis in ch. 71.]
[3 ][“That all should in their turn partake (or be) of the 5000”. Arn.]
[1 ]]“Gave heed to them none the more”.]
[2 ][“Appeared then for the first time to have done service to the state inferior to no man”. Goell.]
[3 ][“There was great hope they might also compose their own differences”.]
[1 ][“Even when their differences shall be composed, there will no longer be any hope”: that is, reconciliation will come too late.]
[2 ][τότε: see ch. 74.]
[3 ][“About Eubœa. And as they (the Paralians) were carrying the Athenian ambassadors sent by the 400 to Lacedæmon, Læspodias &c, as they sailed by Argos they laid hands on the ambassadors, and” &c. Vulgo, οἳ ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο: Bekker &c., om. οἳ.]
[4 ][“Tissaphernes about this time of the same summer, when the Peloponnesians &c.”]
[1 ][“His deputy to pay the army so long as &c.”]
[2 ][“Actually did intend”.]
[3 ][“For in no case (whether he got money or not) did he mean to use their service.” Goell.]
[1 ][“Who indeed, even as it was, were lying opposite to the Athenians with a navy rather equal” &c.]
[2 ][“But what bewrayed him most”. Bekker &c., καταϕωρ̧ᾷ.]
[3 ][“By not spending much of the king’s money, and by effecting the same matters with less”.]
[4 ][That is, towards the centre of the Persian government. Arn]
[1 ][Theramenes, Aristocrates, and others, “who were partakers with the foremost of the affairs of the state, but being in real fear of the army at Samos and Alcibiades, and of the ambassadors sent to Lacedæmon, lest without the authority of the majority (of the oligarchy) they should do the state some mischief, avowed frankly, not indeed that they were desirous of ridding themselves of the domination of a narrow oligarchy, but that the 5000 ought to be constituted in reality and not in name only, and a more equal politeia established. Such was their political pretence in words. But the most of them through private ambition were intent upon that, by which” &c. Goell.—They feared, or affected to fear, that the ambassadors sent to Lacedæmon had some secret instructions from the small minority who had assumed all the powers of government, to concert measures for betraying the city into the enemy’s hand. Thirl. ch. xxviii.]
[1 ][“A man more easily brooks want of success, as being the result of inferior deserts”. Goell.]
[2 ][τότε: “who was at difference &c. at the time of his command at Samos”.]
[3 ][“For peace”. Bekk. &c., τὴν ὁμολογίαν: vulgo, τὴν ὀλιγαρ̧χίαν.]
[1 ][“The state of affairs”.]
[2 ][“And those with him”.]
[3 ][“Is a pier &c.”—The city walls being carried down to either side of the harbour’s mouth, were prolonged thence across the mouth upon moles, until a passage only was left in the middle for two or three triremes abreast between two towers, the opening of which might be further secured by a chain. Leake’s Topography of Athens.—The “old wall” ran inland from the point where the mole touched the ordinary line of coast, intended to cover the place from an enemy attacking from without. The “new wall” was to secure their fort on the mole from an attack from Peiræus or the interior of the harbour. And the object was to isolate Eetioneia like a castle, cut off from the harbour by the new wall, as it was from the country on the outside by the old wall. The city might now at any time be reduced by famine. Ar.]
[1 ][“Which was narrow”.]
[2 ][ἐξαιρεῖσθαι. Locus Athenis erat ἐξαίρ̧εσις dictus: quod illic exemtas navibus aut curribus sarcinas seponerent. Hudson.]
[3 ][“All this then was denounced by Theramenes both long before, and again when the ambassadors returned &c.: saying, that this wall would endanger &c.”—“Riding at Las in Laconia”—“some from Tarentum and Locri, Italiots and Sikeliots”.
[4 ][“If they were not looked to, they (in the city) would be destroyed ere they were aware”.]
[1 ][“To let in the enemy, and compound for the city, to do as it might without walls or ships, so that they at least might have security for their own persons”. Goell.]
[2 ][“By one of the peripoli;—and the murderer escaped, but his accomplice, an Argive, taken &c., would confess the name of no one as the instigator, nor aught else save this &c.” By the Peripolarch, Goeller understands, not the “captain of the watch”, but the prefect of the ephebi, that is, of the peripoli: though the name peripolarch belonged equally to both.]
[1 ][“From Las.”]
[2 ][“For the soldiers &c., amongst whom was Aristocrates, a taxiarch, at the head of his own ϕυλὴ (vi. 98, n.), seized on Alexicles, a general of the oligarchy and much given to the clubs (ἑταίρους), and carrying him into a house kept him in hold. And there aided them in this, moreover, one Hermon, commander of the peripoli stationed at Munychia: and what was more, the bulk of the hoplites assented to it all. As soon as the news hereof was brought &c.” Bekker &c., ἑταίρους: vulgo, ἑτέρους.]
[1 ][“They were ready, all but such as were dissatisfied with the state of things, to run to the arms (that is to say, where they were piled): threatening, &c.”
[2 ][“But the ancient men with difficulty hindering those that were running about the city and making for the arms, and Thucydides &c., who was there, being active in stopping every man he met &c., they became pacified and held &c. And Theramenes coming to Peiræus, being himself also a general, made a shew &c.: but Aristarchus and those opposed to the multitude were in high wrath. But the hoplites went to work most of them all the same, and listened to nothing, and asked Theramenes whether &c.” Bekker &c., τῷ πλήθει: vulgo, τῷ ἀληθεῖ.
[1 ][“In perturbation as they were, yet” &c.]
[1 ][“And piled their arms, and held an assembly: and it being so resolved, marched straightway to the city, and there piled their arms in the Anaceium.”—The Anaceium was the temple of Castor and Pollux, so called from their Peloponnesian name ἄνακες, one the meaning of which is not settled (see Plut. Thes.). The worship of the Tyndaridæ is not of Dorian origin, although they were considered as the leaders of the Spartan army. It was found by the Dorians at the time of their entrance into Peloponnesus already established at Amyclæ, Therapne, and other places: and was perhaps founded in the ancient Peloponnesian worship of the great gods or Cabiri, which in time became transferred to the human Tyndaridæ. Their images were two upright beams with two others laid across them, called δόκανα: one or both of their statues accompanied every military expedition, according as one or both of the kings went with the army. See Muell. ii. 10.]
[2 ][“Feared very much.”]
[1 ][Popp. Goell. Arn.: τῶν πολλῶν, “and every one of the many thought”: vulgo et Bekk. τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.]
[2 ][Literally, “As their domestic war, greater than that from their foreign enemy, was not far off but at the very mouth of their harbour.” The sense required seems to be that of Arnold: “seeing that a foreign war, greater than their domestic one, was not far off, but” &c.]
[3 ][“Sailing by, and doubling the promontory” &c.]
[1 ][“Raw and undisciplined forces, as would be the case the city being in sedition and they wishing to send speedy aid in a matter of the last importance: (for Eubœa, cut off as Attica was, was every thing to them): sent” &c.]
[2 ][“Just as they were”.]
[3 ][“Putting to sea in this unprepared state”.]
[1 ][“For of this the Athenians held possession themselves”. The Athenian cleruchi, or settlers planted there by Pericles after the last recovery of the island in 445. See i. 114. Arnold.]
[1 ][“And then had they, either by lying off the Peiræus raised to a still greater height the sedition of the city, or stayed and besieged them, they had forced the fleet, though enemies &c., to come away &c.”]
[1 ][“Wherein they made framers of the constitution, and passed other votes for establishing the politeia:” νομοθέτας, corresponding to the ξυγγραϕεῖς of the oligarchy in ch. 67. Arn.—“And at the first, the Athenians seem, within my time at least, to have ordered their affairs better by far than at any other time”. Thucydides here, as in ch. 89, seems to use the word πολιτεία in the same sense in which it is used by Aristotle (iii. 5): ὅταν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν πολιτεύηται συμϕέρον, καλεῖται τὸ κοινὸν ὄνομα πασῶν τῶν πολιτειῶν, πολιτεία. And the chief requisite of Aristotle’s politeia is also found in the present Athenian constitution: διὸπερ κατὰ ταύτην τὴν πολιτείαν κυριώτατον τὸ προπολεμοῦν, καὶ μετέχουσιν αὐτῆς οἱ κεκτημένοι τὰ ὅπλα.]
[2 ][Designat ministros publicos, qui τοξόται Athenis vocabantur. Erant enim hoc genus fere barbari: unde et Scythæ dicti. Duker. They were at first 300: afterwards raised to 1200. Herm. § 129.]
[1 ][“And owing to an accident which befell them (the Corinthians) of the slaughter by those in Œnoe of some of their men returning from Deceleia, was besieged by &c.”]
[2 ][“No signs hitherto of either &c. coming”.]
[3 ][Seeing that Pharnabazus had sent &c., “and like Tissaphernes, was eager himself too to bring the fleet, and make the remaining cities of his own government to revolt, hoping to get something by it: then indeed Mindarus, with good order &c., went” &c.]
[1 ][“A considerable part”. For the 16 galleys, see ch. 102.—The Hellespont and Bosporus, the great thoroughfare of Greek commerce, became at this time the principal theatre of the war: it was observed by Agis, that the issue of the struggle would depend on the command of it. Thirl. ch. xxix.]
[2 ][“Eressos of Lesbos had revolted”. &c.]
[3 ][“For the most potent &c. had brought over from Cume about 50 heavy–armed volunteers: and had hired others &c.”]
[1 ][“Anaxander a Theban:—their relationship to the Thebans”: see iii. 2, note. Bekk. &c., ἀναξανδρος: vulgo, ἀναξάρ̧χου.]
[2 ][“To these were added two ships returning from the Hellespont, and the Methymnæan ships; so that they were in all &c.: with the landforces of which they prepared, with engines &c.” The Methymnæan ships must have been five, to make 67 in all.]
[3 ]A tessaracoste seemeth to have been a coin amongst the Chians, and the fortieth part of some greater coin. [Like the ἕκται ϕωκαΐδες. If it was the fortieth part of the stater, its value would be about 3 oboli: and the whole would be 3 days’ pay, at 3 oboli a–day. Arn.]
[1 ][“Kept not far &c.” Bekk. &c., οὐ πελάγιαι: vulgo, om. οὐ. If they left Lesbos on the left hand, they were not far from the shore.]
[2 ][“Carteria”. Bekker &c.]
[3 ][“And were then in the Hellespont”.]
[4 ][See chap. 99.]
[1 ][“Which joined them”.]
[2 ][“For the battle”.]
[1 ][Bekk. &c., “76”: vulgo, “86.”]
[2 ][Vulgo et Bekk. “68”: Goell. “88” Arn. Thirl. “86”. See chapter 103.]
[3 ][“To keep them, if they could, from getting out”: that is, out of the strait.]
[4 ][So called from Hecuba, who was changed into a dog and died there. See Eurip. Hecuba, 1245–55.]
[1 ][“A considerable part”.]
[2 ][“And then Thrasybulus, desisting now from the attempt to outgo the left wing of the Peloponnesians, turned and attacked the ships opposed to him, and put them straight to flight”.]
[3 ][“They beat them, and the greatest part” &c.]
[4 ][Bekker &c., μείδιον: vulgo, πύδιον. Nothing is known of either name.]
[1 ][“And of Bœotia two”.]
[3 ][“And having overpowered the men on shore, took the ships”: for the ships, see ch. 80.—At Harpagium is said to have taken place the rape (ἁρπαγὴ) of Ganymede.]
[1 ][“But the Peloponnesians too &c.” The Athenians had left their prizes at Elæus, which was their station before the battle.]
[2 ][See ch. 88.]
[3 ][“Having so done, and established a governor in Cos, being now almost autumn he returned to Samos. And Tissaphernes, when he heard of the sailing of the Peloponnesian ships from Miletus to the Hellespont, returned from Aspendus to Ionia. Whilst the Peloponnesians were in the Hellespont, the Antandrians &c.”]
[4 ][“Whom they had transported from Abydos &c.”]
[1 ][“And for that he imposed upon them other intolerable grievances, they cast &c.”]
[2 ][“Tissaphernes, seeing that this too was the work of the Peloponnesians, and not only that at Miletus and Cnidus: for &c.” For the garrison at Miletus, see ch. 84.]
[3 ][The great goddess of the Ephesians. The many–sided divinity of Ephesus was much less a Grecian than an Asiatic goddess, and was intimately allied with the leading personages of the Persian theology. Thirl. ch. xxix. See iii. 104, the latter part of the note.]
[1 ][Goeller considers this last sentence as spurious: because, if genuine, Thucydides, when he wrote it, must either have abandoned the idea of continuing the history, or have noted the year for fear of forgetting it. The whole of this eighth book has been denied by some of the ancient writers, all later than Dionysius of Halicarnassus, to be the work of Thucydides: and has been variously ascribed to his daughter, to Theopompus, and to Xenophon: to the latter, owing to his own history being, as was supposed, connected with that of Thucydides by the phrase with which it commences, μετὰ ταῦτα. One of the main arguments adduced against its authenticity, is the absence in this book of all speeches. To this it is replied, that the purpose for which the speeches are introduced in the former books, the description of the characters, manners and civil constitutions of the belligerent nations, was already answered: and that of the characters that appear in this book, except Alcibiades, already sufficiently described, none are of any great note: and that at Athens with the entrance of the oligarchy vanished all liberty of speech. Goeller observes that this latter part of the history is certainly less highly finished: yet, but for the absence of speeches, the critics would not readily have adjudged it to be less perfect than the rest: and he adds “ultimum librum Thucydidis esse, vix jam a quoquam dubitatur”. With respect to the supposition of Xenophon being the author of this book, and that his own history beginning with μετά ταῦτα is an immediate continuation of it; it is observed by Mr. Thirlwall, that it is certain that an interval of five or six weeks must have intervened between the last event here related and that with which Xenophon’s narrative opens: and that it seems clear that the beginning of his work has been lost.