Front Page Titles (by Subject) THE FIFTH BOOK of the HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES - The English Works, vol. IX (The Peloponnesian War Part II)
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THE FIFTH BOOK of the HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES - Thucydides, The English Works, vol. IX (The Peloponnesian War Part II) 
The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury; Now First Collected and Edited by Sir William Molesworth, Bart., (London: Bohn, 1839-45). 11 vols. Vol. 9.
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THE FIFTH BOOK of the HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES
THE PRINCIPAL CONTENTS.
The former year’s truce ended, Cleon warreth on the Chalcidic cities, and recovereth Torone.—Phæax is sent by the Athenians to move a war amongst the Sicilians.—Cleon and Brasidas, who were on both sides the principal maintainers of the war, are both slain at Amphipolis.—Presently after their death a peace is concluded: and after that again, a league between the Lacedæmonians and Athenians.—Divers of the Lacedæmonian confederates hereat discontented, seek the confederacy of the Argives. These make league, first with the Corinthians, Eleians, and Mantineans: then with the Lacedæmonians: and then again, by the artifice of Alcibiades, with the Athenians.—After this the Argives make war upon the Epidaurians: and the Lacedæmonians upon the Argives.—The Athenian captains and the Melians treat by way of dialogue touching the yielding of Melos: which the Athenians afterwards besiege and win.—These are the acts of almost six years more of the same war.
year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 2. 3. The truce for a year expired.year x. A. C. 422. Ol 89. 2. 3. The Delians removed out of Delos upon superstition.The Delians seat themselves in Adramyttium.
1. The summer following, the truce for a year, which was to last till the Pythian holidays1 , expired. During this truce, the Athenians removed the Delians out of Delos, because [though they were consecrated, yet] for a certain crime committed of old they esteemed them polluted persons1 : because also they thought there wanted this part to make perfect the purgation of the island; in the purging whereof, as I declared before2 , they thought they did well to take up the sepulchres of the dead. These Delians seated themselves afterwards, every one as he came, in Adramyttium in Asia, a town given unto them by Pharnaces.
Cleon goeth out with an army into the parts upon Thrace:he assaulteth Torone.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 2. 3. Pasitelidas with the garrison of the town endeavoureth to defend it.Cleon taketh Torone.Pasitelidas, a Lacedæmonian captain, taken alive.Seven hundred men sent prisoners to Athens.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 2. 3. Panactum taken by the Bœotians.
2. After the truce was expired, Cleon prevailed with the Athenians to be sent out with a fleet against the cities lying upon Thrace. He had with him of Athenians twelve hundred men of arms and three hundred horsemen; of confederates more; and thirty galleys. And first arriving at Scione, which was yet besieged, he took aboard some men of arms of those that kept the siege; and sailed into the haven of the Colophonians, not far distant from the city of Torone. And there having heard by fugitives that Brasidas was not in Torone, nor those within sufficient to give him battle, he marched with his army to the city, and sent ten of his galleys about into the haven. And first he came to the new wall, which Brasidas had raised about the city to take in the suburbs: making a breach in the old wall, that the whole might be one city. 3. And Pasitelidas, a1 Lacedæmonian, captain of the town, with the garrison there present came to the defence, and fought with the Athenians that assaulted it. But being oppressed, and the galleys which were before sent about being by this time come into the haven, Pasitelidas was afraid lest those galleys should take the town, unfurnished of defendants, before he could get back, and that the Athenians on the other side should win the wall2 , and he be intercepted between them both: and thereupon abandoned the wall, and ran back into the city. But the Athenians that were in the galleys having taken the town before he came, and the land–army following in after him without resistance and entering the city by the breach of the old wall, slew some of the Peloponnesians and Toronæans on the place, and some others, amongst whom was the captain Pasitelidas, they took alive. Brasidas was now coming with aid towards Torone: but advertised by the way that it was already lost, went back again; being about forty furlongs short of preventing it. Cleon and the Athenians erected two trophies, one at the haven, another at the wall. The women and children of the Toronæans, they made slaves; but the men of Torone and the Peloponnesians, and such Chalcideans as were amongst them, in all about seven hundred, they sent away prisoners to Athens. The Peloponnesians were afterwards at the making of the peace dismissed; the rest were redeemed by the Olynthians, by exchange of man for man.
About the same time the Bœotians took Panactum, a fort of the Athenians standing in their confines, by treason.
Cleon goeth to Amphipolis.
Cleon, after he had settled the garrison in Torone, went thence by sea about the mountain Athos [to make war] against Amphipolis.
Phæax sent ambassador to the Sicilians.The Leontine commons driven out of the city by the Syracusians.The Leontine nobility become Syracusians, and go to Syracuse to dwell.The Leontines make war on the Syracusians.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 2. 3. Phæax moveth the Sicilians to war upon the Syracusians.The Gelans stop the motion made by Phæax.Phæax maketh peace with the Locrians.
4. About the same time Phæax the son of Erasistratus, who with two others was sent ambassador into Italy and Sicily, departed from Athens with two galleys. For the Leontines, after the Athenians upon the making of the peace were gone out of Sicily, received many strangers into the freedom of their city: and the commons had a purpose also to have made division of the land1 . But the great men perceiving it, called in the Syracusians, and drave the commons out: and they wandered up and down, every one as he chanced; and the great men, upon conditions agreed on with the Syracusians, abandoning and deserting2 that city, went to dwell with the privilege of free citizens in Syracuse. After this again, some of them upon dislike relinquished Syracuse, and seized on Phoceæ, a certain place part of the city of the Leontines, and upon Bricinniæ, a castle in the Leontine territory. Thither also came unto them most of the commons that had before been driven out: and settling themselves, made war from those places of strength. Upon intelligence hereof the Athenians sent Phæax thither, to persuade their confederates there, and, if they could, all the Sicilians jointly, to make war upon the Syracusians, that were now beginning to grow great; to try if they might thereby preserve the common people of the Leontines. Phæax arriving, prevailed with the Camarinæans and Agrigentines: but the business finding a stop at Gela, he went unto no more, as conceiving he should not be able to persuade them. So he returned through the cities of the Siculi unto Catana, having been at Bricinniæ by the way and there encouraged them to hold out: and from Catana he set sail and departed. 5. In his voyage to Sicily, both going and coming, he dealt as he went by with sundry cities also of Italy, to enter into friendship with the Athenians. He also lighted on those Locrians, which1 having dwelt once in Messana, were afterwards driven out again; being the same men, which after the peace in Sicily, upon a sedition in Messana, wherein one of the factions called in the Locrians, had been then sent to inhabit there, [and now were sent away again]: for the Locrians held Messana for a while. Phæax therefore chancing to meet with these as they were going to their own city, did them no hurt: because the Locrians had been in speech with him about an agreement with the Athenians. For when the Sicilians made a general peace, these only of all the confederates refused to make any peace at all with the Athenians. Nor indeed would they have done it now, but that they were constrained thereunto by the war they had with the Itoneans and Melæans, their own colonies and borderers. And Phæax after this returned to Athens.
year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 2. 3. Cleon maketh war on Amphi polis.Galepsus taken by Cleon.Brasidas sitteth down over against Cleon at CerdyliumThe forces of Brasidas.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Cleon goeth up to Amphipolis against his own mind.
6. Cleon, who1 was now gone from Torone and come about to Amphipolis, making Eion the seat of the war, assaulted the city of Stageirus, a colony of the Andrians; but could not take it: but Galepsus, a colony of the Thasians, he took by assault. And having sent ambassadors to Perdiccas, to will him to come to him with his forces according to the league, and other ambassadors into Thrace unto Polles, king of the Odomantians, to take up as many mercenary Thracians as he could; he lay still in Eion to expect their coming. Brasidas upon notice hereof, sat down over against him at Cerdylium. This is a place belonging to the Argilians, standing high and beyond the river, not far from Amphipolis; and from whence he might discern all that was about him. So that Cleon could not but be seen, if he should rise with his army to go against Amphipolis; which he expected he would do, and that in contempt of his small number he would go up with the forces he had then present. Withal he furnished himself with fifteen hundred mercenary Thracians, and took unto him all his Edonians, both horsemen and targetiers. He had also of Myrcinians and Chalcideans a thousand targetiers, besides them in Amphipolis. But for men of arms, his whole number was at the most2 two thousand, and of Grecian horsemen three hundred. With fifteen hundred of these came Brasidas and sat down at Cerdylium: the rest stood ready ordered with Clearidas their captain, within Amphipolis.
Cleon, not expecting a sally, vieweth the situation of the town.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Brasidas putteth himself into Amphipolis.A stratagem of Brasidas.
7. Cleon for a while1 lay still; but was afterwards forced to do as was expected by Brasidas. For the soldiers being angry with their stay there, and recounting with themselves what a command his would be, and with what ignorance and cowardice against what skill and boldness of the other, and how they came forth with him against their wills: he perceived their muttering, and being unwilling to offend them with so long a stay in one place, dislodged and led them forward. And he took the same course there, which having succeeded well before at Pylus gave him cause to think himself to have some judgment. For he thought not that any body would come forth to give him battle, and gave out he went up principally to see the place: and stayed for greater forces, not to secure him in case he should be compelled to fight, but that he might therewith environ the city on all sides at once, and in that manner take it by force. So he went up and set his army down on a strong hill before Amphipolis, standing himself to view the fens of the river Strymon and the situation of the city towards Thrace: and thought he could have retired again at his pleasure, without battle. For neither did any man appear upon the walls, nor come out of the gates: which were all fast shut. Insomuch as he thought he had committed an error in coming2 without engines: because he thought he might by such means have won the city, as being without defendants. 8. Brasidas, as soon as he saw the Athenians remove, came down also from Cerdylium and put himself into Amphipolis. He would not suffer them to make any sally, nor to face the Athenians in order of battle, mistrusting his own forces, which he thought inferior, not in number (for they were in a manner equal) but in worth: (for such Athenians as were there were pure1 , and the Lemnians and Imbrians which were amongst them were of the very ablest): but prepared to set upon them by a wile. For if he should have showed to the enemy both his number and their armour, such as for the present they were forced to use, he thought that thereby he should not so soon get the victory, as by keeping them out of sight and out of their contempt till the very point2 . Wherefore choosing to himself a hundred and fifty men of arms, and committing the charge of the rest to Clearidas, he resolved to set suddenly upon them before they should retire: as not expecting to take them so alone another time, if their succours chanced to arrive. And when he had called his soldiers together to encourage them and to make known unto them his design, he said as followeth:
the oration of brasidas to his soldiers.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Oration of Brasidas.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Oration of Brasidas.
9. “Men of Peloponnesus, as for your country, how by valour it hath ever retained her liberty, and that being Dorians you are now to fight against Ionians, of whom you were ever wont to get the victory, let it suffice that I have touched it thus briefly. But in what manner I intend to charge1 , that I am now to inform you of: lest the venturing by few at once, and not altogether, should seem to proceed from weakness, and so dishearten you. I do conjecture that it was in contempt of us, and as not expecting to be fought withal, that the enemy both came up to this place, and that they have now betaken themselves carelessly and out of order to view the country. But he that best observing such errors in his enemies, shall also to his strength give the onset, not always openly and in ranged battle, but as is best for his present advantage, shall for the most part attain his purpose. And these wiles carry with them the greatest glory of all, by which, deceiving most the enemy, a man doth most benefit his friends. Therefore whilst they are secure without preparation, and intend, for aught I see, to steal away rather than to stay: I say, in this their looseness of resolution, and before they put their minds in order, I for my part with those I have chosen will, if I can, before they get away fall in upon the midst of their army running. And you, Clearidas, afterwards, as soon as you shall see me to have charged and, as it is probable, to have put them into affright, take those that are with you, both Amphipolitans and all the rest of the confederates, and setting open the gates run out upon them, and with all possible speed come up to stroke of hand. For there is great hope this way to terrify them; seeing they which come after, are ever of more terror to the enemy than those that are already present and in fight. And be valiant, as is likely you should that are a Spartan: and you, confederates, follow manfully, and believe that the parts of a good soldier are willingness, sense of shame, and obedience to his leaders; and that this day you shall either gain yourselves liberty by your valour, and to be called confederates of the Lacedæmonians, or else not only to serve the Athenians yourselves, and at the best, if you be not led captives, nor put to death, to be in greater servitude than before1 , but also to be the hinderers of the liberty of the rest of the Grecians. But be not you cowards, seeing how great a matter is at stake: and I, for my part, will make it appear that I am not more ready to persuade another, than to put myself into action.”
Brasidas prepareth to assault the army of the Athenians.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Cleon is admonished of a sally towards:and leadeth his army back.Brasidas taketh this opportunity for his sally.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3.Brasidas is wounded and falleth.Cleon flieth, and is slain.Brasidas his army getteth the victory.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Brasidas liveth only so long as to know he had the victory.
10. When Brasidas had thus said, he both prepared to go out himself, and also placed the rest that were with Clearidas before the gates called the Thracian gates, to issue forth afterwards as was appointed. Now Brasidas having been in sight when he came down from Cerdylium, and2 again when he sacrificed in the city, by the temple of Pallas, which place might be seen from without; it was told Cleon [whilst Brasidas was ordering of his men] (for he was at this time gone off a little to look about him), that the whole army of the enemies was plainly to be discerned within the town, and that the feet of many men and horses, ready to come forth, might be discerned from under the gate. Hearing this, he came to the place: and when he saw it was true, being not minded to fight until his aids arrived, and yet making no other account but that his retreat would be discovered1 , he commanded at once to give the signal of retreat, and2 that as they went the left wing should march foremost, which was the only means they had to withdraw towards Eion. But when he thought they were long about it, causing the right wing to wheel about and lay open their disarmed parts to the enemy, he led away the army himself. Brasidas at the same time, having spied his opportunity and that the army of the Athenians removed, said to those about him and the rest: “these men stay not for us; it is apparent by the wagging of their spears and of their heads: for where such motion is, they use not to stay for the charge of the enemy: therefore open me some body the gates appointed, and let us boldly and speedily sally forth upon them”. Then he went out himself at the gate towards the trench3 , and which was the first gate of the long wall, which then was standing; and at high speed took the straight way, in which, as one passeth by the strongest part of the town4 , there standeth now a trophy: and charging upon the midst of the Athenian army, which was terrified both with their own disarray and the valour of the man, forced them to fly. And Clearidas, as was appointed, having issued out by the Thracian gates, was withal coming upon them. And it fell out that the Athenians, by this unexpected and sudden attempt, were on both sides in confusion: and the left wing which was next to Eion, and which indeed was marching away before, was immediately broken off from the rest of the army and fled. When that was gone, Brasidas coming up to the right wing, was there wounded1 . The Athenians saw not when he fell: and they that were near took him up and carried him off. The right wing stood longer to it: and though Cleon himself presently fled, (as at first he intended not to stay), and was intercepted by a Myrcinian targetier and slain2 , yet his men of arms casting themselves into a circle on the [top of a little] hill, twice or thrice resisted the charge of Clearidas: and shrunk not at all, till begirt with the Myrcinian and Chalcidean horse and with the targetiers, they were put to flight by their darts. Thus the whole army of the Athenians, getting away with much ado over the hills and by several ways, all that were not slain upon the place or by the Chalcidean horse and targetiers, recovered Eion. The other side taking up Brasidas out of the battle, and1 having so long kept him alive, brought him yet breathing into the city: and he knew that his side had gotten the victory, but expired shortly after. When Clearidas with the rest of the army were returned from pursuit of the enemy, they rifled those that were slain, and erected a trophy.
The honour done to Brasidas after his death.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3.
11. After this the confederates, following the corpse of Brasidas all of them in their arms, buried him in the city2 at the public charge; in the entrance of that which is now the market–place. And the Amphipolitans afterwards, having taken in his monument with a wall, killed3 unto him as to a hero, honoured him with games and anniversary sacrifice, and attributed their colony unto him as to the founder; pulling down the edifices of Agnon, and defacing whatsoever monument might maintain the memory of his foundation. This they did both for that they esteemed Brasidas for their preserver; and also because at this time, through fear of the Athenians, they courted the Lacedæmonians for a league. As for Agnon, because of their hostility with the Athenians, they thought it neither expedient for them to give him honours, nor that they would be acceptable unto him if they did. The dead bodies they rendered to the Athenians: of whom there were slain about six hundred, and but seven of the other side, by reason that it was no set battle, but fought upon such an occasion and precedent affright. After the dead were taken up, the Athenians went home by sea; and Clearidas and those with him stayed to settle the estate of Amphipolis.
Supplies going to Brasidas stay by the way at Heracleia.The end of the tenth summer.
12. About the same time of the summer now ending, Ramphias, Autocharidas, and Epicydidas, Lacedæmonians, were leading a supply towards the parts upon Thrace of nine hundred men of arms: and when they were come to Heracleia in Trachinia, they stayed there to amend such things as they thought amiss. Whilst they stayed, this battle was fought: and the summer ended.
The supplies going to Brasidas, hearing of his death, return to Lacedæmon.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. The Athenians and Lacedæmonians incline to peace.The causes why the Athenians desired peace.The causes why the Lacedæmonians desired peace.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3.
13. The next winter, they that were with Ramphias went presently forward, as far as [the hill] Pierium in Thessaly. But the Thessalians forbidding them to go on, and Brasidas, to whom they were carrying this army, being dead, they returned homewards: conceiving that the opportunity now served not, both because the Athenians were upon this overthrow gone away, and for that they themselves were unable to perform any of those designs which the other had intended. But the principal cause of their return was this: that they knew at their coming forth, that the Lacedæmonians had their minds more set upon a peace than war. 14. Presently after the battle of Amphipolis and return of Rhamphias out of Thessaly, it fell out that neither side did any act of war, but were inclined rather to a peace: the Athenians for the blow they had received at Delium, and this other a little after at Amphipolis; and because they had no longer that confident hope in their strength, on which they relied when formerly they refused the peace, as having conceived upon their present success that they should have had the upper hand; also they stood in fear of their own confederates, lest emboldened by these losses of theirs they should more and more revolt; and repented that they made not the peace after their happy success at Pylus, when occasion was offered to have done it honourably: and the Lacedæmonians on the other side did desire peace, because the war had not proceeded as they expected; for they had thought they should in a few years have warred down the power of Athens, by wasting their territory; and because they were fallen into that calamity in the island, the like whereof had never happened unto Sparta before1 ; because also their country was continually ravaged by those of Pylus and Cythera, and their Helotes continually fled to the enemy; and because they feared lest those which remained, trusting in them that were run away, should in this estate of theirs raise some innovation, as at other times before they had done. Withal it happened, that the thirty years’ peace1 with the Argives was now upon the point of expiring; and the Argives would not renew it without restitution made them of Cynuria: so that to war against the Argives and the Athenians, both at once, seemed impossible. They suspected also that some of the cities of Peloponnesus would revolt to the Argives: as indeed it came afterwards to pass.
15. These things considered, it was by both parts thought good to conclude a peace; but especially by the Lacedæmonians, for the desire they had to recover their men taken in the island. For the Spartans that were amongst them, were both of the prime men2 of the city, and their kinsmen. And therefore they began to treat presently after they were taken: but the Athenians, by reason of their prosperity, would not lay down the war at that time on equal terms. But after their defeat at Delium, the Lacedæmonians, knowing they would be apter now to accept it, made that truce for a year, during which they were to meet and consult about a longer time.
year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3. Cleon and Brasidas opposers of the peace for several ends.Pleistoanax and Nicias persuaders to peace.Nicias his ends in seeking peace.The reason why Pleistoanax desired the peace.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3.year x. A. C. 422. Ol. 89. 3.Pleistoanax banished for withdrawing his army out of Attica.
16. But when also this other overthrow happened to the Athenians at Amphipolis, and that both Cleon and Brasidas were slain: the which on either side were most opposite to the peace; the one, for that he had good success and honour in the war; the other, because in quiet times his evil actions would more appear and his calumniations be the less believed1 : those two that in the two states aspired most to be chief, Pleistoanax the son of Pausanias, and Nicias the son of Niceratus, who in military charges had been the most fortunate of his time, did most of all other desire to have the peace go forward. Nicias, because he was desirous, having2 hitherto never been overthrown, to carry his good fortune through, and to give both himself and the city rest from their troubles for the present; and for the future to leave a name, that in all his time he had never made the commonwealth miscarry; which he thought might be done by standing out of danger, and by putting himself as little as he might into the hands of fortune; and to stand out of danger is the benefit of peace. Pleistoanax had the same desire, because of the imputation laid upon him about his return from exile by his enemies, that suggested unto the Lacedæmonians upon every loss they received, that the same befel them for having, contrary to the law, repealed his banishment. For they charged him further, that he and his brother Aristocles had suborned the prophetess of Delphi, to answer the deputies1 of the Lacedæmonians, when they came thither, most commonly with this: “that they should bring back the seed of the semigod, the son of Jupiter, out of a strange country into his own: and that if they did not, they should plough their land with a silver plough”: and so at length to have made the Lacedæmonians nineteen years after, with such dances and sacrifices as they who were the first founders of Lacedæmon had ordained to be used at the enthroning of their kings, to fetch him home again; who lived in the meantime in exile in the mountain Lycæum, in a house whereof the one half was part of the temple of Jupiter, for fear of the Lacedæmonians, as being suspected to have taken a bribe to withdraw his army out of Attica. 17. Being troubled with these imputations, and considering with himself, there being no occasion of calamity in time of peace, and the Lacedæmonians thereby recovering their men, that he also should cease to be obnoxious to the calumniations of his enemies; whereas in war, such as had charge could not but be quarrelled upon their losses: he was therefore forward to have the peace concluded.
The Lacedæmonians desiring the peace, make show of war.Peace concludedyear x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The Bœotians, Corinthians, Eleians, and Megareans, refuse to be comprehended.
And this winter they fell to treaty, and withal the Lacedæmonians braved them with a preparation already making against the spring,1 sending to the cities about for that purpose, as if they meant to fortify in Attica: to the end that the Athenians might give them the better ear. When after many meetings and many demands on either side, it was at last agreed that peace should be concluded, each part rendering what they had taken in the war, save that the Athenians should hold Nisæa: (for when they [likewise] demanded Platæa, and the Thebans answered that it was neither taken by force nor by treason, but rendered voluntarily, the Athenians said that they also had Nisæa in the same manner): the Lacedæmonians calling together their confederates; and all but the Bœotians, Corinthians, Eleians, and Megareans, (for these disliked it), giving their votes for the ending of the war; they concluded the peace, and confirmed it to the Athenians with sacrifice, and swore it, and the Athenians again unto them, upon these articles:
the articles of the peace between the athenians and the lacedæmonians.
18. “The Athenians, and Lacedæmonians, and their confederates, have made peace, and sworn it city by city, as followeth:
“Touching the public temples, it shall be lawful to whomsoever will, to sacrifice in them, and to have access unto them, and to ask counsel of the oracles in the same, and to send their deputies unto them, according to the custom of his country, securely both by sea and land.
“The whole place consecrate and temple of Apollo in Delphi, and Delphi itself, shall be governed by their own law, taxed by their own state, and judged by their own judges, both city and territory, according to the institution of the place1 .
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. Articles of the peace between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians.
“ The peace shall endure between the Athenians with their confederates, and the Lacedæmonians with their confederates, for fifty years, both by sea and land, without fraud and without harmdoing.
“It shall not be lawful to bear arms with intention of hurt, neither for the Lacedæmonians and their confederates against the Athenians, nor for the Athenians and their confederates against the Lacedæmonians, by any art or machination whatsoever: if any controversy shall arise between them, the same shall be decided by law and by oath, in such manner as they shall agree on.
“The Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall render Amphipolis to the Athenians: the inhabitants of whatsoever city the Lacedæmonians shall render unto the Athenians, shall be at liberty to go forth whither they will with bag and baggage.
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. Articles of the peace between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians.
“ Those cities which paid the tribute taxed in the time of Aristides,1 continuing to pay it, shall be governed by their own laws. And now that the peace is concluded, it shall be unlawful for the Athenians or their confederates to bear arms against them, or to do them any hurt, as long as they shall pay the said tribute: the cities are these: Argilus, Stageirus, Acanthus, Scolus, Olynthus, Spartolus; and they shall be confederates of neither side, neither of the Lacedæmonians nor of the Athenians; but if the Athenians can persuade these cities unto it, then it shall be lawful for the Athenians to have them for confederates, having gotten their consent.
“The Mecybernæans, Sanæans, and Singæans, shall inhabit their own cities on the same conditions with the Olynthians and Acanthians.
“The Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall render Panactum unto the Athenians.
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. Articles of the peace between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians.
“ And the Athenians shall render to the Lacedæmonians Coryphasium, Cythera, Methone, Pteleum, and Atalante: they shall likewise deliver whatsoever Lacedæmonians are in the prison of Athens, or in any prison of what place soever in the Athenian dominion: and dismiss all the Peloponnesians besieged in Scione, and all1 that Brasidas did there put in, and whatsoever confederates of the Lacedæmonians are in prison, either at Athens or in the Athenian state.
“And the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall deliver whomsoever they have in their hands of the Athenians or their confederates, in the same manner.
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. Articles of the peace between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians.
“Touching the Scionæans, Toronæans, and Sermylians, and whatsoever other city belonging to the Athenians, the Athenians shall do with them what they think fit.
“The Athenians shall take an oath to the Lacedæmonians and their confederates, city by city; and that oath shall be the greatest1 that in each city is in use. The thing that they shall swear shall be this: I stand to these articles and to this peace, truly and sincerely. And the Lacedæmonians and their confederates shall take the same oath to the Athenians. This oath they shall on both sides every year renew, and shall erect pillars [inscribed with this peace] at Olympia, Pythia2 , and in the Isthmus; at Athens, within the citadel; and at Lacedæmon, in the Amyclæum.
“And if anything be on either side forgotten, or shall be thought fit upon good deliberation to be changed; it shall be lawful for them to do it, in such manner as the Lacedæmonians and Athenians shall think fit, jointly.
19. “This peace shall take beginning from the 24th of the month Artemisium, Pleistolas being ephore at Sparta, and the 15th of Elaphebolium, after the account of Athens, Alcæus being archon.1
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3.
“They that took the oath and sacrificed, were these. Of the Lacedæmonians: Pleistolas, Damagetus, Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daidus, Ischagoras, Philocaridas, Zeuxidas, Anthippus, Tellis, Alcinidas, Empedias, Menas, Laphilus. Of the Athenians these: Lampon, Isthmionicus, Nicias, Laches, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus, Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes, Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates, Leon, Lamachus, Demosthenes.”
The true way of accounting the years of this war.
20. This peace was made in the very end of winter, and the spring then beginning, presently after the City Bacchanals, and [full] ten years and some few days over2 , after the first invasion of Attica and the beginning of this war. But now for the certainty hereof, let a man consider the times themselves: and not trust to the account of the names of such as in the several places bare chief offices, or for some honour to themselves had their names ascribed for marks to the actions foregoing. For it is not exactly known who was in the beginning of his office, or who in the midst, or how he was, when anything fell out. But if one reckon the same by summers and winters, according as they are written3 , he shall find by the two half years which make the whole, that this first war was of ten summers and as many winters continuance.
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The Lacedæmonians begin to perform the articles, and presently deliver their prisoners.The Amphipolitans refuse to render themselves under the Athenians.Clearidas endeavoureth to dissolve the peace.year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The Lacedæmonians make league with the Athenians.
21. The Lacedæmonians (for it fell unto them by lot to begin the restitution) both dismissed presently those prisoners they had then in their hands, and also sent ambassadors, Ischagoras, Menas, and Philocharidas, into the parts upon Thrace, with command to Clearidas to deliver up Amphipolis to the Athenians, and requiring the rest of their confederates there to accept of the peace in such manner as was for every of them accorded. But they would not do it, because they thought it was not for their advantage: and Clearidas also, to gratify the Chalcideans, surrendered not the city, alleging that he could not do it whether they would or not. And coming away soon after with those ambassadors to Lacedæmon, both to purge himself, if he should be accused by those with Ischagoras for disobeying the state’s command, and also to try if the peace might by any means be shaken1 : when he found it firm, he himself being sent back by the Lacedæmonians with command principally to surrender the place, and if he could not do that, then to draw thence all the Peloponnesians that were in it, immediately took his journey. 22. But the confederates chanced to be present themselves in Lacedæmon: and the Lacedæmonians required such of them as formerly refused, that they would accept the peace. But they, upon the same pretence on which they had rejected it before, said, that unless it were more reasonable they would not accept it. And the Lacedæmonians, seeing they refused, dismissed them, and by themselves entered with the Athenians into a league1 : because they imagined that the Argives would not renew their peace, (because they had refused it before when Ampelidas and Lichas went to Argos, and held them for no dangerous enemies without the Athenians): and also conceived, that by this means the rest of Peloponnesus would not stir; for if they could, they would turn to the Athenians. Wherefore the ambassadors of Athens being then present, and conference had, they agreed; and the oath and league was concluded on in the terms following:
the articles of the league between the lacedæmonians and the athenians.
23. “The Lacedæmonians shall be confederates with the Athenians for fifty years.
“If any enemy invade the territory of the Lacedæmonians and do the Lacedæmonians any harm, the Athenians shall aid the Lacedæmonians against them in the strongest manner they can possibly: but if the enemy, after he hath spoiled the country, shall be gone away, then that city shall be held as enemy both to the Lacedæmonians and to the Athenians, and shall be warred upon by them both; and both cities shall again lay down the war jointly: and this is to be done justly, readily, and sincerely.
“And if any enemy shall invade the territories of the Athenians, and do the Athenians any harm, then the Lacedæmonians shall aid the Athenians against them in the strongest manner they can possibly: but if the enemy, after he hath spoiled the country, shall be gone away, then shall that city be held for enemy both to the Lacedæmonians and to the Athenians, and shall be warred upon by both; and both the cities shall again lay down the war together: and this to be done justly, readily, and sincerely.
year x. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. Articles of the league between the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians.
“If their slaves shall rebel, the Athenians shall assist the Lacedæmonians with all their strength possible.
“These things shall be sworn unto by the same men on either side that swore the peace, and shall be every year renewed by the Lacedæmonians [at their] coming to the Bacchanals at Athens; and by the Athenians [at their] going to the Hyacinthian feast at Lacedæmon; and either side shall erect a pillar, [inscribed with this league], one at Lacedæmon, near unto Apollo in the Amyclæum, another at Athens, near Minerva in the citadel.
“If it shall seem good to the Lacedæmonians and Athenians to add or take away anything touching the league, it shall be lawful for them to do it jointly.”
“24. Of the Lacedæmonians took the oath, these: Pleistoanax, Agis, Pleistolas, Damagetus, Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daidus, Ischagoras, Philocharidas, Zeuxidas, Anthippus, Alcinadas, Tellis, Empedias, Menas, Laphilus. Of the Athenians: Lampon, Isthmionicus, Laches, Nicias, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus, Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes, Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates, Leon, Lamachus, and Demosthenes.”
The Athenians deliver the prisoners taken at Pylus.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3.
This league was made not long after the peace: and the Athenians delivered to the Lacedæmonians the men they had taken in the island; and by this time began the summer of the eleventh year. And1 hitherto hath been written these ten years, which this first war continued without intermission.
The Lacedæmonians slack in performance of the articles of the peace.
25. After the peace and league made between the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, after the ten years’ war, Pleistolas being ephore at Lacedæmon and Alcæus archon of Athens; though there were peace to those that had accepted it; yet the Corinthians and some cities of Peloponnesus endeavoured to overthrow what was done, and presently arose another stir by the confederates against Lacedæmon. And the Lacedæmonians also after a while became suspect unto the Athenians, for not performing somewhat agreed on in the articles. And for six years and ten months1 they abstained from entering into each other’s territories with their arms: but the peace being weak, they did each other abroad what harm they could; and in the end were forced to dissolve the peace made after those ten years, and fell again into open war.
From the beginning to this end of the war, twenty–seven years.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The time of this peace not to be esteemed peace.The number of years which the whole war lasted.Thucydides, for his ill success at Amphipolis, banished Athens for twenty years.
26. This also hath the same Thucydides of Athens written from point to point, by summers and winters, as everything came to pass, until such time as the Lacedæmonians and their confederates had made an end of the Athenian dominion, and had taken their long walls and Pieræus. To which time from the beginning of the war, it is in all twenty–seven years. As for the composition between, if any man shall think it not to be accounted with the war, he shall think amiss. For let him look into the actions that passed as they are distinctly set down1 ; and he shall find that that deserveth not to be taken for a peace, in which they neither rendered all, nor accepted all, according to the articles. Besides, in the Mantinean and Epidaurian wars, and in other actions, it was on both sides infringed: moreover, the confederates on the borders of Thrace continued in hostility as before: and the Bœotians had but a truce from one ten days to another. So that with the first ten years’ war, and with this doubtful cessation, and the war that followed after it, a man shall find, counting by the times, that it came to just so many years and some few days: and that those who built upon the prediction of the oracles, have2 this number only to agree. And I remember yet, that from the very beginning of this war and so on till the end, it was uttered by many that it should be of thrice nine years’ continuance. And3 for the time thereof I lived in my strength, and applied my mind to gain an accurate knowledge of the same. It happened also that I was banished my country for twenty years, after my charge at Amphipolis: whereby being present at4 the affairs of both, and especially of the Lacedæmonians by reason of my exile, I could at leisure the better learn the truth of all that passed. The quarrels therefore, and perturbations of the peace, after those ten years, and that which followed, according as from time to time the war was carried, I will now pursue.1
year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The Corinthians contrive with the Argives to make a league in Peloponnesus without the Lacedæmonians.
27. After the concluding of the fifty years’ peace and the league which followed, and when those ambassadors which were sent for out of the rest of Peloponnesus to accept the said peace were departed from Lacedæmon, the Corinthians (the rest going all to their own cities) turning first to Argos2 , entered into treaty with some of the Argive magistrates to this purpose:—that the Lacedæmonians having made a peace and league with the Athenians, their hitherto mortal enemies, tending not to the benefit, but to the enslaving of Peloponnesus, it behoved them3 to consider of a course for the safety of the same: and to make a decree, that any city of the Grecians that would, and were a free city, and admitted the like and equal trials of judgment with theirs, might make a league with the Argives for the one mutually to aid the other: and to assign them a few men with absolute authority from the state, to treat with: and that it should not be motioned to the people, to the end, that if the multitude would not agree to it, it might be unknown that ever they had made such a motion:—affirming, that many would come into this confederacy upon hatred to the Lacedæmonians. And the Corinthians, when they had made this overture, went home.
year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. Twelve men chosen at Argos to treat about a league.
28. These men of Argos having heard them, and reported their proposition both to the magistrates and to the people, the Argives ordered the same accordingly: and elected twelve men, with whom it should be lawful for any Grecian to make the league that would, except the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, with neither of which they were to enter into any league without the consent of the Argive people. And this the Argives did the more willingly admit, as well for that they saw the Lacedæmonians would make war upon them; (for the truce between them was now upon expiring); as also because they hoped to have the principality1 of Peloponnesus. For about this time Lacedæmon had but a bad report, and was in contempt for the losses it had received. And the Argives in all points were in good estate, as not having concurred in the Attic war, but rather been at peace with both, and thereby gotten in their revenue2 . Thus the Argives received into league all such Grecians as came unto them.
year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The rest of Peloponnesus incline to the same league.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3.The article of adding and altering misliked.
29. First of all therefore, came in the Mantineans and their confederates: which they did for fear of the Lacedæmonians. For a part of Arcadia, during the war of Athens, was come under the obedience of the Mantineans; over which they thought the Lacedæmonians, now they were at rest, would not permit them any longer to command: and therefore they willingly joined with the Argives, as being, they thought, a great city, ever enemy to the Lacedæmonians, and governed as their own by democracy1 . When the Mantineans had revolted, the rest of Peloponnesus began also to mutter amongst themselves, that it was fit for them to do the like: conceiving that there was somewhat in it more than they knew, that made the Mantineans to turn; and were also angry with the Lacedæmonians, amongst many other causes, for that it was written in the articles of the Attic peace, that it should be lawful to add unto or take away from the same, whatsoever should seem good to the two cities of the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians. For this was the article that the most troubled the Peloponnesians, and put them into a jealousy that the Lacedæmonians might have a purpose, joining with the Athenians, to bring them into subjection: for in justice, the power of changing the articles ought to have been ascribed to all the confederates in general. Whereupon, many fearing such an intention, applied themselves to the Argives, every one severally striving to come into their league.
The Lacedæmonians expostulate with the Corinthians about this league with Argos.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3.The apology of the Corinthians, for their refusing the peace.Their answer touching their league with Argos.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. The Eleians make a league first with Corinth, then with Argos.Quarrel of the Eleians against the Lacedæmonians.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3.The Corinthians and the towns upon Thrace enter into the league with Argos.
30. The Lacedæmonians perceiving this stir to begin in Peloponnesus, and that the Corinthians were both the contrivers of it, and entered themselves also into the league with Argos, sent ambassadors unto Corinth, with intention to prevent the sequel of it: and accused them, both for the whole design, and for their own revolt in particular, which they intended to make from them to the league of the Argives; saying that they should therein infringe their oath, and that they had already done unjustly, to refuse the peace made with the Athenians; forasmuch as it is an article of their league1 , that what the major part of the confederates should conclude, unless it were hindered by some god or hero, the same was to stand good. But the Corinthians, those confederates which had refused the peace as well as they being now at Corinth, (for they had sent for them before), in their answer to the Lacedæmonians did not openly allege the wrongs they had received; as that the Athenians had not restored Solium nor Anactorium2 , nor anything else they had in this war lost: but pretended not to betray those of Thrace3 ; for that they had in particular taken an oath to them, both when together with Potidæa they first revolted, and also another afterwards. And therefore, they said, they did not break the oath of their league by rejecting the peace with Athens. For having sworn unto them by the gods, they should in betraying them offend the gods. And whereas it is said, unless some god or hero hinder it, this appeareth to be a divine hindrance. Thus they answered for their old oath. Then, for their league with the Argives, they gave this answer: that when they had advised with their friends, they would do afterwards what should be just. And so the ambassadors of Lacedæmon went home. At the same time were present also in Corinth the ambassadors of Argos, to invite the Corinthians to their league, and that without delay. But the Corinthians appointed them to come again at their next sitting. 31. Presently after this came unto them an ambassage also from the Eleians: and first they made a league with the Corinthians; and going thence to Argos, made a league with the Argives, according to the declaration before mentioned1 . The Eleians had a quarrel with the Lacedæmonians concerning Lepreum. For the Lepreates having heretofore warred on certain of the Arcadians, and for their aid called the Eleians into their confederacy with condition to give the moiety of the land2 [to be won from them], when the war was ended, the Eleians gave unto the Lepreates the whole land to be enjoyed by themselves, with an imposition thereon of a talent to be paid to Jupiter Olympian: which they continued to pay till the beginning of the Athenian war. But afterwards upon pretence of that war giving over the payment, the Eleians would have forced them to it again. The Lepreates for help having recourse to the Lacedæmonians: and the cause being referred to their decision, the Eleians afterwards, upon suspicion that the Lacedæmonians would not do them right, renounced the reference, and wasted the territory of the Lepreates. The Lacedæmonians nevertheless gave sentence, that the Lepreates should be at liberty to pay it or not3 , and that the Eleians did the injury: and because the Eleians had not stood to the reference, the Lacedæmonians put into Lepreum a garrison of men at arms. The Eleians taking this as if the Lacedæmonians had received their revolted city, and producing the article of their league, “that what every one possessed when they entered into the Attic war, the same they should possess when they gave it over”1 ; revolted to the Argives as wronged, and entered league with them as is before related. After these came presently into the Argive league the Corinthians, and the Chalcideans upon Thrace. The Bœotians also and Megareans threatened as much2 : but because they thought the Argive democracy would not be so commodious for them, who were governed according to the government of the Lacedæmonians, by oligarchy, they stirred no further in it.
The Athenians recover Scione.The Delians replanted in Delos.Phocis and Locris in war.
32. About the same time of this summer the Athenians expugned Scione, slew all that were within it at man’s estate3 , made slaves of the women and children, and gave their territory to the Platæans. They also replanted the Delians in Delos, both in consideration of the defeats they had received after their expulsion, and also because the oracle at Delphi had commanded it. The Phoceans and Locrians also began a war at that time against each other.
The Corinthians seek to turn the cities of Pelopon–year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. nesus and other confederates from the Lacedæmonians to the Argives.The Corinthians seek the ten days’ truce with Athens, as the Bœotians had it.The Bœotians take time to answer concerning a league with Argos.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. 4. The Athenians deny the ten days’ truce to the Corinthians.
And the Corinthians and Argives, being now leagued, went to Tegea to cause it to revolt from the Lacedæmonians, conceiving it to be an important piece1 [of Peloponnesus], and making account, if they gained it to their side, they should easily obtain the whole. But when the Tegeates refused to become enemies to the Lacedæmonians, the Corinthians, who till then had been very forward, grew less violent: and were afraid that no more of the rest would come in. Nevertheless they went to the Bœotians, and solicited them to enter into league with them and the Argives, and to do as they did. And the Corinthians further desired the Bœotians to go along with them to Athens, and to procure for them the like ten days’ truce, to that which was made between the Athenians and Bœotians presently after the making of the fifty years’ peace, on the same terms as the Bœotians had it: and if the Athenians refused, then to renounce theirs, and make no more truces hereafter without the Corinthians. The Corinthians having made this request, the Bœotians willed them, touching the league with the Argives, to stay a while longer, and went with them to Athens, but obtained not the ten days’ truce: the Athenians answering, that if the Corinthians were confederates with the Lacedæmonians, they had a peace already. Nevertheless the Bœotians would not relinquish their ten days’ truce, though the Corinthians both required the same, and affirmed that it was so before agreed on. Yet the Athenians granted the Corinthians a cessation of arms, but without solemn ratification1 .
The Lacedæmonians demolish the fort of Cypsela.
33. The same summer the Lacedæmonians with their whole power, under the conduct of Pleistoanax the son of Pausanias, king of the Lacedæmonians, made war upon the Parrhasians of Arcadia, subjects of the Mantineans; partly as called in by occasion of sedition, and partly because they intended, if they could, to demolish a fortification which the Mantineans had built and kept with a garrison in Cypsela, in the territory of the Parrhasians towards2 Sciritis of Laconia. The Lacedæmonians therefore wasted the territory of the Parrhasians. And the Mantineans, leaving their own city to the custody of the Argives, came forth to aid3 the Parrhasians their confederates: but being unable to defend both the fort of Cypsela and the cities of the Parrhasians too, they went home again. And the Lacedæmonians, when they had set the Parrhasians at liberty, and demolished the fortification, went home likewise.
The Lacedæmonians put a garrison into Lepreum of men newly enfranchised.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 3. 4.The Lacedæmonians disable those that were taken in Sphacteria to bear office or to make bargain.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 4.
34. The same summer, when those soldiers which went out with Brasidas, and of which Clearidas after the making of the peace had the charge, were returned from the parts upon Thrace: the Lacedæmonians made a decree, that those Helotes which had fought under Brasidas should receive their liberty, and inhabit where they thought good1 . But not long after they placed them, together with such others as had been newly enfranchised2 , in Lepreum; a city standing in the confines between Laconia and the Eleians, with whom they were now at variance. Fearing also lest those citizens of their own, which had been taken in the island and had delivered up their arms to the Athenians, should upon apprehension of disgrace for that calamity, if they remained capable of honours, make some innovation in the state, they disabled them3 [though] some of them were1 in office already. And their disablement was this: “that they should neither bear office, nor be capable to buy and sell”. Yet in time they were again restored to their former honours.
The Dictideans take Thyssus from the Athenians.Jealousy between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians.Amphipolis not yet rendered, nor the peace accepted in the parts about Thrace, nor by the Bœotians and Corinthians.The Athenians refuse to render Pylus.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 4. The apology of the Lacedæmonians for not performing the articles.The Athenians draw the Messenians and Helotes out of Pylus.The end of the eleventh summer
35. The same summer also the Dictideans2 took Thyssus, a town in Mount Athos, and confederate of the Athenians. This whole summer there was continual commerce between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians: nevertheless they began, both the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians, to have each other in suspicion immediately after the peace, in respect of the places not yet mutually surrendered. For the Lacedæmonians, to whose lot it fell to make restitution first, had not rendered Amphipolis and the other cities, nor had caused the peace to be accepted by the confederates upon Thrace, nor by the Bœotians nor Corinthians: though they had ever professed, that in case they refused they would join with the Athenians to bring them to it by force; and had prefixed a time, (though not by writing), within the which such as entered not into this peace were to be held as enemies unto both. The Athenians therefore, when they saw none of this really performed, suspected that they had no sincere intention, and thereupon refused to render Pylus when they required it: nay, they repented that they had delivered up the prisoners they took in the island; and detained the rest of the towns3 they then held, till the Lacedæmonians should have performed the conditions on their part also. The Lacedæmonians to this alleged, “that they had done what they were able to do; for they had delivered the Athenian prisoners that were in their hands, and had withdrawn their soldiers from the parts upon Thrace, and whatsoever else was in their own power to perform: but Amphipolis, they said, was not in their power to surrender: that they would endeavour to bring the Bœotians and Corinthians to accept the peace, and to get Panactum restored, and all the Athenian prisoners in Bœotia to be sent home: and therefore desired them to make restitution of Pylus, or, if not so, at least to draw out of it the Messenians and Helotes, as they for their part had drawn their garrisons out of the towns upon Thrace; and if they thought good, to keep it with a garrison of Athenians”. After divers and long conferences had this summer, they so far prevailed with the Athenians at the last, as they drew thence all the Messenians and Helotes, and all other Laconian fugitives: and placed them in Cranii, a city of Cephallenia. So for this summer there was peace, and free passage from one to another.
The Lacedæmonian ephores endeavour to dissolve the peace.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 4. A proposition of a league between the Lacedæmonians, Argives, Bœotians, and Corinthians.
36. In the beginning of winter, (for now there were other ephores in office; not those in whose time the peace was made, but some of them that opposed it), ambassadors being come from the confederates, and the Athenian, Bœotian, and Corinthian ambassadors being [already] there, and having had much conference together but concluded nothing, Cleobulus and Xenares, ephores that most desired the dissolution of the peace, when the rest of the ambassadors were gone home, entered into private conference with the Bœotians and Corinthians, exhorting them to run both the same course: and advised the Bœotians to endeavour first to make a league themselves with the Argives, and then to get the Argives together with themselves into a league with the Lacedæmonians: for that they might by this means avoid the necessity of accepting the peace with Athens: for the Lacedæmonians would more regard the friendship and league of the Argives, than1 the enmity and dissolution of the peace with the Athenians: for they knew the Lacedæmonians had ever desired to have Argos their friend upon any reasonable conditions; because they knew that their war without Peloponnesus would thereby be a great deal the easier. Wherefore they entreated the Bœotians to put Panactum into the hands of the Lacedæmonians: to the end, that if they could get Pylus for it in exchange, they might make war against the Athenians the more commodiously.
The Argives propound a league to the Bœotians and Corinthians:year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 4.and promise to send ambassadors into Bœotia to that purpose.The Bœotians propound an oath between themselves, the Corinthians, Chalcideans, and Megareans, of mutual assistance.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 4.The Argive league with the Bœotians falleth off.year xi. A. C. 421. Ol. 89. 4.
37. The Bœotians and Corinthians being dismissed2 by Xenares and Cleobulus, and all the other Lacedæmonians of that faction, with these points to be delivered to their commonwealths, went to their several cities. And two men of Argos, of principal authority in that city, having waited for and met with them by the way, entered into a treaty with them about a league between the Argives and the Bœotians, as there was between them and the Corinthians and the Eleians and Mantineans already: “for they thought, if it succeeded, they might [the more] easily have either war or peace, (forasmuch as the cause would now be common), either with the Lacedæmonians or whomsoever else it should be needful”. When the Bœotian ambassadors heard this, they were well pleased. For as it chanced, the Argives requested the same things of them, that they by their friends in Lacedæmon had been sent to procure of the Argives. These men therefore of Argos, when they saw that the Bœotians accepted of the motion, promised to send ambassadors to the Bœotians about it; and so departed. When the Bœotians were come home, they related there1 what they had heard both at Lacedæmon and by the way from the Argives. The governors of Bœotia were glad thereof; and much more forward in it now than formerly they had been; seeing that not only their friends in Lacedæmon desired, but the Argives themselves hastened to have done the self–same thing. Not long after this the ambassadors came to them from Argos, to solicit the dispatch of the business before propounded: but the governors of Bœotia commended [only] the proposition, and dismissed them with promise to send ambassadors about the league to Argos. 38. In the meantime the governors of Bœotia thought fit, that an oath should first be taken by themselves, and by the ambassadors from Corinth, Megara, and the confederates upon Thrace2 , to give mutual assistance upon any occasion to them that should require it, and neither to make war nor peace without the common consent: and next that the Bœotians and Megareans (for these two ran the same course) should make a league with the Argives. But before this oath was [to be] taken, the governors of Bœotia communicated the business to the four Bœotian councils, in the which the whole authority of the state consisteth1 : and withal presented their advice, that any city that would, might join with them in the like oath for mutual assistance. But they that were of these councils approved not the proposition; because they feared to offend the Lacedæmonians, in being sworn to the Corinthians that had revolted from their confederacy. For the governors of Bœotia had not reported unto them what had passed at Lacedæmon, how Cleobulus and Xenares, the ephores, and their friends there, had advised them to enter first into league with the Argives and Corinthians, and then afterwards to make the same league with the Lacedæmonians: for they thought that the councils, though this had never been told them, would have decreed it no otherwise than they upon premeditation should advise. So the business was checked: and the ambassadors from Corinth and from the cities upon Thrace departed without effect. And the governors of Bœotia, that were before minded, if they had gotten this done, to have leagued1 themselves also with the Argives, made no mention of the Argives in the councils at all, nor sent the ambassadors to Argos, as they had before promised: but a kind of carelessness and delay possessed the whole business.
A. C. 421. 0. Ol. 89. 4. Mecyberne taken from the Athenians by assault.
39. The same winter the Olynthians took Mecyberne2 , held with a garrison of the Athenians, by assault.
year xi. A. C. 421. 0. Ol. 89. 4. The Lacedæmonians enter into a league with the Bœotians, knowing it to be against justice.A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.
After this the Lacedæmonians, (for the conferences between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians about restitution reciprocal continued still), hoping that if the Athenians should obtain from the Bœotians Panactum, that then they also should recover Pylus, sent ambassadors to the Bœotians, with request that Panactum and the Athenian prisoners might be put into the hands of the Lacedæmonians, that they might get Pylus restored in exchange. But the Bœotians answered, that unless the Lacedæmonians would make a particular league with them as they had done with the Athenians, they would not do it. The Lacedæmonians, though they knew they should therein wrong the Athenians; for that it was said in the articles, that neither party should make either league or war without the other’s consent; yet such was their desire to get Panactum to exchange it for Pylus, and withal they that longed to break the peace with Athens were so eager in it1 , that at last they concluded a league with the Bœotians, winter then ending and the spring approaching: and Panactum was presently pulled down to the ground2 . So ended the eleventh year of this war.
year xii. The Argives seek peace with the Lacedæmonians.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.The territory of Cynuria, ground of the quarrels between Lacedæmon and Greece.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.An odd condition of a truce.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.
40. In the spring following, the Argives, when they saw that the ambassadors which the Bœotians promised to send unto them came not, and that Panactum was razed, and that also there was a private league made between the Bœotians and the Lacedæmonians, were afraid lest they should on all hands be abandoned, and that the confederates would all go to the Lacedæmonians. For they apprehended that the Bœotians had been induced both to raze Panactum, and also to enter into the Athenians peace, by the Lacedæmonians; and that the Athenians were privy to the same: so that now they had no means to make league with the Athenians neither; whereas before they made account, that if their truce with the Lacedæmonians continued not, they might upon these differences have joined themselves to the Athenians. The Argives being therefore at a stand, and fearing to have war all at once with the Lacedæmonians, Tegeats, Bœotians, and Athenians, [as] having formerly refused the truce with the Lacedæmonians, and imagined to themselves the principality of all Peloponnesus, they sent ambassadors with as much speed as might be, Eustrophus and Æson, persons as they thought most acceptable unto them, with this cogitation, that by compounding with the Lacedæmonians as well as for their present estate they might, howsoever the world went1 , they should at least live at quiet. 41. When these ambassadors were there, they fell to treat of the articles upon which the agreement should be made. And at first the Argives desired to have the matter referred, either to some private man or to some city, concerning the territory of Cynuria2 : about which they have always differed, as lying on the borders of them both; (it containeth the cities of Thyrea and Anthena, and is possessed by the Lacedæmonians). But afterwards, the Lacedæmonians not suffering mention to be made of that, but that if they would have the truce go on as it did before, they might, the Argive ambassadors got them to yield to this: “that for the present an accord should be made for fifty years; but withal, that it should be lawful nevertheless, if one challenged the other thereunto, both for Lacedæmon and Argos to try their titles to this territory by battle, so that there were in neither city a plague nor a war to excuse them”: as once before they had done, when, as both sides thought, they had the victory: “and that it should not be lawful for one part to follow the chace of the other, further than to the bounds either of Lacedæmon or Argos.” And though this seemed to the Lacedæmonians at first to be but a foolish proposition, yet afterwards, because they desired by all means to have friendship with the Argives, they agreed unto it, and put into writing what they required. Howsoever, before the Lacedæmonians would make any full conclusion of the same, they willed them to return first to Argos, and to make the people acquainted with it; and then, if it were accepted, to return at the Hyacinthian feast and swear it. So these departed.
The Lacedæmonian ambassadors require Pylus in exchange for Panactum.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4. The Athenians take in evil part, both the razing of Panactum, and the league made with the Bœotians.
42. Whilst the Argives were treating about this, the Lacedæmonian ambassadors, Andromedes and Phædimus and Antimenidas, commissioners for receiving of Panactum and the prisoners from the Bœotians to render them to the Athenians, found that Panactum was demolished1 , and that their pretext was this: that there had been anciently an oath, by occasion of difference between the Athenians and them, that neither part should inhabit the place solely, but jointly both. But for the Athenian prisoners, as many as the Bœotians had, they that were with Andromedes received, convoyed, and delivered them unto the Athenians: and withal told them of the razing of Panactum, alleging it as rendered, in that no enemy of Athens should dwell in it hereafter. But when this was told them, the Athenians made it a heinous matter: for that they conceived that the Lacedæmonians had done them wrong, both in the matter of Panactum, which was pulled down and should have been rendered standing; and because also they had heard of the private league made with the Bœotians, whereas they had promised to join with the Athenians in compelling such to accept of the peace as had refused it. Withal they weighed whatsoever other points the Lacedæmonians had been short in, touching the performance of the articles; and thought themselves abused: so that they answered the Lacedæmonian ambassadors roughly, and dismissed them.
The Argives make league with Athens by means of Alcibiades.The cause why Alcibiades desireth to break with the Lacedæmonians.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.Alcibiades sendeth for the Argives to Athens to make a league.
43. This difference arising between the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians, it was presently wrought upon by such also of Athens as desired to have the peace dissolved. Amongst the rest was Alcibiades, the son of Clinias, a man, though young in years, yet in the dignity of his ancestors honoured as much as any man of what city soever1 . Who was of opinion, that it was better to join with the Argives; not only for the matter itself, but also out of stomach labouring to cross the Lacedæmonians: because they had made the peace by the means of Nicias and Laches, without him; whom for his youth they had neglected, and not honoured as for the ancient hospitality between his house and them had been requisite: which his father1 had indeed renounced, but he himself, by good offices done to those prisoners which were brought from the island, had a purpose to have renewed. But supposing himself on all hands disparaged, he both opposed the peace at first; alleging that the Lacedæmonians would not be constant, and that they had made the peace only to get the Argives by that means away from them, and afterwards to invade the Athenians again when they should be destitute of their friends2 : and also as soon as this difference was on foot, he sent presently to Argos of himself, willing them with all speed to come to Athens, as being thereunto invited, and to bring with them the Eleians and Mantineans to enter with the Athenians into a league, the opportunity now serving3 , and promising that he would help them all he could.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.The Lacedæmonian ambassadors come in haste to Athens, to prevent their league with the Argives.
44. The Argives having heard the message, and knowing4 that the Athenians had made no league with the Bœotians, and that they were at great quarrel with the Lacedæmonians, neglected the ambassadors they had then in Lacedæmon, whom they had sent about the truce, and applied themselves to the Athenians, with this thought: that if they should have war, they should by this means be backed with a city that had been their ancient friend, governed like their own by democracy, and of greatest power by sea. Whereupon they presently sent ambassadors to Athens to make a league: and together with theirs went also the ambassadors of the Eleians and Mantineans. Thither also with all speed came the Lacedæmonian ambassadors, Philocharidas, Leon, and Endius, persons accounted most gracious with the Athenians; for fear, lest in their passion they should make a league with the Argives, and withal to require the restitution of Pylus for Panactum; and to excuse themselves concerning their league with the Bœotians, as not made for any harm intended to the Athenians.
Alcibiades persuadeth the Lacedæmonian ambassadors to deny before the people that they had power to conclude.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4. Alcibiades inveigheth against the Lacedæmonians.
45. Now speaking of these things before the council, and how that they were come thither with full power to make agreement concerning all controversies betwixt them, they put Alcibiades into fear: lest, if they should say the same before the people, the multitude would be drawn unto their side, and so the Argive league fall off. But Alcibiades deviseth against them this plot. He persuaded the Lacedæmonians not to confess their plenary power before the people: and giveth them his faith, that then Pylus should be rendered, (for he said he would persuade the Athenians to it as much as he now opposed it), and that the rest of their differences should be compounded. This he did to alienate them from Nicias: and that by accusing them before the people as men that had no true meaning nor ever spake one and the same thing, he might bring on the league with the Argives, Eleians, and Mantineans. And it came to pass accordingly. For when they came before the people, and to the question, whether they had full power of concluding, had, contrary to what they had said in council, answered No, the Athenians would no longer endure them; but gave ear to Alcibiades, that exclaimed against the Lacedæmonians far more now than ever: and were ready then presently to have the Argives and those others with them brought in, and to make the league: but an earthquake happening before anything was concluded, the assembly was adjourned.
Nicias endeavoureth to have the peace go on with the Lacedæmonians.Nicias is sent ambassador to Lacedæmon to get satisfaction about performance of the articles.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.
46. In the next day’s meeting, Nicias, though the Lacedæmonians had been abused, and he himself also deceived, touching their coming with full power to conclude; yet he persisted to affirm, that it was their best course to be friends with the Lacedæmonians, and to defer the Argives’ business till they had sent to the Lacedæmonians again to be assured of their intention: saying, that it was honour unto themselves, and dishonour to the Lacedæmonians to have the war put off. For, for themselves, being in estate of prosperity, it was best to preserve their good fortune as long as they might: whereas to the other side, who were in evil estate, it should be in place of gain to put things as soon as they could to the hazard. So he persuaded them to send ambassadors, whereof himself was one: to require the Lacedæmonians, if they meant sincerely, to render Panactum standing, and also Amphipolis; and if the Bœotians would not accept of the peace, then to undo their league with them; according to the article, that the one should not make league with any without the consent of the other. They willed him to say further; “that they themselves also, if they had had the will to do wrong, had ere this made a league with the Argives, who were present then at Athens for the same purpose.” And whatsoever they had to accuse the Lacedæmonians of besides, they instructed Nicias in it: and sent him and the other his fellow–ambassadors away. When they were arrived, and had delivered what they had in charge, and this last of all; “that the Athenians would make league with the Argives, unless the Lacedæmonians would renounce their league with the Bœotians, if the Bœotians accepted not the peace”: the Lacedæmonians denied to renounce their league with the Bœotians; for Xenares the ephore, and the rest of that faction, carried it: but at the request of Nicias they renewed their former oath1 . For Nicias was afraid he should return with nothing done, and be carped at (as after also it fell out) as author of the Lacedæmonian peace.
At his return, when the Athenians understood that nothing was effected at Lacedæmon, they grew presently into choler: and apprehending injury, (the Argives and their confederates being there present, brought in by Alcibiades), they made a peace and a league with them in these words:
the articles of the league between the athenians and the argives.
47. “The Athenians and Argives and Mantineans and Eleians, for themselves and for the confederates commanded by every of them, have made an accord2 for one hundred years, without fraud or damage, both by sea and land. It shall not be lawful for the Argives nor Eleians nor Mantineans, nor their confederates, to bear arms against the Athenians, or the confederates under the command of the Athenians, or1 their confederates, by any fraud or machination whatsoever.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4. The articles of the league between the Athenians and the Argives.
“ And the Athenians, Argives, and2 Mantineans, have made league with each other for one hundred years on these terms:
“If any enemy shall invade the territory of the Athenians, then the Argives, Eleians, and Mantineans shall go unto Athens to assist them, according as the Athenians shall send them word to do, in the best manner they possibly can. But if the enemy after he have spoiled the territory, shall be gone back, then their city shall be held as an enemy to the Argives, Eleians, Mantineans, and Athenians, and war shall be made against it by all those cities: and it shall not be lawful for any of those cities to give over the war, without the consent of all the rest.
“And if an enemy shall invade the territory, either of the Argives, or of the Eleians, or of the Mantineans, then the Athenians shall come unto Argos, Elis, and Mantineia, to assist them, in such sort as those cities shall send them word to do, in the best manner they possibly can. But if the enemy after he hath wasted their territory, shall be gone back; then their city shall be held as an enemy both to the Athenians, and also to the Argives, Eleians, and Mantineans, and war shall be made against it by all those cities; and it shall not be lawful for any of them to give over the war against that city, without the consent of all the rest.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4. The articles of the league between the Athenians and the Argives.
“There shall no armed men be suffered to pass through the dominions either of themselves, or of any the confederates under their several commands, to1 make war in any place whatsoever, unless by the suffrage of all the cities, Athens, Argos, Elis, and Mantineia, their passage be allowed.
“To such as come to assist any of the other cities, that city which sendeth them, shall give maintenance for thirty days after they shall arrive in the city that sent for them; and the like at their going away: but if they will use the army for a longer time, then the city that sent for them shall find them maintenance, at the rate of three oboles of Ægina a day for a man of arms2 , and of a drachma of Ægina for a horseman.
“The city which sendeth for the aids, shall have the leading and command of them, whilst the war is in their own territory: but if it shall seem good unto these cities to make a war in common, then all the cities shall equally participate of the command.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4. The articles of the league between the Athenians and the Argives.
“ The Athenians shall swear unto the articles, both for themselves and for their confederates: and the Argives, Eleians, and Mantineans, and the confederates of these, shall every one swear unto them city by city. And their oath shall be the greatest that by custom of the several cities is used, and with most perfect hosts1 , and in these words: I will stand to this league according to the articles thereof, justly, innocently, and sincerely, and not transgress the same by any art or machination whatsoever.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4. The articles of the league between the Athenians and the Argives.
“This oath shall be taken at Athens by the senate and the officers of the commons2 ; and administered by the Prytanes. At Argos it shall be taken by the senate and the council of eighty, and by the Artynæ; and administered by the council of eighty. At Mantineia it shall be taken by the procurators of the people3 , and by the senate, and by the rest of the magistrates; and administered by the theori and by the tribunes of the soldiers. At Elis it shall be taken by the procurators of the people, and by the officers of the treasury4 , and by the council of six hundred; and administered by the procurators of the people, and by the keepers of the law.
“This oath shall be renewed by the Athenians, who shall go to Elis, and to Mantineia, and to Argos, thirty days before the Olympian games; and by the Argives, Eleians, and Mantineans, who shall come to Athens, ten days before the Panathenæan holydays1 .
“The articles of this league and peace and the oath shall be inscribed in a pillar of stone by the Athenians in the citadel: by the Argives in their market–place within the precincts of the temple of Apollo: and by the Mantineans in their market–place within the precinct of the temple of Jupiter. And at the Olympian games now at hand, there shall be jointly erected by them all, a brazen pillar in Olympia [with the same inscription].
“If it shall seem good to any of these cities to add anything to these articles; whatsoever shall be determined by them all in common council, the same shall stand good.”
The Corinthians still refuse the peace with Athens, and incline again to the Lacedæmonians.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 89. 4.
48. Thus was the league and the peace concluded: and that which was made before between the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians, was notwithstanding by neither side renounced. But the Corinthians, although they were the confederates of the Argives, yet would they not enter into this league: nay, though there were made a league before this between [them and] the Argives, Eleians, and Mantineans, that where one, there all, should have war or peace, yet they refused to swear to it; but said that their league defensive was enough, whereby they were bound to defend each other, but not to take part one with another in invading. So the Corinthians fell off from their confederates, and inclined again to the Lacedæmonians.
The Olympian gamesOl. 90. 1.The Lacedæmonians forbidden the exercises: and why.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 90. 1. Contention between the Lacedæmonians and Eleians before the Grecians at Olympia, about a mulct set upon the Lacedæmonians by the Eleians, for breaking the Olympic truce.
49. This summer were celebrated the Olympian games; in which Androsthenes, an Arcadian, was the first victor in the exercise called Pancratium1 . And the Lacedæmonians were by the Eleians prohibited the temple there; so as they might neither sacrifice, nor contend for the prizes amongst the rest: for that they had not paid the fine set upon them, according to an Olympic law, by the Eleians; that laid to their charge, that they had put soldiers into the fort of Phyrcon, and into Lepreum, in the time of the Olympic truce2 . The fine amounted unto two thousand minæ, which was two minæ for every man of arms, according to the law. But the Lacedæmonians, by their ambassadors which they sent thither, made answer, that they had been unjustly condemned; alleging that the truce was not published in Lacedæmon when their soldiers were sent out. To this the Eleians said again, that the truce was already begun amongst themselves; who used to publish it first in their own dominion: and thereupon, whilst they lay still and expected no such matter, as in time of truce, the Lacedæmonians did them the injury unawares. The Lacedæmonians hereunto replied, that it was not necessary to proceed to the publishing of the truce in Lacedæmon at all, if they thought themselves wronged already: but rather, if they thought themselves not wronged yet, then to do it by way of prevention, that they should not arm against them afterwards1 . The Eleians stood stiffly in their first argument, that they would never be persuaded but injury had been done them: but were nevertheless contented, if they would render Lepreum, both to remit their own part of the money, and also to pay that part for them which was due unto the god.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 90. 1.Lichas a Lacedæmonian whipped upon the Olympic race.year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 90. 1.
50. When this would not be agreed unto, they then required this: not that they should render Lepreum, unless they would; but that then they should come to the altar of Jupiter Olympian, seeing they desired to have free use of the temple, and there before the Grecians to take an oath to pay the fine at least hereafter. But when the Lacedæmonians refused that also, they were excluded the temple, the sacrifices, and the games; and sacrificed at home: but the rest of the Grecians, except the Lepreates, were all admitted to be spectators. Nevertheless, the Eleians fearing lest they would come and sacrifice there by force, kept a guard there of their youngest men in arms: to whom were added Argives and Mantineans, of either city one thousand, and certain Athenian horsemen, who were then at Argos waiting the celebration of the feast. For a great fear possessed all the assembly, lest the Lacedæmonians should come upon them with an army: and the rather, because Lichas the son of Arcesilaus, a Lacedæmonian, had been whipped by the serjeants upon the race: for that when his chariot had gotten the prize, after proclamation made that the chariot of the Bœotian state had won it, (because he himself was not admitted to run1 ), he came forth into the race and crowned his charioteer, to make it known that the chariot was his own. This added much unto their fear, and they verily expected some accident to follow. Nevertheless the Lacedæmonians stirred not: and the feast passed over.
year xii. A. C. 420. Ol. 90. 1. The twelfth summer.
After the Olympian games, the Argives and their confederates went to Corinth, to get the Corinthians into their league. And the Lacedæmonian ambassadors chanced to be there also: and after much conference, and nothing concluded, upon occasion of an earthquake they brake off the conference, and returned every one to his own city. And so this summer ended.
51. The next winter, the men of Heracleia in Trachinia fought a battle against the Ænianians, Dolopians, Melians, and certain Thessalians. For the neighbour cities were enemies to this city, as built to the prejudice only of them; and both opposed the same from the time it was first founded, annoying it what they could; and also in this battle overcame them, and slew Xenares a Lacedæmonian, their commander, with some others, Heracleots. Thus ended this winter, and the twelfth year of this war.
year xiii. A. C. 419. Ol. 90. 1.year xiii. A. C. 419. Ol. 90. 1.
52. In the very beginning of the next summer, the Bœotians took Heracleia, miserably afflicted1 , into their own hands, and put Hegesippidas, a Lacedæmonian, out of it for his evil government. They took it, because they feared, lest whilst the Lacedæmonians were troubled about Peloponnesus, it should have been taken in by the Athenians. Nevertheless the Lacedæmonians were offended with them for doing it. The same summer Alcibiades the son of Clinias, being general of the Athenians, by the practice2 of the Argives and their confederates, went into Peloponnesus, and having with him a few men at arms and archers of Athens, and some of the confederates which he took up there, as he passed through the country with his army, both ordered such affairs by the way concerning the league as was fit; and coming to the Patreans, persuaded them to build their walls down to the sea–side, and purposed to raise another wall himself towards Rhium in Achaia. But the Corinthians, Sicyonians, and such others as this wall would have prejudiced, came forth and hindered him.
War between the Epidaurians and Argives.
53. The same summer fell out a war between the Epidaurians and the Argives; the pretext thereof was about a beast for sacrifice, which the Epidaurians ought to have sent in consideration of their pastures to Apollo Pythius, and had not done it: the Argives being the principal owners of the temple1 . But Alcibiades aad the Argives had indeed determined to take in the city, though without pretence at all; both that the Corinthians might not stir, and also that they might bring the Athenian succours from Ægina into those parts, a nearer way than by compassing the promontory of Scyllæum. And therefore the Argives prepared, as of themselves, to exact the sacrifice by invasion.
year xiii. A. C. 419. Ol. 90. 1.year xiii. A. C. 419. Ol. 90. 1.
54. About the same time also the Lacedæmonians, with their whole forces, came forth as far as Leuctra, in the confines of their own territory towards Lycæum, under the conduct of Agis, the son of Archidamus, their king. No man knew against what place they intended the war; no not the cities themselves, out of which they were levied1 . But when in the sacrifices which they made for their passage the tokens observed were unlucky, they went home again; and sent word about to their confederates, (being now the month Carneius), to prepare themselves after the next feast of the new moon, (kept by the Dorians), to be again upon their march. The Argives, who set forth the twenty–sixth day of the month before Carneius, though they celebrated the same day, yet all the time they continued invading and wasting Epidauria2 . And the Epidaurians called in their confederates to help them: whereof some excused themselves upon the quality of the month; and others came but to the confines of Epidauria, and there stayed.
A. C. 419. Ol. 90. 2. Ambassadors meet about peace, but cannot agree.
55. Whilst the Argives were in Epidauria, the ambassadors of divers cities, solicited by the Athenians, met together at Mantineia, where in a conference amongst them Euphamidas of Corinth said: “that their actions agreed not with their words; forasmuch as whilst they were sitting there to treat of a peace, the Epidaurians with their confederates and the Argives stood armed, in the meantime, against each other in order of battle: that it was therefore fit, that somebody should go first unto the armies from either side1 , and dissolve them; and then come again and dispute of peace”. This advice being approved, they departed, and withdrew the Argives from Epidauria. And meeting afterwards again in the same place, they could not for all that agree: and the Argives again invaded and wasted Epidauria.
The end of the thirteenth summer.
The Lacedæmonians also drew forth their army against Caryæ: but then again their sacrifice for passage being not to their mind, they returned. And the Argives, when they had spoiled about the third part of Epidauria, went home likewise. They had the assistance of one thousand men of arms of Athens, and Alcibiades their commander: but these hearing that the Lacedæmonians were in the field2 , and seeing now there was no longer need of them, departed. And so ended this summer.
year xiii. A. C. 419. 8. Ol. 90. 2. The Argives acknowledge the sea on their own coast to be of the dominion of Athens.
56. The next winter the Lacedæmonians, unknown to the Athenians, put three hundred garrison soldiers under the command of Agesippidas into Epidaurus by sea. For which cause the Argives came and expostulated with the Athenians, that whereas it was written in the articles of the league, that no enemy should be suffered to pass through either of their dominions, yet had they suffered the Lacedæmonians to pass by sea: and said they had wrong, unless the Athenians would again put the Messenians and Helotes into Pylus against the Lacedæmonians. Hereupon the Athenians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, wrote upon the Laconian pillar1 , [under the inscription of the peace], that the Lacedæmonians had violated their oath: and they drew the Helotes out of Cranii, and put them again into Pylus, to infest the territory with driving off booties; but did no more.
A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2.year xiii. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2.
All this winter, though there was war between the Argives and Epidaurians, yet was there no set battle: but only ambushes and skirmishes, wherein were slain on both sides such as it chanced. But in the end of winter, and the spring now at hand, the Argives came to Epidaurus with ladders, as destitute of men by reason of the war2 , thinking to have won it by assault: but returned again with their labour lost. And so ended this winter; and the thirteenth year of this war.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2. 3. Preparation of the Lacedæmonians against Argos.
57. In the middle of the next summer, the Lacedæmonians seeing that the Epidaurians their confederates were tired, and that of the rest of the cities of Peloponnesus, some had already revolted, and others were but in evil terms; and apprehending that if they1 prevented it not, the mischief would spread still further: put themselves into the field with all their own forces, both of themselves and their Helotes, to make war against Argos, under the conduct of Agis, the son of Archidamus, their king. The Tegeats went also with them, and of the rest of Arcadia all that were in the Lacedæmonian league. But the rest of their confederates, both within Peloponnesus and without, were to meet2 together at Phlius: that is to say, of the Bœotians five thousand men of arms and as many light–armed, five hundred horse, and to every horseman another man on foot3 , [which holding the horse’s mane ran by with equal speed]: of Corinthians two thousand men of arms, and of the rest more or less as they were: but the Phliasians, because the army was assembled in their own territory, put forth their whole power.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2. 3.The Lacedæmonians and their confederates meet at Phlius.The Argives go to meet them at the forest of Nemea.The Lacedæmonians come into the plains before Argos.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2. 3.The Argives enclosed between the Lacedæmonians and the Bœotians: and the Lacedæmonians enclosed between the army of the Argives and their city.
58. The Argives, having had notice both formerly4 of the preparation of the Lacedæmonians, and afterward of their marching on to join with the rest at Phlius, brought their army likewise into the field. They had with them the aids of the Mantineans and their confederates, and three thousand men of arms of the Eleians: and marching forward, met the Lacedæmonians at Methydrium, a town of Arcadia, each side seizing on a hill. And the Argives prepared to give battle to the Lacedæmonians, whilst they were single. But Agis, dislodging his army by night, marched on to Phlius to the rest of the confederates, unseen. Upon knowledge hereof, the Argives betimes in the morning retired first to Argos, and afterwards to the forest of Nemea1 , by which they thought the Lacedæmonians and their confederates would fall in. But Agis came not the way which they expected: but with the Lacedæmonians, Arcadians, and Epidaurians, whom he acquainted with his purpose, took another more difficult way to pass, and came down into the Argive plains. The Corinthians also, and Pellenians and Phliasians, marched another troublesome way2 . [Only] the Bœotians, Megareans, and Sicyonians were appointed to come down by the way of the forest of Nemea3 , in which the Argives were encamped; to the end that if the Argives should turn head against the Lacedæmonians, these might set upon them at the back with their horse. Thus ordered, Agis entered into the plains, and spoiled Saminthus and some other towns thereabouts. 59. Which when the Argives understood, they came out of the forest4 somewhat after break of day to oppose them; and lighting among the Phliasians and Corinthians, slew some few of the Phliasians, but had more slain of their own by the Corinthians, though not many. The Bœotians, Megareans, and Sicyonians, marched forward1 towards Nemea, and found that the Argives were departed: for when they came down and saw their country wasted, they put themselves into order of battle. And the Lacedæmonians on the other side did the same; and the Argives stood intercepted in the middest of their enemies. For in the plain between them and the city, stood the Lacedæmonians and those with them; above them, were the Corinthians, Phliasians, and Pellenians; and towards Nemea, were the Bœotians, Sicyonians, and Megareans. And horsemen they had none: for the Athenians alone of all their confederates were not yet come.
Propositions of peace made by two private men of Argos:
Now the generality of the army of the Argives and their confederates did not think the danger present so great as indeed it was; but rather that the advantage in the battle would be their own: and that the Lacedæmonians were intercepted, not only in the Argives’ territory, but also hard by the city. But two men of Argos, Thrasyllus, one of the five commanders of the army, and Alciphron, entertainer2 of the Lacedæmonians, when the armies were even ready to join, went unto Agis, and dealt with him to have the battle put off: forasmuch as the Argives were content and ready both to propound and accept of equal arbitrators, in whatsoever the Lacedæmonians should charge them withal; and in the meantime to have peace with them solemnly confirmed.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2. 3. and accepted by Agis, without the knowledge of the rest of the commanders.Agis withdraweth his army, and is censured for it by the confederates.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 2. 3.
60. This these Argives said of themselves, without the command of the generality. And Agis, of himself likewise, accepting their proposition without deliberation had with the major part, and having communicated it only to some one or more of those that had charge in the army1 , made truce with them for four months; in which space they were to perform the things agreed upon betwixt them: and then presently he withdrew his army without giving account to any of the rest of the league why he did so. The Lacedæmonians and the confederates followed Agis, according to the law2 , as being their general; but among themselves taxed him exceedingly: for that having a very fair occasion of battle, the Argives being inclosed on all sides both by their horse and foot, he yet went his way doing nothing worthy the great preparation they had made. For this was, in very truth, the fairest army that ever the Grecians had in the field unto this day. But it was most to be seen, when they were all together in the forest of Nemea3 : where the Lacedæmonians were with their whole forces, besides the Arcadians, Bœotians, Corinthians, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Phliasians, and Megareans; and these all chosen men of their several cities, and such as were thought a match, not only for the league of the Argives, but for such another added to it. The army thus1 offended with Agis, departed; and were dissolved every man to his home.
Thrasyllus punished for propounding the peace.
The Argives were much more offended with those of their city, which without the consent of the multitude had made the truce: they also supposing, that the Lacedæmonians had escaped their hands in such an advantage as they never had the like before; in that the battle was to have been fought under the city walls, and with the assistance of many and good confederates. And in their return they began to stone Thrasyllus at the Charadrum; the place where the soldiers, before they enter into the city from warfare, use to have their military causes heard2 . But he flying to the altar saved himself: nevertheless they confiscated his goods.
The Athenians instigate the Argives to break the truce.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The Argives break the truce, and besiege Orchomenus.Orchomenus yielded.The Argives go next againstyear xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. Tegea: which displeaseth the Eleians, and they go home.
61. After this, the Athenians coming in with the aid of one thousand men of arms and three hundred horse under the conduct of Laches and Nicostratus, the Argives (for they were afraid for all this to break the truce with the Lacedæmonians) willed them to be gone again: and when they desired to treat, would not present them to the people till such time as the Mantineans and Eleians, who were not yet gone, forced them unto it by their importunity. Then the Athenians, in the presence of Alcibiades that was ambassador there, spake unto the Argives and their confederates; saying “that the truce was unduly made without the assent of the rest of their confederates, and that now (for they were come time enough) they ought to fall again to the war”: and did by their words so prevail with the confederates, that they all, save the Argives, presently marched against Orchomenus of Arcadia. And these, though satisfied, stayed behind at first1 , but afterwards they also went; and sitting down before Orchomenus, jointly2 besieged and assaulted the same; desiring to take it in as well for other causes, as chiefly for that the hostages which the Arcadians had given to the Lacedæmonians were there in custody. The Orchomenians, fearing the weakness of their walls, and the greatness of the army, and lest they should perish before any relief could arrive, yielded up the town on conditions: “to be received into the league, give hostages for themselves, and to surrender the hostages held there by the Lacedæmonians into the hands of the Mantineans”. 62. The confederates after this, having gotten Orchomenus, sat in council about what town they should proceed against next. The Eleians gave advice to go against Lepreum: but the Mantineans against Tegea3 . And the Argives and Athenians concurred in opinion with the Mantineans. But the Eleians, taking it in evil part that they did not decree to go against Lepreum, went home. But the rest prepared themselves at Mantineia to go against Tegea, which also some within had a purpose to put into their hands.
The Lacedæmonians question their king for suffering the Argives to go off unfoughten.
63. The Lacedæmonians, after their return from Argos with their four months’ truce, severely questioned Agis, for that upon so fair an opportunity as they never had before, he subdued not Argos to the state: for so many and so good confederates would hardly be gotten together again at one time. But when also the news came of the taking of Orchomenus, then was their indignation much greater: and they presently resolved, contrary to their own custom, in their passion, to raze his house, and fine him in the sum of ten thousand drachmes1 . But he besought them that they would do neither of these things yet: and promised that, leading out the army again, he would by some valiant action cancel those accusations; or, if not, they might proceed afterwards to do with him whatsoever they thought good. So they forbore both the fine and the razing of his house: but made a decree for that present, such as had never been before: that ten Spartans should be elected and joined with him as councillors, without whom it should not be lawful for him to lead the army into the field2 .
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. The Lacedæmonians put their army into the field to rescue Tegea.The Lacedæmonians waste the territory of Mantineia.
64. In the meantime came news from their side in Tegea; that, unless they came presently with aid, the Tegeans would revolt to the Argives and their confederates; and that they wanted little of being revolted already. Upon this, the Lacedæmonians with speed levied all their forces, both of themselves and their Helotes, in such number as they had never done before, and marched unto Oresteium in Mænalia: and appointed the Arcadians, such as were of their league, to assemble and follow them at the heels to Tegea. The Lacedæmonians being come entire to Oresteium, from thence sent back the sixth part of their army, in which they put both the youngest and the eldest sort, for the custody of the city; and with the rest marched on to Tegea: and not long after arrived also their confederates of Arcadia. They also sent to Corinth, and to the Bœotians, Phoceans, and Locrians, to come with their aids with all speed to Mantineia. But these had too short a warning; nor was it easy for them, unless they came all together and stayed for one another, to come through the enemy’s country, which lay between and barred them of passage. Nevertheless, they made what haste they could. And the Lacedæmonians, taking with them their Arcadian confederates present, entered into the territory of Mantineia; and pitching their camp by the temple of Hercules, wasted the territory about.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The Argives come down from their advantage to seek the enemy.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. The Lacedæmonians put themselves in order hastily.
65. The Argives and their confederates, as soon as they came in sight, seized on a certain place fortified by nature and of hard access, and put themselves into battle array. And the Lacedæmonians marched presently towards them; and came up within a stone or a dart’s cast. But then one of the ancient men of the army cried out unto Agis, (seeing him to go on1 against a place of that strength), that he went about to amend one fault with another: signifying, that he intended to make amends for his former retreat from Argos, which he was questioned for, with his now unseasonable forwardness. But he, whether it were upon that increpation, or some other sudden apprehension of his own2 , presently withdrew his army before the fight began; and marching unto the territory of Tegea, turned the course of the water into the territory of Mantineia3 : touching which water, because into what part soever it had his course it did much harm to the country, the Mantineans and Tegeans were at wars. Now his drift was, by the turning of that water to provoke those Argives and their confederates which kept the hill, when they should hear of it, to come down and oppose them; that so they might fight with them in the plain. And by that time he had stayed about the water a day, he had diverted the stream. The Argives and their confederates were at first amazed at this their sudden retreat from so near them: and knew not what to make of it. But when after the retreat they returned no more in sight, and that they themselves, lying still on the place, did not pursue them: then began they anew to accuse their commanders, both for suffering the Lacedæmonians to depart formerly, when they had them inclosed at so fair an advantage before Argos; and now again, for not pursuing them when they ran away, but giving them leave to save themselves, and betraying the army. The commanders for the present were much troubled hereat: but afterwards they drew down the army from the hill, and coming forth into the plain, encamped as to go against the enemy. 66. The next day, the Argives and their confederates put themselves into such order as, if occasion served1 , they meant to fight in: and the Lacedæmonians returning from the water to the temple of Hercules, the same place where they had formerly encamped, perceived the enemies to be all of them in order of battle hard by them, come down already from the hill. Certainly the Lacedæmonians were more affrighted at this time, than ever they had been to their remembrance before. For the time they had to prepare themselves, was exceedingly short: and such was their diligence that every man fell immediately into his own rank1 , Agis the king commanding all according to the law. For whilst the king hath the army in the field, all things are commanded by him: and he signifieth what is to be done to the polemarchi, they to the lochagi, these to the pentecontateres, and these again to the enomotarchi; who lastly make it known, every one to his own enomotia. In this manner, when they would have anything to be done, their commands pass through the army, and are quickly executed. For almost all the Lacedæmonian army, save a very few, are captains of captains2 : and the care of what is to be put in execution lieth upon many.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The order of the battle of the Argives.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.
67. Now their left wing consisted of the Sciritæ3 , which amongst the Lacedæmonians have ever alone that place. Next to these were placed the Brasideian soldiers lately come out of Thrace, and with them those that had been newly made free4 . After them in order the rest of the Lacedæmonians, band after band; and by them Arcadians, first the Heræans, after these the Mænalians. In the right wing were the Tegeats, and a few Lacedæmonians in the point of the same wing. And upon the outside of either wing, the horsemen. So stood the Lacedæmonians. Opposite to them, in the right wing stood the Mantineans; because it was upon their own territory; and with them such Arcadians as were of their league. Then the thousand chosen Argives1 , which the city had for a long time caused to be trained for the wars at the public charge: and next to them the rest of the Argives. After these, the Cleonæans and Orneates, their confederates. And lastly, the Athenians, with the horsemen (which were also theirs) had the left wing. 68. This was the order and preparation of both the armies. The army of the Lacedæmonians appeared to be the greater. But what the number was, either of the particulars of either side or in general, I could not exactly write. For the number of the Lacedæmonians, agreeable to the secrecy of that state, was unknown; and of the other side, for the ostentation usual with all men touching the number of themselves, was unbelieved. Nevertheless, the number of the Lacedæmonians may be attained by computing thus. Besides the Sciritæ, which were six hundred, there fought in all seven regiments, in every regiment were four companies, in each company were four enomotiæ1 , and of every enomotia there stood in front four: but they were not ranged all alike in file, but as the captains of bands thought it necessary; but the army in general was so ordered, as to be eight men in depth. And the first rank of the whole, besides the Sciritæ, consisted of four hundred and forty–eight soldiers.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. The hortative to the Argives and their confederates.The Lacedæmonians encourage one another.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The fight.
69. Now when they were ready to join, the commanders made their hortatives, every one to those that were under his own command. To the Mantineans it was said, “that they were to fight for their territory, and concerning their liberty and servitude; that the former1 might not be taken from them, and that they might not again taste of the latter.” The Argives were admonished, “that whereas anciently they had the leading of Peloponnesus2 , and in it an equal share, they should not now suffer themselves to be deprived of it for ever; and that withal, they should now revenge the many injuries of a city, their neighbour and enemy.” To the Athenians, it was remembered, “how honourable a thing it would be for them, in company of so many and good confederates, to be inferior to none of them; and that if they had once vanquished the Lacedæmonians in Peloponnesus, their own dominion would become both the more assured, and the larger by it; and that no other would invade their territory hereafter.” Thus much was said to the Argives and their confederates. But the Lacedæmonians encouraged one another, both of themselves, and also by the manner of their discipline in the wars3 ; taking encouragement, being valiant men, by the commemoration of what they already knew; as being well acquainted, that a long actual experience conferred more to their safety than any short verbal exhortation, though never so well delivered. 70. After this followed the battle. The Argives and their confederates marched to the charge with great violence and fury. But the Lacedæmonians slowly and with many flutes, according to their military discipline; not as a point of religion, but that, marching evenly and by measure, their ranks might not be distracted; as the greatest1 armies, when they march in the face of the enemy, use to be.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The Lacedæmonians have the disadvantage for order, but advantage of valouryear xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The Lacedæmonians have the victory.
71. Whilst they were yet marching up, Agis the king thought of this course. All armies do thus. In the conflict they extend their right wing, so as it cometh in upon the flank of the left wing of the enemy: and this happeneth, for that every one, through fear, seeketh all he can to cover his unarmed side with the shield of him that standeth next to him on his right hand; conceiving, that to be so locked together is their best defence. The beginning hereof, is in the leader of the first file on the right hand: who ever striving to shift his unarmed side from the enemy, the rest upon like fear follow after. And at this time, the Mantineans in the right wing had far encompassed the Sciritæ: and the Lacedæmonians on the other side, and the Tegeats, were come in yet further upon the flank of the Athenians, by as much as they had the greater army. Wherefore Agis, fearing lest his left wing should be encompassed, and supposing the Mantineans to be come in far, signified unto the Sciritæ and Brasideians to draw out part of their bands, and therewith to equalise their left wing to the right wing of the Mantineans1 ; and into the void space, he commanded to come up Hipponoidas and Aristocles, two colonels2 , with their bands out of the right wing, and to fall in there and make up the breach: conceiving that more than enough would still be remaining in their right wing, and that the left wing opposed to the Mantineans would be the stronger. 72. But it happened, (for he commanded it in the very onset and on the sudden), both that Aristocles and Hipponoidas refused to go to the place commanded; (for which they were afterwards banished Sparta, as thought to have disobeyed out of cowardice); and that the enemy had in the meantime also charged: and when those which he commanded to go to the place of the Sciritæ went not, they could no more reunite themselves nor close again the empty space3 . But the Lacedæmonians, though they had the worst at this time in every point for skill, yet in valour they manifestly showed themselves superior. For after the fight was once begun, notwithstanding that the right wing of the Mantineans did put to flight the Sciritæ and Brasideians, and that the Mantineans together with their confederates and those thousand chosen men of Argos, falling upon them in flank by the breach not yet closed up, killed many of the Lacedæmonians, and put to flight and chased them to their carriages, slaying also certain of the elder sort left there for a guard; so as in this part the Lacedæmonians were overcome: yet with the rest of the army, and especially the middle battle where Agis was himself, and those which are called the three hundred horsemen1 about him, they charged upon the eldest of the Argives, and upon those which are named the five cohorts2 , and upon the Cleonæans and Orneates, and certain Athenians arranged amongst them; and put them all to flight: in such sort as many of them never struck stroke, but as soon as the Lacedæmonians charged gave ground presently; and some for fear to be overtaken3 were trodden under foot.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.The Lacedæmonians pursue not the enemy far.
73. As soon as the army of the Argives and their confederates had in this part given ground, they began also to break on either side. The right wing of the Lacedæmonians and Tegeats had now with their surplusage of number hemmed the Athenians in, so as they had the danger on all hands; being within the circle, pent up, and without it, already vanquished4 . And they had been the most distressed part of all the army, had not their horsemen come in to help them. Withal it fell out that Agis, when he perceived the left wing of his own army to labour, namely, that which was opposed to the Mantineans and to those thousand Argives, commanded the whole army to go and relieve the part overcome. By which means the Athenians and such of the Argives as, together with them, were overlaid, whilst the army passed by and declined them, saved themselves at leisure. And the Mantineans with their confederates, and those chosen Argives, had no more mind now of pressing upon their enemies: but seeing their side was overcome and the Lacedæmonians approaching them, presently turned their backs. Of the Mantineans the greatest part1 were slain; but of those chosen Argives, the most were saved; by reason the flight and going off was neither hasty nor long. For the Lacedæmonians fight long and constantly, till they have made the enemy to turn his back: but that done, they follow him not far.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. Number of the dead.
74. Thus, or near thus, went the battle; the greatest that had been of a long time between Grecians and Grecians; and of two the most famous cities. The Lacedæmonians laying together the arms of their slain enemies, presently erected a trophy, and rifled their dead bodies2 . Their own dead they took up, and carried them to Tegea, where they were also buried: and delivered to the enemy theirs under truce. Of the Argives, and Orneates, and Cleonæans were slain seven hundred: of the Mantineans, two hundred: and of the Athenians with the Æginetæ, likewise two hundred, and both the captains. The confederates of the Lacedæmonians were never pressed, and therefore their loss was not worth mentioning: and of the Lacedæmonians themselves, it is hard to know the certainty; but it is said, there were slain three hundred.
The Lacedæmonians recover their reputation.
75. When it was certain they would fight1 , Pleistoanax the other king of the Lacedæmonians, and with him both old and young, came out of the city to have aided the army: and came forth as far as Tegea, but being advertised of the victory they returned. And the Lacedæmonians sent out to turn back also those confederates of theirs, which were coming to them from Corinth and from without the isthmus. And then they also went home themselves; and having dismissed their confederates, (for now were the Carneian holidays), celebrated that feast. Thus in this one battle they wiped off their disgrace with the Grecians: for they had been taxed both with cowardice for the blow they received in the island, and with imprudence and slackness on other occasions. But after this, their miscarriage was imputed to fortune, and for their minds they were esteemed to have been2 ever the same they had been.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. The Epidaurians enter the territory of Argos.The Athenians build a fort before EpidaurusThe end of the twelfth summer.
The day before this battle it chanced also that the Epidaurians with their whole power invaded the territory of Argos, as being emptied much of men: and whilst the Argives were abroad, killed many of those that were left behind to defend it1 . Also three thousand men of Elis and a thousand Athenians, besides those which had been sent before, being come after the battle to aid the Mantineans, marched presently all to Epidaurus; and lay before it all the while the Lacedæmonians were celebrating the Carneian holidays: and assigning to every one his part, began to take in the city with a wall. But the rest gave over: only the Athenians quickly finished a fortification, (which was their task), wherein stood the temple of Juno2 . In it amongst them all they left a garrison; and went home every one to his own city. And so this summer ended.
Peace concluded between the Argives and Lacedæmonians.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.
76. In the beginning of the winter following, the Lacedæmonians, presently after the end of the Carneian holidays, drew out their army into the field: and being come to Tegea, sent certain propositions of agreement before to Argos. There were, before this time, many citizens in Argos well affected to the Lacedæmonians, and that desired the deposing of the Argive people: and now after the battle they were better able by much to persuade the people to composition than they formerly were. And their design was, first, to get a peace made with the Lacedæmonians, and after that a league; and then at last to set upon the commons.
There went thither Lichas the son of Archesilaus, entertainer1 of the Argives in Lacedæmon, and brought to Argos two propositions: one of war, if the war were to proceed; another of peace, if they were to have peace2 . And after much contradiction, (for Alcibiades was also there), the Lacedæmonian faction, that boldly now discovered themselves, prevailed with the Argives to accept the proposition of peace; which was this.
77. “It seemeth good to the council3 of the Lacedæmonians to accord with the Argives on these articles:
“The Argives shall redeliver unto the Orchomenians their children, and unto the Mænalians their men, and unto the Lacedæmonians those men that are at Mantineia4 : they shall withdraw their soldiers5 from Epidaurus, and raze the fortification there.
“And if the Athenians depart not from Epidaurus [likewise], they shall be held as enemies both to the Argives and to the Lacedæmonians, and also to the confederates of them both.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. The Articles.
“ If the Lacedæmonians have any men1 of theirs in custody, they shall deliver them every one to his own city.
“And for so much as concerneth the god, the Argives shall accept composition with the Epidaurians, upon an oath which they shall swear, touching that controversy; and the Argives shall give the form of that oath2 .
“All the cities of Peloponnesus, both small and great, shall be free according to their patrial laws.
“If any without Peloponnesus shall enter into it to do it harm, the Argives shall come forth to defend the same, in such sort as in a common council shall by the Peloponnesians be thought reasonable3 .
“The confederates of the Lacedæmonians without Peloponnesus, shall have the same conditions which the confederates of the Argives and of the Lacedæmonians have; every one holding his own.
“This composition is to hold from the time, that they shall both parts have showed the same to their confederates, and obtained their consent4 .
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.
“ And if it shall seem good to either part to add or alter anything, their confederates shall be sent unto, and made acquainted therewith1 .”
78. These propositions the Argives accepted at first; and the army of the Lacedæmonians returned from Tegea to their own city. But shortly after, when they had commerce together, the same men went further; and so wrought, that the Argives renouncing their league with the Mantineans, Eleians, and Athenians, made league and alliance with the Lacedæmonians in this form.
the league between the argives and lacedæmonians.
79. “It seemeth good to the Lacedæmonians and Argives to make league and alliance for fifty years on these articles:
“That either side shall allow unto the other equal and like trials of judgment, after the form used in their cities.
“That the rest of the cities of Peloponnesus (this league and alliance comprehending also them) shall be free both from the laws and payments of any other city than their own; holding what they have, and affording equal and like trials of judgment according to the form used in their several cities2 .
“That every of the cities confederate with the Lacedæmonians, without Peloponnesus, shall be in the same condition with the Lacedæmonians: and the confederates of the Argives, in the same with the Argives: every one holding his own.
year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3. The league between the Argives and Lacedæmonians.
“That if at any time there shall need an expedition to be taken in common, the Lacedæmonians and the Argives shall consult thereof, and decree as shall stand most with equity towards the confederates. And that if any controversy arise between any of the cities, either within or without Peloponnesus, about limits or other matter, they also shall decide it.
“That if any confederate city be at contention with another, it shall have recourse to that city which they both shall think most indifferent: but the particular men of any one city shall be judged according to the law of the same.”
The Argives and Lacedæmonians make an order that the Athenians shall quit the fort.They solicit the towns upon Thrace to revolt from the Athenians.year xiv. A. C. 418. Ol. 90. 3.Demosthenes being sent to fetch their soldiers from the fort, delivereth the same by a wile to the Epidaurians.
80. Thus was the peace and league concluded: and whatsoever one had taken from the other in the war, or whatsoever one had against another otherwise, was all acquitted. Now1 , when they were together settling their business, they ordered that the Argives should neither admit herald nor ambassage from the Athenians till they were gone out of Peloponnesus, and had quit the fortification: nor should make peace or war with any without consent of the rest. And amongst other things which they did in this heat, they sent ambassadors from both their cities to the towns lying upon Thrace and unto Perdiccas: whom they also persuaded to swear himself of the same league. Yet he revolted not from the Athenians presently, but intended it: because he saw the Argives had done so; and was himself also anciently descended out of Argos1 . They likewise renewed their old oath with the Chalcideans; and took another besides it. The Argives sent ambassadors also to Athens, requiring them to abandon the fortification2 they had made against Epidaurus. And the Athenians considering that the soldiers they had in it were few in respect to the many others that were with them in the same, sent Demosthenes to fetch them away. He, when he was come, and had exhibited for a pretence a certain exercise of naked men without the fort, when the rest of the garrison were gone forth to see it, made fast the gates: and afterwards having renewed the league with the Epidaurians, the Athenians by themselves put the fort into their hands.
A. C. 417. Ol. 90. 3. The Mantineans forsake the league of Athens.year xiv. A. C. 417. Ol. 90. 3. Sicyon and Argos reduced to oligarchies.
81. After the revolt of the Argives from the league, the Mantineans also, though they withstood it at first, yet being too weak without the Argives, made their peace with the Lacedæmonians; and laid down their command over the other cities3 . And the Lacedæmonians and Argives with a thousand men of either city having joined their arms, the Lacedæmonians first, with their single power, reduced the government of Sicyon to a smaller number; and then they both together dissolved the democracy at Argos. And the oligarchy was established conformable to the state of Lacedæmon.
These things passed in the end of winter, and near the spring. And so ended the fourteenth year of this war.
year xv. The Dictideans revolt from Athens: Achaia oligarchized: Argos relapseth into a democracy
82. The next summer the Dictideans1 seated in Mount Athos, revolted from the Athenians to the Chalcideans.
year xv. A. C. 417. Ol. 90. 4.The Argives come again to the league of Athens, and with long walls take in a way from their city to the sea.The end of the fifteenth summer.
And the Lacedæmonians ordered the state of Achaia after their own form, which before was otherwise. But the Argives, after they had by little and little assembled themselves and recovered heart, taking the time when the Lacedæmonians were celebrating their exercises of the naked youth2 , assaulted the few; and in a battle fought within the city, the commons had the victory; and some they slew, others they drave into exile. The Lacedæmonians, though those of their faction in Argos sent for them, went not a long time after: yet at last they adjourned the exercises, and came forth with intention of giving them aid. But hearing by the way at Tegea, that the few were overcome, they could not be entreated by such as had escaped thence, to go on: but returning, went on with the celebration of their exercises. But afterwards, when there came ambassadors unto them, both from the Argives1 in the city, and from them that were driven out, there being present also their confederates, and much alleged on either side: they concluded at last, that those in the city had done the wrong, and decreed to go against Argos with their army; but many delays passed, and much time was spent between. In the meantime the common people of Argos, fearing the Lacedæmonians, and regaining the league with Athens, as conceiving the same would turn to their very great advantage, raise long walls from their city down to the sea–shore: to the end, that if they were shut up by land, they might yet with the help of the Athenians bring things necessary into the city by sea. And with this their building, some other cities of Peloponnesus were also acquainted2 . And the Argives universally, themselves and wives and servants, wrought at the wall: and had workmen and hewers of stone from Athens3 . So this summer ended.
The Lacedæmonian army comes to Argos, and razeth the walls which they were building.year xv. A. C. 417. Ol. 90. 4.They take Hysiæ, a town in Argeia.The Argives spoil the territory of Phliasia.
83. The next winter the Lacedæmonians, understanding that they were fortifying, came to Argos with their army, they and their confederates all but the Corinthians: and some practice they had beside within the city itself of Argos. The army was commanded by Agis, the son of Archidamus, king of the Lacedæmonians. But those things which were practising in Argos and supposed to have been already mature, did not then succeed. Nevertheless they took the walls that were then in building, and razed them to the ground: and then, after they had taken Hysiæ, a town in the Argive territory, and slain all the freemen in it, they went home, and were dissolved every one to his own city. After this, the Argives went with an army into Phliasia: which when they had wasted, they went back. They did it, because the men of Phlius had received their outlaws: for there the greatest part of them dwelt.
The Athenians quarrel Perdiccas, and bar him the use of the sea.
The same winter the Athenians shut up Perdiccas in Macedonia [from the use of the sea]1 : objecting, that he had sworn the league of the Argives and Lacedæmonians; and that when they had prepared an army, under the command of Nicias the son of Niceratus, to go against the Chalcideans upon Thrace and against Amphipolis, he had broken the league made betwixt them and him, and by his departure2 was the principal cause of the dissolution of that army; and was therefore an enemy. And so this winter ended, and the fifteenth year of this war.
year xvi. Alcibiades fetcheth away three hundred citizens of Argos for Lacedæmonism.
84. The next summer went Alcibiades to Argos with twenty galleys; and took thence the suspected Argives, and such as seemed to savour of the Lacedæmonian faction, to the number of three hundred; and put them into the nearest of the islands subject to the Athenian state.
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. The Athenians war against the island of Melos.
The Athenians made war also against the isle of Melos, with thirty galleys of their own, six of Chios, and two of Lesbos. Wherein were of their own, twelve hundredmen of arms, three hundred archers, and twenty archers on horseback: and of their confederates and islanders, about fifteen hundred men of arms. The Melians are a colony of the Lacedæmonians1 , and therefore refused to be subject, as the rest of the islands were, unto the Athenians; but rested at the first neutral; and afterwards, when the Athenians put them to it by wasting of their land, they entered into open war.
Now the Athenian commanders, Cleomedes the son of Lycomedes, and Tisias the son of Tisimachus, being encamped upon their land with these forces, before they would hurt the same sent ambassadors to deal with them first by way of conference. These ambassadors the Melians refused to bring before the multitude; but commanded them to deliver their message before the magistrates and the few: and they accordingly said as followeth:
dialogue between the athenians and melians.year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
85. Athenians. “Since we may not speak to the multitude, for fear lest when they hear our persuasive and unanswerable arguments all at once in a continued oration, they should chance to be seduced; (for we know that this is the scope of your bringing us to audience before the few); make surer yet that point, you that sit here: answer1 you also to every particular, not in a set speech, but presently interrupting us, whensoever anything shall be said by us which shall seem unto you to be otherwise. And first answer us, whether you like this motion or not?”
86. Whereunto the council of the Melians answered: “The equity of a leisurely debate is not to be found fault withal; but this preparation of war, not future but already here present, seemeth not to agree with the same. For we see that you are come to be judges of the conference: and that the issue of it, if we be superior in argument2 and therefore yield not, is likely to bring us war; and if we yield, servitude.”
87. Ath. “Nay, if you be come together to reckon up suspicions of what may be, or to any other purpose than to take advice upon what is present and before your eyes, how to save your city from destruction, let us give over. But if this be the point, let us speak to it.”
88. Mel. “It is reason, and pardonable for men in our cases, to turn both their words and thoughts upon divers things. Howsoever, this consultation being held only upon the point of our safety, we are content, if you think good, to go on with the course you have propounded.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
89. Ath. “As we therefore will not, for our parts, with fair pretences; as, that having defeated the Medes, our reign is therefore lawful, or, that we come against you for injury done; make a long discourse without being believed: so would we have you also not expect to prevail by saying, either that you therefore took not our parts because you were a colony of the Lacedæmonians, or that you have done us no injury. But out of those things which we both of us do really think, let us go through with that which is feasible; both you and we knowing, that in human disputation justice is then only agreed on when the necessity is equal1 ; whereas they that have odds of power exact as much as they can, and the weak yield to such conditions as they can get.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
90. Mel. “Well then, (seeing you put the point of profit in the place of justice), we hold it profitable for ourselves, not to overthrow a general profit to all men, which is this: that men in danger, if they plead reason and equity, nay, though somewhat without the strict compass of justice, yet it ought ever to do them good2 . And the same most of all concerneth you: forasmuch as you shall else give an example unto others of the greatest revenge that can be taken, if you chance to miscarry.”
91. Ath. “As for us, though our dominion should cease, yet we fear not the sequel. For not they that command, as do the Lacedæmonians, are cruel to those that are vanquished by them; (yet we have nothing to do now with the Lacedæmonians); but such as having been in subjection, have assaulted those that commanded them and gotten the victory1 . But let the danger of that be to ourselves. In the meantime we tell you this: that we are here now both to enlarge2 our own dominion, and also to confer about the saving of your city. For we would have dominion over you without oppressing you, and preserve you to the profit of us both.”
92. Mel. “But how can it be profitable for us to serve; though it be so for you to command?”
93. Ath. “Because you by obeying, shall save yourselves from extremity; and we not destroying you, shall reap profit by you.”
94. Mel. “But will you not accept, that we remain quiet and be your friends, (whereas before we were your enemies), and take part with neither?”
95. Ath. “No. For your enmity doth not so much hurt us, as your friendship will be an argument of our weakness, and your hatred of our power, amongst those we have rule over.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
96. Mel. “Why? Do your subjects measure equity so, as to put those that never had to do with you, and themselves, who for the most part have been your own colonies, and some of them after revolt conquered, into one and the same consideration?”
97. Ath. “Why not? For they think they have reason on their side, both the one sort and the other; and that such as are subdued, are subdued by force, and such as are forborne, are so through our fear1 . So that by subduing you, besides the extending of our dominion over so many more subjects, we shall assure it the more over those we had before; especially being masters of the sea, and you islanders, and weaker (except you can get the victory) than others whom we have subdued already2 .”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
98. Mel. “Do you think then, that there is no assurance in that which we propounded3 ? For here again, (since driving us from the plea of equity you persuade us to submit to your profit), when we have shewed you what is good for us, we must endeavour to draw you to the same, as far forth as it shall be good for you also. As many therefore as now are neutral, what do you but make them your enemies, when, beholding these your proceedings, they look that hereafter you will also turn your arms upon them? And what is this, but to make greater the enemies you have already, and to make others your enemies, each against their wills, that would not else have been so?”
99. Ath. “We do not think that they shall be ever the more our enemies, who inhabiting anywhere in the continent, will be long ere they so much as keep guard upon their liberty against us. But islanders unsubdued, as you be, or islanders offended with the necessity of subjection which they are already in: these may indeed, by unadvised courses, put both themselves and us into apparent danger.”
100. Mel. “If you then to retain your command, and your vassals to get loose from you, will undergo the utmost of danger: would it not in us1 , that be already free, be great baseness and cowardice, if we should not encounter anything whatsoever rather than suffer ourselves to be brought into bondage?”
101. Ath. “No; if you advise rightly. For you have not in hand a match of valour upon equal terms, wherein to forfeit your honour; but rather a consultation upon your safety, that you resist not such as be so far your overmatches.”
102. Mel. “But we know that, in matter of war, the event is sometimes otherwise2 than according to the difference of number in sides: and that if we yield presently, all our hope is lost; whereas if we hold out, we have yet a hope to keep ourselves up.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
103. Ath. “Hope, the comfort of danger, when such use it as have to spare, though it hurt them, yet it destroys them not. But to such as set their rest1 upon it, (for it is a thing by nature prodigal), it at once by failing maketh itself known; and known, leaveth no place for future caution2 . Which let not be your own case, you that are but weak, and have no more but this one stake. Nor be you like unto many men: who though they may presently save themselves by human means, will yet, when upon pressure of the enemy their most apparent hopes fail them, betake themselves to blind ones; as divination, oracles, and other such things which with hopes destroy men.”
104. Mel. “We think it, you well know, a hard matter for us to combat your power and fortune, unless we might do it on equal terms. Nevertheless we believe that, for fortune, we shall be nothing inferior; as having the gods on our side, because we stand innocent against men unjust: and for power, what is wanting in us will be supplied by our league with the Lacedæmonians, who are of necessity obliged, if for no other cause, yet for consanguinity’s sake and for their own honour, to defend us. So that we are confident, not altogether so much without reason as you think.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
105. Ath. “As for the favour of the gods, we expect to have it as well as you: for we neither do, nor require anything contrary to what mankind hath decreed, either concerning the worship of the gods, or concerning themselves. For of the gods we think according to the common opinion; and of men, that for certain by necessity of nature they will every where reign over such as they be too strong for1 . Neither did we make this law, nor are we the first that use it made: but as we found it, and shall leave it to posterity for ever, so also we use it: knowing that you likewise, and others that should have the same power which we have, would do the same. So that forasmuch as toucheth the favour of the gods, we have in reason no fear of being inferior. And as for the opinion you have of the Lacedæmonians, in that you believe they will help you for their own honour: we bless your innocent minds, but affect not your folly. For the Lacedæmonians, though in respect of themselves and the constitutions of their own country they are wont for the most part to be generous; yet in respect of others, though much might be alleged, yet the shortest way one might say it all thus: that most apparently of all men, they hold for honourable that which pleaseth, and for just that which profiteth. And such an opinion maketh nothing for your now absurd means of safety.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
106. Mel. “Nay, for this same opinion of theirs, we now the rather believe1 that they will not betray their own colony, the Melians; and thereby become perfidious to such of the Grecians as be their friends, and beneficial to such as be their enemies.”
107. Ath. “You think not then, that what is profitable must be also safe, and that which is just and honourable must be performed with danger; which commonly the Lacedæmonians are least willing of all men to undergo [for others].”
108. Mel. “But we suppose that they will undertake danger for us, rather than for any other; and that they think that we will be more assured unto them, than unto any other: because for action, we lie near to Peloponnesus2 , and for affection, are more faithful than others for our nearness of kin.”
109. Ath. “The security of such as are at wars, consisteth not in the good will of those that are called3 to their aid, but in the power of those means they excel in. And this the Lacedæmonians themselves use to consider more than any; and therefore, out of diffidence in their own forces, they take many of their confederates with them, though to an expedition but against their neighbours. Wherefore it is not likely, we being masters of the sea, that they will ever pass over into an island.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
110. Mel. “Yea, but they may have others to send: and the Cretic sea is wide, wherein to take another is harder for him that is master of it, than it is for him that will steal by, to save himself. And if this course fail, they may turn their arms against your own territory, or those of your confederates not invaded by Brasidas. And then you shall have to trouble yourselves, no more about a territory that you have nothing to do withal, but about your own and your confederates1 .”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
111. Ath. “Let2 them take which course of these they will, that you also may find by experience, and not be ignorant, that the Athenians never yet gave over siege for fear of any diversion upon others. But we observe that, whereas you said you would consult of your safety, you have not yet in all this discourse said anything, which a man relying on could hope to be preserved by: the strongest arguments you use are but future hopes; and your present power is too short to defend you against the forces already arranged against you. You shall therefore take very absurd counsel, unless excluding us you make amongst yourselves some more discreet conclusion: for [when you are by yourselves], you will no more set your thoughts upon shame; which, when dishonour and danger stand before men’s eyes, for the most part undoeth them3 . For many, when they have foreseen into what dangers they were entering, have nevertheless been so overcome by that forcible word, dishonour, that that which is but called dishonour, hath caused them to fall willingly into immedicable calamities; and so to draw upon themselves really, by their own madness, a greater dishonour than could have befallen them by fortune. Which you, if you deliberate wisely, will take heed of; and not think shame to submit to a most potent city, and that upon so reasonable conditions, as of league and of enjoying your own under tribute: and seeing choice is given you of war or safety, do1 not out of peevishness take the worse. For such do take the best course, who though they give no way to their equals, yet do fairly accommodate to their superiors; and towards their inferiors use moderation. Consider of it therefore, whilst we stand off; and have often in your mind, that you deliberate of your country; which is to be happy2 or miserable in and by this one consultation.”
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 90. 4. Dialogue between the Athenians and Melians.
112. So the Athenians went aside from the conference; and the Melians, after they had decreed3 the very same things which before they had spoken, made answer unto them in this manner: “Men of Athens, our resolution is no other than what you have heard before; nor will we, in a small portion of time, overthrow that liberty, in which our city hath remained for the space of seven hundred years since it was first founded. But trusting to the fortune by which the gods have preserved it hitherto, and unto the help of men, that is4 , of the Lacedæmonians, we will do our best to maintain the same. But this we offer: to be your friends; enemies to neither side; and you to depart out of our land, after agreement1 such as we shall both think fit.”
The Athenians and Melians agree not.The city of Melos besieged.
113. Thus the Melians answered. To which the Athenians, the conference being already broken off, replied thus: “You are the only men, as it seemeth to us, by this consultation, that think future things more certain than things seen; and behold things doubtful, through desire to have them true, as if they were already come to pass. As you attribute and trust the most unto the Lacedæmonians, and to fortune and hopes, so will you be the most deceived”. 114. This said, the Athenian ambassadors departed to their camp. And the commanders, seeing that the Melians stood out, fell presently to the war: and dividing the work among the several cities, encompassed the city of the Melians with a wall. The Athenians afterwards left some forces of their own and of their confederates, for a guard both by sea and land: and with the greatest part of their army went home. The rest that were left, besieged the place.
The Argives lose eighty men by an ambushment of the Phliasians.The Athenians in Pylus infest Laconia.year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 91. 1. The Corinthians war on the Athenians.
115. About the same time the Argives, making a road2 into Phliasia, lost about eighty of their men, by ambush laid for them by the men of Phlius and the outlaws of their own city. And the Athenians that lay in Pylus, fetched in thither a great booty from the Lacedæmonians. Notwithstanding which, the Lacedæmonians did not war3 upon them, [as] renouncing the peace: but gave leave by edict1 only, to any of their people that would to take booties reciprocally in the territory of the Athenians. The Corinthians also made war upon the Athenians: but it was for certain controversies of their own: and the rest of Peloponnesus stirred not.
The Melians relieve their town.The end of the fifteenth summer
The Melians also took that part of the wall of the Athenians by an assault in the night, which looked towards the market–place2 : and having slain the men that guarded it, brought into the town both corn and other provision, whatsoever they could buy for money3 : and so returned and lay still. And the Athenians from thenceforth kept a better watch. And so this summer ended.
116. The winter following, the Lacedæmonians being about to enter with their army into the territory of the Argives, when they perceived that the sacrifices which they made on the border for their passage were not acceptable, returned. And the Argives, having some of their own city in suspicion in regard of this design of the Lacedæmonians, apprehended some of them; and some escaped.
year xvi. A. C. 416. Ol. 91. 1.
About the same time the Melians took another part of the wall of the Athenians; they that kept the siege being then not many. But this done, there came afterwards some fresh forces from Athens, under the conduct of Philocrates the son of Demeas. And the town being now strongly besieged, there being also within some that practised to have it given up, they yielded themselves to the discretion of the Athenians: who slew all the men of military age, made slaves of the women and children1 ; and inhabited the place with a colony sent thither afterwards of five hundred men of their own.
[1 ]Exercises dedicated to Apollo, and celebrated at Delphi about the twelfth of the month Elaphebolium, as may be gathered by the beginning of the truce on that day. [In the month Elaphebolion of the third year of the Olympiad, according to Corsini, Boeckh, Mueller, Goeller, and others: who take the meaning of this passage to be, that “the truce was dissolved, and war again renewed up to the time of the Pythian games”, at which time followed the peace; see ch. 19. In the month Hecatombæon of the same year, according to Arnold, who follows Haack and others in rendering the passage: “the truce having lasted till the celebration of the Pythian games, then ended”. The passage has given rise to much controversy, which concerns the date of the Pythian games rather than any fact in this history.]
[1 ][“Not pure to perform the functions of priest”.—They are said by Diodorus to have incurred the displeasure of Athens by their attachment to Sparta. The command of the Delphic oracle for their restoration (see ch. 32.) seems to show a connexion between them and that oracle, which may have afforded them the opportunity of injuring Athens. Thirlwall.]
[2 ][See iii. 104.]
[1 ][The Lacedæmonian. iv. 132]
[2 ][That is, the new wall.]
[1 ][That is, the land of the state: not the private property of individuals. As at Rome, the agrarian laws concerned only the public lands. See Arnold’s note.]
[2 ][“Making desert”.]
[1 ][“Those Locrians, that had settled and been again driven from Messana”:—“and the Locrians thereupon held Messana for a while.” These were the Locrians called Epizephyrii.]
[1 ][“Cleon, when as before mentioned he sailed from Torone for Amphipolis, making” &c. Bekker &c. ὡς: vulgo ὅς. The voyage has been already mentioned, ch. 3.]
[2 ][μάλιστα: “about”.]
[1 ][“During this while”.]
[2 ][Amphipolis is supposed to have been situated, like Syracuse, not on the top, but on the slope of the hill: and this is the “strong hill” whereon Cleon halted, and whence he could look down into every part of the city. This explains the term κατῆλθεν, “in not coming down with engines”.—“It was thought” &c.]
[1 ][That is, citizens only.]
[2 ][Contempt, ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄντος, “from seeing the real state of the case”.]
[1 ][“To attack”.]
[1 ][“Or else to be the subjects of the Athenians, (if at the best you escape without slavery or death), and that subjection more irksome than before: and to be besides the hinderers” &c. The distinction is made between δοῦλος, the general term, signifying both political and domestic slavery: and ἀνδρ̧άποδον, signifying the latter only. Arnold.]
[2 ][“And in the city (the interior of which was exposed to view from without) as he was sacrificing at the temple of Pallas and about the matters before related, it was told Cleon (for &c.).” The act of sacrificing indicated the intention of Brasidas to fight: see vi. 69, note.]
[1 ][“And thinking to be beforehand in the retreat”. Bekker &c. ϕθήσεσθαι: vulgo, ὀϕθήσεσθαι.]
[2 ][“And in their march to begin the movement with the left wing in the direction of Eion, as the only practicable plan”. Göl. Arn.—“And Brasidas upon this seeing his opportunity, and that” &c.]
[3 ][“The palisade”.]
[4 ][“The steepest part of the hill”: where Cleon halted to view the city. Arn. Goell. The “long wall” was to the south of the city.]
[1 ][“And Brasidas, upon their retreat advancing upon the right wing, is wounded”.]
[2 ][Cleon was a tanner by trade: a man of slender abilities, and possessed of no knowledge, political or military. His eloquence was impetuous and coarse, set off with a loud voice. He was the first that ventured to abandon the grave manner and decent gesture prescribed by usage to the Athenian orator: and adopted the style, as it is described by Cicero, of the Roman orator; the femur percussum, pedis supplosio, &c.]
[1 ][“And preserving him (from the enemy), brought him” &c.]
[2 ][A distinguished honour: the ordinary burial–place being always outside the walls. The Athenians at the height of the Roman power refused this honour to M. Marcellus: “quod religione se impediri dicerent, neque tamen id antea cuiquam concesserant”. Cicero, epis. ad divers. iv. 12. At Rome to bury within the walls was forbidden by the Twelve Tables: though Cicero mentions some few exceptions, “ut C. Fabricius, virtutis causa”. De legibus, ii. 23. Arnold.]
[3 ][“Sacrificed to him as to a hero”.—ἐντέμνειν, to sacrifice to the dead, by cutting off the head from the back of the neck, whereby it fell to the ground: and so opposed to σϕάζειν, to sacrifice to the gods above, by holding back the head so as to look upwards, and cutting the throat. Arnold. Nevertheless, σϕάξαι is the term used by Ulysses in Hecuba, Eurip. 221, for the sacrifice of Polyxene to Achilles, and such the manner of the sacrifice.—The worship of their founder was a duty of the colonists amongst the Greeks. Thus the Chersonesitans to Miltiades, τελευτήσαντι θύουσι, ὡς νόμος ο’κιστῇ (Herod. vi. 38.).]
[1 ][That is, Spartans had never before been known to surrender with arms in their hands: for they had before lost more men, as at Thermopylæ, and at Thyrea (Herod. i. 82). Of the 420 men of arms sent over into Sphacteria, not half were Spartans (see iv. 38.)]
[1 ][This is the treaty referred to in ii. 9: no more particular account is given of it. For Cynuria, see ch. 41.]
[2 ][οἱ Σπαρ̧τιᾶται πρ̧ῶτοι. In a certain sense all Dorians were equal in rights and dignity: but there were yet manifold gradations, which when once formed, were retained by the aristocratic feelings of the people. In the first place, there was the dignity of the Heracleid families, which without possessing any essential privilege in Sparta had a precedence throughout the whole nation: and connected with this, a certain pre–eminence of the Hyllean tribe. Then again in the times of the Peloponnesian war “men of the first rank”, οἰ πρ̧ῶτοι ἄνδρες, are often mentioned in Sparta, who, without being magistrates, had a considerable influence on the government. The καλοὶ κ’αγαθοὶ were also, in general, persons of distinction. Muell. iii. 5. Of the following words “and all equally their kinsmen” no satisfactory explanation is given. Goeller renders them: “et pariter sibi cognati”.]
[1 ][Cleon is accused of being the author, not only of the fine imposed on Pericles in the second year of the war, (an act for which, as aimed at a party man, there may be some allowance), but of another act of a different character, the banishment of Thucydides. It is to be hoped that this latter charge is without foundation: if for no other reason, that our estimation of his character, drawn by the hand of the exile, may not be affected.]
[2 ][“Whilst he had never &c. and was still in repute, to carry his good fortune” &c.]
[1 ][The Theori, messengers to the oracle, were at Sparta called after their god, Pythii: of whom each of the two kings, in their character of high priest, nominated two. The office was one of great dignity: they were entrusted to deliver the oracle truly and honestly to the kings; and were the assessors of the kings and gerusia, and the messmates of the former both at home and in the field. It is probable that the three Pythian interpreters at Athens, who were however specially chosen for each theoria, once possessed equal dignity: but their powers, naturally incompatible with a democracy, were lost at a very early period: see Muell. iii. 1.—The semigod is Hercules: the Spartans, the conquerors and lords of the Achæans, submitting to be governed themselves by kings, as it is said, the descendants of Hercules, and therefore of Achæan blood. That the Dorians were led to the conquest of Peloponnesus by Achæan chiefs, was a tradition current, not only amongst the Dorians themselves, but amongst other nations also: and the victory of Echemus, the king of Tegea, over Hyllus, the son of Hercules, in the first Dorian invasion, is pleaded by the Tegeatans as their title to the post of honour at the battle of Platæa (Herod. ix. 26).—Thucydides here attributes the founding of Lacedæmon to Eurysthenes and Procles, (the sons of Aristodemus, one of the three sons of Aristomachus), the first two kings of Sparta: whereas Herodotus, in relating the origin of the two kings (vi. 52), says that Aristodemus, and not his sons, was the founder. In either case, Sparta must have been a place of very slight importance before the Dorian invasion: which alone made it the ruler of the surrounding states. It was built differently from Mycenæ, Tiryns, and other Achæan cities of the Cyclopean, or Pelasgian, architecture: the Acropolis is on a hill of inconsiderable height, of easy ascent, and without trace of ancient fortification or walls: it has no monuments of the times of the fabulous princes, the Pelopidæ &c., whilst Amyclæ, amongst many others, possessed the tombs of Cassandra, Agamemnon, and Clytemnestra: Muell. i. 5.—The “ploughing with a silver share”, betokened a famine, and the consequent dearness of the fruits of the earth. Schol.—Pleistoanax, condemned for bribery (see vi. 104, n.) to pay a fine beyond his means, lived in banishment in a house partly in, and partly out of the temple, that he might enjoy security and at the same time avoid profaning the temple: which could not be done, were the whole house in it.]
[1 ][“About the spring &c. already braved them beforehand with” &c.]
[1 ][The Delphian nobility were of Doric origin: and so great was their influence over the temple, that they may be considered as the actual managers of it. They formed a criminal court, and sentenced all offenders against the temple, by the Pythian decision, to be hurled from a precipice: and whether any murder was expiable or not, was a question within their jurisdiction. Muell. ii. 1.—As the temple therefore of the Doric god: at whose bidding the Spartans entered on many hazardous enterprizes, dethroned the tyrants throughout Greece, &c.: and without whose sanction they never undertook any important action (as this history shews by many examples): its independence was of the last importance to Sparta.]
[1 ][The tribute taxed in the time of Aristides, was four hundred and sixty talents. In his lifetime, whether with his assent or not is disputed, the treasury, on the nominal proposal of the Samians, was removed from Delos (i. 96) to Athens. The tribute, as may be supposed, suffered no reduction by the change. Cimon having first of all stripped the weaker states in succession of their means of defence (i. 99), the tribute was ere long raised by Pericles to six hundred, and in course of time by Alcibiades and others to thirteen hundred talents. The cause of this increase is well worthy of attention. It was the practice of Cimon and the aristocratical party to ingratiate themselves with the people, by distributing their vast wealth in so called liberality amongst the lower class of citizens. Great as was the mischief of this practice, it was thrown into the shade by the invention of Pericles. Unable to contend with the private wealth of his antagonists, he resorted to a similar application of the public money: and his entrance into the public assembly was marked by a series of measures, all tending to enable the poorer citizens to live upon the public treasury. Besides the vast public works, good in themselves, but undertaken mainly with the view of giving bread to a great number of workmen, he was the author of two remarkable laws. In former times, it had been found necessary for the public tranquillity, that the admission to the theatre, originally gratuitous, should be subjected to the charge of a small sum of money. Pericles passed a law entitling every citizen to this money out of the treasury. Had the design been simply to place the amusement of the theatre within reach of the poor citizens, the obvious plan was to revive the free admission. In course of time, the theoricon absorbed the entire surplus funds of the treasury, after defraying the ordinary civil expenditure: and the military chest was left to depend on extraordinary contributions. His other measure was still more mischievous: the payment of an obole to the juror for his attendance at the courts of justice. The pay was just high enough to ensure the attendance of the most objectionable class of jurors to sit in judgment on the life and fortune of their fellow–citizens. Corruption was probably a vice inherent in the tribunals as organized by Solon: the 6000 sworn citizens, or jurors, called the ἡλιαία. But that the bribing of them was, a few years later than the present time, reduced to a regular system; and that condemnations of obnoxious individuals were extorted by threats of withholding prosecutions, and thereby cutting short the juror’s pay: this Pericles alone is answerable for. As to the allies, the amount of direct taxes wrung from them, was the least of their grievances. A far sorer burthen was the transfer of all criminal causes, and all suits involving property above a certain low amount, from their own tribunals to those of Athens. She derived therefrom the profits, comparatively trifling, arising from fees of justice and the influx of strangers into the city, at the expense of suffering to the allies difficult to be conceived. This is what the Athenian orator (i. 77) wishes to represent as a commercium juris præbendi et repetendi. At the time of Pericles’ accession to power, the Athenians, amongst whom democracy had already made rapid strides, had still left one security for an impartial trial in criminal cases. This security stood in his way: and he did not hesitate, by the overthrow of the Areopagus, to place the life and fortune of every citizen at the mercy of a vote of an assembly of 6000 citizens. Of the justice dealt out by a popular assembly, an example is seen in the affair of the Hermes–busts (vi. 44, note): another in the fate of the ten generals after the battle of Arginusæ. The working of the Heliæa shewed itself in the occasional direct division of the rich man’s property amongst the citizens at large (Herm. § 163, n. 7): and in the common practice of confiscating the property of the rich to supply the wants of the treasury, whence the jurors derived their salary (Arist. v. 5, vi. 2, 5.). It may perhaps be a question, whether if victory in this war had sided with Athens, she could long have survived this state of things: and whether Pericles had any faith in her so doing.]
[1 ][“And all others, allies of the Spartans, in Scione, and all” &c.]
[1 ][In formulis jurisjurandi, varii et confirmandi et fidem dandi gradus erant. Præter usitatum testium jusjurandum aliud erat sanctius, quod magis quam alia fidem obstringere videbatur: quale præstabant Areopagitæ, dum se et omnem progeniem diris devovent, quodque ut præcipua gravitate et vi præditum memoratur. Imprimis illam formulam obligare putaverunt, qua per liberos jurabant. Goeller.—He observes also, that the Athenians swore on behalf of themselves and their allies (see ch. 47): here therefore they swear both to the Lacedæmonians and to their allies, whilst the latter swear to the Athenians only.—The Amyclæum was a temple of Apollo at Amyclæ, and not actually a part of Sparta so called, as supposed by some: but from its nearness, Amyclæ itself was considered as part of Sparta, as the Peiræus of Athens and the Heræum of Argos. Haack. Popp.]
[2 ]By Delphi, where the Pythian games were kept.
[1 ][“This treaty begins from the ephoralty of Pleistolas, the fourth day before the end (i. e. the 26th) of the month Artemisium; and from the archonship of Alcæus at Athens, the sixth day before the end (the 24th) of the month Elaphebolion”.]
[2 ][“A few days less.” Goeller, Arnold. Of the next sentence the sense may be correctly given: but the text, as it stands, is admitted to be untranslatable.]
[3 ][That is, “as they are here written”.]
[1 ][“Might be altered: and finding it already ratified” &c. Goeller.]
[1 ][ξυμμαχίαν: in its strict sense, an alliance offensive and defensive (see i. 44); here, an alliance defensive only.]
[1 ][“And hitherto hath been written this first war, which during these ten years was without intermission.” Goeller.]
[1 ][Auctoris computatio annorum progreditur usque ad annum Ol. 91. 2. A.C. 414: quo tempore Lacedæmonii, ab Alcibiade exstimulati, rursus ad bellum aperte cum Atheniensibus gerendum se accinxerunt: vide vi. 93. Exeunt ipsi sex anni et menses decem. Goeller.]
[1 ][“For let him consider how it (the composition) is characterized by the facts of the case”. Arnold, Goeller.]
[2 ][“Found in this solitary instance the event exactly agreeing with the prediction”. Arn.—“For I myself remember yet” &c.]
[3 ][“And I lived to the end of it, being of an age to judge of events and also applying” &c.]
[4 ][“Conversant with.” Arnold.]
[1 ][“The controversy therefore after these ten years, and the following rupture of the treaty, and the war thereupon how it was” &c.]
[2 ][“After concluding &c., the embassies from Peloponnesus, which were sent for to assist at them, retired from Lacedæmon. And all but the Corinthians went home: but they turning” &c. Bekk. &c.]
[3 ][“The Argives”—The limiting the alliance to such states as treated others upon a footing of equality in the distribution of justice, operated as an exclusion from it of all states not independent on the one hand, and of Athens and Sparta on the other. Goeller.]
[1 ][ἡγήσεσθαι: to obtain the ἡγεμονία, or to be the leading power.]
[2 ][“But rather made their account by being at peace with both”. Arnold, Goeller.—The Dorians that subdued Argos, did not, like the Spartans, congregate themselves in the capital, but dispersed themselves in several of the ancient and considerable cities: whereby the influence of Argos in Argolis was almost annihilated, and she was reduced to being the head of a league for common defence and regulation of the common interests. Within a century after the Dorian invasion, Spartan ambition had made attempts, with little success, upon Argos: but when the final conquest of Cynuria (see ch. 41, n.) had given her the key of Argolis, Cleomenes in a decisive victory, some time between 524 and the Persian war (see Muell. iii. 4), slew six thousand of her Dorian citizens. After this disaster, and till the next generation arrived at manhood and expelled them, the government fell into the hands of the slaves (gymnesii): and to replenish her free population, she was obliged to collect and admit to the rights of citizenship the subject periœci of the surrounding cities. She was too crippled to take any part in the Persian war, and followed the counsel of the oracle: “hostile to her neighbours, but the friend of the gods, to draw in her spear and sit watchfully guarding her head: and the head will take care of the body”: Herod. vii. 148. Hatred of Spartan supremacy had no small influence on her policy: she preferred exclusion from the common affairs of Peloponnesus, and even submitting to the yoke of the barbarian, rather than acknowledge the ἡγεμονία of Sparta: Herod. ibid. Her new population was industrious, and multiplied apace; and prosperity and wealth returned to Argos: but her constitution thereby received a democratic tendency inconsistent with the Doric character, the peculiar features of which gradually disappeared.]
[1 ][Except the possession of Messenia, nothing was so vitally important to Sparta as her influence over the towns of Arcadia: as their hostility would exclude her from all intercourse with the rest of Greece. Very little is known of the manner in which she gained a footing in those towns. The invading Dorians effected no settlement in their march through Arcadia in their route to Sparta: though no opposition is heard of by any state except Tegea. Still in the two first Messenian wars the Arcadians appear as the allies of the Messenians. In later times their territory, the most extensive in Peloponnesus, served only as a thoroughfare for hostile armies: the people, the native Pelasgians, who had immemorial possession of the land (Herod. i. 146, viii. 73), had no weight in the affairs of Peloponnesus, and shed their blood for hire in quarrels with which they had no concern. The Mantineans however, though they now followed the policy of Argos, had long been attached to the Peloponnesian league, and the faithful ally of Sparta: and their present defection may be attributed partly to their desire to retain possession of Parrhasia and to their hostility to Tegea, (ever since its reduction the staunch ally of Sparta), and partly to the establishment of a democratic government under the influence of Argos. This defection is not forgotten in after times: see ch. 50, n.]
[1 ]The Peloponnesian.
[2 ][See ii. 30, iv. 49.]
[3 ][τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρ̧ᾴκης.]
[1 ][In ch. 28.—“The reason of this was, that the Eleians had a quarrel” &c.]
[2 ][That is, of the Lepreatans’ territory.—“The Eleians left the Lepreatans in possession of their lands, with the imposition thereon of a talent” &c.]
[3 ][“Were independent”: that is, of the Eleians.]
[1 ][This seems to refer to the fundamental preliminary agreement, described in ch. 17 in very different terms: “that peace should be concluded on the terms of each party rendering what they had taken in the war”: otherwise we must suppose that the Peloponnesian confederates had given each other a guarantee to this effect before the war. Thirlwall.]
[2 ][“Thought themselves also wronged: but being watched and courted by the Lacedæmonians, and thinking the Argive democracy would not be so commodious for them &c., they stirred &c.” Goell.]
[3 ][See Cleon’s decree, iv. 122.]
[1 ][“Part (of their plan)”.—“the whole of Peloponnesus”.—Tegea since its reduction by Sparta, had ever been supported by her, in accordance with her policy of preventing the growth of any considerable state, against the pretensions of Mantineia: and to the fidelity of Tegea she was perhaps indebted for her safety at this perilous moment. All her recollections connected with Tegea were not of a pleasant nature. Led by their misinterpretation of an ambiguous oracle, the Spartans (854, A.C.) invaded the territory of Tegea, carrying with them the fetters which they expected to lay upon the Tegeatans: but being overthrown, submitted to have them imposed on themselves. Herodotus (i. 67.) saw the same fetters suspended in the temple of Minerva at Tegea. The importance of Tegea to Sparta in a military point of view has already been noticed: iii. 8, note.]
[1 ][“But no treaty”.]
[2 ][“As a check upon Sciritis”. See v. 51. Arn.]
[3 ][“Themselves guarded the territory of their confederates the Parrhasians”. Arnold.]
[1 ][An essential condition of their freedom: being bound to the soil, and incapable of removal from it, or of receiving their freedom but at the will of the state.]
[2 ][νεοδαμώδων: “recently ascribed to the δῆμος,” i. e. new Spartans: a name acquired by the enfranchised helot after having been some time in possession of his liberty. Their number soon nearly equalled that of the citizens. There were also Mothones or Mothaces (from μόθων, verna): helots, that having been brought up with young Spartans (like Eumæus in the house of Ulysses) obtained their freedom without the rights of citizenship. Their descendants however must sometimes have obtained those rights: since Callicratides, Lysander, and Gylippus were of Mothonic origin. Mueller. iii. 3.]
[3 ][“They disgraced them.” Of ἀτιμία there were, both at Sparta and Athens, various degrees. The highest degree at Sparta was a kind of excommunication, reserved for for him that disgraced himself in the field, or returned, as Aristodemus at Thermopylæ, without his companions. The culprit could fill no public office: had the lowest place in the chorus: in the game of ball, neither party would have him on their side: he could find no competitor in the gymnasium, no companion of his tent in the field: none would give him fire: his degradation was made visible to the world by his ragged cloak and halfshaved beard. Muell. iii. 10.—The same degree of infamy at Athens amounted to actual outlawry, the ἄτιμος fairly losing all protection of the law, both public and private: whilst the minor degree deprived him of some specified rights only; as the right of speaking and voting in the public assembly, of entering the agora, of sailing to the Hellespont or to Ionia, &c. Herm. § 124.]
[1 ][“Being in office”. The object of disgracing, was to render them incapable of abusing their office to the detriment of the state.]
[2 ][“The Dians”: that is, the inhabitants of Dium in the peninsula of Athos. The Dictideans are unknown. Popp. Goell. Arn.]
[3 ][“Places”. Methone, Pteleum, Atalantis, Cythera &c. Goell.]
[1 ][“Would choose the friendship of &c., at the risk of the enmity” &c.: Arn.—“Would prefer making friends &c. before coming to a rupture” &c.: Goell.]
[2 ][“Commissioned to deliver”.]
[1 ][“To the Bœotarchs”.]
[2 ][“Meanwhile it was thought fit by the Bœotarchs, Corinthians, Megareans, and the ambassadors from Chalcidice, to take an oath to each other to give” &c.]
[1 ][The Bœotian states were united in a confederacy represented by a congress of deputies, who met at the festival of Pambœotia, in the temple of the Itonian Athene near Coroneia, more perhaps for religious than political purposes. There were also other national councils which deliberated on peace and war, of perhaps nearly equal antiquity: though first mentioned at a later period when there were four of them. It does not appear how they were constituted, or whether with reference to as many territorial divisions, of which we have no other trace. The chief magistrates of the league, called Bœotarchs, presided in those councils and commanded the national forces. The fourteen wooden images carried to the top of Cithæron (iv. 99, note) seem to point to that as the original number of the confederate states: and that of the Bœotarchs was perhaps once the same, though afterwards reduced and undergoing many changes. Thebes had early the privilege of appointing two: one of whom was superior in authority over all the rest, and was president of the board. Thirl.—It is probably this Bœotarch of Thebes, that in federal decrees is called ἄρχων ἐν κοινῷ βοιωτῶν, sometimes simply ἄρχων. To exercise the office, which was annual, beyond the legitimate time, was a capital offence: and Epaminondas and Pelopidas, even after the battle of Leuctra, were brought to trial for violating this law. But the Bœotarch was reeligible: and Pelopidas accordingly was chosen Bœotarch eleven years consecutively. Mueller, Hermann, § 179]
[1 ][“To have tried to league”.]
[2 ][The acquisition of Mecyberna (a port–town about two miles from Olynthus) was the commencement of a series of conquests, which led Olynthus to aspire to the rank of an imperial state. Not long after the end of this war, she succeeded in forming and placing herself at the head of a confederacy of the Chalcidean states, embracing not fewer than 32 towns; some, as Potidæa, of considerable note. Her power was further augmented in a very important degree by the cession to her from Amyntas of a considerable part of the kingdom of Macedonia. She became of ability to bring into the field as many as 8,000 heavy infantry, a far greater number of targetiers, and nearly 1,000 horse. Thebes and Athens did not disdain to send ambassadors to her, to treat of an alliance. Sparta became alarmed, and sent an army of not less than 10,000 to crush the danger in its infancy. This, not without receiving some checks, she succeeded in doing: and little foreseeing the remote consequences, conceived she had achieved a great triumph. But the power of Olynthus, now broken, was unequal afterwards to withstand the attacks of Philip: who subdued and razed her to the ground. And the Chalcidean peninsula, which had hitherto separated Macedonia from the sea, at the same time that it became the fairest part of his dominions, virtually made him master of the whole of Greece. See Thirl. ch. 37, 43.]
[1 ][“Were so desirous of the Bœotian connexion, that” &c. The effect of making this separate treaty, was to raise Bœotian from a dependent member of the confederacy to the rank of an independent ally. Herm.§ 38.]
[2 ][By the Bœotians: see ch. 42.]
[1 ][“Intending to compound &c., and then, so far as circumstances permitted, to keep quiet”. Goeller.]
[2 ][The Cynurii are one of the seven races described by Herodotus (viii. 73.) as inhabiting Peloponnesus: of which, he says, four, the Dorians, Ætolians, Dryopes, and Lemnians, were foreign races; one, the Achæans, had never quitted Peloponnesus, but dwelt, not in their original seats, but in those of the Ionians; and two, the Arcadians and Cynurians, were aboriginal (that is, Pelasgians), and dwelt in their original seats: but of all these, the Cynurians were the only Ionians, though the Argive government had doricised them. Cynuria, a valley between Laconia and Argolis, is said to have been subdued by Sparta as early as 1006: but in 720 the war about it was renewed, and the Argives got and kept possession of it and of the whole coast as far as Malea, including the island of Cythera, till about 548 (the time at which Sparta reduced Tegea), when they finally lost it by the famous battle of Thyrea, alluded to by Thucydides. The two armies being about to join battle, it was agreed to decide the dispute for Cynuria by a contest between 300 chosen men on each side. The armies withdrew to avoid the temptation to violate the agreement: and the 600 fought till there were left only two Argives, and one Spartan, Othryades, who were parted by night. The Argives ran home to report their victory: whereupon Othryades spoiled the dead, erected a trophy, and slew himself to avoid the disgrace of surviving his companions. The next day the victory was claimed by the Argives, as having the greater number of survivors; by the Spartans, as having erected a trophy. The dispute was settled by a battle, in which Sparta was victorious: and the Argives shaved their heads, and vowed their hair should never grow till they recovered Cynuria. (Herod. i. 82). Much blood was shed for this inconsiderable territory: which decided which was to be the leading power in Peloponnesus. It was not till Sparta was master of it, that she was able to attack Argos with success: see ch. 28, note.]
[1 ][“By the Bœotians”.]
[1 ][“A man though yet young (as he would be considered in any other city), yet for the dignity of his ancestors of great consideration”. Both by his father’s and mother’s side, he was connected with the noblest of the Eupatrids. He traced his paternal line through Eurysaces, son of Ajax, to Æacus: his mother, the daughter of Megacles, belonged to the Alcmæonides, and thus Cleisthenes, the friend of the democracy, was among his ancestors. His father Clinias had equipped and manned a galley with 200 men in the Persian war: he fell at the battle of Coroneia (447), leaving Alcibiades, perhaps, seven or eight years old, and the heir to one of the largest fortunes in Athens. Thirl.]
[1 ][“His grandfather”.]
[2 ][“And that having made peace with themselves, first to subdue the Argives and then turn upon the Athenians destitute of help, that this was their object in making peace”. Duker]
[3 ][“To come with the Mantineans and Eleians and invite the Athenians to an alliance, the opportunity” &c.]
[4 ][“When they knew”.]
[1 ][That is, they ratified afresh the existing treaty: thereby intimating that the Bœotian alliance was not to be considered as a dissolution of that with the Athenians.]
[2 ][“A peace”. This relates only to forbearing to attack each other: the alliance follows below.]
[1 ][“Nor for the Athenians or their confederates against the Argives or Eleians or Mantineans, or their confederates, by any fraud or machination whatsoever”.]
[2 ][“Eleians and Mantineans have made a defensive alliance with each other” &c.]
[1 ][“Nor by sea, to make war” &c.]
[2 ][“For a man of arms, a light–armed soldier, and an archer; and of a drachme of Ægina” &c.—The Æginetan drachme was equal to ten Athenian oboli: three Æginetan oboli, therefore, or half–drachme, were equal to five Athenian oboli; that is, to not quite sevenpence English (see i. 96). The Athenian standard supplanted the Æginetan from the time of the founding of Messene and Megalopolis. See Muell. iii. 10.]
[1 ][“With victims full–grown”: not the young of their several kinds: hostiæ majores, and not hostiæ lactantes. Arn.]
[2 ][“The home magistrates”: that is, the prytanes, archons, secretaries, and other high officers, as opposed to the strategi. Goell.—Of the “council”, and of “the eighty” of Argos we are entirely ignorant. The Artynæ must be an ancient office, and older at least than the abolition of the monarchy, that is, than the Persian war: for the same office existed in their ancient colony, Epidaurus, whose constitution resembled that of Argos only in the more ancient period. Its origin may have been a division of the regal authority into civil and military functions. Muell. iii. 8.]
[3 ][οἱ δημιουργοὶ: magistrates not uncommon in Peloponnesus. Amongst the Achæans at least, their chief duty was to transact business with the people: which makes it possible that at Argos they were identical with the leaders of the people. Muell. iii. 8.—The theori were a sacred college whose functions were perpetual, like the college of pontifices and augurs at Rome. Arn.]
[4 ][οἱ τὰ τέλη ἔχοντες: not simply magistrates, but some particular body of men exercising sovereign authority. Goell. A body like the original senate at Rome. Arn.]
[1 ][The great Panathenæan holidays. “Panathenæa Magna quarto quoque anno, et tertio quovis Olympiadum, inde ab Hecatombæonis die vicessimo octavo celebrabantur”. Goeller.]
[1 ]Pancratium consisted of wrestling and fighting with fists.
[2 ][“According to the Olympic law”:—“That they had borne arms against the fort of Phyrcon, and put their soldiers into Lepreum in the time of the Olympic truce”.—Sparta in conjunction with the Eleians and Ætolians were the authors of the ἐκεχειρία, or Peloponnesian armistice. The same ὀλυμπιακαὶ σπονδαὶ put a stop to warfare for a sufficient period, to enable the spectators to go and return from the festival in safety: and during this period the territory of Elis was of course regarded as inviolable, and no armed force could traverse it without incurring the penalties of sacrilege. The Eleians sent round to the different states the σπονδοϕόροι, trucebearers, of Jupiter: who proclaimed the armistice, first to their own countrymen, and then to the other Peloponnesian states: after which no army could invade another’s territory. The fine here imposed is the same as that required at this time for the ransom of prisoners of war: whence it is evident that the transgressors of the truce were considered as becoming slaves of the god, and required to be ransomed from him. The fine was divided between the Eleians and the temple of Olympia. By these and similar laws was the armistice protected, which was intended not merely to secure the celebration of the games from disturbance, but to effect a peaceable meeting of the Peloponnesians, and give occasion to the settling of disputes and conclusion of alliances. Apollo, the Doric god, was at this time regarded as the protector of the sacred armistice. Thirl. ch. x: Muell. i. 7. It does not however appear, that the non–payment of the fine moved either the Eleians or the Delphians to claim the Lacedæmonians as slaves of the god. The important influence of the Delphic oracle on these games is said to have occasioned the time of their celebration to be regulated by the Pythian cycle of eight years.]
[1 ][“But considering at the time that they (the Lacedæmonians) had done them no wrong, they (the Eleians) afterwards announced to them the truce: and after that, they (the Lacedæmonians) nowhere bore arms against them”. Goell.]
[1 ][The Lacedæmonians being excluded from the games, Lichas had entered his chariot in the name of the Bœotian people instead of his own. He appears again hereafter in viii. 43, 84.—From the frequency with which he introduces the subject, Thucydides seems to have duly appreciated, what he did not live to know by experience, the value of the Spartan professions of “making a war for the liberty of Greece”. Nothing was so much coveted by the Spartans as an excuse for giving effect to their leading maxim of dividing, in order to render powerless, the Peloponnesian states: and this unwise provocation was not forgotten when the Spartans found their hands free from the occupation of this war. Three years had not elapsed from that time, when Elis was required by the “deliverers of Greece” to acknowledge the independence of her subject towns: and on her refusal, the allies of Sparta were summoned to invade and ravage her territory. The Arcadians and Achaians in particular were attracted by the scent of the rich booty: and the campaign is said to have spread abundance over the rest of Peloponnesus. In the end her walls were demolished, her subject towns made independent, and she herself reduced to the state of a dependent ally of Sparta. The next was a more decided step. The peace of Antalcidas, the main feature in which was the guarantee of the independence of all the Greek states, had received the assent of Sparta in the expectation that the oligarchy would be found powerful enough to get the upper hand in all the Peloponnesian states. But finding that she had miscalculated, in direct violation of that treaty she called on Manteneia (385) to throw down her walls: in other words, to place herself at the mercy of Sparta. The refusal to obey was followed by the demolition of the city, and the distribution of the inhabitants amongst the five hamlets out of which it was originally formed. Phlius, by a timely compliance, saved herself from a similar fate. After these acts, which were discountenanced by both her allies, Corinth and Thebes, it will excite no surprise to see Sparta seize and occupy, in time of peace, the Cadmeia of Thebes. All this, however, might have been pardonable, and as the first necessary step towards the establishment of a government of Peloponnesus, even justifiable, had the Spartans at the same time shown any signs of a capacity for effecting that object. But the example of Heracleia (see ch. 52, and iii. 93) and the countenance given by her to all the worst acts of the 30 tyrants in Athens, are amongst the manifold proofs that the government of others was a business with which the Spartans had very little acquaintance.]
[1 ][“Grievously infested after the late battle”.—“Hegesippidas the Lacedæmonian”.]
[2 ][“With the co–operation”.]
[1 ][Epidaurus, Trœzen, Ægina, and other towns, received their share of Doric inhabitants either mediately or immediately from Argos: but she having lost her power over the towns of Argolis, certain obligations on the part of those cities towards Argos belonging to early times, became at a later period mere forms. Such was the obligation of the Epidaurians to send sacrifices to the temple of Apollo Pythæus: a temple erected on the ascent to the Larissa of Argos, probably soon after the Dorian invasion, to the national deity who had led them into the country, and common to all the surrounding district, though belonging more particularly to the Argives. The Dryopians, in their character of Craugallidæ (see iv. 54, note) had erected temples to the same god at Asine in acknowledgment of a similar dependence: of which one only was spared by the Argives, when they destroyed that town. Muell. i. 5. Which of the above two temples is meant by Thucydides, is disputed: Arnold understands that at Argos, Valcknaer and others that at Asine.—Of the word βοταμίων, “in consideration of their pastures”, no explanation is given.]
[1 ][This is an exception to the general rule of the Peloponnesian confederacy, that the object for which the allies were summoned, should be publicly declared: a rule of some moment for the independence of the less important members. Another example of the same exception is seen in the invasion of Attica by Cleomenes: Herod. v. 74.]
[2 ][“And sent word about to their allies, to be prepared to march after the next month, which was the month Carneius and a festival with the Dorians. Upon their retreat, the Argives setting out on the fourth day before the end of the month next to the month Carneius, and marching the whole of that day, crossed the frontiers of the Epidaurians and began wasting their territory”. Bekk. Arn.—“And marching that day, invaded the Epidaurian territory and wasted it the whole time (till the Carneian holidays)”. Goell.—The Hyacinthia and Carneia were festivals in consecutive months in honour of Apollo of Amyclæ: the latter a warlike festival, lasting nine days, during which nine tents were pitched near the city, in each of which lived nine men in the manner of a military camp. Muell. ii. 8. It was unlawful for the Dorians to bear arms during this festival: and the Spartans made it their excuse for leaving the Athenians, when they applied to them for aid, to fight the battle of Marathon single–handed: see Herod. vi. 106, 120.—Arnold supports his reading, by supposing that the διαβατήρια, the passage of the frontiers, was the only object of the Argives: that, that effected, they might ravage the territory unmolested, whilst the allies of the Epidaurians were prevented by the festival from crossing the frontiers to help them.]
[1 ][“That some one from either side should go” &c.]
[2 ][ἐξεϛρατεῦσθαι: “had ended their expedition”: Haack. Popp. Bred. Arn.: the same word being used in the first part of the sentence in the sense of “drew forth their army”. Goeller, by an alteration of the text and punctuation, makes the sense as follows: “The Athenians &c., hearing that the Lacedæmonians were in the field, came to help with a thousand men &c.: and when they were no longer wanted, went home”.]
[1 ]Which was erected for the articles of the peace to be written in. [The writing upon this pillar that the Lacedæmonians had violated their oaths, was a step short of declaring the treaty to be at an end: which would have been done by destroying the pillar. Arn.]
[2 ][That is, expecting that the Epidaurians would be abroad, defending their territory against the plundering warfare of the Argives. Arnold.]
[1 ][“If they quickly” &c.]
[2 ][“Were met together”.]
[3 ][“Five hundred horsemen, and as many hamippi”. The Bœotian cavalry were accompanied by light–armed men, who sometimes mounted behind, sometimes vaulted off rapidly, and were thus doubly formidable. Muell. iii. 12.]
[4 ][“Both at first”.]
[1 ][“To the road through Nemea: by which they thought the Lacedæmonians &c. would fall in (to the plain of Argos)”.]
[2 ][“By another by–road over the mountains”. Muell.]
[3 ][“By the road to Nemea”.]
[4 ][“Out of Nemea”.]
[1 ][“As they had been ordered”.]
[2 ][πρόξενος: see iii. 70, note.]
[1 ][The escort of the king was called by the name of damosia, and consisted of his tent–comrades: to which belonged the Polemarchs, the Pythians, the three ὅμοιοι and the two ephors who attended the king on all expeditions. Muell. iii. 12.]
[2 ][As soon as the king had assumed the command of the army, and had crossed the boundaries, he became, by ancient custom, general with unlimited command. He had authority to dispatch and assemble armies, and to lead and encamp the army according to his own judgment. Any person who dared to resist him, was outlawed: and he had power of life and death, and could execute without trial. Muell. iii. 6.]
[3 ][And it was best seen whilst it was yet all together in Nemea”. It is probable that the Lacedæmonians and their allies on their return took the road through Nemea to Phlius, being the easiest route: they could not otherwise have been all together at Nemea. Schol.]
[1 ][“Thus the army, offended with Agis, retreated” &c. Bekker.]
[2 ][“In the bed of the Charadrus: the place the soldiers use, before entering the city, to have their causes (ἀπὸ στρατείας) that have arisen out of the campaign heard”. Goell. The military courts were held without the city: because within the walls, the ordinary law would have resumed its authority and its usual forms. Arn.]
[1 ][“And these prevailed with also, yet staid” &c. Goell.]
[2 ][“They all”: all the allies.]
[3 ][Tegea and Mantineia, the two principal towns of Arcadia, were connected by their position, the former with Sparta, the latter with Argos, which supplied occasion for interminable feuds between them: and these feuds were heightened by the circumstance that the contiguous plains, which formed the main part of their territories, were liable to be much damaged by the waters from their mountains, which might easily be turned toward either side. Thirl.]
[1 ][δέκα μυριάσι: a hundred thousand drachmæ: that is, if these were, as supposed by Mueller, Æginetan drachmæ, about 5,729l. 3s. 4d.: the Æginetan drachme being about thirteen–pence three–farthings. See ch. 47 and i. 96, note.]
[2 ][“They made a decree at that present, such &c.; for they elected ten Spartans to be of his council, without whose” &c. Mueller (iii. 6) considers the law not to have been passed for that campaign only. We have already seen instances in which the Spartan general has been put under the restraint of a council: as the case of Alcidas, iii. 69, 76, 79. But in those cases the council had not an equal voice with the general.]
[1 ][“Seeing that they were marching against” &c.]
[2 ][Some apprehension of his own “different from his original plan”.]
[3 ][The plain of Mantineia is a high table–land, considerably above the level of the valleys on the coast of Peloponnesus, although surrounded by high mountains with respect to which it is itself a low plain. It is so complete a basin, that the streams which flow into it from the mountains have no outlet but through the mountains themselves: the limestone of the country abounds in caverns, and the streams, sinking into these, appear again at a considerable distance in the valleys at a lower level near the coast, These swallows, katavóthra, are exceedingly numerous in Arcadia: almost all the streams being, at some part of their course, swallowed up, and reappearing at a greater or less interval. This plain is so complete a level, that in some parts there is not slope enough to carry off the mountain torrents: and it would be flooded, but for trenches made to carry the waters towards one or other of the katavóthra provided by nature for their discharge. Thus the waters about Mantineia were, anciently, carried off by the katavóthra at the southern extremity of the plain, in the territory of Tegea. But Agis, here, turns them in the opposite direction, towards Mantineia: where the katavóthra were smaller, and the drainage consequently would be less easily effected. Arnold.]
[1 ][“If they should light upon him”.]
[1 ][“And straightway they fell of themselves rapidly into their ranks”.]
[2 ][“Are commanders of commanders”. An allusion to the endless gradations of rank in the Lacedæmonian army: whereby almost every Spartan was in some respect a commander.]
[3 ][Originally the Sciritæ were no doubt, as they were called, inhabitants of the district Sciritis, on the confines of Laconia, towards Parrhasia; their rights and duties appear to have been defined by agreement; their mode of fighting was also perhaps Arcadian. In marches they formed the advanced guard: in camp they occupied the extreme place, and in battle the left wing. Although we have no express statement of their mode of arming, they can hardly have been heavy–armed troops: since they were particularly employed when a rapid change of position, or a vigorous attack, such as storming heights, was required. They were often at the post of greatest danger. They were 600 in this war. Muell. iii. 12.]
[4 ][νεοδαμώδεις: see ch. 34, note.]
[1 ][From the time that the Dorian Argives took in and made citizens of the periœci of the surrounding towns, for replenishing their own numbers (see ch. 28, note), commences an entirely new era in the constitution of Argos. The newly–adopted citizens appear to have obtained the full rights of the old: and the change in her constitution was no less, than if the whole body of the Achæan periœci in Laconia had declared themselves the sovereign power. Democracy had ever after the upper hand in Argos, which could not be without the disappearance of the Dorian character: as was seen in the diminution of their military skill. For this reason the Argives were reduced to form a standing army of a thousand citizens of noble extraction, under the command of generals possessing great civil power. This body soon endeavoured to set up an oligarchy: but the democracy proved to be the preponderating power. Mueller, iii. 4. See Hermann, § 33, 38.]
[1 ][“In all seven lochi; in each lochos four pentecostyes; in each pentecostys four enomotiæ”.—The ἐνωμοτία was, as the word shows, a number of men bound by a common oath: they stood in the deep phalanx one behind the other, the enomotarch at the head of the whole file. But here the enomotia appears to have had four files of eight men each: that is, 32 men in all. The seven lochi therefore contained 3584 hoplites. To these adding the 300 picked men about the king, the 400 cavalry, and the old men in reserve by the baggage, perhaps 500, the whole amount would be 4784. A sixth part of the army having been sent back (ch. 64), the entire army must have been 5740 men: representing the number of hoplites, which after all her losses in the field Sparta herself could at this time furnish. Fifty years later, at the battle of Leuctra, 700 Spartans were all she could bring into the field (see iv. 126, note).—It was to her hoplites, armed with long spear, short sword, and a huge shield hanging from the neck by a thong and reaching down to the knee, that her attention was almost exclusively devoted. It was this manner of arming that the Achæans found themselves unable to cope with, when the Dorians invaded Peloponnesus: and to this the Spartans owed their victory over the naked Persians at Platæa, who, as Herodotus says (ix. 62), were not behind the Spartans in either courage or strength, but without armour or military skill could make no impression on the Spartan phalanx. But Iphicrates, the Athenian, discovered the way, by doubling the length of the spear and sword, and greatly diminishing the size of the shield, of rendering the peltastæ (targetiers) formidable even to the Spartan hoplites: as they found out at the battle of Leuctra.]
[1 ][“And for their dominion or servitude: that the one, after tasting of it, might not be taken” &c. See ch. 28.]
[2 ][The ἡγεμονία refers to the time of the Pelopidæ: and the Dorians here appropriate to themselves the greatness of the Achæans of Mycenæ. Arn.—“And at one time an equal share of it”: that is, an equal share with the Spartans of the leading (ἡγεμονία). Goeller.]
[3 ][μετὰ τῶν πολεμικῶν νόμων: “with war–songs”. The pæan took its name from that of Apollo: he was first called παιήων (healer), then the hymn, and lastly the singers. It was originally a song sung after any deliverance: as after a plague, or victory. And νόμος was the strain or musical part of the song. Muell. ii. 6, 8.]
[1 ][As “large” armies &c.]
[1 ][“To make a flank movement from themselves” (the Lacedæmonians, the centre of the army) “until they extended as far as the Mantineans”. The Sciritæ and Mantineans were the left and right wing of each army.]
[2 ][“Two polemarchs, with their lochi out of” &c.]
[3 ][“And when upon the lochi not moving forward, he ordered the Sciritæ to join them (the Lacedæmonians), they too were no longer able to effect the junction”.]
[1 ][In reality, hoplites: see iv. 38, n.]
[2 ][It may be supposed that, like Sparta, Argos contained five quarters, each of which had its own lochos: but no information about these five lochi is attainable. Arn.]
[3 ][“And some, not quick enough to escape being overtaken”.]
[4 ][“As soon as &c. they were now broken off on both sides; and at the same time the right wing of the Lacedæmonians and Tegeates with their superior numbers surrounded the Athenians; and danger beset them on both sides, in the one part being surrounded, and in the other already beaten”. Compare the battle in iv. 96. Goell.]
[1 ][“Many were slain”.—“The flight however and going off” &c. Besides not making long pursuits, the Lacedæmonians were also forbidden to spoil the slain during the battle; for a very obvious reason.]
[2 ][The spoiling of arms, at least during the battle, was forbidden to the Spartans: and the consecration to the gods of the spoils of the slain enemies, as well as all rejoicings for victory, were considered as illomened. With the retreat ceased all hostilities. Muell. iii. 12.]
[1 ][“When the battle was about taking place”. It was against the law that both kings should be with the army at the same time: a law occasioned by the dissension between Demaretus and Cleomenes. Herod. v. 75.]
[2 ][“To be still the same”.]
[1 ][“And of the Argives left behind to defend it and that came out to meet them, slew many”.]
[2 ][Neither Jupiter nor Juno were genuine Dorian gods, but were amongst those borrowed by them from other nations. The whole of Argolis and Corinth were from early times under the protection of Juno, originally a Pelasgian goddess: and Argos was the original seat of her worship, which thence received its peculiar form and character; the worship of the Samian Juno, as well as that at Sparta, Epidaurus, and Ægina, being supposed, from the resemblance of the ceremonies, to be derived from Argos. The native traditions concerning Io are only fabulous expressions for the ideas and feelings excited by this religion: and the Corinthian fables of Medea, whose worship with that of Juno the Corinthians introduced at Corcyra, refer to the indigenous worship of Juno Acræa. Mueller, iv. 10.]
[1 ][πρ̧όξενος: see iii. 70, note.]
[2 ][“And brought two proposilions: one, of the terms on which the war should proceed, if they would have war: another of the terms on which there should be peace, if they would have peace”. Goeller.]
[3 ][“To the assembly”: see i. 87, n.]
[4 ][See ch. 61.]
[5 ][That is, the Athenians and the allies: see ch. 75. Goeller.]
[1 ][παῖδα: any child.]
[2 ][“And for so much as concerneth the offering to the god &c. the Spartans to require an oath of the Epidaurians, and to administer it to them accordingly”. This is Goeller’s suggestion. Arnold considers the passage as corrupt: but that the general sense of it is, that the matter of the beast for sacrifice alleged by the Argives to be due to the temple of Apollo Pythæus from the Epidaurians (see ch. 53), should be decided by the oath of the Epidaurians, whether they believed it to be due or not. As to the custom amongst the ancients of purging themselves by their oath, besides the examples cited by Arnold there is one in Homer, Iliad ψ. 580.]
[3 ][This clause is aimed at the Athenians, as the preceding one at the Mantineans and Eleians.]
[4 ][“And having shown these to their confederates, let them make composition if they will”. Goeller.]
[1 ][“And if any thing else shall seem good to the allies, let them send it home (to the Spartans and Argives)”. Goell. See the same precaution, ch. 41. The purport of this obscure passage seems to be, that the treaty was to be communicated to the allies of each, but not to depend on their sanction. Thirl.]
[2 ][“Let the other cities in Peloponnesus be partakers of the treaty and alliance, retaining their own laws and institutions and their own territory, giving equal and like trials of judgments (καττὰ πάτρια) according to the customs of their ancestors”. Bekker &c.: κοινανεόντων. Vulgo, κοινᾶν ἐόντων.]
[1 ][“And now managing their affairs in common, they voted to receive no herald or embassy from the Athenians, till” &c.]
[1 ][He was eighth in descent from Temenus of Argos, the founder of the family of the Temenidæ, the kings of Macedonia.]
[2 ][See ch. 75.]
[3 ]Which they had the leading of in Arcadia. [That is, over the Parrhasians and others: see ch. 33, 67. A leading maxim of Spartan policy, not less perseveringly followed up than the subversion of the tyrants, was to keep Peloponnesus divided amongst the greatest possible number of independent states: this, in the mistaken expectation that the aristocratical party would thereby become predominant in Peloponnesus, was her object in the peace of Antalcidas (387). As to Arcadia in particular, nothing was so much to be dreaded by her as its becoming united, and thereby independent and powerful: as it would thereby lie in its power at any time to cut her off from all intercourse with the north of Greece. This it was that suggested to the Thebans the founding of Megalopolis: a plan executed by Epaminondas after the battle of Leuctra, and followed a year or two later by the still more deadly blow to Sparta, the founding of Messene.]
[1 ][The Dians. See ch. 35.]
[2 ][The Gymnopædia, a festival in which large choruses of naked men and boys appeared, said to owe its institution to the famous battle of the 300 (see ch. 41, note): of which Mueller observes (i. 7. 16.), that the story is the more fabulous, for being celebrated in sacred songs at the Gymnopædia. The story was not yet a century and a half old.]
[1 ][“Both from those of the Lacedæmonian faction in the city, and from the Argives who had been driven out”. Goell. Hobbes has followed Portus in turning ἀγγέλων into Ἀργείων, and leaving out the latter word after καὶ τῶν ἔξω.]
[2 ][“Were privy to this their building”.]
[3 ][The Peloponnesian population being agricultural, and knowing little of these handicrafts, were less skilful than the Athenian workmen. Arnold.]
[1 ][This is according to the translation of Portus: considered by Goeller to be correct as to the sense, though departing from the text, which is corrupt. Haack also proposes to read ἐν μακεδονίᾳ.]
[2 ][That is, from his undertaking: “by his tergiversation”. Göll.]
[1 ][Herod. viii. 48. The Minyans, the posterity of the Argonauts settled at Lemnos, were driven thence by the Pelasgians, whom the Bœotians had forced to take shelter in Attica, whence they were for some cause again compelled to seek a fresh home. These Minyans, according to Herodotus (iv. 148), took refuge in Laconia: and having in the third generation revolted against the Dorians, migrated in consequence from Laconia to Crete, accompanied by some Spartans. In their passage they left a portion of their body in Melos; which dated its unfortunate connexion with Sparta from this epoch. Thirl. ch. 7. For the date of its foundation, see chap. 112.]
[1 ][κρίνετε: “decide”, or, “form your opinion upon every &c”.]
[2 ][“If, as is likely, we shall be superior in the argument in point of right and justice, and therefore yield not, will bring” &c.]
[1 ][“But agreeably to what we both of us really think, (to the real sentiments of both), we would have you think of getting what you can, (not what you may have a right to): both of us knowing, that in human disputation justice is then only considered, when strength is equal; whereas” &c. Arn. Goell.]
[2 ][“We then consider it at any rate profitable to you, (for to that, you having thus placed for discussion the point of profit in the place of that of justice, must we address ourselves), not to trample on that which is for the good of all men, but as mortals, ever in danger of stumbling, to place justice in moderation, which has before now convinced many a one, that he has been a gainer by remaining somewhat within his strict right”. Göl.—“To place justice in moderation, and to any one that can satisfy his hearers with somewhat within the limits of strict justice, to let him have the benefit of it”. Arn.—Bekker &c., ἐντὸς: vulgo, ἐκτός.]
[1 ][“But we have not now to do with the Lacedæmonians, but to see whether the subject is to set upon and get the better of those that once commanded him”. Bekker, &c. Goeller agrees with Hobbes.—With respect to the sentiment “we fear not the sequel”; Thucydides probably was a witness of the politic moderation of the Lacedæmonians, which at the end of the war saved Athens from the doom awarded to her by Corinth and Thebes: see ch. 50, note, and iii. 68, note.]
[2 ][“To advantage our own dominion”.]
[1 ][“And that they remain free by their own strength, and that we through fear do not meddle with them.”]
[2 ][“Unless you that are islanders, and weaker than the rest, shall get the better of the masters of the sea”. This is apparently the sense, but the grammatical construction of the words is by Arnold pronounced to be desperate.]
[3 ][“But do you not think there is security in it?”—That is, in not trying to subdue those from whom you have no right to claim obedience. Schol.]
[1 ][“Assuredly then, if you &c., it would be in us” &c.]
[2 ][“Is sometimes more uncertain or unexpected”. Goell.]
[1 ][That is, their all.]
[2 ][“But with those that are making a cast for their all, (for &c.), though it be known for treacherous, and whilst one knowing it might be on his guard against it, it still does not desert them”.—That is, they next put hope in chance. Goell.]
[1 ][“For neither have we any opinions of right and wrong, nor do we aught, at variance with the belief of men in what concerns the gods, or to their will in what concerns themselves. For of the gods we believe, and of man we know for certain, that by a natural necessity wherever they are the stronger, there they will reign”.]
[1 ][“But we, for this very same way of thinking of theirs, do now especially trust to their interest, that they will not betray &c., and thereby become untrustworthy to such of the Grecians” &c.]
[2 ][“We think that they will consider dangers undergone for us, less hazardous than those undergone for others, by how much the nearer for action we lie to Peloponnesus” &c. Goell.]
[3 ][“Of those that call others to their aid”.]
[1 ][“But about what comes nearer home to you, your confederacy and your own territory”. Bekk. Arn.]
[2 ][“You may some day come, by experience of these things (the invasions of Attica by the Peloponnesians), to know that the Athenians never gave over” &c. Goeller.]
[3 ][“For you will hardly betake yourselves to that false shame, which in dangers leading to manifest destruction, and therefore disgraceful to incur, has been the ruin of many men”. Goell.]
[1 ][“Will not” &c.]
[2 ][“Which is your only country, and is to be happy” &c. Such is the sense of this corrupt passage.]
[3 ][“Having determined on the same answer as they had already made”. These Melians were not the government, and decreed nothing.]
[4 ][“Of men and of the Lacedæmonians”.]
[1 ][“Making a treaty of peace, such as” &c.
[2 ][That is, “an inroad”.]
[3 ][“Did not even then war”.]
[1 ][“By proclamation.”]
[2 ][Hoc vix intelligi potest de foro urbis Meliorum. Puto designari forum rerum venalium in munitionibus Atheniensium, et locum ubi asservabatur frumentum, et alia ad usus militum qui urbem obsidebant. Id indicant ea, quæ mox de frumento et aliis rebus a Meliis raptis Thucydides dicit. Duk.—De foris militaribus vid. i. 62, iii. 6. Goell.]
[3 ][“And other provision as much as they wanted”. Bekker &c., χρήσιμα: vulgo, χρήμασιν.]
[1 ][It would seem from the threats put into the mouth of the Athenian speaker (see ch. 93, 111), that the same decree which ordered the expedition, had also fixed the punishment to be inflicted on the Melians if they resisted: as had been done in the case of Scione. The guilt of proposing, or at any rate of supporting the decree, is laid to the charge of Alcibiades. Thirl. ch. 24.—The foregoing dialogue has been the subject of much comment, which would perhaps have been spared, had more attention been given to its scope and object. The Athenians supposing, truly or falsely, that the independence of the Melians endangered their empire by encouraging revolt amongst their allies, prepared to subdue them: but resolved first to try the effect of an embassy to persuade them to surrender without a struggle. The ambassadors were not admitted to speak before the popular assembly: and thus shut out from all opportunity of either sowing dissension or of appealing to the passions of their audience, they found themselves reduced to the sober arguments of expediency. The attempt of the Melians to draw them on to the ground of justice, whereon their own triumph was certain, is met by the declaration of the ambassadors that they do not come there to argue that question, but to deliberate only on what was for the interest of both parties. The Melians accordingly proceed to argue, that it is not for the interest of the Athenians to outrage public feeling by the unprovoked invasion of an independent state: and if there they have the best of the argument, they are unable, on the other hand, to find any satisfactory answer to the question, “where lies your hope of safety”. There is in this an open avowal of the real motives, by which nations universally, and individuals for the most part, are governed in their dealings with each other: stripped indeed of the ordinary disguise of the conventional language of right and justice, in which those motives are usually enveloped. But so far as Thucydides is concerned, it is difficult to say what were the arguments really used on this occasion, if these were not they. As to the Athenians, they were probably as much mistaken in the policy even of the invasion itself, as they most certainly were in the revolting effusion of blood that followed: which could tend to no other end than to defeat their own object, the security of their empire; as they found to their cost at the termination of the Sicilian expedition. And those that would desire to know what mankind might possibly have become under a decided and permanent ascendancy of the Hellenic race, must lament to see both Sparta and Athens exhibit such a total lack of the art “regere imperio populos”, as to leave that race without a hope.]