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motion in convention of virginia1

v. s. a.

[Mar. 24, 1775.]

Ordered that certain paragraphs in the public papers, said to have been the votes of the house of representatives of New York be read.2

The house of Convention taking into their consideration that the said province of New York did by their delegates in General Congress solemnly accede to the compact of Association there formed for the preservation of American rights, that a defection from such their compact would be a perfidy too atrocious to be charged on a sister colony but on the most authentic information, and also doubting whether from some radical defect in the constitution of that government the sense of their house of representatives on questions of this nature should be considered as the sense of the people in general, come to the following resolution:

Resolved that it be an instruction to the committee of correspondence for this colony that they procure authentic information from the committee of correspondence for the province of New York or otherwise; Whether their house of representatives by any vote or votes whatsoever have deserted the Union with the other American Colonies formed in General congress for the preservation of their just rights; Whether the other Colonies are to consider such vote or votes as declaring truly the sense of the people of their province in general, and as forming a rule for their future conduct; And if they are not so to be considered that then they inform us by their names and other sufficient descriptions, of the individuals who may have concurred in such vote, or votes: and that the said committee lay such their information before the next convention or assembly.

draft of a resolution of the virginia convention1

v. s. a.

His Excellency the Governor having by proclamation bearing date the 21st day of March2 in the present year declared that his majesty hath given orders that all vacant lands within this colony shall be put up in lot to public sale and that the highest bidder for such lots shall be the purchaser thereof, and shall hold the same subject to a reservation of one-penny sterling per acre by way of annual quit rent and all mines of gold, silver, and precious stones; which terms are an innovation on the established usage of granting lands within this colony; Resolved that a committee be appointed to enquire whether his majesty may of right advance the terms of granting lands in this colony, and make report thereof to the next General assembly or Convention. And that in the mean time it be recommended to all persons whatever to forbear purchasing or accepting grants of lands on the conditions aforementioned; and that be appointed to be of the said Committee.

to dr. william small1

May 7, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an action of considerable magnitude, between the King’s troops and our brethren of Boston, in which it is said five hundred of the former, with the Earl of Percy, are slain.2 That such an action has occurred, is undoubted, though perhaps the circumstances may not have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off our last hope of reconciliation, and a phrensy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people. It is a lamentable circumstance, that the only mediatory power, acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation of his divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing, in every speech and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate into acquiescence, but the effect has been most unfortunately otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people here were in a state, in which they were more likely to be provoked, than frightened, by haughty deportment. And to fill up the measure of irritation, a proscription of individuals has been substituted in the room of just trial. Can it be believed, that a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned to execution, whose sole crime has been the developing and asserting their rights? Had the Parliament possessed the power of reflection, they would have avoided a measure as impotent, as it was inflammatory. When I saw Lord Chatham’s bill, I entertained high hope that a reconciliation could have been brought about. The difference between his terms, and those offered by our Congress, might have been accommodated, if entered on, by both parties, with a disposition to accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men, who have made sale of their virtue to the Minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity! But I am getting into politics, though I sat down only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and express my constant wishes for your happiness.

address to governor dunmore from the house of burgesses1

Monday, June 12, 15 Geo. III., 1775.

My Lord:

—We, His majesty’s dutiful and loyal subjects, the Burgesses of Virginia, now met in General Assembly, have taken into our consideration the joint Address of the two Houses of Parliament, His Majesty’s Answer, and the Resolution of the Commons, which your Lordship has been pleased to lay before us. Wishing nothing so sincerely as the perpetual continuance of that brotherly love which we bear to our fellow-subjects of Great Britain, and still continuing to hope and believe that they do not approve the measures which have so long oppressed their brethren in America, we were pleased to receive your Lordship’s notification, that a benevolent tender had at length been made by the British House of Commons towards bringing to a good end our unhappy disputes with the Mother Country. Next to the possession of liberty, my Lord, we should consider such a reconcilliation as the greatest of all human blessings. With these dispositions we entered into the consideration of that Resolution; we examined it minutely; we viewed it in every point of light in which we were able to place it; and, with pain and disappointment, we must ultimately declare it only changes the form of oppression, without lightening its burden. We cannot, my Lord, close with the terms of that Resolution, for these reasons:

Because the British Parliament has no right to intermeddle with the support of civil Government in the Colonies. For us, not for them, has Government been instituted here. Agreeable to our ideas, provision has been made for such officers as we think necessary for the administration of publick affairs; and we cannot conceive that any other legislature has a right to prescribe either the number or pecuniary appointments of our offices. As a proof that the claim of Parliament to interfere in the necessary provisions for the support of civil Government is novel, and of a late date, we take leave to refer to an Act of our Assembly, passed so long since as the thirty second year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, “An Act for raising a publick revenue, and for the better support of the Government of His Majesty’s Colony of Virginia.” This act was brought over by Lord Culpeper, then Governour, under the great seal of England, and was enacted in the name of the “King’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the consent of the General Assembly.”

Because to render perpetual our exemption from an unjust taxation, we must saddle ourselves with a perpetual tax, adequate to the expectations, and subject to the disposal of Parliament alone; Whereas we have a right to give our money, as the Parliament do theirs, without coercion, from time to time, as publick exigences may require. We conceive that we alone are the judges of the condition, circumstances, and situation of our people, as the Parliament are of theirs. It is not merely the mode of raising, but the freedom of granting our money, for which we have contended. Without this, we possess no check on the royal prerogative; and what must be lamented by dutiful and loyal subjects, we should be stripped of the only means, as well of recommending this country to the favours of our most gracious Sovereign, as of strengthening those bands of amity with our fellow-subjects, which we would wish to remain indissoluble.

Because on our undertaking to grant money, as is proposed, the Commons only resolve to forbear levying pecuniary taxes on us, still leaving unrepealed their several Acts passed for the purposes of restraining the Trade, and altering the form of Government of the Eastern Colonies; extending the boundaries, and changing the Government and Religion of Quebeck; enlarging the jurisdiction of the Courts of Admiralty; taking from us the right of Trial by Jury, and transporting us into other countries to be tried for criminal offences. Standing Armies, too, are still to be kept among us, and the other numerous grievances, of which ourselves and sister Colonies, separately and by our Representatives in General Congress, have so often complained, are still to continue without redress.

Because at the very time of requiring from us grants of money, they are making disposition to invade us with large armaments by sea and land, which is a style of asking gifts not reconcilable to our freedom. They are also proceeding to a repetition of injury, by passing Acts for restraining the Commerce and Fisheries of the Provinces of New England, and for prohibiting the Trade of the other Colonies with all parts of the world, except the Island of Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies. This seems to bespeak no intention to discontinue the exercise of this usurped power over us in future.

Because on our agreeing to contribute our proportion towards the common defence, they do not propose to lay open to us a free trade with all the world: whereas, to us it appears just that those who bear equally the burdens of Government should equally participate of its benefits; either be contented with the monopoly of our trade, which brings greater loss to us and benefit to them than the amount of our proportional contributions to the common defence; or, if the latter be preferred, relinquish the former, and do not propose, by holding both, to exact from us double contributions. Yet we would remind Government, that on former emergencies, when called upon as a free people, however cramped by this monopoly in our resources of wealth, we have liberally contributed to the common defence. Be assured, then, that we shall be as generous in future as in past times, disclaiming the shackles of proportion when called to our free station in the general system of the empire.

Because the proposition now made to us involves the interests of all the other Colonies. We are now represented in General Congress by members approved by this House, where the former union, it is hoped, will be so strongly cemented, that no partial applications can produce the slightest departure from the common cause. We consider ourselves as bound in honour, as well as interest, to share one general fate with our sister Colonies; and should hold ourselves base deserters of that union to which we have acceded, were we to agree on any measures distinct and apart from them.

There was, indeed, a plan of accommodation offered in Parliament, which, though not entirely equal to the terms we had a right to ask, yet differed but in few points from what the General Congress had held out. Had Parliament been disposed sincerely, as we are, to bring about a reconciliation, reasonable men had hoped, that by meeting us on this ground, something might have been done. Lord Chatham’s Bill, on the one part, and the terms of Congress on the other, would have formed a basis for negotiations, which a spirit of accommodation on both sides might, perhaps, have reconciled. It came recommended, too, from one whose successful experience in the art of Government should have insured it some attention from those to whom it was intended. He had shown to the world, that Great Britain, with her Colonies united firmly under a just and honest Government, formed a power which might bid defiance to the most potent enemies. With a change of Ministers, however, a total change of measures took place. The component parts of the Empire have, from that moment, been falling asunder, and a total annihilation of its weight in the political scale of the world, seems justly to be apprehended.

These, my Lord, are our sentiments on this important subject, which we offer only as an individual part of the whole Empire. Final determination we leave to the General Congress, now sitting, before whom we shall lay the papers your Lordship has communicated to us. To their wisdom we commit the improvement of this important advance; if it can be wrought into any good, we were assured they will do it. To them, also, we refer the discovery of that proper method of representing our well-founded grievances, which your Lordship assures us will meet with the attention and regard so justly due to them. For ourselves, we have exhausted every mode of application which our invention could suggest as proper and promising. We have decently remonstrated with Parliament: they have added new injuries to the old. We have wearied our King with applications: he has not deigned to answer us. We have appealed to the native honour and justice of the British Nation. Their efforts in our favour have been hitherto ineffectual. What, then, remains to be done? That we commit our injuries to the evenhanded justice of the Being who doth no wrong, earnestly beseeching him to illuminate the counsels, and prosper the endeavours of those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that through their wise direction we may again see reunited the blessings of liberty, property, and harmony with Great Britain.

to francis eppes1

Philadelphia, June 26th, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—You will before this have heard that the war is now heartily entered into, without a prospect of accommodation but through the effectual interposition of arms. General Gage has received considerable reinforcements, though not to the whole amount of what was expected. There has lately been an action at the outlet of the town of Boston.2 The particulars we have not yet been able to get with certainty. The event, however, was considerable in our favor as to the numbers killed. Our account says we had between 40 and 70 killed and 140 wounded. The enemy has certainly 500 wounded and the same account supposes that number killed; but judging from the proportion of wounded and slain on our part, they should not have perhaps above two hundred killed. This happened on Saturday, and on Monday, when the express came away, the provincials had begun to make another attack. Washington set out from here on Friday last as generalissimo of all the provincial troops in North America. Ward and Lee were appointed major-generals and Gates adjutant. We are exceedingly anxious till we hear of their arrival at Boston, as it is evident to every one that the provincial encampment is the most injudicious that can possibly be conceived. For the sole purpose of covering two small towns near Boston they have encamped so near the line of the ministerial army that the sentries may converse. Gage, too, being well fortified, is in little danger of an attack from them; while their situation is such that he may attack them when he pleases, and if he is unsuccessful, they cannot pursue him a foot scarcely, on account of the ships and floating batteries bearing on the Neck of Boston. If no evil arises from this till General Washington arrives, we may expect to hear of his withdrawing the provincial troops to a greater distance. The Congress have directed 20,000 men to be raised, and hope by a vigorous campaign to dispose our enemies to treaty. Governor Carleton has been spiriting up the Canadian Indians to fall on our back settlements; but this we hope will be prevented. Governor Skeene, appointed to take charge of the fortresses on the lakes, was intercepted here, as we had already taken possession of those fortifications and provided a governor, there was no occasion for him to proceed. He is now, therefore, our prisoner. My best affections attend Mrs. Eppes and family.

to francis eppes1

Philadelphia, July 4th, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—Since my last, nothing new has happened. Our accounts of the battle of Charleston have become clear, and greatly to our satisfaction. Contrary to what usually happens, the first account were below truth; and it is now certain that the regulars have had between 1200 and 1400 killed and wounded in that engagement, and that of these 500 were killed. Major Pitcairn is among the slain, at which everybody rejoices, as he was the commanding officer at Lexington, was the first who fired his own piece there and gave the command to fire. Among those was a Doctor Warren, a man who seems to have been immensely valued at the North. The New-Englanders are fitting out light vessels of war, by which it is hoped we shall not only clear the seas and bays here of everything below the size of a ship of war, but that they will visit the coasts of Europe and distress the British trade in every part of the world. The adventurous genius and intrepidity of those people is amazing. They are now intent on burning Boston as a hive which gives cover to regulars; and none are more bent upon it than the very people who came out of it and whose prosperity lies there. This however, if done at all, it is thought better to defer till the cold season is coming on, as it would then lay them under irremediable distress. Powder seems now to be our only difficulty, and towards getting plenty of that nothing is wanting but saltpetre. If we can weather out this campaign, I hope that we shall be able to have a plenty made for another. Nothing is requisite but to set about it, as every colony has materials, but more especially Virginia and Maryland. My compliments most affectionately to Mrs. Eppes. Mr. and Mrs. Skipwith, I expect, have left you. Adieu.

drafts of declaration on taking up arms1

[July 6, 1775.]

first draft

The large advances strides of late taken by the legislature of Great Britain towards establishing in over these colonies their absolute rule, and the hardiness of their present attempt to effect by force of arms what by law or right they could never effect, renders it necessary for us also to shift change the ground of opposition and to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. And as it behoves those who are called to this great decision to be assured that their cause is approved before supreme reason, so is it of great avail that its justice be made known to the world whose prayers cannot be wanting intercessions affections will ever be favorable to a people take part with those encountring oppression. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Gr. Britn harassed having there vainly long endeavored to bear up against the evils of misrule, left their native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil & religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, with to the loss ruin of their fortune, with the relinquishment of everything quiet & comfortable in life, they effected settlements in the inhospitable wilds of America; they there established civil societies under with various forms of constitution, but possessing all, what is inherent in all, the full & perfect powers of legislation. To continue their connection with the those friends whom they had left & loved but they arranged themselves by charters of compact under the same one common king who became the thro’ whom who thus became the link uniting of union between the several union was ensured to them multiplied parts of the empire. Some occasional assumptions of power by the parl. of Gr. Brit. however foreign & unknown to unacknowledged by the constitutions we had formed of our governments were finally acquiesced in thro’ the warmth of affection. Proceeding thus in the fullness of mutual harmony & confidence both parts of the empire encreased in population and wealth with a rapidity unknown in the history of man. The various soils political institutions of America, its various climes soils & climates opening sure certain resource to the unfortunate & to the enterprising of all every countrys where and ensured to them the acquisition and full possession of property. Great Britain too acquired a lustre & a weight in the political system among the powers of the world earth which it is thought her internal resources could never have given her. To the a communication of the wealth & the power of the several parts of the whole every part of the empire we may surely ascribe in some measure surely ascribe the illustrious character she sustained thro’ her last European war and its successful event. At the close of that war however Gr. Britain having subdued all her foes she took up the unfortunate idea of subduing her friends also. Her parliament then for the first time asserted a right of unbounded legislation for over the colonies of America: by several acts passed in the year of the 5th the 6th & the 7th & the 8th years of the reign of his present majesty several duties were imposed for the purpose of raising a evenue on the said colonists, the powers of courts of admiralty were extended beyond their antient and the inestimable right of being tried in all cases civil trial by twelve peers of our vicinage was taken away in places affecting both life & property. By part of an act passed in the 12th year of the present reign an American colonist charged with the offenses described in that act may be transported beyond sea for trial of such offenses by the very persons against whose pretended sovereignty the supposed offense is supposed to be committed and pursuing with eagerness the newly assumed thought have in the space of 10 years during which they have exercisd yt right have made given such decisive severe specimens of the spirit [Editor: illegible word] this new legislation would be exercised conducted [[Editor: illegible word towards the establishment of absolute government over us as leaves no room to doubt the consequence of our further acquiescence under it by two those two other acts passed in the 14th of his present majesty they have assumed a right of altering the form of our governments altogether, and of thereby taking away every security for the possession of life and property.

]]

By several acts of parliament passed in the reign of his present majesty within that period space of time they have imposed upon us duties for the purpose of raising a revenue attempted to take from us our money without our consent, they have taken away the interdicted all commerce first of of one of our principal trading towns thereby annihilating its property in the hands of the holders, & more lately they have cut off our the commercial intercourse with all of several of these of whole colonies with all foreign countries whatsoever; they have extended the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond their antient limits thereby depriving us right of trial by jury in cases affecting both life & property & subjecting both to the decision arbitrary decision of a single & dependent judge; they have declared that American subjects committing charged with certain pretended offences shall be transported beyond sea fortrial to be tried before the very persons against whose pretended sovereignty offenses supposed to be committed; they have attempted fundamentally to alter the form of government in one of these colonies, a form established by acts of its own legislature and further secured to them by charters of compact with & grants from on the part of the crown; they have erected a tyranny in a neighbouring province acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain & America, a tyranny dangerous to the very existence of all these colonies. But why should we enumerate their injuries in the detail? By one act they have suspended the powers of one American legislature & by another they have declared they may legislate for us themselves in all cases whatsoever. These two acts alone form a basis broad enough whereon to erect a despotism of unlimited extent, when it is considered that the person by whom these acts are passed are not with us subject to their [[Editor: illegible word and what is to prevent secure us against the demolition of our present & establishment of new & despotie government? this dreaded evil? The persons who assuming the power of doing this are not chosen by ourselves us, are not subject to us our controul from us are themselves freed the exempted by their situation from the operation of these laws they thus pass, and remove from themselves as much burthens as they impose on us. lighten their own burthens in proportion as they encrease ours. These temptations might put to trial the severest characters of antient virtue: with what new armour shall a British parliament then encounter the rude assault? Towards these deadly injuries from the tender plant of liberty which we have brought over & with so much affection we have planted and have fostered on these our own shores we have pursued every lawful measure. We have supplicated our king at various times in terms almost disgraceful to freedom; we have reasoned, we have remonstrated with parliament in the most mild & decent language; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with them altogether as to the last peaceable admonition of our determination to be free by breaking of altogether our commercial intercourse with them break off our commercial intercourse with them our fellow subjects as the last peaceable admonition that our attachment to no nation on earth should supplant our attachment to liberty: and here we had well hoped was the ultimate step of the controversy. But subsequent events have shewn how vain was even this last remain of confidence in the moderation of the British ministry. During the course of the last year they their troops in a hostile manner invested the town of Boston in the province of Massachusetts bay, from that time have held the same beleaguered by sea & land. On the 19th day of April last in the present year they made an unprovoked attack assault on the inhabitants of the sd province at the town of Lexington, killed, murdered eight of them on the spot and wounded many others. From thence they proceeded in the same warlike all the array manner of war to the town of Concord where they attacked set upon another party of the inhabitants of the sd same province killing many of them also burning their houses & laying waste their property & continuing these depredations until repressed by the arms of the people assembled to oppose this hostile unprovoked cruel [[Editor: illegible word]] aggression on their lives & properties. Hostilities being thus commenced on the part of the British Ministerial troops army they have been since without respite by them pursued the same by their without regard to faith or to fame. The inhabitants of the said town of Boston having entered into treaty with a certain Thomas Gage said to be commander of these troops and who has actually been a principal actor in the siege of the town of Boston, proffered to the inhabitants of the sd town a liberty to depart from the same on principal & encourager of these in chief of adverse enormities violence enormities it was stipulated that the sd inhabitants having first deposited their arms and Editor: illegible word with their own magistrates their arms & military stores should have free liberty to depart out of the same from out of the sd town taking with them their other goods and other effects. Their arms & military stores were they accordingly delivered into their magistrates, & claimed the stipulated license of departing with their effects. But in open violation of plighted faith & honour, in defiance of those that the sacred laws of nations obligations of treaty which even the savage nations observe, their arms & warlike stores deposited with their own magistrates to be kept preserved as their property were immediately seized by a body of armed men under orders from the sd Thomas Gage, the greater part of the inhabitants were detained in the town & the few permitted to depart were compelled to leave their most valuable effects goods behind. We leave to the world their to its own reflections on this atrocious perfidy. The same Thos Gage on the 18th day of June That we might no longer be in doubt the ultimate purpose object aim of these Ministerial maneuvres, the same Thos Gage by proclamn bearing date the 12 day of June by after reciting the most abandoned grossest falsehoods & calumnies against the good people of America these colonies proceeds to declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels & traitors, to supersede by his own authority the common law of the land of the sd province and to proclaim & order instead thereof the use & exercise of the law martial throughout the sd province. This bloody edict issued, he has proceeded to commit further ravages & murders in the same province burning the town of Charlestown, & attacking & killing great numbers of the people residing or assembling therein; and is now going on in an avowed course of murder & devastation taking every occasion to destroying the lives & properties of the inhabitants of the said province.

]]

To oppose their his arms we have also taken up arms. We should be wanting to ourselves, we should be wanting perfidious to our posterity, we should be unworthy that free ancestry from which both they & we are derived one common birth, whom we derive our birth descent, were we to suffer ourselves to be butchered, and our properties to be laid waste should we submit with folded arms to military butchery & depredation to gratify the lordly ambition of any nation on earth and or sate the avarice of a British ministry. We do then most solemnly before in the presence of before God & the world declare, that, regardless of every consequence at the risk of every distress, the arms we have been compelled to assume we will wage with bitter perseverance, exerting to their utmost energies all those powers with which our creator hath invested given us to guard preserve that sacred Liberty which He committed to us in sacred deposit, & to protect from every hostile hand our lives & our properties. But that this our declaration & our determined resolution may give no disquietude to not disquiet the minds of our good fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we do further declare and assure them that we mean not in any wise to affect that union with them in which we have so long & so happily lived & which we wish so much to see again restored: that necessity must be hard indeed which could may force upon us this desperate measure, or induce us to avail ourselves of any aid which their enemies of Great Britain might proffer. We took up arms to defend in defense of our persons & properties under actual violation: when that violence shall be removed, when hostilities shall cease on the ministerial part the ministerial party therefore shall cease be suspended hostilities on their part ministerial cease part of the oppression of hostilities they shall be suspended cease on our part also; the moment they withdraw their armies we shall disband ours. We did not embody &c1next to a vigourous exertion of our own internal force we throw ourselves towards the achievement of this happy event we call for we confide in on the good offices of our fellow subjects beyond the Atlantic. Of their friendly dispositions we confide we hope with justice reason can not yet cease to hope & assure them they are aware as they must be that they have nothing more to expect from the same common enemy than the humble favour of being last devoured.

second draft

A Declaration of by

We the representatives of the United colonies of America now sitting in General Congress, to all nations send greeting of setting forth the causes & necessity of their taking up arms.

The large strides of late taken by the legislature of Great Britain towards establishing over these colonies their absolute rule, and the hardiness of the present attempt to effect by force of arms what by law or right they could never effect, render it necessary for us also to change the ground of opposition, and to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. And it behooves those, who are called to this great decision, to be assured that their cause is approved before supreme reason; so is it of great avail that its justice be made known to the world, whose affections will ever take part with those encountering oppression. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great Britain, having long endeavored to bear up against the evils of misrule, left their native lands to seek on these shores a residence for civil & religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, with to the ruin of their fortunes, with the relinquishment of everything quiet & comfortable in life, they effected settlements in the inhospitable wilds of America; they and there established civil societies with various forms of constitution. But possessing all, what is inherent in all, the full and perfect powers of legislation. To continue their connection with the friends whom they had left, they arranged themselves by charters of compact under one the same common king, who thus completed their powers of full and perfect legislation and became the link of union between the several parts of the empire. Some occasional assumptions of power by the parliament of Great Britain, however unacknowledged by the constitution of our governments, were finally acquiesced in thro’ warmth of affection. Proceeding thus in the fullness of mutual harmony and confidence, both parts of the empire increased in population & wealth with a rapidity unknown in the history of man. The political institutions of America, its various soils and climates opened a certain resource to the unfortunate & to the enterprising of every country, and ensured to them the acquisition & free possession of property. Great Britain too acquired a lustre and a weight among the powers of the earth which her internal resources could never have given her. To a communication of the wealth and power of the whole every part of the empire we may surely ascribe in some measure the illustrious character she sustained through her last European war, & its successful event. At the close of that war however having subdued all her foes1 it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. The new ministry finding all the foes of Britain subdued she took up the unfortunate idea of subduing her friends also. By them2 & her parliament then for the first time asserted a right3 assumed a power of unbounded legislation over the colonies of America; and in the space course of ten years during which they have proceeded to exercise this right, have given such decisive specimens of the spirit of this new legislation, as leaves no room to doubt the consequence of acquiescence under it. By several acts of parliament passed within that space of time they have attempted to take from us undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent: a right of which we have ever had the exclusive exercise: they have interdicted all commerce to one of our principal towns, thereby annihilating its property in the hands of the holders; they have cut off the commercial intercourse of whole colonies with foreign countries; they have extended the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty beyond their antient limits; thereby they have depriving deprived us of the inestimable right privilege of trial by a jury of the vicinage in cases affecting both life & property; they have declared that American Subjects charged with certain offenses shall be transported beyond sea to be tried before the very persons against whose pretended sovereignty the offense is supposed to be committed; they have attempted fundamentally to alter the form of government in one of these colonies, a form established secured by charters on the part of the crown and confirmed by acts of its own legislature; and further secured by charters on the part of the crown; they have erected in a neighboring province acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain & America, a tyranny dangerous to the very existence of all these colonies. But why should we enumerate their injuries in the detail? By one act they have suspended the powers of one American legislature, & by another have declared they may legislate for us themselves in all cases whatsoever. These two acts alone form a basis broad enough whereon to erect a despotism of unlimited extent. And what is to secure us against this dreaded evil? The persons assuming these powers are not chosen by us, are not subject to our controul or influence, are exempted by their situation from the operation of these laws, and lighten their own burthens in proportion as they increase ours. These temptations might put to trial the severest characters of antient virtue: with what new armour then shall a British parliament encounter the rude assault? towards these deadly injuries from the tender plant of liberty which we have brought over, & with so much affection fostered on these our own shores, we have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure. We have supplicated our king at various times, in terms almost disgraceful to freedom; we have reasoned, we have remonstrated with parliament in the most mild & decent language; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects, as the last peaceful admonition that our attachment to no nation on earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. And here we had well hoped was the ultimate step of the controversy. But subsequent events have shewn how vain was even this last remain of confidence in the moderation of the British ministry.1 During the course of the last year their troops in a hostile manner invested the town of Boston in the province of Massachusetts bay, and from that time have held the same beleaguered by sea & land. On the 19th day of April in the present year they made an unprovoked attack assault on the inhabitants of the said province at the town of Lexington, murdered eight of them on the spot and wounded many others. From thence they proceeded in the all the array of war to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing many of them also, burning houses, & laying waste property, until repressed by the arms1 the people2 suddenly assembled to oppose this cruel aggression. Hostilities thus commenced on the part of the ministerial army have been since by them pursued without regard to faith or to fame. The inhabitants of the town of Boston in order to procure their enlargement having entered into treaty with a certain Thomas Gage General Gage their Governor principal instigator of these enormities3 it was stipulated that the said inhabitants,4 having first deposited their arms with their own magistrates their arms & military stores should have liberty to depart from out of the said town taking with them their other goods & effects. Their arms and military stores they accordingly delivered in, and claimed the stipulated license of departing with their effects. But in open violation of plighted faith & honour, in defiance of the sacred obligations of treaty which even savage nations observe, their arms and warlike stores, deposited with their own magistrates to be preserved as their property, were immediately seized by a body of armed men under orders from the said Thomas Gage General, the greater part of the inhabitants were detained in the town, and the few permitted to depart were compelled to leave their most valuable effects behind. We leave the world to their own its own reflections on this atrocious perfidy. That we might no longer doubt the ultimate aim of these ministerial maneuvers the same Thomas General Gage, by proclamation bearing date the 12th day of June, after reciting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels & traitors, to supersede by his own authority the exercise of the common law of the said province, and to proclaim and order instead thereof the use and exercise of the law martial. This bloody edict issued, he has proceeded to commit further ravages & murders in the same province, burning the town of Charlestown, attacking & killing great numbers of the people residing or assembled therein; and is now going on in an avowed course of murder & devastation, taking every occasion to destroy the lives & properties of the inhabitants of the said province. To oppose his arms we also have taken up arms. We should be wanting to ourselves, we should be perfidious to posterity, we should be unworthy that free ancestry from whom which we derive our descent, should we submit with folded arms to military butchery & depredation, to gratify the lordly ambition, or sate the avarice of a British ministry. We do then most solemnly, before God and the world declare that, regardless of every consequence, at the risk of every distress, the arms we have been compelled to assume we will wage use with the perseverance, exerting to their utmost energies all those powers which our creator hath given us, to guard preserve that liberty which he committed to us in sacred deposit & to protect from every hostile hand our1 lives & our properties. But that this our declaration may not disquiet the minds of our good fellow subjects2 in any parts of the empire, we do further assure them that we mean not in any wise to affect that union with them in which we have so long & so happily lived and which we wish so much to see again restored. That necessity must be hard indeed which may force upon us that desperate measure, or induce us to avail ourselves of any aid which their enemies might proffer. We did not embody a soldiery to commit aggression on them; we did not raise armies for glory or for conquest; we did not invade their island carrying death or slavery to its inhabitants. We took up arms in defence of our persons and properties under actual violation, we took up arms we have taken up arms when that violence shall be removed, when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, hostilities shall cease on our part also. The moment they withdraw their armies, we will disband ours. For the atchievement of this happy event, we call for & confide in the good offices of our fellow subjects beyond the Atlantic. Of their friendly dispositions we do not cease to hope; aware, as they must be, that they have nothing more to expect from the same common enemy, than the humble favour of being last devoured. And we devoutly implore assistance of Almighty God to conduct us happily thro’ this great conflict, to dispose the minds of his majesty, his ministers, & parliament to reasonable terms reconciliation with us on reasonable terms, & to deliver us from the evils of a civil war.

? If it might not be proper to take notice of Ld. Chatham’s Plan and its being [[Editor: illegible word mentioning his great abilities.

]]

? If it might not be proper to take notice how many great Men in Parlt. and how many considerable Cities and Towns in England, have acknowledged the Justice of our Cause.

? Ld. North’s Proposals.1

draft of report on lord north’s motion2

j. mss.

[July 25, 1775.]

The Congress proceeding to take into their consideration a resolution of the House of Commons of Gr Br referred to them by the several assemblies of New Jersey, Pnnsylva & Virga, which resoln is in these words “that it is the opinion &c” are of Opinion

That the colonies of America possess an the exclusive right privilege of giving & granting their own money; that this involves the right of deliberating whether they will give any sums make any gift, for what purposes they will give them it shall be made, and what shall be it’s the amount of the gift, and that it is a high breach of this privilege for any body of men, extraneous to their constitutions, to prescribe the purposes for which money shall be levied on them, & to take to themselves the authority of judging what shall be a sufficient levy of their conditions circumstances, & and situation, & of determining the sufficiency or insufficiency of any the levy proposed amount of the contribution to be levied.

That as they possess a right of appropriating their gifts, so are they entitled at all times to inquire into its their application; to see that it they be not distributed wasted among the venal & corrupt to sap for the purpose of sapping undermining their the civil rights of the givers, of overbearing them by with military force power by diverting them nor yet applied be diverted to the support of standing armies for the purpose of overbearing these states by military inconsistent with domestic quiet their freedom & subversive of their our quiet. To propose therefore as this resolution does that the monies given by the colonies shall be subject to the disposal of parliament alone, is to propose that they shall surrender give relinquish this right of enquiry; and to put it in the power of others to render their gifts ruinous in proportion as they are liberal.

That this privilege of giving or withholding our monies is an important barrier against in the undue exertion of prerogative, which if left altogether without controul might may be exercised to our great oppression; & that is also & all history shows it how efficacious its intercession for redress of grievances & reestablishment of rights and how improvident would be the surrender of so powerful a mediator.

We are further of opinion

That the proposition contained in this resolution is uncandid unequal unreasonable & insidious: uncandid unequal unreasonable because if we declare we accede to it we declare in absolute terms without reservation we will purchase the favour of parliament not without knowg not at the same time & leave the price of that purchase to be fixed by the sellers alone, at what price they will please to estimate their favour; it is insidious because a colony on refusal of any a proffered sum any individual colonies having bid & bidden again till it they finds the height of parliamentary avidity of the seller unattainable by all its their powers, are then to return into opposition single & unsupported divided from its their sister colonies having in the meantime been taken whom the minister shall will have previously imparted fully detached from the Union by acceptance a grant of easier terms, or deluded into inactivity by keeping up into a definite answer and by delayg of the definitive answer or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer.

That the suspension of the exercise of their pretended power to tax levy taxes of taxation being expressly made commensurate with the duration continuing of our gifts, in order these must be perpetual to make that so: and experience has invariably proven that to render a governing power perpetually independent it is not the best method of preserving the friendship & good offices of any part of government to render it independent by vesting it with perpetual revenues and whereas no experience has shewn that a gift of perpetual revenues secures a perpetual return of duty or of good kind dispositions. On the contrary the parliament itself with a wisdom we mean worthy to imitation cautiously wisely attentive to this circumstance observation are in the established practice of granting their own money but from year to year only.

We are of the opinion that even fair terms could hardly be accepted by us

Tho’ desirous & determined to consider in the most dispassionate light view every advance towards reconciliation made by the British parlmt. let our brethren of Britain reflect what could have been the sacrifice to men of free spirits had [il legible] even fair terms been proffered by freemen when attended as these were with the most irritating circumstances of insult & defiance with circumstances so insultive circumstances. A proposition to give our money, when accompanied with large fleets & armies. Addressed to our fears rather than to our freedom. Let Britons our brethren of Britain reflect with what patience they would they have received articles of treaty from any power on earth when sent by such messengers plenipotentiaries borne by on the point of the bayonet by the hands of military plenipotentiaries? on the point of a bayonet.

We think that the attempt alike unreasonable & unnecessary & unwarrantable to raise upon us by force or by threats our proportional contributions to the common defense, when all know, and themselves acknowledged we have ever freely & fully given those contributionsed whenever called upon to contribute in the character freemen should be is one among a plain proof, among many others that not the obtaining these but the rendering to their absolute dominion was not the ultimate end of Parliamentary object of parliament.

We are of opinion it is not just yt the colonies should make any be required to oblige themselves stipulate to other contributions while Great Britain possesses a monopoly of their trade. This is of does of itself lay them under a heavy contribution levied on them. To demand therefore another an additional contribution by way in the form of a tax is to demand the double of their equal proportion. We conceive no reason If we are to contribute proportionally equally with the other parts of the empire, let us equally with them enjoy like them equal rights of free commerce with the whole world. But while the restrictions on our trade shut up to us the resources of wealth we cannot bear it is it unjust we should be expected to bear all other burthens equally with those to whom under no restriction have every resource is open?

We conceive that the Brit. parl. has no right to intermeddle with our provisions for the support of civil governmt or administration of justice. That the provisions has been made in such manner as to we have already we have made are such as please ourselves, they answer the substantial purposes governmt & of justice, & other purposes than these should not be answered. We do not mean to burthen that our people shall be burthened with heavy & oppressive taxes to provide sinecures for the drones of creation ministerial partisans the idle or wicked under color of providing for a civil list. But while parliament pursue their unmolested their plan of civil govnt within their own jurisdiction we hope also to pursue ours also without molestation.

We are of opinion the proposition is altogether unsatisfactory, because the parliament it imports only a suspension, not a renunciation of the right to tax us; because too it is does not proposed to repeal the several acts of parl, passed for the purposes of restraining the trade and altering the form of government of the Eastern colonies; extending the boundaries, & changing the government & religion of Quebec; enlarging the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty & vice admiralty; taking from us the rights of trial by jury of the vicinage in cases affecting both life and property; exempting the murderers of colonists from legal trial transporting us into other countries to be tried for criminal offenses; exempting by mock-trial the murderers of colonists from punishment; and for quartering soldiers upon us in times of profound peace. Nor do they renounce the power of suspending our own legislatures & of legislating for us themselves in all cases whatsoever. So far indeed from repealing the injurious acts of parl. before mentioned they pass others at the same time equally injurious On the contrary to show they mean not to dis continue discontinuance of injuries injury at the very time of making this proposition they are passing acts at the very time of making holding out this proposition, for restraining the commerce & fisheries of the province of New England & for interdicting in general the trade of the other colonies with all foreign nations. This proof is proves unequivocally of what we may expect in the future they mean not discontinuance of to relinquish this usurpation the exercise of indiscriminate legislation over us.

Upon the whole

This proposition seems to have been held up to the world to deceive them it into a belief that the colonies are unreasonable there was no matter &c.1but and more particularly to lull into fatal security our well affected fellow subjects on that other side the water into a fatal security till time should be given for the operation of those arms which a British minister pronounced would instantaneously reduce the “cowardly” sons of America to unreserved submission. But when the world reflects how inadequate to justice are the vaunted terms offered, when it attends to the rapid & bold succession of injuries which for the space during a course of 11. years have been aimed at these colonies by a wicked administration, when it reviews the pacific & respectful applications complaints expostulations which during that whole time have been made the sole arms we oppose to their usurpations, them, when it considers observes that our complaints were either not heard at all, or were answered with new & accumulated injuries, when it considers recollects that the minister himself declared from the beginning on an former early occasion he would never cease [blank space in copy]2 till America was at his feet, & that an avowed partisan of ministry has more lately denounced against America the dreadful sentence “Delenda est Carthago,” that this was done in the presence of a British senate & being unreproved by them we must considered be taken to be as approved their own sentiment; when it considers the great armaments by sea & land with which they have invaded us by sea & land, & the circumstances of cruelty with which these have commenced & prosecuted hostilities; when these things we say are laid together & attentively considered, can the world be deceived by the artifices of a ministry into an opinion that we are unreasonable, or can it hesitate to believe with us that nothing but our own exertions can may defeat the ministerial sentence of death or submission.

to john randolph1

Monticello, August 25, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest. There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions contention is pleasing, and who, therefore, wish a continuance of confusion, but to me it is of all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second, a return of the happy period, when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the public stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease and tranquillity, banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes in the world. Perhaps (for the latter adds considerably to the warmth of the former wish), looking with fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what purpose I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small fraction, in which the body of the people took little part. This, you can inform them, of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative to America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded, this would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in Parliament who are called friends to America, seem to know nothing of our real determinations. I observe, they pronounced in the last Parliament, that the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in reserve, to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up everything but the article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the assertion. Their continuance in this error may, perhaps, produce very ill consequences The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity to render these, at some future time, as easy to America as the interests of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great Britain, disjointed from her colonies, be a match for the most potent nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign aid, which, perhaps, may not be attainable, but on condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be thought a hard condition, to those who still wish for re-union with their parent country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be in dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any other nation on earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislating for us, assumed by the British Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole Island in the ocean.

If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his disposition, it will, perhaps, be in your power, by assisting to do this, to render service to the whole empire, at the most critical time, certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original station in the political scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I expect, to communicate some things, consistently with your honor, and the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication among individuals, may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties. On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative points, you can only know they are my opinions. My best wishes for your felicity, attend you, wherever you go, and believe me to be assuredly, Your friend and servant.

to francis eppes1

Philadelphia, Oct. 10th, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—I wrote to Patty [Mrs. Jefferson] on my arrival here, and there being nothing new in the political way, I enclosed her letter under a blank cover to you. Since that we have received from England news of much importance which coming through many channels we believe may be confidently relied on. Both the ministerial and provincial accounts of the battle of Bunker’s Hill had got to England. The ministry were determined to push the war with vigor, a measure in which they were fixed by the defeat of the Spaniards by the Moors. Ninety brass cannon were embarked from the tower, and may be hourly expected either at N. York or Boston. Two thousand troops were to sail from Ireland about the 25th Sept.; these we have reason to believe are destined for N. York. Commodore Shuldam was to sail about the same time with a great number of frigates and small vessels of war, to be distributed among the middle colonies. He comes at the express and earnest intercessions of Ld. Dunmore, and the plan is to lay waste all the plantations on our river sides. Of this we give immediate notice to our Committee of Safety by an express whom we dispatched last Friday, that if any defence could be provided on the rivers by fortifications or small vessels it might be done immediately. In the spring, 10,000 men more are to come over. They are to be procured by taking away two-thirds of the garrison at Gibraltar (who are to be replaced by some Hessians) by 2,000 Highlanders and 5,000 Roman Catholics, whom they propose to raise in Ireland. Instead of Roman Catholics, however, some of our accounts say foreigners are to be sent. Their plan is this. They are to take possession of New York and Albany, keeping up a communication between them by means of their vessels. Between Albany and St. John’s, they propose also to keep open the communication, and again between St. John’s and Quebec, and Boston. By this means they expect Gage, Tryon, and Carleton may distress us on every side, acting in concert with one another. By means of Hudson’s River, they expect to cut off all correspondence between the northern and southern rivers. Gage was appointed Governor-General of all America; but Sir Jeffrey Amherst consented afterwards to come over, so that Gage is to be recalled; but it is believed Amherst will not come till the spring; in the meantime Howe will have the command. The coöperation of the Canadians is taken for granted in all the ministerial schemes. We hope, therefore, they will be dislocated by the events in that quarter. For an account of these I must refer you to Patty. My warmest affections attend Mrs. Eppes. Adieu.

to francis eppes1

Philadelphia, Oct. 24, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—Since my last, we have nothing new from England or from the camps at either Cambridge or St. John’s. Our eyes are turned to the latter place with no little anxiety, the weather having been uncommonly bad for troops in that quarter, exposed to the inclemencies of the sky without any protection. Carleton is retired to Quebec, and though it does not appear he has any intimation of Arnold’s expedition, yet we hear he has embodied 1,100 men to be on his guard. A small vessel was the other day cast away on the Jersey shore (she was one of the transports which had some time ago brought over troops to Boston) on board of which were a captain, with his subordinate officers and marines, amounting to 23 in all, and also a Duncan Campbell who was going to recruit men at New York for General Gage, he having some time before undertaken the same business in the same place, and actually carried off 60 men. The marines and their officers were all taken immediately, except their captain and the recruiting gentleman; these pushed off in a little boat, and coasted it to Long Island, where they got on board a sloop which was to have sailed in an hour, when the party sent after them came upon them. They were brought to this city this morning, the marines having been here some time. Our good old speaker died the night before last. For the particulars of that melancholy event I must refer you to Patty. My affections attend Mrs. Eppes. Adieu.

to john page1

Philadelphia, Oct. 31, 1775.

Dear Page,

—We have nothing new from England or the camp before Boston. By a private letter this day to a gentleman of Congress from General Montgomery we learn that our forces before St. John’s are 4,000 in number besides 500 Canadians, the latter of whom have repelled with great intrepidity three different attacks from the fort. We apprehend it will not hold out much longer as Monsr. St. Luc de la Corne and several other principal inhabitants of Montreal who have been our great enemies have offered to make terms. This St. Luc is a great Seigneur amongst the Canadians and almost absolute with the Indians, he has been our most bitter enemy, he is acknowledged to be the greatest of all scoundrels, to be assured of this I need only to mention to you that he is the ruffian who when during the late war Fort William Henry was surrendered to the French & Indians on condition of saving the lives of the garrison had every soul murdered in cold blood. The check which the Canadians received at first is now wearing off. They were made to believe we had an army of 15,000 men going there, but when they saw Montgomery with but 2,700 they were thunderstruck at the situation they had brought themselves into. However when they saw even this small armament march boldly to invest St. John’s & put a good face on the matter they revived, & the recruits since have contributed to inspirit them more.

I have set apart nearly one day in every week since I came here to write letters. Notwithstanding this I never had received the scrip of a pen from any mortal breathing. I should have excepted two lines from Mr. Pendleton to desire me to buy him 24 lb of wire from which I concluded he was alive. I speak not this for you from whom I would not wish to receive a letter till I know you can write one without injury to your health, but in future as I must be satisfied with information from my colleagues that my county still exists, so I am determined to be satisfied also with their epistolary communications of what passes within our knowledge. Adieu, Dear Page.

Delenda est Norfolk.1

to francis eppes2

Philadelphia, Nov. 7, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—We have no late intelligence here except of the surrender of Chambly, with 90 prisoners of war, 6½ tons of powder, 150 stands of arms, and some other small matters. The acquisition of this powder, we hope, has before this made us masters of St. John’s, on which Montreal and the upper parts of St. Lawrence will of course be ours. The fate of Arnold’s expedition we know not as yet. We have had some disagreeable accounts of internal commotions in South Carolina. I have never received the script of a pen from any mortal in Virginia since I left it, nor been able by any inquiries I could make to hear of my family. I had hoped that when Mrs. Byrd came I could have heard something of them; but she could tell me nothing about them. The suspense under which I am is too terrible to be endured. If anything has happened, for God’s sake let me know it. My best affections to Mrs. Eppes. Adieu.

to francis eppes1

Philadelphia, Nov. 21st, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—After sealing my last letter to you, we received an account of the capture of St. John’s which I wrote on the letter. What I then gave you was true account of the matter. We consider this as having determined the fate of Canada. A committee of Congress is gone to improve circumstances, so as to bring the Canadians into our Union. We have accounts of Arnold as late as October 13. All well and in fine spirits. We cannot help hoping him into possession of Quebec, as we know Carleton to be absent in the neighborhood of Montreal. Our armed vessels to the northward have taken some of the ships coming with provisions from Ireland to Boston. By the intercepted letters we have a confirmation that they will have an army of four or five and twenty thousands there by the spring, but they will be raw-teagues.1 3,000 are lately arrived there. I have written to Patty a proposition to keep yourselves at a distance from the alarms of Ld. Dunmore. To her, therefore, for want of time, I must refer to you, and shall hope to meet you as proposed. I am, dear Sir, with my best affections to Mrs. Eppes, your friend and servant.

to john randolph2

Philadelphia, November 29, 1775.

Dear Sir,

—I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of the death of our most worthy Speaker, which happened here on the 22d of the last month. He was struck with an apoplexy, and expired within five hours.

I have it in my power to acquaint you, that the success of our arms has corresponded with the justice of our cause. Chambly and St. John’s were taken some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular army in Canada, except about forty or fifty men. This day, certain intelligence has reached us, that our General, Montgomery, is received into Montreal; and we expect, every hour, to be informed that Quebec has opened its arms to Colonel Arnold, who, with eleven hundred men, was sent from Boston up the Kennebec, and down the Chaudière river to that place. He expected to be there early this month. Montreal acceded to us on the 13th, and Carlton set out, with the shattered remains of his little army, for Quebec, where we hope he will be taken up by Arnold. In a short time, we have reason to hope, the delegates of Canada will join us in Congress, and complete the American union, as far as we wish to have it completed. We hear that one of the British transports has arrived at Boston; the rest are beating off the coast, in very bad weather. You will have heard, before this reaches you, that Lord Dunmore has commenced hostilities in Virginia. That people bore with everything, till he attempted to burn the town of Hampton. They opposed and repelled him, with considerable loss on his side, and none on ours. It has raised our countrymen into a perfect phrensy. It is an immense misfortune, to the whole empire, to have a King of such a disposition at such a time. We are told, and everything proves it true, that he is the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies me that ignorance or wickedness, somewhere, controls him. In an earlier part of this contest, our petitions told him, that from our King there was but one appeal. The admonition was despised, and that appeal forced on us. To undo his empire, he has but one truth more to learn; that, after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one step more they can take. That step is now pressed upon us, by the measures adopted, as if they were afraid we would not take it. Believe me, dear Sir, there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain, than I do. But by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither inducement nor power, to declare and assert a separation. It is will, alone, which is wanting, and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our King. One bloody campaign will probably decide, everlastingly, our future course; and I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds and waters should not combine to rescue their shores from slavery, and General Howe’s reinforcements should arrive in safety, we have hopes he will be inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we must drub him soundly, before the sceptred tyrant will know we are not mere brutes, to crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod with which he designs to scourge us,

Yours, &c.

declaration concerning ethan allen1

j. mss.

[Dec. 2, 1775 ?]

A Declaration (or a letter to Howe) on Allen’s case.

When necessity compelled us to take up arms against Great Britain in defence of our just rights, we thought it a circumstance of some comfort that our enemy was brave and civilized. It is the happiness of modern times that the evils of necessary war are softened by the refinement of manners & sentiment and that an enemy is an object of vengeance, in arms, & in the field only. It is with pain we hear that Mr. Allen and eleven others taken with him while fighting bravely in their country’s cause, are sent to Britain in irons, to be punished for pretended treason; treasons too created by one of those very laws whose obligation we deny, and mean to contest by the sword. This question is will not to be decided by reeking vengeance on a few wretched helpless captives brave men who unfortunately but by subduing conquering vanquishing your enemies in the field of glory encounters of virtue atchieving success in the fields of war, by and gathering there those laurels which grow for the warrior brave alone. In this light we view the object between us, in this line we have hitherto conducted ourselves for its attainment. To those of your who bearing your arms have fallen into our hands we have extended afforded every comfort for which captivity will admit and misfortune call for enlargement upon parole has been admitted this they will do us the justice to testify. Enlargement & comfortable subsistence have been extended to both officers & men, trusting to the ties of honour & their bondage restraint is a bondage restraint of honour only. Should you think proper in these days to revive the antient barbarity of antient ages, barbarism and again disgrace our nature with the practice sacrifice the fortune of war has put it into our hands power subjects for multiplied retaliation. To them, to you, & to the world we declare they shall not be wretched unless their imprudence or your example shall oblige us to make them so; but we declare that their lives shall compel teach our enemies to respect the rights of nations. We have ordered Brigadr. General Prescot to be bound in irons & to be confined in close jail, there to experience sufferings similar to those corresponding miseries to those which shall be inflicted on Mr. Allen. His life shall answer for that life of Mr. Allen, & the lives of as many others for those sent with him of the brave men captivated with him. We deplore the event which shall oblige us to retaliate shed blood for blood, and shall resort to retaliation but as the means of stopping the progress of butchery. This it is a duty we owe to those engaged in support of our the cause of their country, to assure them that if any unlucky circumstance baffling the efforts of their bravery shall put them in the power of their enemies, their lives shall be warranted from sacrifice by the lives of the prisoners in our hands we will use the pledges in our hands to warrant their lives from sacrifice.

to john page1

[About Dec. 10th, 1775.]

De rebus novis, ita est. One of our armed vessels has taken an English store ship coming with all the implements of war (except powder) to Boston. She is worth about £30,000 sterling as General Washington informs us, & the stores are adapted to his wants as perfectly as if he had sent the invoice. They have also taken two small provision vessels from Ireland to Boston. A forty gun ship blew up the other day by accident in the harbor of Boston. Of a certainty the hand of God is upon them. Our last intelligence from Arnold to be relied on is by letter from him. He was then at Point Levy opposite Quebec & had a great number of canoes ready to cross the river. The Canadians received him with cordiality & the regular force in Quebec was too inconsiderable to give him any inquietude. A later report makes him in possession of Quebec, but this is not authenticated. Montgomery had proceeded in quest of Carleton & his small fleet of 11 pickeroons, then on Lake St. Francis. He had got below him & had batteries so planted as to prevent his passing. It is thought he cannot escape their vigilance. I hope Ld. Chatham may live till the fortune of war puts his son into our hands, & enables us by returning him safe to his father, to pay a debt of gratitude. I wish you would get into Convention & come here. Think of it. Accomplish it. Adieu.

The Congress have promoted Brigadier Genl. Montgomery to be a Major General, and on being assured that Arnold is in possession of Quebec it is probable he will be made a Brigadier General, one of those offices being vacant by Montgomery’s promotion. This march of Arnold’s is equal to Xenophon’s retreat. Be so good as to enquire for the box of books you lodged for me at Nelson’s & get them to a place of safety. Perhaps some oppty may offer of sending it to Richmond.

report to congress on congress committee1

c.c.

[December 15, 1775.]

The Committee appointed to consider and prepare instructions for a committee who are to sit during the recess of Congress have agreed to the following resolutions

Resolved that it is the opinion of this committee that the sd Committee during the Recess of Congress should be authorized & instructed

To receive and open letters directed to the Congress

To correspond with the several Conventions, Assemblies, or Committees of safety, with the Committee of Congress sent to Canada, the Commissioners for Indian affairs; and the Commanding officers of the Continental forces in the several departments

To give counsel to the sd commanding officers whenever applied to by them

To supply the Continental forces by sea and land with all necessaries from time to time

To expedite the striking monies ordered by the Congress to be struck

To transmit to the several Commanding officers, Paymasters & Commissaries from time to time such sums of money as may be necessary for the pay & subsistence of the Continental forces, and order paiment by the Treasurer for such contracts as they, the said committee, may make in pursuance of the authorities and instructions given them

To take charge of all military stores belonging to the United Colonies, to procure such further quantities as may probably be wanted, & to order any part thereof wheresoever it may be most requisite for the Common service.

To direct the safe keeping and comfortable accommodation of all Prisoners of War.

To contribute their counsel and authority towards raising recruits ordered by Congress

To procure intelligence of the condition and designs of the enemy.

To direct military operations by sea and land; not changing any objects or expedition determined on by Congress

To attend to the defence and preservation of forts and strong posts and to prevent the enemy from acquiring new holds

To apply to such officers in the several colonies as are entrusted with the executive powers of government for the occasional aid of Minute-men and militia whenever & wherever necessary

In case of the death of any officer within the appointment of Congress, to employ a person to fulfil his duties, until the meeting of Congress, unless the office be of such nature as to admit of a delay of appointment until such meeting

To examine public claims and accounts and report the same to the next Congress.

To publish and disperse authentic accounts of military operations.

To expedite the printing of the Journal of Congress as by them directed to be published

To summon a meeting of Congress at an earlier date than that to which it may stand adjourned, if any great and unexpected emergence shall render it necessary for the safety or good of the United colonies

And to lay before the Congress at their meeting all letters received by them with a report of their proceedings.

Resolved that the said Committee shall be authorized to appoint their own clerk who shall take an oath of secrecy before he enters on the exercise of his office.

Resolved that in case of the death of any member of the said Committee, they immediately apply to his surviving colleagues to appoint some one of themselves to be a member of the said Committee.

[1 ]Printed from the original in Jefferson’s handwriting. It was somewhat altered and lengthened before adoption by the Convention.

[2 ]This was evidently the vote declining to consider the proceedings of the Congress of 1774.

[1 ]This resolution is printed from the original in Jefferson’s handwriting. It was offered in the Convention, Mar. 27, 1775, and in pursuance of it, Henry, Bland, Jefferson, Nicholas, and Pendleton were appointed a committee, but seem to have done nothing concerning it. At the next session, on July 18th, a new committee was named, and on the arrival of Harrison, Henry, and Jefferson, on Aug. 9, they were added to this second committee, but it was equally fruitless of results. “One of the last acts of the Convention was dictated by a proclamation of the governor . . . declaring that the king had given orders that all vacant lands should be put up in lots at public sale. . . . It was an innovation on the established usage of granting lands within the Colony. Announced that revenue was to be hunted for in disregard of charters and ancient habits, and to be embraced in it minutest shapes. To attack this new head of the hydra of precedent, a committee was appointed of Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Thomas Jefferson, Robert Carter Nicholas, and Edmund Randolph, to inquire whether his majesty may of right advance the terms of granting lands in this colony, and to make report to the next General assembly or Convention. But this affair was lost in the subsequent events, and at any other time would probably have died away with those numerous thoughtless acquiences with which our history is strewed, in exercises of doubtful prerogative.”—Edmund Randolph’s (MS.) History of Virginia, ii., 35. [March 27, 1775.]

[2 ]Printed in Force’s Archives, 4th, ii., 174.

[1 ]From Randolph’s edition of Jefferson’s writings.

[2 ]The affairs at Lexington and Concord.

[1 ]From Force’s Archives, 4th, ii., 1204. The preparation of this address was referred by the House of Burgesses on June 10th to a committee consisting of “Mr. Cary, Mr. Treasurer (R. C. Nicholas), Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Mumford, Mr. Mercer, Mr. Jones, Mr. Digges, and Mr. Nelson.” It was reported on the 12th by Archibald Cary, and on its acceptance he was first named on the committee to present it to the Governor, both of which duties were usually assigned to the drafter. But Jefferson claims it as his production in his Autobiography (ante, i., 17) in which he also gives an account of it.

[1 ]From Randall’s Life of Jefferson, iii., 567.

[2 ]This was the battle of Bunker’s Hill.

[1 ]From Randall’s Life of Jefferson, iii., 568.

[1 ]The first of these papers is apparently Jefferson’s rough draft, the second being that submitted to the committee. They are both printed, with the parts struck out or altered, as an interesting specimen of the way he drew his papers. The originals are in the Jefferson MSS. in the Department of State. The second draft has MSS. notes in the handwriting of John Dickinson. Cf. his letter to John Vaughn of July 16, 1825, post.

The adoption of the troops about Boston into the Continental service, and the appointment of Washington as Commander in Chief, were the first real steps on the part of the United Colonies towards war, and required explanation and justification from Congress. On June 23d accordingly, “on a motion” the Congress “Resolved, That a Committee of five be chosen to draw up a Declaration to be published by General Washington, upon his Arrival at the Camp before Boston. The Committee chosen are Mr. J. Rutledge, Mr. W. Livingston, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Jay and Mr. Johnson” (Journal). This commee brought in their “Report” on June 24th, which “was read and debated, and after some Time referred for farther consideration.” Charles Thomson states (Pa. Mag. of Hist. and Biography) that it “occasioned long and warm debates in Congress, in which D[ickinson] took a distinguished part.” It was again considered on June 26th, and, according to Jefferson (endorsement on draft of declaration):

“Being disliked, it was recommitted & Mr. Dickinson & T. Jefferson added to the committee. The latter being desired by the commee to draw up a new one, he prepared this paper. On a meeting of the commee J. Dickinson objected that it was too harsh, wanted softening &c. Whereupon the commee desired him to retouch it, which he did in the form which they reported July 6, which was adopted by Congress.”

And in his Autobiography Jefferson further stated:

“On the 24th a committee which had been appointed to prepare a declaration of the causes of the taking up arms brought in their report (drawn I believe by J. Rutledge) which, not being liked, the House recommitted it, on the 26th and added Mr. Dickinson and myself to the committee. On the rising of the House, the committee not having yet met I happen to find myself near Governor W. Livingston, and proposed to him to draw the paper. He excused himself, and proposed that I should draw it. . . . I prepared a draught of the declaration committed to us. It was too strong for Mr. Dickinson. He still retained the hope of reconciliation with the mother country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive statements. He was so honest a man, and so able a one, that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples. We therefore requested him to take the paper, and put it into a form he could approve. He did so, preparing an entire new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four paragraphs and the half of the preceding one. We approved and reported it to Congress.”

William Livingston also wrote (to Stirling, July 4th):

“We are now working upon a Manifesto on arming. The first was not liked by the Congress and was recomitted. The second was not liked by the committee. Both had the faults common to our Southern gentlemen. Much fault-finding and declamation, with little sense or dignity. They seem to think a reiteration of tyranny, despotism, bloody, &c. all that is needed to unite us at home and convince the bribed voters of North of the justice of our cause.”

It is evident from a comparison of these two drafts, with Dickinson’s draft (reproduced in Dr. George H. Moore’s John Dickinson) as well as with that ultimately adopted by the Congress (Journal, July 6th), that Jefferson is mistaken in claiming the final paragraphs of that accepted as his. Dickinson has certainly embodied a few of Jefferson’s phrases and ideas, but not more so in those than in the other parts of the Declaration.

[1 ]Jefferson writes at bottom of page: “We did not embody men a soldiery to commit aggression on them; we did not raise armies for march to glory or to conquest or for glory; we did not invade their island proffering death or slavery to its inhabitants.”

[1 ]John Dickinson has here interlined “her successful & glorious ministry wars.”

[2 ]John Dickinson has here altered it to read “by their influence.”

[3 ]Altered by Dickinson to “were persuaded to assume & assert.”

[1 ]“Here insert substance of the Address declaring a Rebellion to exist in Massachusetts Bay, &c.”—Marginal note by John Dickinson.

[1 ]“Country” inserted here by Dickinson.

[2 ]“Only” inserted by Dickinson.

[3 ]“To procure their Enlargement,‘’ inserted by Dickinson.

[4 ]Dickinson inserts here the word “after.”

[1 ]“Friends &” inserted by Dickinson.

[2 ]“In Britain or other” inserted by Dickinson.

[1 ]These three queries are in the handwriting of John Dickinson.

[2 ]On July 22d Franklin, Jefferson, John Adams, and Lee were named by Congress a committee to report on the “conciliatory resolution” moved by Lord North, and adopted February 20, 1775, by the House of Commons. Jefferson in the Virginia House of Burgesses had already drawn a reply to this, which “having been approved, I was requested by the committee to prepare” the report. It was introduced July 25th, but was not adopted till July 31st. This is Jefferson’s draft of that paper, and varies considerably from the paper as finally adopted.

[1 ]That there is no matter in dispute between us but the single circumstance of the mode of levying taxes, which mode they are so good as to give up to us, of course that the colonies are unreasonable if they are not thereby perfectly satisfied: whereas in truth our adversaries not only still claim a right of demanding ad libitum and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demands if we do not fulfil their pleasure, which leaves us without anything we can call property, but what is of more importance & what they keep in this proposal out of sight as if no such point was in contest, they claim a right of altering all our charters and established laws which leaves us without the least security for our lives or liberties. The proposition seems also calculated more particularly &c.—T. J.

[2 ]In the copy as printed in the Journals of Congress (i., 191) the words “that he would never treat with America till he had brought her to his feet” are inserted here.

[1 ]From Randolph’s edition of Jefferson’s writings.

[1 ]From Randall’s Life of Jefferson, iii., 569.

[1 ]From the Historical Magazine, xiv., 244.

[1 ]The British had just burned Norfolk in Virginia.

[2 ]From Randall’s Life of Jefferson, iii., 570.

[1 ]From Randall’s Life of Jefferson, iii., 570.

[1 ]Referring to Irish, whom the rumors of the day stated were being recruited in large numbers.

[2 ]From Randolph’s edition of Jefferson’s writings.

[1 ]Probably proposed on the arrival of the news of Allen’s confinement, Dec. 2, 1775. It was not accepted by the Congress.

[1 ]From the original in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, Mass.

[1 ]This committee, consisting of Jefferson, Hooper, Franklin, Jay, and Dean, were appointed December 13, 1775, to prepare instructions for a “Committee to sit during the adjournment” of Congress. They reported this paper on December 15th, but it seems never to have been acted on by the Congress, as no immediate adjournment took place, as was at that time expected. The feeling seems to have been in favor of a committee which should sit at Hartford or some other town nearer the seat of war. (See Coll. of Conn. Hist. Soc., ii., 249.) Compare with Jefferson’s “Draft of Report on a Committee of the States,” post., January 30, 1784.

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1775 - motion in convention of virginia 1 - Thomas Jefferson, The Works, vol. 2 (1771-1779) [1905]

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motion in convention of virginia1

draft of a resolution of the virginia convention1

to dr. william small1

address to governor dunmore from the house of burgesses1

to francis eppes1

to francis eppes1

drafts of declaration on taking up arms1

first draft

second draft

draft of report on lord north’s motion2

to john randolph1

to francis eppes1

to francis eppes1

to john page1

to francis eppes2

to francis eppes1

to john randolph2

Yours, &c.

declaration concerning ethan allen1

to john page1

report to congress on congress committee1