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 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow C H A P T E R X X V I I: Discontents with the Provisional Articles • Mr. Hartley sent to Paris • The Definitive Treaty agreed to, and signed by all the Parties • A General Pacification among the Nations at War • Mr. Pitt, Prime Minister in England—His A - History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution vol. 2

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C H A P T E R X X V I I: Discontents with the Provisional Articles • Mr. Hartley sent to Paris • The Definitive Treaty agreed to, and signed by all the Parties • A General Pacification among the Nations at War • Mr. Pitt, Prime Minister in England—His A - Mercy Otis Warren, History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution vol. 2 [1805]

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History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution interspersed with Biographical, Political and Moral Observations, in Two Volumes, Foreword by Lester H. Cohen (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1994).

Part of: History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution 2 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


C H A P T E R X X V I I

Discontents with the Provisional Articles • Mr. Hartley sent to Paris • The Definitive Treaty agreed to, and signed by all the Parties • A General Pacification among the Nations at War • Mr. Pitt, Prime Minister in England—His Attention to East India Affairs • Some subsequent Observations

chap. xxvii[220] After provisional articles for peace had been agreed on at Paris, between the British and American commissioners,1782 the impatient curiosity of the British nation for a full communication of their contents, was inexpressible. The ultimate determinations with regard to the unconditional independence of America, were among the most interesting of their inquiries. But the necessity of concealing affairs of such national moment for a time, within a veil of secrecy, was urged by the ministry, as it would bring on discussions and objections, which might embarrass the work of peace. All ambiguity was opposed in the house of commons by several members, with no small degree of warmth; they insisted that no disguise ought to be used, but that the whole business should be laid open, before irretrievable stipulations should bind the nation to disadvantageous or dishonorary terms. [221] But when the general tenor of the provisional articles was made known, it was far from restoring tranquillity or harmonizing the several parties.

The general dissatisfaction expressed by persons of high rank and consideration, against both the provisional articles with America and the preliminary articles for peace with France, Spain, and Holland, which now lay under consideration, was so great, that many began to be alarmed, lest all pacific measures should be set afloat, and the hope of tranquillity which had dawned upon the nations might yet finally be defeated.

Some of the first characters in the cabinet, the parliament, and the nation, discovered the most singular disgust and uneasiness at the proposed articles of accommodation, and debate and contention ran high in both houses of parliament. The lords Walsingham, Stormont, Sackville, Carlisle, and others, were violent in their opposition to the whole system of peace comprised in the provisional articles: they thought the character of the nation tarnished, in the concession made by the negociators on the part of Britain, in favor of the revolted colonies; whose obstinacy had involved the crown and the kingdom in distresses incalculable, but that the nation was not yet so reduced as to submit to a mean dereliction of their [222] rights: they asserted that they had yet an army, a navy, and resources sufficient to chastise the insolence of the house of Bourbon. It was observed, that though the councils of France had upheld the revolted colonies, in opposition to the power of Britain, and now justified their bold demands, that the combined fleets of France and Spain had recently felt the superiority, and fled from the power, of the British flag.

It was not passed over in silence, that all hearts had lately been warmed by their gallant conduct, and every tongue loud in the applauses of the magnanimous officers who had defended Gibraltar: that the house of commons had expressed their gratitude by a vote of thanks to governor Elliot and general Boyde, for the astonishing example of courage, patriotism, and patient suffering, which they had displayed, in the vigorous defence of a fortress devoted to destruction by a most formidable foe; that the navy had contributed its full share in this glorious success, and that the just thanks of the nation had been offered to lords Howe, Rodney, and others, who were still ready for the most gallant defence of all the claims of England, against the combined fleets of France, Spain, and the world.

In short, the sum of their declamations were, that the proud glory of conquest, which had so [223] often perched on the helmet of British officers, was not, by the dash of an inexperienced pen,* to be meanly prostrated to obtain a peace, either from old hereditary enemies, or the pertinacity and refractory conduct of their own offspring in the colonies.

Little delicacy was observed. Mr. Oswald’s abilities for the business of a negociator were highly ridiculed: many objections were made, and copiously dwelt on by the orators in the British parliament, with regard to the pending articles; particularly, on the right to the fisheries, on the boundaries of the United States, the free navigation of the Mississippi, and the forlorn condition of those Americans who had been attached to the crown from the beginning of the contest. Their friends asserted, that the abandoning the loyalists, and consigning them over to the cold recommendation of the American congress, only on the promise of their commissioners that their situation should be considered by the several legislatures, and that the legislative powers should advise to a placable spirit, and urge the people to forgiveness, was a fallacious security on which no reliance could be placed. It was observed, that the commissioners themselves could not expect that such a measure would succeed; they knew too [224] well, that this class of men were considered in America, as a ten-fold more inveterate foe than any of the native sons of Britain.

The proposal of their return to and residence in the United States for a limited term, was viewed by gentlemen of the first penetration as a chimerical project: they were too well acquainted with human nature to imagine, that this description of persons would be received by them, when they knew, that “the Americans in general would consider it as taking a viper into their bosoms, whose nature could not be altered, and however well fed, its benefactor could not be secured from its sting.”

The neglect of stipulations in favor of a class of people who had forsaken their country, lost their property, and risked their lives in the field, from their attachment to the British crown, and their fondness for the government of England, was styled criminal in every view; it was asserted that it was marked with cruelty, injustice, and ingratitude.

Doubtless, many of the advocates of the loyalists in the British parliament, argued from what they thought the principles of rectitude, rather than from the prejudices of party; and could those principles alone have had their full operation in the minds of men, notwithstanding past provocations, it might have been the [225] policy of the Americans at this period, to have laid aside their prejudices. At the same time, it would have exemplified their benevolence to have forgiven, cherished, and secured the friendship of a large body of people, instead of perpetuating an alienation, and transmitting it from sire to son, through successive generations. But it was the indispensable duty of the British government, to protect and to compensate. This they afterwards did in some instances, in a very ample manner; but many of this unfortunate class were exposed to sufferings which they had never contemplated, when they forsook their neighbours, their relations, and their families, for the precarious hope of better fortune from the oppressors of their country.

These and other circumstances shook the minister in his place; he felt he did not stand on very firm ground, however recently encircled by favoritism, though at the summit of power, and still the bubble of popularity; the gale was about to pass off, and leave him in private life, the sport of change, but not in the quietude of retirement. The rivals of lord Shelburne were powerful, his enemies subtil and sagacious; and the inconsistency which appeared in his principles relative to the independence of America, gave them a fair occasion to [226] discuss his opinions, and to displace him from office.

Desirous as was Mr. Fox and some other gentlemen, for a happy accommodation with America, and a happy termination of war with all the nations, they spurned at several of the proposed articles of peace: and singular as it may appear, the consequence of the present fermentation was a second coalition, composed of still more jarring atoms than the first . . . the leopard was indeed to lie down with the lamb.

Notwithstanding their former disagreement in opinion, their rancor and bitterness on many occasions; antipodes in political sentiment, with regard to the prerogative of the crown, the majesty of the people, and the American war; a strange connexion took place, viewed by the nation as a kind of political phenomenon. Lord North and Mr. Fox were seen acting together in administration, in conjunction with the lords Cavendish and Stormont, Keppel and Carlisle. The duke of Portland was appointed first lord of the treasury in the room of lord Shelburne, who had enjoyed little tranquillity in that elevated station. The reputation of neither party was much enhanced by the coalition; it created a general suspicion of the patriotism of both; and both were considered as acting a part for the gratification of their own [227] interests and passions, rather than from a regard to the public welfare.

Mr. Fox was reproached with forsaking his former friends, and assimilating his character and his attachment, as conveniency required, to the politics of the day. To this he replied, that “for the painful losses he had experienced in his friendships, he must find a consolation in the purity and consistency of his intentions, and that rectitude of design which had ever been his guide in his political career.”

While the general expectation of re-sheathing the sword had spread a humane satisfaction over the countenances of many in Europe and in America, the minds of the contemplative and sagacious characters in the United States were filled with anxiety, on the variety of difficulties which lay before them. They anticipated the impracticability of disbanding an army become discontented from deficiencies in payment: they saw the impossibility of a speedy discharge of the public debt: of defraying the expenses of a long war, and paying up the arrearages due to the soldiery, who had bravely borne the toils of the field, amidst poverty, hunger, danger, and death. They were too well acquainted with human nature to expect, that a people who had been so long in such a perturbed state should sit down in tranquillity and order, until some necessary arrangements [228] for the operations of a free, yet energetic government, should be established. This they considered, in the situation of their country, a work that required the talents of the most able statesmen, and the virtues of the most disinterested patriots, to digest. The jarring interests of the states and of individuals, and their dissonant opinions of forms and modes of government, might prevent the adoption of the best that could be suggested, and create jealousies and ferments that might terminate in domestic confusion and war, until anarchy or despotism should succeed.

In addition to all other difficulties apprehended by speculative and judicious Americans, previous to the provisional articles terminating in a definitive treaty of peace, they dreaded the idea of a large body of loyalists left by Great Britain, to make terms of reconciliation with their offended countrymen.

It was a very precarious hope on which these refugees had to build: they had little reason (as observed) to expect the resentment of a whole people would be annihilated, merely by the recommendation of the American agents: they could not but be sensible, that if the governing powers were mollified, and should recommend moderation and forbearance, yet the mutual injuries and affronts between individuals and families, in consequence of political dissonance, [229] would not be likely to lie dormant, but would be brought back to recollection on every trivial occasion. It was to be expected that old animosities would be raked open, that would forever disturb the peace of society, when they took their stand beside their injured neighbours, weeping the loss of a father, a husband, or a son, who had perished in the dreadful conflict, many of them by the hands of a class of men now thrown back on their wounded feelings.

In the mean time the business of negociation went forward among the belligerent powers: some new arrangements were made: Mr. Hartley was sent to Paris, whose commission superseded that of Mr. Oswald. We have seen that Mr. John Adams had left Holland, and joined the plenipotentiaries of the United States, previous to the agreement on provisional articles for peace, signed November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two. He was no favorite of the officers and administrators of affairs at the Gallican court; his manners were not adapted to render him acceptable in that refined and polished nation; nor did he appear to have much partiality for, or confidence in them. But firm to the interests of his country, and tenacious of its claims, he advocated and defended them with ability; and by his determined spirit, was essentially serviceable [230] in maintaining the stipulations required in behalf of the United States.

Nor was Mr. Jay less strenuous or indefatigable, to counteract every thing he thought might militate with the interest of America. He invalidated difficulties as they arose, with the accuracy of the statesman, and obviated every objection to just and equal advantages, in the treaty which his countrymen required. Dr. Franklin’s known attachment to the interest of the United States, and his conspicuous talents as a negociator, preclude the necessity of any observations on his abilities, his character, or his conduct.

It has been before observed, that congress had inadvertently endeavoured to fetter their agents, by directing them to be under the councils of France, rather too much for a free and independent nation. These gentlemen considered such restrictions dishonorary to themselves and their country; and by their vigor, zeal, and address, acted, through every stage of the business, as the agents of a free nation, not to be influenced by foreign considerations or councils.

Near ten months elapsed, after signing the provisional articles, before the definitive treaty was completed. Previous to the adjustment of all the articles contained in this treaty, much [231] address, altercation, intrigue, and finesse, among the parties, as is usual on similar occasions, was intermixed with fair negociation. All preliminaries at length agreed to, this important instrument was signed at Paris on the third of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.

David Hartley, esquire, on the part of Great Britain, and Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and John Adams, esquires, in behalf of America, affixed their names and their seals to the treaty for the restoration of harmony between Britain, the ancient potent parent, and the emancipated colonies, and sent it forward for the ratification of congress, and of the British parliament.

The definitive treaty between Great Britain and the United States contained only nine articles. The first of these was a full and complete acknowledgment of the independence of America. His Britannic Majesty, in article first,

acknowledges the United States, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be Free, Sovereign, and Independent States; that he treats with them as such; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquishes all claim [232] to the government, property, and territorial rights of the same, and every part thereof.*

On the same day, the third of September, the definitive treaty between Great Britain and France was signed at Versailles, by the duke of Manchester in behalf of the king of England, and on the part of France by the count de Vergennes.

The count de Aranda and the duke of Manchester mutually exchanged their seals for the happy event of peace between England and Spain. The definitive treaty of peace and friendship between his Britannic majesty and the king of Spain, was also signed at Versailles the third day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.

All impediments that barred the accommodation between England and Holland had been removed, and peace and harmony restored between his Britannic majesty and the states-general of the United Provinces. Preliminary articles for this purpose were adjusted and signed at Paris by the ministers of the respective courts, on the second of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.

[233] The king of Sweden had invited a treaty of amity and commerce with America, in a very handsome, complimentary manner. He observed, that he was “desirous of forming a connexion with a people who had so well established their independence, and who, by their wisdom and bravery, so well deserved it.” This treaty had been signed the third of April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, and a stipulation made for its continuance for the term of fifteen years, before any revision or renewal should take place.

Denmark ordered the American flag to be treated like that of republics of the first order. Indeed, after the independence of the United States was explicitly acknowledged by the king of Great Britain, most of the European nations were, or appeared to be, fond of forming connexions with a young, growing republic. The independent rank of America was now viewed in connexion with her prolific soil, abundant resources, commercial genius, and political principles, which indicated her rising into eminence and consideration, that would set her on a footing with any nation on earth, if she did not become corrupted by foreign vices, or sunk by the indulgence of her own foolish passions.

The Batavian republic was the first nation beyond the Atlantic, after the French, who sent [234] an envoy in form to the congress of America. On the thirty-first of October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, Peter John Van Berkel was received by them, as minister plenipotentiary from the states-general of the United Netherlands. By the president and members of congress, every mark of respect, cordiality, and friendship, was shewn; and on the other side it was amply returned, by the address and politeness of the Dutch minister; who, with manly eloquence and grace, addressed that venerable body, and expressed his own regard and the esteem of his constituents, for the citizens of the United States. In the president’s reply, he acknowledged the high sense Americans had of the importance of the alliance, and the gratitude they all felt for the services rendered the United States by individuals of his nation, and particularly by himself and family, previous to the completion of the late treaty.

Thus, after the horrors of war had shed their baneful influence over the nations, without cessation, for seven or eight years; and after the havoc of human life had, as usual, displayed the absurdity of mankind, in the delight they seem to discover in the destruction of their own species; a truce to the miseries of the inhabitants of the earth, on one side of the globe, was promised for a season. Though the nations had been long engaged in war, peace seemed now to lift up her declined head, and promise a [235] general tranquillity. Her advances were made across the Atlantic; yet no official accounts were received by congress, that a definitive treaty had been signed by the ministers of the several belligerent powers, until the conclusion of the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.

It has already been observed, that the provisional and preliminary articles for a general pacification among the contending powers, had been signed at Paris, November the twenty-ninth, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two; but the completion of the definitive treaty, productive of a general peace, was not agreed to until the succeeding autumn; when, as related above, the signatures and seals of the commissioners on all sides, were affixed to the several stipulated articles, and the world relieved from a long constrained situation of mind, between hope, expectation, and fear.

Yet the intelligence of the spring of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, had been equally impressive in the American army, as if peace had actually been proclaimed by sound of trumpet. Nor was it strange that the military departments, nor indeed that all the inhabitants of the United States, should feel the same impression. The intelligence of the present prospects of a complete accommodation of existing differences, was accompanied with [236] private as well as public letters from Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and other distinguished Americans, replete with the strongest assurances, that hostilities would not be recommenced; and that the fleets and armies of Great Britain would, in a few months, be withdrawn from the ports and cities of the United States.

But there was yet much to be done on both sides of the water. It could not be expected, that after a convulsion of such magnitude, that the American officers and soldiers could at once retire, and sit down quietly, each under his own vine and fig-tree; or that the turbulent spirit of hostile nations could in a moment be tranquillized; much less, that the pride of the British ministry and parliament should suffer them to settle down in tranquil repose among themselves, after the long series of mortification, discontent, and disunion, that had embittered every department, and almost every individual against the political opinions of his neighbour, and the civil and political administration of the affairs of his country.

The preliminary and provisional articles had terminated in a definitive treaty of peace: in this, the general sense of the nation, and the wishes of the people were gratified. Yet there were still sources of discontent sufficient to indicate, that the present ministry stood on slippery ground.

[237] Lord North had been long unpopular: Mr. Fox had many and potent enemies; but, “naturally of a comprehensive mind, and constitutionally fraught with good humor and general kindness, the field of popular applause seemed to be perfectly congenial to him.” But he had a powerful rival in a son of the late favorite of the nation, lord Chatham. This young gentleman had in a remarkable manner, won the favor of his sovereign and the hearts of the people: on many interesting questions he had argued on the popular side, and had gained an ascendency that promised eminence, celebrity, and station, in the first grade of office and influence.

He was among the most strenuous advocates for a reform in parliament: he was zealous for a commercial treaty with the United States, and ridiculed the language, the conduct, and the impediments thrown in the way; and condemned the regulations and restrictions on the American trade, which, he observed, must forever keep open the door of animosity between the two countries.

Nor did he less oppose and ridicule the India bill, so much the subject of investigation and discussion, introduced by Mr. Fox, and rejected by a majority of the house of lords. But the confusions and distractions in the East Indies, required that some energetic and wise measures [238] should be immediately adopted, to reform abuses, and to restore justice and peace in that oppressed country. This produced a second India bill, brought forward by Mr. Pitt himself, which was also rejected, and the door still left open for much contention and debate, relative to the affairs of India, and the distresses of the unhappy inhabitants.

Thus animosities were kindled among the first characters in the nation, and discontents fomented until every thing verged to the extreme of disunion. “It was impossible for Mr. Fox to do any thing in a cold, uninterested, or indifferent manner; he therefore always went considerable lengths for the attainment of his object.” But he finally lost ground, and left his rival to wave his laurels triumphantly in the field of party, and the favor of his king.

The fluctuation of office, and the changes in administration, had been so frequent in the present reign, that it was viewed as a thing of course, on every dispute or variation of opinion on great political questions. From the accession of George the third, in one thousand seven hundred and sixty-one, to one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, when lord Shelburne came in, there had been many different hands who had taken the helm at the head of the [239] ministry, and set the political bark afloat in a tempest, without the ability to recover and moor it in the haven of peace.

In these circumstances, and at this critical period, Mr. William Pitt, in the fire of youth, in the pride of brilliant talents, and with the ambition, if not the hereditary capacity, of the aged statesman, was appointed chancellor of the exchequer. Tenacious of his own character, he held the high office in spite of opposition or flattery; and so perseveringly stood his ground, and held the reins of power so long, that his friends ceased to fear his removal, and his enemies at last despaired of carrying any point against a minister, that was become at once a favorite both of the prince and the people.

Notwithstanding the abilities of the new minister, and the exertions of some of his predecessors, now out of place; notwithstanding a pacification had recently taken place among the European powers; Great Britain was still tottering under the enormous expenses of the late war, and her own internal dissensions on subjects of magnitude and importance. Men of the first abilities and information, were wide in opinion, and divided on every political point; the spirit of party was heightened, and produced continual altercation in parliament, on the conduct, projects, and character, of the young minister. [240] Supported by royal favor, and sufficiently conscious of his own talents, he was not borne down by any opposition. It was soon perceptible, that the embarrassments of government, the derangement in political, commercial, domestic, and foreign affairs, still required much energy and decision, and perhaps the capacity of older and more experienced statesmen.

The cruel mismanagement in the East Indies interested the whole nation. The derangement and distraction of their affairs there, the enormities committed, and the tragical scenes of barbarity perpetrated, under the presidency of Warren Hastings, governor general of Bengal, which reduced the country to the extreme of penury and misery, were afterwards copiously displayed and amply detailed, in his long protracted trial. This finally terminated without decision on delinquency, or satisfaction to the public.

The dreadful famine in Calcutta, in one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine, is well known: that which succeeded it in one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one was still more deplorable, when 14,000 persons died weekly, of hunger, at Madras; while the provinces of Oude and Benares suffered in equal degree, under the same calamity, brought on by means which will never be blotted from [241] the memory of man.* These were too complicated and diffuse for a place here, but some cursory observations on the conduct of British officers in that country, may be admitted.

A specimen of the tragedy acted by general Matthews at Onore, where he directed no quarter should be given, but every man be put to the sword, will be impressive from an extract of a letter from one of his own officers. He observed, that

The carnage was great; we trampled thick on the dead bodies that were strewed in the way: it was rather shocking to humanity, but such are only secondary considerations; and to a soldier whose bosom glows with heroic glory, they are thought accidents of course: his zeal makes him aspire after further victory.

[242] What a perversion of just ideas! The true glory of man is benignity and kindness to his fellow-mortals; nor can even military glory be enhanced by the triumphant butchery of mankind. But the same cruel apathy expressed by one of them, seemed to pervade most of the officers on this expedition: the riches and splendor of the peninsula, and the extermination of the inhabitants that they might possess their wealth, seemed to be the only object.

From Onore, general Matthews proceeded to Hydernagur, the capital of Canara. It is true, by astonishing feats of valor, he reached the metropolis, where the wealth of the inhabitants was immense. The place was surrendered by capitulation; the general possessed of the treasure, and no distribution made. The avarice of the officers to obtain their full share of the plunder, raised murmur and mutiny that were not easily quieted; nor was it ever ascertained, in whose coffers the whole was finally deposited.

Before general Matthews returned to Bombay, he sent a detachment from Hydernagur to Annanpour, under the command of major Campbell; the orders were for a storm and no quarter. The cruel mandates were received with alacrity, and put in execution without delay: every man in the place was put to the sword, except one horseman, who escaped after being wounded in three different places. The [243] women, unwilling to be separated from their relations, or exposed to the brutal licentiousness of the soldiery, threw themselves in multitudes into the moats with which the fort was surrounded. Four hundred beautiful young women, pierced with the bayonet, and expiring in each other’s arms, were in this situation treated by the British with every kind of outrage. The avenging hand of justice soon overtook the barbarous, butchering Matthews; he fell into the hands of Tippoo Saib, after that victorious commander had re-captured Hydernagur, was loaded with chains, imprisoned, and soon after put to death by his orders.*

For a further detail of the enormities committed by the servants of Britain, and the sufferings of the inhabitants of India for a number of years, without mitigation, the reader is referred to the history of that unfortunate country. There he will find a description of a great part of this garden of nature, whose prolific shoots have expanded over the four quarters of the globe, few of whose inhabitants have yet arrived to a perfect knowledge of the arts, the ingenuity, the sciences, contained in their Shanscript and other languages.

[244] Indeed, new discoveries have been recently brought to light, by the investigation of learned and virtuous Englishmen; who, while pursuing their inquiries, weep to behold so fair a spot of creation† bathed in the blood of its native sons, by the hands of a nation who boast higher degrees of civilization, without possessing their simplicity, urbanity, and perhaps their knowledge. But their progress in the arts, their histories of the first progenitors of mankind, their astronomical discoveries, and their knowledge of nature and its operations, must now lay buried with the wreck of their fortunes, and many of them enveloped in the rubbish of complete ruin, brought on them by European avarice and ambition.

But a correction of some abuses in India, took place early in the administration of Mr. Pitt: new regulations were adopted; and critical inquiry made into the conduct of the East India [245] company, and their officers: several of the old officers of government were removed, and men of more humanity sent forward in their places. Among them, sir William Jones was appointed one of the judges of the supreme court of judicature. The character of this gentleman deserves every encomium: from his writings and the testimony of contemporaries, he was an honor to his country, a benefactor to mankind, and an ornament to the world. His elegant manners, profound erudition, pure morals, and strict justice, were conspicuous in all the transactions of his life. The deep researches of sir William Jones in ancient oriental history, have thrown great light on the customs, manners, habits, and the various religions among the Indians, both ancient and modern. His learned labor must undoubtedly tend to improvements in science, and the culture of virtue and true religion, through the enlightened parts of the world; and perhaps to soften and humanize the hearts of his own countrymen, in their future unwarrantable invasions of the inhabitants of the East.

The English are, indeed, an astonishing nation. Though frequently involved in hostilities with half the world; confounded by the immensity of their own national debt, accumulating almost beyond calculation; plunged in luxury and venality; their manners and their constitution [246] corrupted; yet, by their extensive commerce, the strength of their navy, their valor, their genius, and their industry, they surmount all embarrassments with address and facility, and rise superior to evils that would augur the downfall of any other nation on earth.

No country has produced men more learned and liberal, of more comprehensive genius, virtue, and real excellence, than England; yet the contrast may as justly be exhibited there, as in any part of the world. But the balance of real merit, both individual and national, must be left to the all-pervading eye, which, with a single glance, surveys the moral and intellectual system of creation. We now leave them to the rotations of time, and the re-action of human events, to the period which shall be pointed by the providential government of him, to whom a thousand years are as one day; when they also may be viewed a spectacle of wo, by the remnant of nations, annihilated by their rapacity, ambition, and victorious arms.

Let us hasten to turn our eyes from the miserable Mahrattas, the desolated tribes of Indostan, and the naked Carnatic,* divested of every thing that had breathed, by the ravages of a [247] relentless foe. A dead and dreary silence reigns over an extent of five or six hundred miles of these once full peopled plains. Nor will we dwell longer on any of the proud projects of conquest in the cabinet of Great Britain, either in the East or the West; but carry the mind forward, and indulge a pleasing anticipation of peace and independence to the United States of America.

[*]It has been said, that the manner of his death was that of pouring melted gold down his throat: a strong expression of the ideas the natives had of his avarice.

[*]Mr. Oswald’s. [Richard Oswald, one of the commissioners who negotiated for peace with John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens. See, in general, Annual Register (1783), “History of Europe,” pp. 134–167.]

[*]See Appendix, Note No. III.

[*]Read the story of the nabob of Oude—† of Cheit-Sing—of the widow of Sujah Dowla—of the conquest of the Benares—the treatment of the nabobs of Bengal; and indeed of all who fell under the power of the English government, in their wars with the unfortunate Indians. These are to be found in a variety of authentic accounts of the conduct and intercourse of the English with the oriental nations.

[†]Bengal has been described as exhibiting the most charming and picturesque scenery, opening into extensive glades, covered with a fine turf, and interspersed with woods filled with a variety of birds of beautiful colors; amongst others, peacocks in abundance, sitting on the vast horizontal branches, displayed their dazzling plumes to the sun; the Ganges winding its mighty waters through the adjacent plains, adding to the prospect inexpressible grandeur: while the artist at his loom, under the immense shade of the banyan-tree, softened his labor by the tender strains of music.

[*]See Mr. Burke’s speech in the house of commons, relative to the desolation in the Carnatic. [See Cobbett, XXII: 126–131 (April 30, 1781).]

[*]Read the story of the nabob of Oude—† of Cheit-Sing—of the widow of Sujah Dowla—of the conquest of the Benares—the treatment of the nabobs of Bengal; and indeed of all who fell under the power of the English government, in their wars with the unfortunate Indians. These are to be found in a variety of authentic accounts of the conduct and intercourse of the English with the oriental nations.

[†]See a part of a speech made by Mr. Sheridan on this subject, Appendix, Note No. IV.