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JOHN HAMPDEN. (December, 1831.) - Thomas Babington, Lord Macaulay, Critical and Historical Essays, Vol. 1 
Critical and Historical Essays contributed to the Edinburgh Review, 5th ed. in 3 vols. (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1848). Vol. 1.
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JOHN HAMPDEN. (December, 1831.)
Some Memorials of John Hampden, his Party, and his Times. By Lord Nugent. 2 vols. 8vo. London: 1831.
We have read this book with great pleasure, though not exactly with that kind of pleasure which we had expected. We had hoped that Lord Nugent would have been able to collect, from family papers and local traditions, much new and interesting information respecting the life and character of the renowned leader of the Long Parliament, the first of those great English commoners whose plain addition of Mister has, to our ears, a more majestic sound than the proudest of the feudal titles. In this hope we have been disappointed; but assuredly not from any want of zeal or diligence on the part of the noble biographer. Even at Hampden, there are, it seems, no important papers relating to the most illustrious proprietor of that ancient domain. The most valuable memorials of him which still exist, belong to the family of his friend, Sir John Eliot. Lord Eliot has furnished the portrait which is engraved for this work, together with some very interesting letters. The portrait is undoubtedly an original, and probably the only original now in existence. The intellectual forehead, the mild penetration of the eye, and the inflexible resolution expressed by the lines of the mouth, sufficiently guarantee the likeness. We shall probably make some extracts from the letters. They contain almost all the new information that Lord Nugent has been able to procure respecting the private pursuits of the great man whose memory he worships with an enthusiastic, but not extravagant, veneration.
The public life of Hampden is surrounded by no obscurity. His history, more particularly from the year 1640 to his death, is the history of England. These Memoirs must be considered as Memoirs of the history of England; and, as such, they well deserve to be attentively persued. They contain some curious facts which, to us at least, are new, much spirited narrative, many judicious remarks, and much eloquent declamation.
We are not sure that even the want of information respecting the private character of Hampden is not in itself a circumstance as strikingly characteristic as any which the most minute chronicler, O’Meara, Mrs. Thrale, or Boswell himself, ever recorded concerning their heroes. The celebrated Puritan leader is an almost solitary instance of a great man who neither sought nor shunned greatness, who found glory only because glory lay in the plain path of duty. During more than forty years he was known to his country neighbours as a gentleman of cultivated mind, of high principles, of polished address, happy in his family, and active in the discharge of local duties; and to political men, as an honest, industrious, and sensible member of Parliament, not eager to display his talents, stanch to his party, and attentive to the interests of his constituents. A great and terrible crisis came. A direct attack was made by an arbitrary government on a sacred right of Englishmen, on a right which was the chief security for all their other rights. The nation looked round for a defender. Calmly and unostentatiously the plain Buckinghamshire Esquire placed himself at the head of his countrymen, and right before the face and across the path of tyranny. The times grew darker and more troubled. Public service, perilous, arduous, delicate, was required; and to every service the intellect and the courage of this wonderful man were found fully equal. He became a debater of the first order, a most dexterous manager of the House of Commons, a negotiator, a soldier. He governed a fierce and turbulent assembly, abounding in able men, as easily as he had governed his family. He showed himself as competent to direct a campaign as to conduct the business of the petty sessions. We can scarcely express the admiration which we feel for a mind so great, and, at the same time, so heathful and so well proportioned, so willingly contracting itself to the humblest duties, so easily expanding itself to the highest, so contented in repose, so powerful in action. Almost every part of this virtuous and blameless life which is not hidden from us in modest privacy is a precious and splendid portion of our national history. Had the private conduct of Hampden afforded the slightest pretence for censure, he would have been assailed by the same blind malevolence which, in defiance of the clearest proofs, still continues to call Sir John Eliot an assassin. Had there been even any weak part in the character of Hampden, had his manners been in any respect open to ridicule, we may be sure that no mercy would have been shown to him by the writers of Charles’s faction. Those writers have carefully preserved every little circumstance which could tend to make their opponents odious or contemptible. They have made themselves merry with the cant of injudicious zealots. They have told us that Pym broke down in a speech, that Ireton had his nose pulled by Hollis, that the Earl of Northumberland cudgelled Henry Marten, that St. John’s manners were sullen, that Vane had an ugly face, that Cromwell had a red nose. But neither the artful Clarendon nor the scurrilous Denham could venture to throw the slightest imputation on the morals or the manners of Hampden. What was the opinion entertained respecting him by the best men of his time, we learn from Baxter. That eminent person, eminent not only for his piety and his fervid devotional eloquence, but for his moderation, his knowledge of political affairs, and his skill in judging of characters, declared in the Saint’s Rest that one of the pleasures which he hoped to enjoy in heaven was the society of Hampden. In the editions printed after the Restoration, the name of Hampden was omitted. “But I must tell the reader,” says Baxter, “that I did blot it out, not as changing my opinion of the person. . . . Mr. John Hampden was one that friends and enemies acknowledged to be most eminent for prudence, piety, and peaceable counsels, having the most universal praise of any gentleman that I remember of that age. I remember a moderate, prudent, aged gentleman, far from him, but acquainted with him, whom I have heard saying, that if he might choose what person he would be then in the world, he would be John Hampden.” We cannot but regret that we have not fuller memorials of a man who, after passing through the most severe temptations by which human virtue can be tried, after acting a most conspicuous part in a revolution and a civil war, could yet deserve such praise as this from such authority. Yet the want of memorials is surely the best proof that hatred itself could find no blemish on his memory.
The story of his early life is soon told. He was the head of a family which had been settled in Buckinghamshire before the Conquest. Part of the estate which he inherited had been bestowed by Edward the Confessor on Baldwyn de Hampden, whose name seems to indicate that he was one of the Norman favourites of the last Saxon king. During the contest between the houses of York and Lancaster, the Hampdens adhered to the party of the Red Rose, and were, consequently, persecuted by Edward the Fourth, and favoured by Henry the Seventh. Under the Tudors, the family was great and flourishing. Griffith Hampden, high sheriff of Buckinghamshire, entertained Elizabeth with great magnificence at his seat. His son, William Hampden, sate in the Parliament which that queen summoned in the year 1593. William married Elizabeth Cromwell, aunt of the celebrated man who afterwards governed the British islands with more than regal power; and from this marriage sprange John Hampden.
He was born in 1594. In 1597 his father died, and left him heir to a very large estate. After passing some years at the grammar school of Thame, young Hampden was sent, at fifteen, to Magdalene College, in the University of Oxford. At nineteen, he was admitted a student of the Inner Temple, where he made himself master of the principles of the English law. In 1619, he married Elizabeth Symeon, a lady to whom he appears to have been fondly attached. In the following year he was returned to parliament by a borough which has in our time obtained a miserable celebrity, the borough of Grampound.
Of his private life during his early years little is known beyond what Clarendon has told us. “In his entrance into the world,” says that great historian, “he indulged himself in all the license in sports, and exercises, and company, which were used by men of the most jolly conversation.” A remarkable change, however, passed on his character. “On a sudden,” says Clarendon, “from a life of great pleasure and license, he retired to extraordinary sobriety and strictness, to a more reserved and melancholy society.” It is probable that this change took place when Hampden was about twenty-five years old. At that age he was united to a woman whom he loved and esteemed. At that age he entered into political life. A mind so happily constituted as his would naturally, under such circumstances, relinquish the pleasures of dissipation for domestic enjoyments and public duties.
His enemies have allowed that he was a man in whom virtue showed itself in its mildest and least austere form. With the morals of a Puritan, he had the manners of an accomplished courtier. Even after the change in his habits, “he preserved,” says Clarendon, “his own natural cheerfulness and vivacity, and, above all, a flowing courtesy to all men.” These qualities distinguished him from most of the members of his sect and his party, and, in the great crisis in which he afterwards took a principal part, were of scarcely less service to the country than his keen sagacity and his dauntless courage.
In January, 1621, Hampden took his seat in the House of Commons. His mother was exceedingly desirous that her son should obtain a peerage. His family, his possessions, and his personal accomplishments were such, as would, in any age, have justified him in pretending to that honour. But in the reign of James the First there was one short cut to the House of Lords. It was but to ask, to pay, and to have. The sale of titles was carried on as openly as the sale of boroughs in our times. Hampden turned away with contempt from the degrading honours with which his family desired to see him invested, and attached himself to the party which was in opposition to the court.
It was about this time, as Lord Nugent has justly remarked, that parliamentary opposition began to take a regular form. From a very early age, the English had enjoyed a far larger share of liberty than had fallen to the lot of any neighbouring people. How it chanced that a country conquered and enslaved by invaders, a country of which the soil had been portioned out among foreign adventurers and of which the laws were written in a foreign tongue, a country given over to that worst tyranny, the tyranny of caste over caste, should have become the seat of civil liberty, the object of the admiration and envy of surrounding states, is one of the most obscure problems in the philosophy of history. But the fact is certain. Within a century and a half after the Norman conquest, the Great Charter was conceded. Within two centuries after the Conquest, the first House of Commons met. Froissart tells us, what indeed his whole narrative sufficiently proves, that, of all the nations of the fourteenth century, the English were the least disposed to endure oppression. “C’est le plus périlleux peuple qui soit au monde, et plus outrageux et orgueilleux.” The good canon probably did not perceive that all the prosperity and internal peace which this dangerous people enjoyed were the fruits of the spirit which he designates as proud and outrageous. He has, however, borne ample testimony to the effect, though he was not sagacious enough to trace it to its cause. “En le royaume d’Angleterre,” says he, “toutes gens, laboureurs et marchands, ont appris de vivre en paix, et à mener leurs marchandises paisiblement, et les laboureurs labourer.” In the fifteenth century, though England was convulsed by the struggle between the two branches of the royal family, the physical and moral condition of the people continued to improve. Villenage almost wholly disappeared. The calamities of war were little felt, except by those who bore arms. The oppressions of the government were little felt, except by the aristocracy. The institutions of the country, when compared with the institutions of the neighbouring kingdoms, seem to have been not undeserving of the praises of Fortescue. The government of Edward the Fourth, though we call it cruel and arbitrary, was humane and liberal when compared with that of Louis the Eleventh, or that of Charles the Bold. Comines, who had lived amidst the wealthy cities of Flanders, and who had visited Florence and Venice, had never seen a people so well governed as the English. “Or selon mon advis,” says he, “entre toutes les seigneuries du monde, dont j’ay connoissance, ou la chose publique est mieulx traitée, et ou regne moins de violence sur le peuple, et ou il n’y a nuls édifices abbatus ny demolis pour guerre, c’est Angleterre; et tombe le sort et le malheur sur ceulx qui font la guerre.”
About the close of the fifteenth and the commencement of the sixteenth century, a great portion of the influence which the aristocracy had possessed passed to the crown. No English king has ever enjoyed such absolute power as Henry the Eighth. But while the royal prerogatives were acquiring strength at the expense of the nobility, two great revolutions took place, destined to be the parents of many revolutions, the invention of Printing, and the reformation of the Church.
The immediate effect of the Reformation in England was by no means favourable to political liberty. The authority which had been exercised by the Popes was transferred almost entire to the King. Two formidable powers which had often served to check each other were united in a single despot. If the system on which the founders of the Church of England acted could have been permanent, the Reformation would have been, in a political sense, the greatest curse that ever fell on our country. But that system carried within it the seeds of its own death. It was possible to transfer the name of Head of the Church from Clement to Henry; but it was impossible to transfer to the new establishment the veneration which the old establishment had inspired. Mankind had not broken one yoke in pieces only in order to put on another. The supremacy of the Bishop of Rome had been for ages considered as a fundamental principle of Christianity. It had for it every thing that could make a prejudice deep and strong, venerable antiquity, high authority, general consent. It had been taught in the first lessons of the nurse. It was taken for granted in all the exhortations of the priest. To remove it was to break innumerable associations, and to give a great and perilous shock to the principles. Yet this prejudice, strong as it was, could not stand in the great day of the deliverance of the human reason. And it was not to be expected that the public mind, just after freeing itself by an unexampled effort, from a bondage which it had endured for ages, would patiently submit to a tyranny which could plead no ancient title. Rome had at least prescription on its side. But Protestant intolerance, despotism in an upstart sect, infallibility claimed by guides who acknowledged that they had passed the greater part of their lives in error, restraints imposed on the liberty of private judgment at the pleasure of rulers who could vindicate their own proceedings only by asserting the liberty of private judgment, these things could not long be borne. Those who had pulled down the crucifix could not long continue to persecute for the surplice. It required no great sagacity to perceive the inconsistency and dishonesty of men who, dissenting from almost all Christendom, would suffer none to dissent from themselves, who demanded freedom of conscience, yet refused to grant it, who execrated persecution, yet persecuted, who urged reason against the authority of one opponent, and authority against the reasons of another. Bonner acted at least in accordance with his own principles. Cranmer could vindicate himself from the charge of being a heretic only by arguments which made him out to be a murderer.
Thus the system on which the English Princes acted with respect to ecclesiastical affairs for some time after the Reformation was a system too obviously unreasonable to be lasting. The public mind moved while the government moved, but would not stop where the government stopped. The same impulse which had carried millions away from the Church of Rome continued to carry them forward in the same direction. As Catholics had become Protestants, Protestants became Puritans; and the Tudors and Stuarts were as unable to avert the latter change as the Popes had been to avert the former. The dissenting party increased and became strong under every kind of discouragement and oppression. They were a sect. The government persecuted them; and they became an opposition. The old constitution of England furnished to them the means of resisting the sovereign without breaking the law. They were the majority of the House of Commons. They had the power of giving or withholding supplies; and, by a judicious exercise of this power, they might hope to take from the Church its usurped authority over the consciences of men, and from the Crown some part of the vast prerogative which it had recently acquired at the expense of the nobles and of the Pope.
The faint beginnings of this memorable contest may be discerned early in the reign of Elizabeth. The conduct of her last Parliament made it clear that one of those great revolutions which policy may guide but cannot stop was in progress. It was on the question of monopolies that the House of Commons gained its first great victory over the Throne. The conduct of the extraordinary woman who then governed England is an admirable study for politicians who live in unquiet times. It shows how thoroughly she understood the people whom she ruled, and the crisis in which she was called to act. What she held she held firmly. What she gave she gave graciously. She saw that it was necessary to make a concession to the nation; and she made it, not grudgingly, not tardily, not as a matter of bargain and sale, not, in a word, as Charles the First would have made it, but promptly and cordially. Before a bill could be framed or an address presented, she applied a remedy to the evil of which the nation complained. She expressed in the warmest terms her gratitude to her faithful Commons for detecting abuses which interested persons had concealed from her. If her successors had inherited her wisdom with her crown, Charles the First might have died of old age, and James the Second would never have seen St. Germain’s.
She died; and the kingdom passed to one who was, in his own opinion, the greatest master of king-craft that ever lived, but who was, in truth, one of those kings whom God seems to send for the express purpose of hastening revolutions. Of all the enemies of liberty whom Britain has produced, he was at once the most harmless and the most provoking. His office resembled that of the man who, in a Spanish bull-fight, goads the torpid savage to fury, by shaking a red rag in the air, and by now and then throwing a dart, sharp enough to sting, but too small to injure. The policy of wise tyrants has always been to cover their violent acts with popular forms. James was always obtruding his despotic theories on his subjects without the slightest necessity. His foolish talk exasperated them infinitely more than forced loans or benevolences would have done. Yet, in practice, no king ever held his prerogatives less tenaciously. He neither gave way gracefully to the advancing spirit of liberty nor took vigorous measures to stop it, but retreated before it with ludicrous haste, blustering and insulting as he retreated. The English people had been governed during near a hundred and fifty years by Princes who, whatever might be their frailties or their vices, had all possessed great force of character, and who, whether beloved or hated, had always been feared. Now, at length, for the first time since the day when the sceptre of Henry the Fourth dropped from the hand of his lethargic grandson, England had a king whom she despised.
The follies and vices of the man increased the contempt which was produced by the feeble policy of the sovereign. The indecorous gallantries of the Court, the habits of gross intoxication in which even the ladies indulged, were alone sufficient to disgust a people whose manners were beginning to be strongly tinctured with austerity. But these were trifles. Crimes of the most frightful kind had been discovered; others were suspected. The strange story of the Gowries was not forgotten. The ignominious fondness of the King for his minions, the perjuries, the sorceries, the poisonings, which his chief favourites had planned within the walls of his palace, the pardon which, in direct violation of his duty and of his word, he had granted to the mysterious threats of a murderer, made him an object of loathing to many of his subjects. What opinion grave and moral persons residing at a distance from the Court entertained respecting him, we learn from Mrs. Hutchinson’s Memoirs. England was no place, the seventeenth century no time, for Sporus and Locusta.
This was not all. The most ridiculous weaknesses seemed to meet in the wretched Solomon of Whitehall, pedantry, buffoonery, garrulity, low curiosity, the most contemptible personal cowardice. Nature and education had done their best to produce a finished specimen of all that a king ought not to be. His awkward figure, his rolling eye, his rickety walk, his nervous tremblings, his slobbering mouth, his broad Scotch accent, were imperfections which might have been found in the best and greatest man. Their effect, however, was to make James and his office objects of contempt, and to dissolve those associations which had been created by the noble bearing of preceding monarchs, and which were in themselves no inconsiderable fence to royalty.
The sovereign whom James most resembled was, we think, Claudius Cæsar. Both had the same feeble vacillating temper, the same childishness, the same coarseness, the same poltroonery. Both were men of learning; both wrote and spoke, not, indeed, well, but still in a manner in which it seems almost incredible that men so foolish should have written or spoken. The follies and indecencies of James are well described in the words which Suetonius uses respecting Claudius: “Multa talia, etiam privatis deformia, nedum principi, neque infacundo, neque indocto, immo etiam pertinaciter liberalibus studiis dedito.” The description given by Suetonius of the manner in which the Roman prince transacted business exactly suits the Briton. “In cognoscendo ac decernendo mira varietate animi fuit, modo circumspectus et sagax, modo inconsultus ac præceps, non-nunquam frivolus amentique similis.” Claudius was ruled successively by two bad women: James successively by two bad men. Even the description of the person of Claudius, which we find in the ancient memoirs, might, in many points, serve for that of James. “Ceterum et ingredientem destituebant poplites minus firmi, et remisse quid vel serio agentem multa dehonestabant, risus indecens, ira turpior, spumante rictu, præterea linguæ titubantia.”
The Parliament which James had called soon after his accession had been refractory. His second Parliament, called in the spring of 1614, had been more refractory still. It had been dissolved after a session of two months; and during six years the King had governed without having recourse to the legislature. During those six years, melancholy and disgraceful events, at home and abroad, had followed one another in rapid succession; the divorce of Lady Essex, the murder of Overbury, the elevation of Villiers, the pardon of Somerset, the disgrace of Coke, the execution of Raleigh, the battle of Prague, the invasion of the Palatinate by Spinola, the ignominious flight of the son-in-law of the English king, the depression of the Protestant interest all over the Continent. All the extraordinary modes by which James could venture to raise money had been tried. His necessities were greater than ever; and he was compelled to summon the Parliament in which Hampden first appeared as a public man.
This Parliament lasted about twelve months. During that time it visited with deserved punishment several of those who, during the preceding six years, had enriched themselves by peculation and monopoly. Michell, one of the grasping patentees who had purchased of the favourite the power of robbing the nation, was fined and imprisoned for life. Mompesson, the original, it is said, of Massinger’s Overreach, was outlawed and deprived of his ill gotten wealth. Even Sir Edward Villiers, the brother of Buckingham, found it convenient to leave England. A greater name is to be added to the ignominious list. By this Parliament was brought to justice that illustrious philosopher whose memory genius has half redeemed from the infamy due to servility, to ingratitude, and to corruption.
After redressing internal grievances, the Commons proceeded to take into consideration the state of Europe. The King flew into a rage with them for meddling with such matters, and, with characteristic judgment, drew them into a controversy about the origin of their House and of its privileges. When he found that he could not convince them, he dissolved them in a passion, and sent some of the leaders of the Opposition to ruminate on his logic in prison.
During the time which elapsed between this dissolution and the meeting of the next Parliament, took place the celebrated negotiation respecting the Infanta. The would-be despot was unmercifully brow-beaten. The would-be Solomon was ridiculously overreached. Steenie, in spite of the begging and sobbing of his dear dad and gossip, carried off baby Charles in triumph to Madrid. The sweet lads, as James called them, came back safe, but without their errand. The great master of king-craft, in looking for a Spanish match, had found a Spanish war. In February, 1624, a Parliament met, during the whole sitting of which, James was a mere puppet in the hands of his baby, and of his poor slave and dog. The Commons were disposed to support the King in the vigorous policy which his favourite urged him to adopt. But they were not disposed to place any confidence in their feeble sovereign and his dissolute courtiers, or to relax in their efforts to remove public grievances. They therefore lodged the money which they voted for the war in the hands of Parliamentary Commissioners. They impeached the treasurer, Lord Middlesex, for corruption, and they passed a bill by which patents of monopoly were declared illegal.
Hampden did not, during the reign of James, take any prominent part in public affairs. It is certain, however, that he paid great attention to the details of Parliamentary business, and to the local interests of his own country. It was in a great measure owing to his exertions that Wendover and some other boroughs on which the popular party could depend recovered the elective franchise, in spite of the opposition of the Court.
The health of the King had for some time been declining. On the twenty-seventh of March, 1625, he expired. Under his weak rule, the spirit of liberty had grown strong, and had become equal to a great contest. The contest was brought on by the policy of his successor. Charles bore no resemblance to his father. He was not a driveller, or a pedant, or a buffoon, or a coward. It would be absurd to deny that he was a scholar and a gentleman, a man of exquisite taste in the fine arts, a man of strict morals in private life. His talents for business were respectable; his demeanour was kingly. But he was false, imperious, obstinate, narrow-minded, ignorant of the temper of his people, unobservant of the signs of his times. The whole principle of his government was resistance to public opinion; nor did he make any real concession to that opinion till it mattered not whether he resisted or conceded, till the nation, which had long ceased to love him or to trust him, had at last ceased to fear him.
His first Parliament met in June, 1625. Hampden sat in it as burgess for Wendover. The King wished for money. The Commons wished for the redress of grievances. The war, however, could not be carried on without funds. The plan of the Opposition was, it should seem, to dole out supplies by small sums, in order to prevent a speedy dissolution. They gave the King two subsidies only, and proceeded to complain that his ships had been employed against the Huguenots in France, and to petition in behalf of the Puritans who were persecuted in England. The King dissolved them, and raised money by Letters under his Privy Seal. The supply fell far short of what he needed; and, in the spring of 1626, he called together another Parliament. In this Parliament, Hampden again sat for Wendover.
The Commons resolved to grant a very liberal supply, but to defer the final passing of the act for that purpose till the grievances of the nation should be redressed. The struggle which followed far exceeded in violence any that had yet taken place. The Commons impeached Buckingham. The King threw the managers of the impeachment into prison. The Commons denied the right of the King to levy tonnage and poundage without their consent. The King dissolved them. They put forth a remonstrance. The King circulated a declaration vindicating his measures, and committed some of the most distinguished members of the Opposition to close custody. Money was raised by a forced loan, which was apportioned among the people according to the rate at which they had been respectively assessed to the last subsidy. On this occasion it was, that Hampden made his first stand for the fundamental principle of the English constitution. He positively refused to lend a farthing. He was required to give his reasons. He answered, “that he could be content to lend as well as others, but feared to draw upon himself that curse in Magna Charta which should be read twice a year against those who infringe it.” For this spirited answer, the Privy Council committed him close prisoner to the Gate House. After some time, he was again brought up; but he persisted in his refusal, and was sent to a place of confinement in Hampshire.
The government went on, oppressing at home, and blundering in all its measures abroad. A war was foolishly undertaken against France, and more foolishly conducted. Buckingham led an expedition against Rhé, and failed ignominiously. In the mean time soldiers were billeted on the people. Crimes of which ordinary justice should have taken cognisance were punished by martial law. Near eighty gentlemen were imprisoned for refusing to contribute to the forced loan. The lower people who showed any signs of insubordination were pressed into the fleet, or compelled to serve in the army. Money, however, came in slowly; and the King was compelled to summon another Parliament. In the hope of conciliating his subjects, he set at liberty the persons who had been imprisoned for refusing to comply with his unlawful demands. Hampden regained his freedom, and was immediately re-elected burgess for Wendover.
Early in 1628 the Parliament met. During its first session, the Commons prevailed on the King, after many delays and much equivocation, to give, in return for five subsidies, his full and solemn assent to that celebrated instrument, the second great charter of the liberties of England, known by the name of the Petition of Right. By agreeing to this act, the King bound himself to raise no taxes without the consent of Parliament, to imprison no man except by legal process, to billet no more soldiers on the people, and to leave the cognisance of offences to the ordinary tribunals.
In the summer, this memorable Parliament was prorogued. It met again in January, 1629. Buckingham was no more. That weak, violent, and dissolute adventurer, who, with no talents or acquirements but those of a mere courtier, had, in a great crisis of foreign and domestic politics, ventured on the part of prime minister, had fallen, during the recess of Parliament, by the hand of an assassin. Both before and after his death the war had been feebly and unsuccessfully conducted. The King had continued, in direct violation of the Petition of Right, to raise tonnage and poundage without the consent of Parliament. The troops had again been billeted on the people; and it was clear to the Commons that the five subsidies which they had given as the price of the national liberties had been given in vain.
They met accordingly in no complying humour. They took into their most serious consideration the measures of the government concerning tonnage and poundage. They summoned the officers of the custom-house to their bar. They interrogated the barons of the exchequer. They committed one of the sheriffs of London. Sir John Eliot, a distinguished member of the Opposition, and an intimate friend of Hampden, proposed a resolution condemning the unconstitutional imposition. The Speaker said that the King had commanded him to put no such question to the vote. This decision produced the most violent burst of feeling ever seen within the walls of Parliament. Hayman remonstrated vehemently against the disgraceful language which had been heard from the chair. Eliot dashed the paper which contained his resolution on the floor of the House. Valentine and Hollis held the Speaker down in his seat by main force, and read the motion amidst the loudest shouts. The door was locked. The key was laid on the table. Black Rod knocked for admittance in vain. After passing several strong resolutions, the House adjourned. On the day appointed for its meeting it was dissolved by the King, and several of its most eminent members, among whom were Hollis and Sir John Eliot, were committed to prison.
Though Hampden had as yet taken little part in the debates of the House, he had been a member of many very important committees, and had read and written much concerning the law of Parliament. A manuscript volume of Parliamentary cases, which is still in existence, contains many extracts from his notes.
He now retired to the duties and pleasures of a rural life. During the eleven years which followed the dissolution of the Parliament of 1628, he resided at his seat in one of the most beautiful parts of the county of Buckingham. The house, which has since his time been greatly altered, and which is now, we believe, almost entirely neglected, was an old English mansion, built in the days of the Plantagenets and the Tudors. It stood on the brow of a hill which overlooks a narrow valley. The extensive woods which surround it were pierced by long avenues. One of those avenues the grandfather of the great statesman had cut for the approach of Elizabeth; and the opening, which is still visible for many miles, retains the name of the Queen’s Gap. In this delightful retreat, Hampden passed several years, performing with great activity all the duties of a landed gentleman and a magistrate, and amusing himself with books and with field sports.
He was not in his retirement unmindful of his persecuted friends. In particular, he kept up a close correspondence with Sir John Eliot, who was confined in the Tower. Lord Nugent has published several of the Letters. We may perhaps be fanciful; but it seems to us that every one of them is an admirable illustration of some part of the character of Hampden which Clarendon has drawn.
Part of the correspondence relates to the two sons of Sir John Eliot. These young men were wild and unsteady; and their father, who was now separated from them, was naturally anxious about their conduct. He at length resolved to send one of them to France, and the other to serve a campaign in the Low Countries. The letter which we subjoin shows that Hampden, though rigorous towards himself, was not uncharitable towards others, and that his puritanism was perfectly compatible with the sentiments and the tastes of an accomplished gentleman. It also illustrates admirably what has been said of him by Clarendon: “He was of that rare affability and temper in debate, and of that seeming humility and submission of judgment, as if he brought no opinion of his own with him, but a desire of information and instruction. Yet he had so subtle a way of interrogating, and, under cover of doubts, insinuating his objections, that he infused his own opinions into those from whom he pretended to learn and receive them.”
The letter runs thus: “I am so perfectly acquainted with your clear insight into the dispositions of men, and ability to fit them with courses suitable, that, had you bestowed sons of mine as you have done your own, my judgment durst hardly have called it into question, especially when, in laying the design, you have prevented the objections to be made against it. For if Mr. Richard Eliot will, in the intermissions of action, add study to practice, and adorn that lively spirit with flowers of contemplation, he will raise our expectations of another Sir Edward Vere, that had this character — all summer in the field, all winter in his study — in whose fall fame makes this kingdom a great loser; and, having taken this resolution from counsel with the highest wisdom, as I doubt not you have, I hope and pray that the same power will crown it with a blessing answerable to our wish. The way you take with my other friend shows you to be none of the Bishop of Exeter’s converts* ; of whose mind neither am I superstitiously. But had my opinion been asked, I should, as vulgar conceits use to do, have showed my power rather to raise objections than to answer them. A temper between France and Oxford, might have taken away his scruples, with more advantage to his years. . . . . . . . . . For although he be one of those that, if his age were looked for in no other book but that of the mind, would be found no ward if you should die to-morrow, yet it is a great hazard, methinks, to see so sweet a disposition guarded with no more, amongst a people whereof many make it their religion to be superstitious in impiety, and their behaviour to be affected in ill manners. But God, who only knoweth the periods of life and opportunities to come, hath designed him, I hope, for his own service betime, and stirred up your providence to husband him so early for great affairs. Then shall he be sure to find Him in France that Abraham did in Sechem and Joseph in Egypt, under whose wing alone is perfect safety.”
Sir John Eliot employed himself, during his imprisonment, in writing a treatise on government, which he trensmitted to his friend. Hampden’s criticisms are strikingly characteristic. They are written with all that “flowing courtesy” which is ascribed to him by Clarendon. The objections are insinuated with so much delicacy that they could scarcely gall the most irritable author. We see too how highly Hampden valued in the writings of others that conciseness which was one of the most striking peculiarities of his own eloquence. Sir John Eliot’s style was, it seems, too diffuse, and it is impossible not to admire the skill with which this is suggested. “The piece,” says Hampden, “is as complete an image of the pattern as can be drawn by lines, a lively character of a large mind, the subject, method, and expression, excellent and homogeneal, and, to say truth, sweetheart, somewhat exceeding my commendations. My words cannot render them to the life. Yet, to show my ingenuity rather than wit, would not a less model have given a full representation of that subject, not by diminution but by contraction of parts? I desire to learn. I dare not say. The variations upon each particular seem many; all, I confess, excellent. The fountain was full, the channel narrow; that may be the cause; or that the author resembled Virgil, who made more verses by many than he intended to write. To extract a just number, had I seen all his, I could easily have bid him make fewer; but if he had bade me tell him which he should have spared, I had been posed.”
This is evidently the writing not only of a man of good sense and natural good taste, but of a man of literary habits. Of the studies of Hampden little is known. But, as it was at one time in contemplation to give him the charge of the education of the Prince of Wales, it cannot be doubted that his acquirements were considerable. Davila, it is said, was one of his favourite writers. The moderation of Davila’s opinions and the perspicuity and manliness of his style could not but recommend him to so judicious a reader. It is not improbable that the parallel between France and England, the Huguenots and the Puritans, had struck the mind of Hampden, and that he already found within himself powers not unequal to the lofty part of Coligni.
While he was engaged in these pursuits, a heavy domestic calamity fell on him. His wife, who had borne him nine children, died in the summer of 1634. She lies in the parish church of Hampden, close to the manor-house. The tender and energetic language of her epitaph still attests the bitterness of her husband’s sorrow, and the consolation which he found in a hope full of immortality.
In the mean time, the aspect of public affairs grew darker and darker. The health of Eliot had sunk under an unlawful imprisonment of several years. The brave sufferer refused to purchase liberty, though liberty would to him have been life, by recognising the authority which had confined him. In consequence of the representations of his physicians, the severity of restraint was somewhat relaxed. But it was in vain. He languished and expired a martyr to that good cause for which his friend Hampden was destined to meet a more brilliant, but not a more honourable death.
All the promises of the King were violated without scruple or shame. The Petition of Right, to which he had, in consideration of monies duly numbered, given a solemn assent, was set at nought. Taxes were raised by the royal authority. Patents of monopoly were granted. The old usages of feudal times were made pretexts for harassing the people with exactions unknown during many years. The Puritans were persecuted with cruelty worthy of the Holy Office. They were forced to fly from the country. They were imprisoned. They were whipped. Their ears were cut off. Their noses were slit. Their cheeks were branded with red-hot iron. But the cruelty of the oppressor could not tire out the fortitude of the victims. The mutilated defenders of liberty again defied the vengeance of the Star Chamber, came back with undiminished resolution to the place of their glorious infamy, and manfully presented the stumps of their ears to be grubbed out by the hangman’s knife. The hardy sect grew up and flourished in spite of every thing that seemed likely to stunt it, struck its roots deep into a barren soil, and spread its branches wide to an inclement sky. The multitude thronged round Prynne in the pillory with more respect than they paid to Mainwaring in the pulpit, and treasured up the rags which the blood of Burton had soaked, with a veneration such as mitres and surplices had ceased to inspire.
For the misgovernment of this disastrous period Charles himself is principally responsible. After the death of Buckingham, he seems to have been his own prime minister. He had, however, two counsellors who seconded him, or went beyond him, in intolerance and lawless violence, the one a superstitious driveller, as honest as a vile temper would suffer him to be, the other a man of great valour and capacity, but licentious, faithless, corrupt, and cruel.
Never were faces more strikingly characteristic of the individuals to whom they belonged, than those of Laud and Strafford, as they still remain portrayed by the most skilful hand of that age. The mean forehead, the pinched features, the peering eyes, of the prelate, suit admirably with his disposition. They mark him out as a lower kind of Saint Dominie, differing from the fierce and gloomy enthusiast who founded the Inquisition, as we might imagine the familiar imp of a spiteful witch to differ from an archangel of darkness. When we read His Grace’s judgments, when we read the report which he drew up, setting forth that he had sent some separatists to prison, and imploring the royal aid against others, we feel a movement of indignation. We turn to his Diary, and we are at once as cool as contempt can make us. There we learn how his picture fell down, and how fearful he was lest the fall should be an omen; how he dreamed that the Duke of Buckingham came to bed to him, that King James walked past him, that he saw Thomas Flaxney in green garments, and the Bishop of Worcester with his shoulders wrapped in linen. In the early part of 1627, the sleep of this great ornament of the church seems to have been much disturbed. On the fifth of January, he saw a merry old man with a wrinkled countenance, named Grove, lying on the ground. On the fourteenth of the same memorable month, he saw the Bishop of Lincoln jump on a horse and ride away. A day or two after this he dreamed that he gave the King drink in a silver cup, and that the King refused it, and called for glass. Then he dreamed that he had turned Papist; of all his dreams the only one, we suspect, which came through the gate of horn. But of these visions our favourite is that which, as he has recorded, he enjoyed on the night of Friday, the ninth of February, 1627. “I dreamed,” says he, “that I had the scurvy; and that forthwith all my teeth became loose There was one in especial in my lower jaw, which I could scarcely keep in with my finger till I had called for help.” Here was a man to have the superintendence of the opinions of a great nation!
But Wentworth, — who ever names him without thinking of those harsh dark features, ennobled by their expression into more than the majesty of an antique Jupiter; of that brow, that eye, that cheek, that lip, wherein, as in a chronicle, are written the events of many stormy and disastrous years, high enterprise accomplished, frightful dangers braved, power unsparingly exercised, suffering unshrinkingly borne; of that fixed look, so full of severity, of mournful anxiety, of deep thought, of dauntless resolution, which seems at once to forebode and to defy a terrible fate, as it lowers on us from the living canvass of Vandyke? Even at this day the haughty earl overawes posterity as he overawed his contemporaries, and excites the same interest when arraigned before the tribunal of history which he excited at the bar of the House of Lords. In spite of ourselves, we sometimes feel towards his memory a certain relenting similar to that relenting which his defence, as Sir John Denham tells us, produced in Westminster Hall.
This great, brave, bad man entered the House of Commons at the same time with Hampden, and took the same side with Hampden. Both were among the richest and most powerful commoners in the kingdom. Both were equally distinguished by force of character, and by personal courage. Hampden had more judgment and sagacity than Wentworth. But no orator of that time equalled Wentworth in force and brilliancy of expression. In 1626 both these eminent men were committed to prison by the King, Wentworth, who was among the leaders of the Opposition, on account of his parliamentary conduct, Hampden, who had not as yet taken a prominent part in debate, for refusing to pay taxes illegally imposed.
Here their path separated. After the death of Buckingham, the King attempted to seduce some of the chiefs of the Opposition from their party; and Wentworth was among those who yielded to the seduction. He abandoned his associates, and hated them ever after with the deadly hatred of a renegade. High titles and great employments were heaped upon him. He became Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, President of the Council of the North; and he employed all his power for the purpose of crushing those liberties of which he had been the most distinguished champion. His counsels respecting public affairs were fierce and arbitrary. His correspondence with Laud abundantly proves that government without parliaments, government by the sword, was his favourite scheme. He was angry even that the course of justice between man and man should be unrestrained by the royal prerogative. He grudged to the Courts of King’s Bench and Common Pleas even that measure of liberty which the most absolute of the Bourbons allowed to the Parliaments of France. In Ireland, where he stood in the place of the King, his practice was in strict accordance with his theory. He set up the authority of the executive government over that of the courts of law. He permitted no person to leave the island without his licence. He established vast monopolies for his own private benefit. He imposed taxes arbitrarily. He levied them by military force. Some of his acts are described even by the partial Clarendon as powerful acts, acts which marked a nature excessively imperious, acts which caused dislike and terror in sober and dispassionate persons, high acts of oppression. Upon a most frivolous charge, he obtained a capital sentence from a court-martial against a man of high rank who had given him offence. He debauched the daughter-in-law of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and then commanded that nobleman to settle his estate according to the wishes of the lady. The Chancellor refused. The Lord Lieutenant turned him out of office, and threw him into prison. When the violent acts of the Long Parliament are blamed, let it not be forgotten from what a tyranny they rescued the nation.
Among the humbler tools of Charles were Chief-Justice Finch and Noy the Attorney-General. Noy had, like Wentworth, supported the cause of liberty in Parliament, and had, like Wentworth, abandoned that cause for the sake of office. He devised, in conjunction with Finch, a scheme of exaction which made the alienation of the people from the throne complete. A writ was issued by the King, commanding the city of London to equip and man ships of war for his service. Similar writs were sent to the towns along the coast. These measures, though they were direct violations of the Petition of Right, had at least some show of precedent in their favour. But, after a time, the government took a step for which no precedent could be pleaded, and sent writs of ship-money to the inland counties. This was a stretch of power on which Elizabeth herself had not ventured, even at a time when all laws might with propriety have been made to bend to that highest law, the safety of the state. The inland counties had not been required to furnish ships, or money in the room of ships, even when the Armada was approaching our shores. It seemed intolerable that a prince who, by assenting to the Petition of Right, had relinquished the power of levying ship-money even in the out-ports, should be the first to levy it on parts of the kingdom where it had been unknown under the most absolute of his predecessors.
Clarendon distinctly admits that this tax was intended, not only for the support of the navy, but “for a spring and magazine that should have no bottom, and for an everlasting supply of all occasions.” The nation well understood this; and from one end of England to the other the public mind was strongly excited.
Buckinghamshire was assessed at a ship of four hundred and fifty tons, or a sum of four thousand five hundred pounds. The share of the tax which fell to Hampden was very small; so small, indeed, that the sheriff was blamed for setting so wealthy a man at so low a rate. But, though the sum demanded was a trifle, the principle involved was fearfully important. Hampden, after consulting the most eminent constitutional lawyers of the time, refused to pay the few shillings at which he was assessed, and determined to incur all the certain expense, and the probable danger, of bringing to a solemn hearing this great controversy between the people and the Crown. “Till this time,” says Clarendon, “he was rather of reputation in his own country than of public discourse or fame in the kingdom; but then he grew the argument of all tongues, every man inquiring who and what he was that durst, at his own charge, support the liberty and prosperity of the kingdom.”
Towards the close of the year 1636, this great cause came on in the Exchequer Chamber before all the judges of England. The leading counsel against the writ was the celebrated Oliver St. John, a man whose temper was melancholy, whose manners were reserved, and who was as yet little known in West-minster Hall, but whose great talents had not escaped the penetrating eye of Hampden. The Attorney-General and Solicitor-General appeared for the Crown.
The arguments of the counsel occupied many days; and the Exchequer Chamber took a considerable time for deliberation. The opinion of the bench was divided. So clearly was the law in favour of Hampden that, though the judges held their situations only during the royal pleasure, the majority against him was the least possible. Five of the twelve pronounced in his favour. The remaining seven gave their voices for the writ.
The only effect of this decision was to make the public indignation stronger and deeper. “The judgment,” says Clarendon, “proved of more advantage and credit to the gentleman condemned than to the King’s service.” The courage which Hampden had shown on this occasion, as the same historian tells us, “raised his reputation to a great height generally throughout the kingdom.” Even courtiers and crown-lawyers spoke respectfully of him. “His carriage,” says Clarendon, “throughout that agitation, was with that rare temper and modesty, that they who watched him narrowly to find some advantage against his person, to make him less resolute in his cause, were compelled to give him a just testimony.” But his demeanour, though it impressed Lord Falkland with the deepest respect, though it drew forth the praises of Solicitor-General Herbert, only kindled into a fiercer flame the ever-burning hatred of Strafford. That minister, in his letters to Laud, murmured against the lenity with which Hampden was treated. “In good faith,” he wrote, “were such men rightly served, they should be whipped into their right wits.” Again he says, “I still wish Mr. Hampden, and others to his likeness, were well whipped into their right senses. And if the rod be so used that it smart not, I am the more sorry.”
The person of Hampden was now scarcely safe. His prudence and moderation had hitherto disappointed those who would gladly have had a pretence for sending him to the prison of Eliot. But he knew that the eye of a tyrant was on him. In the year 1637 misgovernment had reached its height. Eight years had passed without a Parliament. The decision of the Exchequer Chamber had placed at the disposal of the Crown the whole property of the English people. About the time at which that decision was pronounced, Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton were mutilated by the sentence of the Star Chamber, and sent to rot in remote dungeons. The estate and the person of every man who had opposed the court were at its mercy.
Hampden determined to leave England. Beyond the Atlantic Ocean, a few of the persecuted Puritans had formed, in the wilderness of Connecticut, a settlement which has since become a prosperous commonwealth, and which, in spite of the lapse of time and of the change of government, still retains something of the character given to it by its first founders. Lord Saye and Lord Brooke were the original projectors of this scheme of emigration. Hampden had been early consulted respecting it. He was now, it appears, desirous to withdraw himself beyond the reach of oppressors who, as he probably suspected, and as we know, were bent on punishing his manful resistance to their tyranny. He was accompanied by his kinsman Oliver Cromwell, over whom he possessed great influence, and in whom he alone had discovered, under an exterior appearance of coarseness and extravagance, those great and commanding talents which were afterwards the admiration and the dread of Europe.
The cousins took their passage in a vessel which lay in the Thames, and which was bound for North America. They were actually on board, when an order of council appeared, by which the ship was prohibited from sailing. Seven other ships, filled with emigrants, were stopped at the same time.
Hampden and Cromwell remained; and with them remained the Evil Genius of the House of Stuart. The tide of public affairs was even now on the turn. The King had resolved to change the ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland, and to introduce into the public worship of that kingdom ceremonies which the great body of the Scots regarded as popish. This absurd attempt produced, first discontents, then riots, and at length open rebellion. A provisional government was established at Edinburgh, and its authority was obeyed throughout the kingdom. This government raised an army, appointed a general, and summoned an Assembly of the Kirk. The famous instrument called the Covenant was put forth at this time, and was eagerly subscribed by the people.
The beginnings of this formidable insurrection were strangely neglected by the King and his advisers. But towards the close of the year 1638 the danger became pressing. An army was raised; and early in the following spring Charles marched northward at the head of a force sufficient, as it seemed, to reduce the Covenanters to submission.
But Charles acted at this conjuncture as he acted at every important conjuncture throughout his life. After oppressing, threatening, and blustering, he hesitated and failed. He was bold in the wrong place, and timid in the wrong place. He would have shown his wisdom by being afraid before the liturgy was read in St. Giles’s church. He put off his fear till he had reached the Scottish border with his troops. Then, after a feeble campaign, he concluded a treaty with the insurgents, and withdrew his army. But the terms of the pacification were not observed. Each party charged the other with foul play. The Scots refused to disarm. The King found great difficulty in re-assembling his forces. His late expedition had drained his treasury. The revenues of the next year had been anticipated. At another time, he might have attempted to make up the deficiency by illegal expedients; but such a course would clearly have been dangerous when part of the island was in rebellion. It was necessary to call a Parliament. After eleven years of suffering, the voice of the nation was to be heard once more.
In April, 1640, the Parliament met; and the King had another chance of conciliating his people. The new House of Commons was, beyond all comparison, the least refractory House of Commons that had been known for many years. Indeed, we have never been able to understand how, after so long a period of misgovernment, the representatives of the nation should have shown so moderate and so loyal a disposition. Clarendon speaks with admiration of their dutiful temper. “The House, generally,” says he, “was exceedingly disposed to please the King, and to do him service.” “It could never be hoped,” he observes elsewhere, “that more sober or dispassionate men would ever meet together in that place, or fewer who brought ill purposes with them.”
In this Parliament Hampden took his seat as member for Buckinghamshire, and thenceforward, till the day of his death, gave himself up, with scarcely any intermission, to public affairs. He took lodgings in Gray’s Inn Lane, near the house occupied by Pym, with whom he lived in habits of the closest intimacy. He was now decidedly the most popular man in England. The Opposition looked to him as their leader, and the servants of the King treated him with marked respect.
Charles requested the Parliament to vote an immediate supply, and pledged his word that, if they would gratify him in this request, he would afterwards give them time to represent their grievances to him. The grievances under which the nation suffered were so serious, and the royal word had been so shamefully violated, that the Commons could hardly be expected to comply with this request. During the first week of the session, the minutes of the proceedings against Hampden were laid on the table by Oliver St. John, and a committee reported that the case was matter of grievance. The King sent a message to the Commons, offering, if they would vote him twelve subsidies, to give up the prerogative of ship-money. Many years before, he had received five subsidies in consideration of his assent to the Petition of Right. By assenting to that petition, he had given up the right of levying ship-money, if he ever possessed it. How he had observed the promises made to his third Parliament, all England knew; and it was not strange that the Commons should be somewhat unwilling to buy from him, over and over again, their own ancient and undoubted inheritance.
His message, however, was not unfavourably received. The Commons were ready to give a large supply; but they were not disposed to give it in exchange for a prerogative of which they altogether denied the existence. If they acceded to the proposal of the King, they recognised the legality of the writs of ship-money.
Hampden, who was a greater master of parliamentary tactics than any man of his time, saw that this was the prevailing feeling, and availed himself of it with great dexterity. He moved that the question should be put, “Whether the House would consent to the proposition made by the King, as contained in the message.” Hyde interfered, and proposed that the question should be divided; that the sense of the House should be taken merely on the point whether there should be a supply or no supply; and that the manner and the amount should be left for subsequent consideration.
The majority of the House was for granting a supply, but against granting it in the manner proposed by the King. If the House had divided on Hampden’s question, the court would have sustained a defeat; if on Hyde’s, the court would have gained an apparent victory. Some members called for Hyde’s motion, others for Hampden’s. In the midst of the uproar, the secretary of state, Sir Harry Vane, rose and stated that the supply would not be accepted unless it were voted according to the tenor of the message. Vane was supported by Herbert, the Solicitor-General. Hyde’s motion was therefore no further pressed, and the debate on the general question was adjourned till the next day.
On the next day the King came down to the House of Lords, and dissolved the Parliament with an angry speech. His conduct on this occasion has never been defended by any of his apologists. Clarendon condemns it severely. “No man,” says he, “could imagine what offence the Commons had given.” The offence which they had given is plain. They had, indeed, behaved most temperately and most respectfully. But they had shown a disposition to redress wrongs and to vindicate the laws; and this was enough to make them hateful to a king whom no law could bind, and whose whole government was one system of wrong.
The nation received the intelligence of the dissolution with sorrow and indignation. The only persons to whom this event gave pleasure were those few discerning men who thought that the maladies of the state were beyond the reach of gentle remedies. Oliver St. John’s joy was too great for concealment. It lighted up his dark and melancholy features, and made him, for the first time, indiscreetly communicative. He told Hyde that things must be worse before they could be better, and that the dissolved Parliament would never have done all that was necessary. St. John, we think, was in the right. No good could then have been done by any Parliament which did not fully understand that no confidence could safely be placed in the King, and that, while he enjoyed more than the shadow of power, the nation would never enjoy more than the shadow of liberty.
As soon as Charles had dismissed the Parliament, he threw several members of the House of Commons into prison. Ship-money was exacted more rigorously than ever; and the Mayor and Sheriffs of London were prosecuted before the Star Chamber for slackness in levying it. Wentworth, it is said, observed with characteristic insolence and cruelty, that things would never go right till the Aldermen were hanged. Large sums were raised by force on those counties in which the troops were quartered. All the wretched shifts of a beggared exchequer were tried. Forced loans were raised. Great quantities of goods were bought on long credit and sold for ready money. A scheme for debasing the currency was under consideration. At length, in August, the King again marched northward.
The Scots advanced into England to meet him. It is by no means improbable that this bold step was taken by the advice of Hampden, and of those with whom he acted; and this has been made matter of grave accusation against the English Opposition. It is said that to call in the aid of foreigners in a domestic quarrel is the worst of treasons, and that the Puritan leaders, by taking this course, showed that they were regardless of the honour and independence of the nation, and anxious only for the success of their own faction. We are utterly unable to see any distinction between the case of the Scotch invasion in 1640, and the case of the Dutch invasion in 1688; or rather, we see distinctions which are to the advantage of Hampden and his friends. We believe Charles to have been a worse and more dangerous king than his son. The Dutch were strangers to us, the Scots a kindred people, speaking the same language, subjects of the same prince, not aliens in the eye of the law. If, indeed, it had been possible that a Scotch army or a Dutch army could have enslaved England, those who persuaded Leslie to cross the Tweed, and those who signed the invitation to the Prince of Orange, would have been traitors to their country. But such a result was out of the question. All that either a Scotch or a Dutch invasion could do was to give the public feeling of England an opportunity to show itself. Both expeditions would have ended in complete and ludicrous discomfiture, had Charles and James been supported by their soldiers and their people. In neither case, therefore, was the independence of England endangered; in both cases her liberties were preserved.
The second campaign of Charles against the Scots was short and ignominious. His soldiers, as soon as they saw the enemy, ran away as English soldiers have never run either before or since. It can scarcely be doubted that their flight was the effect, not of cowardice, but of disaffection. The four northern counties of England were occupied by the Scotch army, and the King retired to York.
The game of tyranny was now up. Charles had risked and lost his last stake. It is not easy to retrace the mortifications and humiliations which the tyrant now had to endure, without a feeling of vindictive pleasure. His army was mutinous; his treasury was empty; his people clamoured for a Parliament; addresses and petitions against the government were presented. Strafford was for shooting the petitioners by martial law; but the King could not trust the soldiers. A great council of Peers was called at York; but the King could not trust even the Peers. He struggled, evaded, hesitated, tried every shift, rather than again face the representatives of his injured people. At length no shift was left. He made a truce with the Scots, and summoned a Parliament.
The leaders of the popular party had, after the late dissolution, remained in London for the purpose of organizing a scheme of opposition to the court. They now exerted themselves to the utmost. Hampden, in particular, rode from county to county, exhorting the electors to give their votes to men worthy of their confidence. The great majority of the returns was on the side of the Opposition. Hampden was himself chosen member both for Wendover and Buckinghamshire. He made his election to serve for the county.
On the third of November, 1640, a day to be long remembered, met that great Parliament, destined to every extreme of fortune, to empire and to servitude, to glory, and to contempt; at one time the sovereign of its sovereign, at another time the servant of its servants. From the first day of meeting the attendance was great; and the aspect of the members was that of men not disposed to do the work negligently. The dissolution of the late Parliament had convinced most of them that half measures would no longer suffice. Clarendon tells us, that “the same men who, six months befor, were observed to be of very moderate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies might be applied, talked now in another dialect both of kings and persons; and said that they must now be of another temper than they were the last Parliament.” The debt of vengeance was swollen by all the usury which had been accumulating during many years; and payment was made to the full.
This memorable crisis called forth parliamentary abilities such as England had never before seen. Among the most distinguished members of the House of Commons were Falkland, Hyde, Digby, young Harry Vane, Oliver St. John, Denzil Hollis, Nathaniel Fiennes. But two men exercised a paramount influence over the legislature and the country, Pym and Hampden; and, by the universal consent of friends and enemies, the first place belonged to Hampden.
On occasions which required set speeches Pym generally took the lead. Hampden very seldom rose till late in a debate. His speaking was of that kind which has, in every age, been held in the highest estimation by English Parliaments, ready, weighty, perspicuous, condensed. His perception of the feelings of the House was exquisite, his temper unalterably placid, his manner eminently courteous and gentlemanlike. “Even with those,” says Clarendon, “who were able to preserve themselves from his infusions, and who discerned those opinions to be fixed in him with which they could not comply, he always left the character of an ingenious and conscientious person.” His talents for business were as remarkable as his talents for debate. “He was,” says Clarendon, “of an industry and vigilance not to be tired out or wearied by the most laborious, and of parts not to be imposed upon by the most subtle and sharp.” Yet it was rather to his moral than to his intellectual qualities that he was indebted for the vast influence which he possessed. “When this parliament began,” — we again quote Clarendon, — “the eyes of all men were fixed upon him, as their patriæ pater, and the pilot that must steer the vessel through the tempests and rocks which threatened it. And I am persuaded his power and interest at that time were greater to do good or hurt than any man’s in the kingdom, or than any man of his rank hath had in any time; for his reputation of honesty was universal, and his affections seemed so publicly guided, that no corrupt or private ends could bias them. . . . He was indeed a very wise man, and of great parts, and possessed with the most absolute spirit of popularity, and the most absolute faculties to govern the people, of any man I ever knew.”
It is sufficient to recapitulate shortly the acts of the Long Parliament during its first session. Strafford and Laud were impeached and imprisoned. Strafford was afterwards attained by Bill, and executed. Lord Keeper Finch fled to Holland, Secretary Windebank to France. All those whom the King had, during the last twelve years, employed for the oppression of his people, from the servile judges who had pronounced in favour of the crown against Hampden, down to the sheriffs who had distrained for ship-money, and the custom-house officers who had levied tonnage and poundage, were summoned to answer for their conduct. The Star Chamber, the High Commission Court, the Council of York, were abolished. Those unfortunate victims of Laud who, after undergoing ignominious exposure and cruel manglings, had been sent to languish in distant prisons, were set at liberty, and conducted through London in triumphant procession. The King was compelled to give the judges patents for life or during good behaviour. He was deprived of those oppressive powers which were the last relics of the old feudal tenures. The Forest Courts and the Stannary Courts were reformed. It was provided that the Parliament then sitting should not be prorogued or dissolved without its own consent, and that a Parliament should be held at least once every three years.
Many of these measures Lord Clarendon allows to have been most salutary; and few persons will, in our times, deny that, in the laws passed during this session, the good greatly preponderated over the evil. The abolition of those three hateful courts, the Northern Council, the Star Chamber, and the High Commission, would alone entitle the Long Parliament to the lasting gratitude of Englishmen.
The proceeding against Strafford undoubtedly seems hard to people living in our days. It would probably have seemed merciful and moderate to people living in the sixteenth century. It is curious to compare the trial of Charles’s minister with the trial, if it can be so called, of Lord Seymour of Sudeley, in the blessed reign of Edward the Sixth. None of the great reformers of our Church doubted the propriety of passing an act of Parliament for cutting off Lord Seymour’s head without a legal conviction. The pious Cranmer voted for that act; the pious Latimer preached for it; the pious Edward returned thanks for it; and all the pious Lords of the council together exhorted their victim to what they were pleased facetiously to call “the quiet and patient suffering of justice.”
But it is not necessary to defend the proceedings against Strafford by any such comparison. They are justified, in our opinion, by that which alone justifies capital punishment or any punishment, by that which alone justifies war, by the public danger. That there is a certain amount of public danger which will justify a legislature in sentencing a man to death by retrospective law, few people, we suppose, will deny. Few people, for example, will deny that the French Convention was perfectly justified in placing Robespierre, St. Just, and Couthon under the ban of the law, without a trial. This proceeding differed from the proceeding against Strafford only in being much more rapid and violent. Strafford was fully heard. Robespierre was not suffered to defend himself. Was there, then, in the case of Strafford, a danger sufficient to justify an act of attainder? We believe that there was. We believe that the contest in which the Parliament was engaged against the King was a contest for the security of our property, for the liberty of our persons, for every thing which makes us to differ from the subjects of Don Miguel. We believe that the cause of the Commons was such as justified them in resisting the King, in raising an army, in sending thousands of brave men to kill and to be killed. An act of attainder is surely not more a departure from the ordinary course of law than a civil war. An act of attainder produces much less suffering than a civil war. We are, therefore, unable to discover on what principle it can be maintained that a cause which justifies a civil war will not justify an act of attainder.
Many specious arguments have been urged against the retrospective law by which Strafford was condemned to death. But all these arguments proceed on the supposition that the crisis was an ordinary crisis. The attainder was, in truth, a revolutionary measure. It was part of a system of resistance which oppression had rendered necessary. It is as unjust to judge of the conduct pursued by the Long Parliament towards Strafford on ordinary principles, as it would have been to indict Fairfax for murder because he cut down a cornet at Naseby. From the day on which the Houses met, there was a war waged by them against the King, a war for all that they held dear, a war carried on at first by means of parliamentary forms, at last by physical force; and, as in the second stage of that war, so in the first, they were entitled to do many things which, in quiet times, would have been culpable.
We must not omit to mention that those who were afterwards the most distinguished ornaments of the King’s party supported the bill of attainder. It is almost certain that Hyde voted for it. It is quite certain that Falkland both voted and spoke for it. The opinion of Hampden, as far as it can be collected from a very obscure note of one of his speeches, seems to have been that the proceeding by Bill was unnecessary, and that it would be a better course to obtain judgment on the impeachment.
During this year the Court opened a negotiation with the leaders of the Opposition. The Earl of Bedford was invited to form an administration on popular principles. St. John was made solicitor-general. Hollis was to have been secretary of state, and Pym chancellor of the exchequer. The post of tutor to the Prince of Wales was designed for Hampden. The death of the Earl of Bedford prevented this arrangement from being carried into effect; and it may be doubted whether, even if that nobleman’s life had been prolonged, Charles would ever have consented to surround himself with counsellors whom he could not but hate and fear.
Lord Clarendon admits that the conduct of Hampden during this year was mild and temperate, that he seemed disposed rather to soothe than to excite the public mind, and that, when violent and unreasonable motions were made by his followers, he generally left the House before the division, lest he should seem to give countenance to their extravagance. His temper was moderate. He sincerely loved peace. He felt also great fear lest too precipitate a movement should produce a reaction. The events which took place early in the next session clearly showed that this fear was not unfounded.
During the autumn the Parliament adjourned for a few weeks. Before the recess, Hampden was despatched to Scotland by the House of Commons, nominally as a commissioner, to obtain security for a debt which the Scots had contracted during the late invasion; but in truth that he might keep watch over the King, who had now repaired to Edinburgh, for the purpose of finally adjusting the points of difference which remained between him and his northern subjects. It was the business of Hampden to dissuade the Covenanters from making their peace with the Court, at the expense of the popular party in England.
While the King was in Scotland, the Irish rebellion broke out. The suddenness and violence of this terrible explosion excited a strange suspicion in the public mind. The Queen was a professed Papist. The King and the Archbishop of Canterbury had not indeed been reconciled to the See of Rome; but they had, while acting towards the Puritan party with the utmost rigour, and speaking of that party with the utmost contempt, shown great tenderness and respect towards the Catholic religion and its professors. In spite of the wishes of successive Parliaments, the Protestant separatists had been cruelly persecuted. And at the same time, in spite of the wishes of those very Parliaments, laws which were in force against the Papists, and which, unjustifiable as they were, suited the temper of that age, had not been carried into execution. The Protestant nonconformists had not yet learned toleration in the school of suffering. They reprobated the partial lenity which the government showed towards idolaters, and, with some show of reason, ascribed to bad motives conduct which, in such a king as Charles, and such a prelate as Laud, could not possibly be ascribed to humanity or to liberality of sentiment. The violent Arminianism of the Archbishop, his childish attachment to ceremonies, his superstitious veneration for altars, vestments, and painted windows, his bigoted zeal for the constitution and the privileges of his order, his known opinions respecting the celibacy of the clergy, had excited great disgust throughout that large party which was every day becoming more and more hostile to Rome, and more and more inclined to the doctrines and the discipline of Geneva. It was believed by many that the Irish rebellion had been secretly encouraged by the Court; and, when the Parliament met again in November, after a short recess, the Puritans were more intractable than ever.
But that which Hampden had feared had come to pass. A reaction had taken place. A large body of moderate and well-meaning men, who had heartily concurred in the strong measures adopted before the recess, were inclined to pause. Their opinion was that, during many years, the country had been grievously misgoverned, and that a great reform had been necessary; but that a great reform had been made, that the grievances of the nation had been fully redressed, that sufficient vengeance had been exacted for the past, that sufficient security had been provided for the future, and that it would, therefore, be both ungrateful and unwise to make any further attacks on the royal prerogative. In support of this opinion many plausible arguments have been used. But to all these arguments there is one short answer. The King could not be trusted.
At the head of those who may be called the Constitutional Royalists were Falkland, Hyde, and Culpeper. All these eminent men had, during the former year, been in very decided opposition to the Court. In some of those very proceedings with which their admirers reproach Hampden, they had taken a more decided part than Hampden. They had all been concerned in the impeachment of Strafford. They had all, there is reason to believe, voted for the Bill of Attainder. Certainly none of them voted against it. They had all agreed to the act which made the consent of the Parliament necessary to a dissolution or prorogation. Hyde had been among the most active of those who attacked the Council of York. Falkland had voted for the exclusion of the bishops from the Upper House. They were now inclined to halt in the path of reform, perhaps to retrace a few of their steps.
A direct collision soon took place between the two parties into which the House of Commons, lately at almost perfect unity with itself, was now divided. The opponents of the government moved that celebrated address to the King which is known by the name of the Grand Remonstrance. In this address all the oppressive acts of the preceding fifteen years were set forth with great energy of language; and, in conclusion, the King was entreated to employ no ministers in whom the Parliament could not confide.
The debate on the Remonstrance was long and stormy. It commenced at nine in the morning of the twenty-first of November, and lasted till after midnight. The division showed that a great change had taken place in the temper of the House. Though many members had retired from exhaustion, three hundred voted; and the Remonstrance was carried by a majority of only nine. A violent debate followed, on the question whether the minority should be allowed to protest against this decision. The excitement was so great that several members were on the point of proceeding to personal violence. “We had sheathed our swords in each other’s bowels,” says an eye-witness, “had not the sagacity and great calmness of Mr. Hampden, by a short speech, prevented it.” The House did not rise till two in the morning.
The situation of the Puritan leaders was now difficult and full of peril. The small majority which they still had might soon become a minority. Out of doors, their supporters in the higher and middle classes were beginning to fall off. There was a growing opinion that the King had been hardly used. The English are always inclined to side with a weak party which is in the wrong, rather than with a strong party which is in the right. This may be seen in all contests, from contests of boxers to contests of faction. Thus it was that a violent reaction took place in favour of Charles the Second against the Whigs in 1681. Thus it was that an equally violent reaction took place in favour of George the Third against the coalition in 1784. A similar reaction was beginning to take place during the second year of the Long Parliament. Some members of the Opposition “had resumed,” says Clarendon, “their old resolution of leaving the kingdom.” Oliver Cromwell openly declared that he and many others would have emigrated if they had been left in a minority on the question of the Remonstrance.
Charles had now a last chance of regaining the affection of his people. If he could have resolved to give his confidence to the leaders of the moderate party in the House of Commons, and to regulate his proceedings by their advice, he might have been, not, indeed, as he had been, a despot, but the powerful and respected king of a free people. The nation might have enjoyed liberty and repose under a government with Falkland at its head, checked by a constitutional Opposition under the conduct of Hampden. It was not necessary that, in order to accomplish this happy end, the King should sacrifice any part of his lawful prerogative, or submit to any conditions inconsistent with his dignity. It was necessary only that he should abstain from treachery, from violence, from gross breaches of the law. This was all that the nation was then disposed to require of him. And even this was too much.
For a short time he seemed inclined to take a wise and temperate course. He resolved to make Falkland secretary of state, and Culpeper chancellor of the exchequer. He declared his intention of conferring in a short time some important office on Hyde. He assured these three persons that he would do nothing relating to the House of Commons without their joint advice, and that he would communicate all his designs to them in the most unreserved manner. This resolution, had he adhered to it, would have averted many years of blood and mourning. But “in very few days,” says Clarendon, “he did fatally swerve from it.”
On the third of January, 1642, without giving the slightest hint of his intention to those advisers whom he had solemnly promised to consult, he sent down the attorney-general to impeach Lord Kimbolton, Hampden, Pym, Hollis, and two other members of the House of Commons, at the bar of the Lords, on a charge of High Treason. It is difficult to find in the whole history of England such an instance of tyranny, perfidy, and folly. The most precious and ancient rights of the subject were violated by this act. The only way in which Hampden and Pym could legally be tried for treason at the suit of the King, was by a petty jury on a bill found by a grand jury. The attorney-general had no right to impeach them. The House of Lords had no right to try them.
The Commons refused to surrender their members. The Peers showed no inclination to usurp the unconstitutional jurisdiction which the King attempted to force on them. A contest began, in which violence and weakness were on the one side, law and resolution on the other. Charles sent an officer to seal up the lodgings and trunks of the accused members. The Commons sent their sergeant to break the seals. The tyrant resolved to follow up one outrage by another. In making the charge, he had struck at the institution of juries. In executing the arrest, he struck at the privileges of Parliament. He resolved to go to the House in person with an armed force, and there to seize the leaders of the Opposition, while engaged in the discharge of their parliamentary duties.
What was his purpose? Is it possible to believe that he had no definite purpose, that he took the most important step of his whole reign without having for one moment considered what might be its effects? Is it possible to believe that he went merely for the purpose of making himself a laughing-stock, that he intended, if he had found the accused members, and if they had refused, as it was their right and duty to refuse, the submission which he illegally demanded, to leave the House without bringing them away? If we reject both these suppositions, we must believe, and we certainly do believe, that he went fully determined to carry his unlawful design into effect by violence, and, if necessary, to shed the blood of the chiefs of the Opposition on the very floor of the Parliament House.
Lady Carlisle conveyed intelligence of the design to Pym. The five members had time to withdraw before the arrival of Charles. They left the House as he was entering New Palace Yard. He was accompanied by about two hundred halberdiers of his guard, and by many gentlemen of the Court armed with swords. He walked up Westminster Hall. At the southern end of the Hall his attendants divided to the right and left, and formed a lane to the door of the House of Commons. He knocked, entered, darted a look towards the place which Pym usually occupied, and, seeing it empty, walked up to the table. The Speaker fell on his knee. The members rose and uncovered their heads in profound silence, and the King took his seat in the chair. He looked round the House. But the five members were nowhere to be seen. He interrogated the Speaker. The Speaker answered, that he was merely the organ of the House, and had neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, but according to their direction. The King muttered a few feeble sentences about his respect for the laws of the realm, and the privileges of Parliament, and retired. As he passed along the benches, several resolute voices called out audibly “Privilege!” He returned to Whitehall with his company of bravoes, who, while he was in the House, had been impatiently waiting in the lobby for the word, cocking their pistols, and crying “Fall on.” That night he put forth a proclamation, directing that the ports should be stopped, and that no person should, at his peril, venture to harbour the accused members.
Hampden and his friends had taken refuge in Coleman Street. The city of London was indeed the fastness of public liberty, and was, in those times, a place of at least as much importance as Paris during the French Revolution. The city, properly so called, now consists in a great measure of immense warehouses and counting-houses, which are frequented by traders and their clerks during the day, and left in almost total solitude during the night. It was then closely inhabited by three hundred thousand persons, to whom it was not merely a place of business, but a place of constant residence. This great capital had as complete a civil and military organization as if it had been an independent republic. Each citizen had his company; and the companies, which now seem to exist only for the sake of epicures and of antiquaries, were then formidable brotherhoods, the members of which were almost as closely bound together as the members of a Highland clan. How strong these artificial ties were, the numerous and valuable legacies anciently bequeathed by citizens to their corporations abundantly prove. The municipal offices were filled by the most opulent and respectable merchants of the kingdom. The pomp of the magistracy of the capital was inferior only to that which surrounded the person of the sovereign. The Londoners loved their city with that patriotic love which is found only in small communities, like those of ancient Greece, or like those which arose in Italy during the middle ages. The numbers, the intelligence, the wealth of the citizens, the democratical form of their local government, and their vicinity to the Court and to the Parliament, made them one of the most formidable bodies in the kingdom. Even as soldiers, they were not to be despised. In an age in which war is a profession, there is something ludicrous in the idea of battalions composed of apprentices and shopkeepers, and officered by aldermen. But, in the early part of the seventeenth century, there was no standing army in the island; and the militia of the metropolis was not inferior in training to the militia of other places. A city which could furnish many thousands of armed men, abounding in natural courage, and not absolutely untinctured with military discipline, was a formidable auxiliary in times of internal dissension. On several occasions during the civil war, the trainbands of London distinguished themselves highly; and at the battle of Newbury, in particular, they repelled the fiery onset of Rupert, and saved the army of the Parliament from destruction.
The people of this great city had long been thoroughly devoted to the national cause. Many of them had signed a protestation in which they declared their resolution to defend the privileges of Parliament. Their enthusiasm had, indeed, of late begun to cool. But the impeachment of the five members, and the insult offered to the House of Commons, inflamed them to fury. Their houses, their purses, their pikes, were at the command of the representatives of the nation. London was in arms all night. The next day the shops were closed; the streets were filled with immense crowds; the multitude pressed round the King’s coach, and insulted him with opprobrious cries. The House of Commons, in the mean time, appointed a committee to sit in the city, for the purpose of inquiring into the circumstances of the late outrage. The members of the committee were welcomed by a deputation of the common council. Merchant Tailors’ Hall, Goldsmiths’ Hall, and Grocers’ Hall, were fitted up for their sittings. A guard of respectable citizens, duly relieved twice a day, was posted at their doors. The sheriffs were charged to watch over the safety of the accused members, and to escort them to and from the committee with every mark of honour.
A violent and sudden revulsion of feeling, both in the House and out of it, was the effect of the late proceedings of the King. The Opposition regained in a few hours all the ascendency which it had lost. The constitutional royalists were filled with shame and sorrow. They saw that they had been cruelly deceived by Charles. They saw that they were, unjustly, but not unreasonably, suspected by the nation. Clarendon distinctly says that they perfectly detested the counsels by which the King had been guided, and were so much displeased and dejected at the unfair manner in which he had treated them that they were inclined to retire from his service. During the debates on the breach of privilege, they preserved a melancholy silence. To this day, the advocates of Charles take care to say as little as they can about his visit to the House of Commons, and, when they cannot avoid mention of it, attribute to infatuation an act which, on any other supposition, they must admit to have been a frightful crime.
The Commons, in a few days, openly defied the King, and ordered the accused members to attend in their places at Westminster and to resume their parliamentary duties. The citizens resolved to bring back the champions of liberty in triumph before the windows of Whitehall. Vast preparations were made both by land and water for this great festival.
The King had remained in his palace, humbled, dismayed, and bewildered, “feeling,” says Clarendon, “the trouble and agony which usually attend generous and magnanimous minds upon their having committed errors;” feeling, we should say, the despicable repentance which attends the man who, having attempted to commit a crime, finds that he has only committed a folly. The populace hooted and shouted all day before the gates of the royal residence. The tyrant could not bear to see the triumph of those whom he had destined to the gallows and the quartering-block. On the day preceding that which was fixed for their return, he fled, with a few attendants, from that palace which he was never to see again till he was led through it to the scaffold.
On the eleventh of January, the Thames was covered with boats, and its shores with the gazing multitude. Armed vessels, decorated with streamers, were ranged in two lines from London Bridge to Westminster Hall. The members returned upon the river in a ship manned by sailors who had volunteered their services. The train-bands of the city, under the command of the sheriffs, marched along the Strand, attended by a vast crowd of spectators, to guard the avenues to the House of Commons; and thus, with shouts and loud discharges of ordnance, the accused patriots were brought back by the people whom they had served and for whom they had suffered. The restored members, as soon as they had entered the House, expressed, in the warmest terms, their gratitude to the citizens of London. The sheriffs were warmly thanked by the Speaker in the name of the Commons; and orders were given that a guard selected from the train-bands of the city, should attend daily to watch over the safety of the Parliament.
The excitement had not been confined to London. When intelligence of the danger to which Hampden was exposed reached Buckinghamshire, it excited the alarm and indignation of the people. Four thousand freeholders of that county, each of them wearing in his hat a copy of the protestation in favour of the privileges of Parliament, rode up to London to defend the person of their beloved representative. They came in a body to assure Parliament of their full resolution to defend its privileges. Their petition was couched in the strongest terms. “In respect,” said they, “of that latter attempt upon the honourable House of Commons, we are now come to offer our service to that end, and resolved, in their just defence, to live and die.”
A great struggle was clearly at hand. Hampden had returned to Westminster much changed. His influence had hitherto been exerted rather to restrain than to animate the zeal of his party. But the treachery, the contempt of law, the thirst for blood, which the King had now shown, left no hope of a peaceable adjustment. It was clear that Charles must be either a puppet or a tyrant, that no obligation of law or of honour could bind him, and that the only way to make him harmless was to make him powerless.
The attack which the King had made on the five members was not merely irregular in manner. Even if the charges had been preferred legally, if the Grand Jury of Middlesex had found a true bill, if the accused persons had been arrested under a proper warrant and at a proper time and place, there would still have been in the proceeding enough of perfidy and injustice to vindicate the strongest measures which the Opposition could take. To impeach Pym and Hampden was to impeach the House of Commons. It was notoriously on account of what they had done as members of that House that they were selected as objects of vengeance; and in what they had done as members of that House the majority had concurred. Most of the charges brought against them were common between them and the Parliament. They were accused, indeed, and it may be with reason, of encouraging the Scotch army to invade England. In doing this, they had committed what was, in strictness of law, a high offence, the same offence which Devonshire and Shrewsbury committed in 1688. But the King had promised pardon and oblivion to those who had been the principals in the Scotch insurrection. Did it then consist with his honour to punish the accessaries? He had bestowed marks of his favour on the leading Covenanters. He had given the great seal of Scotland to one chief of the rebels, a marquisate to another, an earldom to Leslie, who had brought the Presbyterian army across the Tweed. On what principle was Hampden to be attainted for advising what Leslie was ennobled for doing? In a court of law, of course, no Englishman could plead an amnesty granted to the Scots. But, though not an illegal, it was surely an inconsistent and a most unkingly course, after pardoning and promoting the heads of the rebellion in one kingdom, to hang, draw, and quarter their accomplices in another.
The proceedings of the King against the five members, or rather against that Parliament which had concurred in almost all the acts of the five members, was the cause of the civil war. It was plain that either Charles or the House of Commons must be stripped of all real power in the state. The best course which the Commons could have taken would perhaps have been to depose the King, as their ancestors had deposed Edward the Second and Richard the Second, and as their children afterwards deposed James. Had they done this, had they placed on the throne a prince whose character, and whose situation would have been a pledge for his good conduct, they might safely have left to that prince all the old constitutional prerogatives of the Crown, the command of the armies of the state, the power of making peers, the power of appointing ministers, a veto on bills passed by the two Houses. Such a prince, reigning by their choice, would have been under the necessity of acting in conformity with their wishes. But the public mind was not ripe for such a measure. There was no Duke of Lancaster, no Prince of Orange, no great and eminent person, near in blood to the throne, yet attached to the cause of the people. Charles was then to remain King; and it was therefore necessary that he should be king only in name. A William the Third, or a George the First, whose title to the crown was identical with the title of the people to their liberty, might safely be trusted with extensive powers. But new freedom could not exist in safety under the old tyrant. Since he was not to be deprived of the name of king, the only course which was left was to make him a mere trustee, nominally seised of prerogatives of which others had the use, a Grand Lama, a Roi Fainéant, a phantom resembling those Dagoberts and Childeberts who wore the badges of royalty, while Ebroin and Charles Martel held the real sovereignty of the state.
The conditions which the Parliament propounded were hard, but, we are sure, not harder than those which even the Tories, in the Convention of 1689, would have imposed on James, if it had been resolved that James should continue to be king. The chief condition was that the command of the militia and the conduct of the war in Ireland should be left to the Parliament. On this point was that great issue joined, whereof the two parties put themselves on God and on the sword.
We think, not only that the Commons were justified in demanding for themselves the power to dispose of the military force, but that it would have been absolute insanity in them to leave that force at the disposal of the King. From the very beginning of his reign, it had evidently been his object to govern by an army. His third Parliament had complained, in the Petition of Right, of his fondness for martial law, and of the vexatious manner in which he billeted his soldiers on the people. The wish nearest the heart of Strafford was, as his letters prove, that the revenue might be brought into such a state as would enable the King to keep a standing military establishment. In 1640, Charles had supported an army in the northern counties by lawless exactions. In 1641 he had engaged in an intrigue, the object of which was to bring that army to London for the purpose of overawing the Parliament. His late conduct had proved that, if he were suffered to retain even a small body-guard of his own creatures near his person, the Commons would be in danger of outrage, perhaps of massacre. The Houses were still deliberating under the protection of the militia of London. Could the command of the whole armed force of the realm have been, under these circumstances, safely confided to the King? Would it not have been frenzy in the Parliament to raise and pay an army of fifteen or twenty thousand men for the Irish war, and to give to Charles the absolute control of this army, and the power of selecting, promoting, and dismissing officers at his pleasure? Was it not probable that this army might become, what it is the nature of armies to become, what so many armies formed under much more favourable circumstances have become, what the army of the Roman republic became, what the army of the French republic became, an instrument of despotism? Was it not probable that the soldiers might forget that they were also citizens, and might be ready to serve their general against their country? Was it not certain that, on the very first day on which Charles could venture to revoke his concessions, and to punish his opponents, he would establish an arbitrary government, and exact a bloody revenge?
Our own times furnish a parallel case. Suppose that a revolution should take place in Spain, that the Constitution of Cadiz should be reestablished, that the Cortes should meet again, that the Spanish Prynnes and Burtons, who are now wandering in rags round Leicester Square, should be restored to their country. Ferdinand the Seventh would, in that case, of course repeat all the oaths and promises which he made in 1820, and broke in 1823. But would it not be madness in the Cortes, even if they were to leave him the name of King, to leave him more than the name? Would not all Europe scoff at them, if they were to permit him to assemble a large army for an expedition to America, to model that army at his pleasure, to put it under the command of officers chosen by himself? Should we not say that every member of the Constitutional party who might concur in such a measure would most richly deserve the fate which he would probably meet, the fate of Riego and of the Empecinado? We are not disposed to pay compliments to Ferdinand; nor do we conceive that we pay him any compliment, when we say that, of all sovereigns in history, he seems to us most to resemble, in some very important points, King Charles the First. Like Charles, he is pious after a certain fashion; like Charles, he has made large concessions to his people after a certain fashion. It is well for him that he has had to deal with men who bore very little resemblance to the English Puritans.
The Commons would have the power of the sword; the King would not part with it; and nothing remained but to try the chances of war. Charles still had a strong party in the country. His august office, his dignified manners, his solemn protestations that he would for the time to come respect the liberties of his subjects, pity for fallen greatness, fear of violent innovation, secured to him many adherents. He had with him the Church, the Universities, a majority of the nobles and of the old landed gentry. The austerity of the Puritan manners drove most of the gay and dissolute youth of that age to the royal standard. Many good, brave, and moderate men, who disliked his former conduct, and who entertained doubts touching his present sincerity, espoused his cause unwillingly and with many painful misgivings, because, though they dreaded his tyranny much, they dreaded democratic violence more.
On the other side was the great body of the middle orders of England, the merchants, the shopkeepers, the yeomanry, headed by a very large and formidable minority of the peerage and of the landed gentry. The Earl of Essex, a man of respectable abilities and of some military experience, was appointed to the command of the parliamentary army.
Hampden spared neither his fortune nor his person in the cause. He subscribed two thousand pounds to the public service. He took a colonel’s commission in the army, and went into Buckinghamshire to raise a regiment of infantry. His neighbours eagerly enlisted under his command. His men were known by their green uniform, and by their standard, which bore on one side the watchword of the Parliament, “God with us,” and on the other the device of Hampden, “Vestigia nulla retrorsum.” This motto well described the line of conduct which he pursued. No member of his party had been so temperate, while there remained a hope that legal and peaceable measures might save the country. No member of his party showed so much energy and vigour when it became necessary to appeal to arms. He made himself thoroughly master of his military duty, and “performed it,” to use the words of Clarendon, “upon all occasions most punctually.” The regiment which he had raised and trained was considered as one of the best in the service of the Parliament. He exposed his person in every action, with an intrepidity which made him conspicuous even among thousands of brave men. “He was,” says Clarendon, “of a personal courage equal to his best parts; so that he was an enemy not to be wished wherever he might have been made a friend, and as much to be apprehended where he was so, as any man could deserve to be.” Though his military career was short, and his military situation subordinate, he fully proved that he possessed the talents of a great general, as well as those of a great statesman.
We shall not attempt to give a history of the war. Lord Nugent’s account of the military operations is very animated and striking. Our abstract would be dull, and probably unintelligible. There was, in fact, for some time no great and connected system of operations on either side. The war of the two parties was like the war of Arimanes and Oromasdes, neither of whom, according to the Eastern theologians, has any exclusive domain, who are equally omnipresent, who equally pervade all space, who carry on their eternal strife within every particle of matter. There was a petty war in almost every county. A town furnished troops to the Parliament while the manor-house of the neighbouring peer was garrisoned for the King. The combatants were rarely disposed to march far from their own homes. It was reserved for Fairfax and Cromwell to terminate this desultory warfare, by moving one overwhelming force successively against all the scattered fragments of the royal party.
It is a remarkable circumstance that the officers who had studied tactics in what were considered as the best schools under Vere in the Netherlands, and under Gustavus Adolphus in Germany, displayed far less skill than those commanders who had been bred to peaceful employments, and who never saw even a skirmish till the civil war broke out. An unlearned person might hence be inclined to suspect that the military art is no very profound mystery, that its principles are the principles of plain good sense, and that a quick eye, a cool head, and a stout heart, will do more to make a general than all the diagrams of Jomini. This, however, is certain, that Hampden showed himself a far better officer than Essex, and Cromwell than Leslie.
The military errors of Essex were probably in some degree produced by political timidity. He was honestly, but not warmly, attached to the cause of the Parliament; and next to a great defeat he dreaded a great victory. Hampden, on the other hand, was for vigorous and decisive measures. When he drew the sword, as Clarendon has well said, he threw away the scabbard. He had shown that he knew better than any public man of his time how to value and how to practise moderation. But he knew that the essence of war is violence, and that moderation in war is imbecility. On several occasions, particularly during the operations in the neighbourhood of Brentford, he remonstrated earnestly with Essex. Wherever he commanded separately, the boldness and rapidity of his movements presented a striking contrast to the sluggishness of his superior.
In the Parliament he possessed boundless influence. His employments towards the close of 1642 have been described by Denham in some lines which, though intended to be sarcastic, convey in truth the highest eulogy. Hampden is described in this satire as perpetually passing and repassing between the military station at Windsor and the House of Commons at Westminster, as overawing the general, and as giving law to that Parliament which knew no other law. It was at this time that he organised that celebrated association of counties, to which his party was principally indebted for its victory over the King.
In the early part of 1643, the shires lying in the neighbourhood of London, which were devoted to the cause of the Parliament, were incessantly annoyed by Rupert and his cavalry. Essex had extended his lines so far that almost every point was vulnerable. The young prince who, though not a great general, was an active and enterprising partisan, frequently surprised posts, burned villages, swept away cattle, and was again at Oxford before a force sufficient to encounter him could be assembled.
The languid proceedings of Essex were loudly condemned by the troops. All the ardent and daring spirits in the parliamentary party were eager to have Hampden at their head. Had his life been prolonged, there is every reason to believe that the supreme command would have been intrusted to him. But it was decreed that, at this conjuncture, England should lose the only man who united perfect disinterestedness to eminent talents, the only man who, being capable of gaining the victory for her, was incapable of abusing that victory when gained.
In the evening of the seventeenth of June, Rupert darted out of Oxford with his cavalry on a predatory expedition. At three in the morning of the following day, he attacked and dispersed a few parliamentary soldiers who lay at Postcombe. He then flew to Chinnor, burned the village, killed or took all the troops who were quartered there, and prepared to hurry back with his booty and his prisoners to Oxford.
Hampden had, on the preceding day, strongly represented to Essex the danger to which this part of the line was exposed. As soon as he received intelligence of Rupert’s incursion, he sent off a horseman with a message to the General. The cavaliers, he said, could return only by Chiselhampton Bridge. A force ought to be instantly despatched in that direction for the purpose of intercepting them. In the mean time, he resolved to set out with all the cavalry that he could muster, for the purpose of impeding the march of the enemy till Essex could take measures for cutting off their retreat. A considerable body of horse and dragoons volunteered to follow him. He was not their commander. He did not even belong to their branch of the service. But “he was,” says Lord Clarendon, “second to none but the General himself in the observance and application of all men.” On the field of Chalgrove he came up with Rupert. A fierce skirmish ensued. In the first charge, Hampden was struck in the shoulder by two bullets, which broke the bone, and lodged in his body. The troops of the Parliament lost heart and gave way. Rupert, after pursuing them for a short time, hastened to cross the bridge, and made his retreat unmolested to Oxford.
Hampden, with his head drooping, and his hands leaning on his horse’s neck, moved feebly out of the battle. The mansion which had been inhabited by his father-in-law, and from which in his youth he had carried home his bride Elizabeth, was in sight. There still remains an affecting tradition that he looked for a moment towards that beloved house, and made an effort to go thither to die. But the enemy lay in that direction. He turned his horse towards Thame, where he arrived almost fainting with agony. The surgeons dressed his wounds. But there was no hope. The pain which he suffered was most excruciating. But he endured it with admirable firmness and resignation. His first care was for his country. He wrote from his bed several letters to London concerning public affairs, and sent a last pressing message to the head-quarters, recommending that the dispersed forces should be concentrated. When his public duties were performed, he calmly prepared himself to die. He was attended by a clergyman of the Church of England, with whom he had lived in habits of intimacy, and by the chaplain of the Buckinghamshire Green-coats, Dr. Spurton, whom Baxter describes as a famous and excellent divine.
A short time before Hampden’s death the sacrament was administered to him. He declared that, though he disliked the government of the Church of England, he yet agreed with that church as to all essential matters of doctrine. His intellect remained unclouded. When all was nearly over, he lay murmuring faint prayers for himself, and for the cause in which he died. “Lord Jesus,” he exclaimed, in the moment of the last agony, “receive my soul. O Lord, save my country. O Lord, be merciful to —.” In that broken ejaculation passed away his noble and fearless spirit.
He was buried in the parish church of Hampden. His soldiers, bareheaded, with reversed arms and muffled drums and colours, escorted his body to the grave, singing, as they marched, that lofty and melancholy psalm in which the fragility of human life is contrasted with the immutability of Him to whom a thousand years are as yesterday when it is passed, and as a watch in the night.
The news of Hampden’s death produced as great a consternation in his party, according to Clarendon, as if their whole army had been cut off. The journals of the time amply prove that the Parliament and all its friends were filled with grief and dismay. Lord Nugent has quoted a remarkable passage from the next Weekly Intelligencer. “The loss of Colonel Hampden goeth near the heart of every man that loves the good of his king and country, and makes some conceive little content to be at the army now that he is gone. The memory of this deceased colonel is such, that in no age to come but it will more and more he had in honour and esteem; a man so religious, and of that prudence, judgment, temper, valour, and integrity, that he hath left few his like behind.”
He had indeed left none his like behind him. There still remained, indeed, in his party, many acute intellects, many eloquent tongues, many brave and honest hearts. There still remained a rugged and clownish soldier, half fanatic, half buffoon, whose talents, discerned as yet only by one penetrating eye, were equal to all the highest duties of the soldier and the prince. But in Hampden, and in Hampden alone, were united all the qualities which, at such a crisis, were necessary to save the state, the valour and energy of Cromwell, the discernment and eloquence of Vane, the humanity and moderation of Manchester, the stern integrity of Hale, the ardent public spirit of Sydney. Others might possess the qualities which were necessary to save the popular party in the crisis of danger; he alone had both the power and the inclination to restrain its excesses in the hour of triumph. Others could conquer; he alone could reconcile. A heart as bold as his brought up the cuirassiers who turned the tide of battle on Marston Moor. As skilful an eye as his watched the Scotch army descending from the heights over Dunbar. But it was when to the sullen tyranny of Laud and Charles had succeeded the fierce conflict of sects and factions, ambitious of ascendency and burning for revenge, it was when the vices and ignorance which the old tyranny had generated threatened the new freedom with destruction, that England missed the sobriety, the self-command, the perfect soundness of judgment, the perfect rectitude of intention, to which the history of revolutions furnishes no parallel, or furnishes a parallel in Washington alone.
end of the first volume
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THE CABINET LAWYER: A Popular Digest of the Laws of England, Civil and Criminal; with a Dictionary of Law Terms, Maxims, Statutes, and Judicial Antiquities; Correct Tables of Assessed Taxes, Stamp Duties, Excise Licenses, and Post-Horse Duties; Post-Office Regulations, and Prison Discipline. Fourteenth Edition, enlarged, and corrected throughout, with the Legal Decisions and Statutes to Michaelmas Term, 10 and 11 Victoria. Fcp. 8vo. 10s. 6d. cloth.
CALLCOTT.—HOME AMONG STRANGERS: A Tale. By Maria Hutchins Callcott. 2 vols. fcp. 8vo. 9s. cloth.
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CATLOW.—POPULAR CONCHOLOGY; Or, the Shell Cabinet arranged: being an Introduction to the Modern System of Conchology: with a sketch of the Natural History of the Animals, an account of the Formation of the Shells, and a complete Descriptive List of the Families and Genera. By Agnes Catlow. Fcp. 8vo. with 312 Woodcuts, 10s. 6d. cloth.
CHALENOR.—WALTER GRAY, A Ballad, and other Poems. By Mary Chalenor. New Edition, including the Author’s Poetical Remains. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. cloth.
COCKS.—BORDEAUX, ITS WINES, AND THE CLARET COUNTRY. By C. Cocks, B.L. Professor of the Living Languages in the Royal Colleges of France: Translator of the Works of Michelet and Quinet. Dedicated, by permission, to M. Le Comte T. Duchâtel. Post 8vo. with View of Bordeaux, 8s. 6d. cloth.
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COLLIER.—A BOOK OF ROXBURGHE BALLADS. Edited by John Payne Collier, Esq. Fcp. 4to. with Woodcuts, 21s. boards; morocco, 38s.
COLLINS. — MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF WILLIAM COLLINS, Esq. R.A. Including Selections from his Journals and Correspondence, Notices of many of his eminent Contemporaries, and a Description of his principal Works. By his Son, W, Wilkie Collins, Esq. With Portrait after Linnell, and 2 Vignettes from Sketches by the Painter. 2 vols. post 8vo. 21s. cloth.
COLTON.—LACON; OR, MANY THINGS IN FEW WORDS. By the Rev. C. C. Colton. New Edition. 8vo. 12s. cloth.
CONYBEARE AND HOWSON.—THE LIFE AND LETTERS of SAINT PAUL; comprising a complete Biography of the Apostle, and a Paraphrastic Translation of his Epistles inserted in Chronological Order. Edited by the Rev. W. J. Conybeare, M.A. late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge; and the Rev. J. S. Howson, M.A. Principal of the Collegiate Institution, Liverpool. 4to. richly illustrated by Maps, Views, Engravings of Coins, &c.
*∗* To be published in Monthly Parts, the First of which will appear early in 1849.
CONVERSATIONS ON BOTANY. New Edition, improved. Fcp. 8vo. 22 Plates, 7s. 6d. cloth; with the plates coloured, 12s. cloth.
CONVERSATIONS ON MINERALOGY. With Plates, engraved by Mr. and Mrs. Lowry, from Original Drawings. New Edition, enlarged. 2 vols. fcp. 8vo. 14s. cloth.
COOPER.—PRACTICAL AND FAMILIAR SERMONS, Designed for Parochial and Domestic Instruction. By Rev. Edward Cooper. New Edition. 7 vols. 12mo. £1. 18s. boards.
COOPER.—SERMONS, Chiefly designed to elucidate some of the leading Doctrines of the Gospel. By the Rev. Edward Cooper. New Edition. 2 vols. 12mo. 10s. boards.
COPLAND.—A DICTIONARY OF PRACTICAL MEDICINE; comprising General Pathology, the Nature and Treatment of Diseases, Morbid Structures, and the Disorders especially incidental to Climates, to Sex, and to the different Epochs of Life; with numerous approved Formulæ of the Medicines recommended. By James Copland, M.D. Consulting Physician to Queen Charlotte’s Lying-in Hospital, &c. &c. Vols. I. and II. 8vo. £3, cloth; and Parts X. to XIII. 4s 6d. each, sewed.
COQUEREL.—CHRISTIANITY; Its perfect adaptation to the Mental, Moral, and Spiritual Nature of Man. By Athanase Coquerel, one of the Pastors of the French Protestant Church in Paris. Translated by the Rev. D. Davison, M.A. With an Introductory Notice of the State of the Protestant Church of France, drawn up by the Author especially for the English Edition. Post 8vo. 12s. cloth.
COSTELLO.—THE ROSE GARDEN OF PERSIA. A Series of Translations from the Persian Poets By Miss Louisa Stuart Costello, Author of “Specimens of the Early Poetry of France,” “A Summer amongst the Bocages and the Vines,” &c. Long 8vo. with Illuminated Pages and Borders printed in rose-colour, 18s. boards; or 31s. 6d. bound in morocco.
COSTELLO.—THE FALLS, LAKES, AND MOUNTAINS OF NORTH WALES; being a Pictorial Tour through the most interesting parts of the Country. By Louisa Stuart Costello, Author of “The Rose Garden of Persia,” &c. Illustrated with Views, from Original Sketches by D. H. M‘Kewan, engraved on wood, and lithographed, by T. and E. Gilks. Square 8vo. with Map, 14s. cloth.
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COULTER.—ADVENTURES IN THE PACIFIC: With Observations on the Natural Productions, Manners, and Customs of the Natives of the various Islands; Remarks on the Missionaries, British and other Residents, &c. By John Coulter, M.D. Post 8vo. 7s. 6d. cloth.
COULTON.—AN INQUIRY INTO THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE LETTERS of JUNIUS. By David Trevena Coulton. 4to. [In December.
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D’AGINCOURT.—THE HISTORY OF ART, BY ITS MONUMENTS, from its Decline in the Fourth Century to its Restoration in the Sixteenth. Translated from the French of Seroux D’Agincourt. In 3,335 Subjects, engraved on 328 Plates. Vol. I. Architecture, 73 Plates; Vol. II. Sculpture, 51 Plates; Vol. III. Painting, 204 Plates. 3 vols. royal folio, £5. 5s. sewed.
DALE.—THE DOMESTIC LITURGY AND FAMILY CHAPLAIN, in two Parts: the First Part being Church Services adapted for domestic use, with Prayers for every day of the week, selected exclusively from the Book of Common Prayer; Part II. comprising an appropriate Sermon for every Sunday in the year. By the Rev. Thomas Dale, M.A., Vicar of St. Pancras. Post 4to., 21s. cloth: or, bound by Hayday, 31s. 6d. calf lettered; £2. 10s. morocco.
DAVY.—ELEMENTS OF AGRICULTURAL CHEMISTRY, in a Course of Lectures. By Sir Humhhry Davy. With Notes by Dr. John Davy. New Edition. 8vo. with 10 Plates, 15s. cloth.
DE JAENISCH & WALKER.—DE JAENISCH’S CHESS PRECEPTOR: A New Analysis of the Openings of Games. By C. F. De Jaenisch, of St. Petersburgh. Translated from the French, with copious Notes, by George Walker, Author of “Chess Studies,” and various other Works on the Game of Chess. 8vo. 15s. cloth.
DE LA BECHE.—REPORT ON THE GEOLOGY OF CORNWALL, DEVON, and WEST SOMERSET. By Henry T. De la Beche, F.R.S. &c., Director of the Ordnance Geological Survey. Published by Order of the Lords Commissioners of H.M. Treasury. 8vo. with Maps, Woodcuts, and 12 large Pates, 14s. cloth.
DE LA GRAVIERE.—SKETCHES OF THE LAST NAVAL WAR. Translated from the French of Capt. E. Jurien de la Graviere, with an Introduction and Notes, by the Hon. Capt. Plunkett, R.N. Author of “The Past and Future of the British Navy.” 2 vols. post 8vo. with 9 Plans of Naval Actions, 18s. cloth.
DE STRZELECKI.—THE PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION OF NEW SOUTH WALES and VAN DIEMAN’S LAND; accompanied by a Geological Map Sections, and Diagrams, and Figures of the Organic Remains. By P. E. De Strzelecki. 8vo. with coloured Map and numerous Plates, 24s. cloth.
DIBDIN.—THE SUNDAY LIBRARY: Containing nearly One Hundred Sermons, by eminent Divines. With Notes, &c. by the Rev. T. F. Dibdin, D.D. 6 vols. fcp. 8vo. with Six Portraits, 30s. cloth; or, £2. 12s. 6d. neatly half-bound in morocco, with gilt edges.
DISCIPLINE. By the Author of “Letters to my Unknown Friends,” “Twelve Years Ago,” and “Some Passages from Modern History.” 18mo. 2s. cloth.
DOUBLEDAY AND HEWITSON’S BUTTERFLIES. — THE GENERA of BUTTERFLIES, or DIURNAL LEPIDOPTERA; comprising their Generic Characters—a Notice of the Habits and Transformations—and a Catalogue of the Species of each Genus. By Edward Doubleday, Esq. F.L.S. &c., Assistant in the Zoological Department of the British Museum. Imperial 4to. uniform with Gray and Mitchell’s Orinthology; Illustrated with 75 Coloured Plates, by W. C. Hewitson, Esq. Author of “British Oology.”
*∗* Publishing in Monthly Parts, 5s. each; each part consisting of 2 coloured plates, with Letter-press giving the Generic Characters, a Short Notice of the Habits, and a Catalogue of the Species of each Genus. To be completed in not exceeding 40 Parts, of which 24 are now ready.
DRESDEN GALLERY.—THE MOST CELEBRATED PICTURES of the ROYAL GALLERY at DRESDEN, drawn on Stone, from the Originals, by Franz Hanfstaengl: with Descriptive and Biographical Notices, in French and German. Nos. 1. to LII. imperial folio, each containing 3 Plates, with Letter-press, price 20s. to Subscribers; to Non Subscribers, 30s. Single Plates, 12s. each.
*∗* To be completed in 8 more numbers, price 20s. each, to Subscribers. Nos. LI. to LX. contain each Four Plates and Letterpress.
DUNLOP.—TRAVELS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. With a Journal of nearly Three Years’ Residence in the Country. To which are added, a Sketch of the History of the Republic, and an Account of its Climate, Productions, Commerce, &c. By Robert Glasgow Dunlop, Esq. Post 8vo. with Map, 10s. 6d. cloth.
DUNLOP.—THE HISTORY OF FICTION: Being a Critical Account of the most celebrated Prose Works of Fiction, from the earliest Greek Romances to the Novels of the Present Age. By John Dunlop, Esq. New Edition, complete in One Volume. 8vo. 15s. cloth.
EASTLAKE. — MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF OIL PAINTING. By Charles Lock Eastlare, Esq. R.A. F.R.S. F.S.A.; Secretary to the Royal Commission for Promoting the Fine Arts in connexion with the rebuilding of the Houses of Parliament, &c. 8vo. 16s. cloth.
*∗* Vol. II. On the Italian Practice of Oil Painting, is preparing for publication.
ECCLESIASTES; OR, THE PREACHER. From the Holy Scriptures. Being the Twelve Chapters of the Book of Ecclesiastes, elegantly illuminated, in the Missal Style, by Owen Jones. In a magnificent carved binding. Imperial 8vo. 42s.
ECCLESTON.—AN INTRODUCTION TO ENGLISH ANTIQUITIES. Intended as a Companion to the History of England. By James Eccleston, B.A. Head Master of Sutton Coldfield Grammar School. 8vo. with numerous Engravings on Wood, 21s. cloth.
ELLIOTSON.—HUMAN PHYSIOLOGY: With which is incorporated much of the elementary part of the “Institutiones Physiologica” of J. F. Blumenbach, Professor in the University of Göttingen. By John Elliotson, M.D. Cantab. F.R.S. Fifth Edition. 8vo. with numerous Woodcuts, £2. 2s. cloth.
THE ENGLISHMAN’S GREEK CONCORDANCE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT: being an Attempt at a Verbal Connexion between the Greek and the English Texts; including a Concordance to the Proper Names, with indexes, Greek-English and English-Greek. New Edition, with a new Index. Royal 8vo. 42s. cloth.
THE ENGLISHMAN’S HEBREW AND CHALDEE CONCORDANCE of the OLD TESTAMENT; being an attempt at a Verbal Connection between the Original and the English Translations: with Indexes, a List of the Proper Names and their occurrences, &c. 2 vols. royal 8vo. £3. 13s. 6d. cloth; large paper, £4. 14s. 6d.
EPHEMERA.—A HAND-BOOK OF ANGLING; Teaching Fly-fishing, Trolling, Bottom-fishing, Salmon-fishing; the Natural History of River Fish, and the best modes of Catching them. By Ephemera, of Bell’s Life in London. New Edition, enlarged. Fcp. 8vo. with numerous Woodcuts, 9s. cloth.
ERMAN.—TRAVELS IN SIBERIA: including Excursions northwards, down the Obi, to the Polar Circle, and southwards to the Chinese Frontier. By Adolph Erman. Translated by W. D. Cooley, Esq. Author of “The History of Maritime and Inland Discovery;” Translator and Editor of Parrot’s “Journey to Ararat.” 2 vols. 8vo. with Map, 31s. 6d. cloth.
EVANS.—THE SUGAR PLANTER’S MANUAL: Being a Treatise on the Art of obtaining Sugar from the Sugar Cane. By W. J. Evans, M.D. 8vo. 9s. cloth.
FAREY.—A TREATISE ON THE STEAM ENGINE, Historical, Practical, and Descriptive. By John Farey, Engineer. 4to. with 25 Plates, and numerous Woodcuts, £5. 5s. boards.
FERGUSSON.—AN HISTORICAL INQUIRY INTO THE TRUE PRINCIPLES of BEAUTY in ART, more especially with reference to ARCHITECTURE. By James Fergusson, Esq. Architect; Author of “An Essay on the Ancient Topography of Jerusalem,” “Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in Hindostan,” &c. Vol: I. With 5 Copperplates, a coloured Lithographic Engraving, and upwards of 100 Woodcuts. Imperial 8vo. 30s. cloth.
FIELD.—PRISON DISCIPLINE; and the Advantages of the Separate System of Imprisonment: with a detailed Account of the Discipline now pursued in the New County Gaol at Reading. By the Rev. J. Field, M.A. Chaplain. New Edition. 2 vols. 8vo. 20s. cloth.
FLOWERS AND THEIR KINDRED THOUGHTS: A Series of Stanzas—On Hope, Innocence, Modesty, Childhood, Humility, Joy, Love, Constancy, Fascination, Timidity, Fine Taste, Thoughts, Recollection, and Friendship. By Mary Anne Bacon. Illustrated by the Snowdrop, Primrose, Violet, Harebell, and Pimpernel, Lilley of the Valley, Hawthorn, Rose, Honeysuckle, Carnation, Convolvulus, Fuchsia, Pansy, Forget-me-not, and Holly; designed and printed in Colours by Owen Jones. Imperial 8vo. 31s. 6d. elegantly bound.
FORSTER.—THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ARABIA; or, the Patriarchal Evidences of Revealed Religion. A Memoir, with illustrative Maps and an Appendix, containing Translations, with an Alphabet and Glossary of the Hamyaritic Inscriptions recently discovered in Hadramant. By the Rev. Charles Forster, B.D. Author of “Mahometanism Unveiled.” 2 vols. 8vo. 30s. cloth.
FORSTER.—THE LIFE OF JOHN JEBB, D.D. F. R. S., late Bishop of Limerick. With a Selection from his Letters. By the Rev. Charles Forster, B.D. Rector of Stisted, and formerly Domestic Chaplain to the Bishop. New Edition. 8vo. with Portrait, &c. 16s. cloth.
FOSS.—THE JUDGES OF ENGLAND: with Sketches of their Lives, and Miscellaneous Notices connected with the Courts at Westminster from the time of the Conquest. By Edward Foss, F.S.A. of the Inner Temple. Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 28s. cloth.
“Mr. Foss is an original inquirer. By laborious investigation of obscure records, as well as competent general learning and considerable professional experience, he makes good his title to the subject he has chosen. The result is a solid and useful book, if we may judge by the specimen before us. We like his arrangement and method of proceeding with these early reigns. It supplies what was much wanted,—a regular and progressive account of English legal institutions. The result is a correction of many errors, an addition of much new information, and a better general view of our strictly legal history than any jurist, historian, or biographer had heretofore attempted to give. We shall watch the progress of this work with interest. The completion will worthily connect the name of its author with those of the more valuable contributors to English historical study.”
FOSTER.—THE HANDBOOK OF EUROPEAN LITERATURE. By Mrs. Foster. Fcp. 8vo. [In the press.
FROM OXFORD TO ROME; And, How it fared with some who lately made the Journey. By a Companion Traveller. New Edition, revised and corrected. Fcp. 8vo. with Frontispiece, 6s. cloth.
GARDINER.—SIGHTS IN ITALY: With some Account of the Present State of Music and the Sister Arts in that Country. By William Gardiner, Author of “Sacred Melodies,” “Music of Nature,” &c.; Member of the Academy of St. Cecilia, Rome; and of the Class of Fine Arts de l’Institut Historique de France. 8vo. with engraved Music, 16s. cloth.
GIBBON’S HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. A new Edition, complete in One Volume. With an Account of the Author’s Life and Writings, by Alexander Chalmers, Esq. F.A.S. 8vo. with Portrait, 18s. cloth.
*∗* An Edition, in 8 vols. 8vo. 60s. boards.
GERTRUDE. A Tale. By the Author of “Amy Herbert.” Edited by the Rev. William Sewell, B.D. Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College, Oxford. New Edition. 2 vols. fcp. 8vo. 9s. cloth.
GOLDSMITH. — THE POETICAL WORKS OF OLIVER GOLDSMITH. Illustrated by Wood Engravings, from Designs by Members of the Etching Club. With a Biographical Memoir, and Notes on the Poems. Edited by Bolton Corney, Esq. Square crown 8vo. uniform with “Thomson’s Seasons,” 21s. cloth; or, bound in morocco, by Hayday, £1. 16s.
GOWER.—THE SCIENTIFIC PHÆNOMENA OF DOMESTIC LIFE, familiarly explained. By Charles Foote Gower. New Edition. Fcp. 8vo. with Wood Engravings, 5s. cloth.
GRAHAM.—ENGLISH; OR, THE ART OF COMPOSITION: explained in a Series of Instructions and Examples. By G. F. Graham. New Edition, revised and improved. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. cloth.
GRANT.—LETTERS FROM THE MOUNTAINS. Being the Correspondence with her Friends, between the years 1773 and 1803. By Mrs Grant, of Laggan. New Edition. Edited, with Notes and Additions, by her son, J. P. Grant, Esq. 2 vols. post 8vo. 21s. cloth.
GRANT.—MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE OF THE late Mrs. Grant, of Laggan, Author of “Letters from the Mountains,” “Memoirs of an American Lady,” &c. Edited by her Son, J. P. Grant, Esq. New Edition. 3 vols. post 8vo. with Portrait, 31s 6d. cloth.
GRAY’S ELEGY (ILLUMINATED). Gray’s Elegy, written in a Country Churchyard. Illuminated, in the Missal style, by Owen Jones, Architect. Imperial 8vo. 31s. 6d. elegantly bound.
GRAY.—LECTURES ON THE NATURE AND USE OF MONEY. Delivered before the Members of the “Edinburgh Philosophical Institution,” during the Months of February and March, 1848. By John Gray, Author of “The Social System, a Treatise on the Principle of Exchange.” 8vo. 7s. 6d. cloth.
GRAY AND MITCHELL’S ORNITHOLOGY.—THE GENERA Of BIRDS; comprising their Generic Characters, a Notice of the Habits of each Genus, and an extensive List of Species, referred to their several Genera. By George Robert Gray, Acad. Imp. Georg. Florent. Soc. Corresp. Senior Assistant of the Zoological Department. British Museum; and Author of the “List of the Genera of Birds,” &c. Illustrated with Three Hundred and Fifty imperial quarto Plates, by David William Mitchell.
In course of publication, in Monthly Parts, 10s 6d. each; each Part consisting generally of Four coloured Plates and Three plain, with accompanying Letterpress; giving the Generic Characters, short Remarks on the Habits, and a List of Species of each Genus as complete as possible. The uncoloured Plates contain the Characters of all the Genera of the various Sub-families, consisting of numerous details of Heads, Wings, and Feet, as the case may require, for pointing out their distinguishing Characters.
*∗* The work will not exceed Fifty Monthly Parts, of which Forty-eight have appeared.
Order I.—Accipitres, has been completed, and may be had separately. Imperial 8vo. with 15 coloured and 12 plain Plates, £2. 8s. boards.
GRIMBLOT.—LETTERS OF WILLIAM III. AND LOUIS XIV. and of their Ministers. Illustrating the Domestic and Foreign Politics of England from the Peace of Ryswick to the Accession of Philip V. of Spain (1697 to 1770). Edited by Paul Grimblot. 2 vols. 8vo. 30s. cloth.
GWILT.—AN ENCYCLOPÆDIA OF ARCHITECTURE; Historical, Theoretical, and Practical. By Joseph Gwilt, Esq. F.S.A. Illustrated with upwards of 1,000 Engravings on Wood, from Designs by J. S. Gwilt. 8vo. 52s. 6d. cloth
SIDNEY HALL’S NEW GENERAL LARGE LIBRARY ATLAS OF FIFTY-THREE MAPS; (size 20 m. by 16 in.) with the Divisions and Boundaries carefully coloured, and an Alphabetical Index of all the Names contained in the Maps, with their Latitude and Longitude. An entirely New Edition, corrected throughout from the best and most recent Authorities; with all the Railways laid down, and many of the Maps re-drawn and re-engraved.
*∗* To be completed in Fourteen Monthly Parts, price 6s. each; of which Thirteen have appeared.
HALL.—MIDSUMMER EVE: A Fairy Tale of Love. By Mrs. S. C. Hall. With nearly 300 Wood Engravings from Designs by D. Maclise, C. Stanfield, T. Creswick, E. M. Ward, A. Elmore, W. E. Frost, J. N. Paton, F. Goodall, T. Landseer, E. H. Wehnert, R. Huskisson, F. W. Topham, K. Meadows, F. W. Fairholt, J. Franklin, J. H. Weir, F. W. Hulme, J. Lecurieux, and T. R. Macquoid. Square crown 8vo. 21s. cloth.
“A work of great interest. The fairy machinery is as fanciful as the thought of a child or the flight of a butterfly. The work presents a fine and touching picture of female perfection, drawn by a most feminine, grateful, and expressive pen. The illustrations make the volume a perfect gallery of art: no description can convey an idea of then variety and extraordinary merit.”
HARRIS.—THE HIGHLANDS OF ÆTHIOPIA; Being the Account of Eighteen Months’ Residence of a British Embassy to the Christian Court of Shoa. By Major Sir W. C. Harris, Author of “Wild Sports in Southern Africa,” &c. New Edition. 3 vols. 8vo. with Map and Illustrations, £2. 2s. cloth.
HARRISON.—ON THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND PRESENT STRUCTURE of the ENGLISH LANGUAGE. By the Rev. M. Harrison, M.A. late Fellow of Queen’s College, Oxford. Post 8vo. 8s. 6d. cloth.
HAWBUCK GRANGE; Or, the Sporting Adventures of Thomas Scott, Esq. By the Author of “Handley Cross; or, the Spa Hunt,” “Jorrocks’ Jaunts and Jollities,” &c. 8vo. with Eight Illustrations by Phiz, 12s. cloth.
“A book full of genuine humour, and easy, spirited writing. We greatly prefer it to the Sketches of Nimrod. It has a knowledge of life and manners, apart from the sporting world, to which that clever writer made no pretension, and its knowledge of sporting matters is in no respect inferior. Mr Scott can be safely recommended as an agreeable Christmas visitor.”
HAWKER.—INSTRUCTIONS TO YOUNG SPORTSMEN In all that relates to Guns and Shooting. By Lieut.-Col. P. Hawker. New Edit. corrected, enlarged, and improved; with Eighty-five Plates and Woodcuts by Adlard and Branston, from Drawings by C. Varley, Dickes, &c. 8vo. £1. 1s. cloth.
HAYDON.—LECTURES ON PAINTING AND DESIGN: Delivered at the London Institution, the Royal Institution, Albemarle Street, to the University of Oxford, &c. By B. R. Haydon, Historical Painter. With Portraits of the Author and of Sir David Wilkie, and Wood Engravings, from Designs by the Author. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s. cloth.
HINTS ON ETIQUETTE AND THE USAGES OF SOCIETY: With a Glance at Bad Habits. By Αγωγός. “Manners make the man.” New Edition, revised (with additions) by a Lady of Rank. Fcp. 8vo. 2s. 6d. cloth.
HISTORICAL CHARADES. By the Author of “Letters from Madras.” Fcp. 8vo. 5s. cloth.
HISTORICAL PICTURES OF THE MIDDLE AGES, In Black and White. Made on the spot, from Records in the Archives of Switzerland. By a Wandering Artist. 2 vols. post 8vo. 18s. cloth.
HOARE.—A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF A NEW METHOD of PLANTING and MANAGING the ROOTS of GRAPE VINES. By Clement Hoare, Author of “A Treatise on the Cultivation of the Grape Vine on Open Walls.” 12mo. 5s. cloth.
HOARE.—A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE CULTIVATION OF THE GRAPE VINE ON OPEN WALLS. By Clement Hoare. New Edition. 8vo. 7s. 6d. cloth.
HOLLAND.—MEDICAL NOTES AND REFLECTIONS. By Henry Holland, M.D. F.R.S. &c. Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, Physician Extraordinary to the Queen, and Physician in Ordinary to His Royal Highness Prince Albert. New Edition. 8vo. 18s. cloth.
HOOK.—THE LAST DAYS OF OUR LORD’S MINISTRY: A Course of Lectures on the principal Events of Passion Week. By Walter Farquhar Hook, D.D. Vicar of Leeds, Prebendary of Lincoln, and Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen. New Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 6s cloth.
HOOKER.—KEW GARDENS; Or, a Popular Guide to the Royal Botanic Gardens of Kew. By Sir William Jackson Hooker, K.H. D.C.L. F.R.A. & L.S. &c. &c. Director. New Edition. 16mo. with numerous Wood Engravings, 6d. sewed.
HOOKER.—THE BRITISH FLORA, In Two Vols. Vol. 1; comprising Phænogamous or Flowering-Plants, and the Ferns. By Sir William Jackson Hooker, K.H. LL.D. F.R.A. and L.S. &c. &c. &c. Fifth Edition, with Additions and Corrections; and 173 Figures illustrative of the Umbelliferous Plants, the Composite Plants, the Grasses, and the Ferns. 8vo. with 12. Plates, 14s. plain; with the Plates coloured, 24s. cloth.
Vol. II., in Two Parts, comprising the Cryptogamia and Fungi, completing the British Flora, and forming Vol. V., Parts I. and II., of Smith’s English Flora 8vo. 24s. cloth.
HOWITT.—BALLADS AND OTHER POEMS. By Mary Howitt. Square crown 8vo. with Portrait, 18s. cloth; morocco, 36s.
HOWITT.—THE CHILDREN’S YEAR. By Mary Howitt. With Four Illustrations, engraved by John Absolon, from Original Designs by Anna Mary Howitt. Square 16mo. 5s. cloth.
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LOUDON.—AN ENCYCLOPÆDIA OF AGRICULTURE: Comprising the Theory and Practice of the Valuation, Transfer, Laying-out, Improvement, and Management of Landed Property, and of the Cultivation and Economy of the Animal and Vegetable productions of Agriculture: including all the latest Improvements, a general History of Agriculture in all Countries, a Statistical View of its present State, with Suggestions for its future progress in the British Isles; and Supplement, bringing down the work to the year 1844. By J. C. Loudon. New Edition. 8vo. with upwards of 1,100 Engravings on Wood, £2. 10s. cloth.—The Supplementseparately, 5s. sewed.
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LOUDON.—HORTUS BRITANNICUS: A Catalogue of all the Plants indigenous to or introduced into Britain. By J. C. Loudon. 3d Edition, with a New Supplement, prepared, under the direction of Mr. Loudon, by W. H. Baxter, and revised by George Don. 8vo. 31s. 6d. cloth.
LOUDON.—HORTUS LIGNOSIS LONDINENSIS; Or, a Catalogue of all the Ligneous Plants cultivated in the neighbourhood of London. To which are added, their usual prices in Nurseries. By J. C. Loudon. 8vo. 7s. 6d. cloth.
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LOW. — ON THE DOMESTICATED ANIMALS OF GREAT BRITAIN; comprehending the Natural and Economical History of the Species and Breeds; Illustrations of the Properties of External Form; and Observations on the Principles and Practice of Breeding. By David Low, Esq. F.R.S.E. Professor of Agriculture in the University of Edinburgh. 8vo. with Engravings on Wood, 25s. cloth.
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MAUNDER.—THE BIOGRAPHICAL TREASURY; Consisting of Memoirs, Sketches, and brief Notices of above 12,000 Emment Persons of all Age, and Nations, from the Earliest Period of History; forming a new and complete Dictionary of Universal Biography. By Samuel Maunder. New Edition, revised throughout, and containing a copious Supplement. Fcp. 8vo. 10s. cloth; bound in roan, 12s.
MAUNDER.—THE TREASURY OF HISTORY; Comprising a General Introductory Outline of Universal History, Ancient and Modern, and a Series of separate Histories of every principal Nation that exists; their Rise, Progress, and Present Condition, the Moral and Social Character of their respective inhabitants, their Religion, Manners, and Customs, &c. By Samuel Maunder. New Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 10s. cloth; bound in roan, 12s.
MAUNDER.—THE SCIENTIFIC & LITERARY TREASURY; A new and popular Encyclopædia of Science and the Belles-Lettres; including all Branches of Science, and every Subject connected with Literature and Art. The whole written in a familiar style, adapted to the comprehension of all persons desirous of acquiring information on the subjects comprised in the work, and also adapted for a Manual of convenient Reference to the more instructed. By S. Maunder. New Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 10s. cloth; bound in roan, 12s.
MAUNDER.—THE TREASURY OF KNOWLEDGE, And LIBRARY of REFERENCE: in Two Parts. New Edition, thoroughly revised and enlarged. Fcp. 8vo. 10s. cloth; bound in roan, 12s.
*∗* The principal contents of the present new and thoroughly revised edition of “The Treasury of Knowledge” are—a new and enlarged English Dictionary, with a Grammar, Verbal Distinctions, and Exercises; a new Universal Gazetteer; a compendious Classical Dictionary; an Analysis of History and Chronology; a Dictionary of Law Terms; a new Synopsis of the British Peerage; and various useful Tabular Addenda.
MAXIMS AND PRECEPTS OF THE SAVIOUR: Being a Selection of the most beautiful Christian Precepts contained in the Four Gospels; illustrated by a series of Illuminations of original character, founded on the Passages—“Behold the Fowls of the Air,” &c., “Consider the Lilies of the Field,” &c. In a rich binding, in the style of the celebrated opus Anglicum. Square fcp. 8vo. 21s.; or 30s. bound in morocco.
MEMOIRS OF THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF GREAT BRITAIN, and of the Museum of Economic Geology in London. Published by order of the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury. Royal 8vo. with Woodcuts and 9 large Plates (seven coloured), 21s. cloth; and Vol. II. in Two thick Parts, with 63 Plates (three coloured), and numerous Woodcuts, 42s. cloth, or, separately, 21s. each Part.
MILES.—THE HORSE’S FOOT, AND HOW TO KEEP IT SOUND. By William Miles, Esq. New Edition, with an Appendix on Shoeing in general, and Hunters in particular. Imperial 8vo. with Illustrations, 9s. cloth.—The Appendix separately, price 2s. 6d.
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MILNER.—THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF CHRIST. By the Rev. Joseph Milner, A.M. With Additions and Corrections by the Late Rev. Isaac Milner, D.D. F.R.S. A New Edition, revised and corrected throughout, by the Rev. T. Grantham, B.D. Rector of Bramber, and Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Kildare. 4 vols. 8vo. £2. 12s. cloth.
THE MIRACLES OF OUR SAVIOUR (ILLUMINATED). With rich and appropriate Borders of original Design, a series of Illuminated Figures of the Apostles, from the Old Masters, six Illuminated Miniatures, and other embellishments. By the Illuminator of the “Parables.” Square fcp. 8vo. in massive carved covers, 21s.; or bound in morocco, 30s.
MITCHELL.—JOURNAL OF AN EXPEDITION INTO THE Interior of Tropical Australia, in Search of a Route from Sydney to the Gulf of Carpentaria. By Lieut-Colonel Sir T. L. Mitchell, Knt. D.C.L. Surveyor-General of New South Wales, and late elective Member of the Legislative Council of that Colony. 8vo. with Maps, Views, and Engravings of Objects of Natural History, 21s. cloth.
JAMES MONTGOMERY’S POETICAL WORKS. New and only Complete Edition. With some additional Poems, and Autobiographical Prefaces. Collected and Edited by Mr. Montgomery. 4 vols. fcp. 8vo. with Portrait, and Seven other Plates, 20s. cloth; or bound in morocco, 36s.
THOMAS MOORE’S POETICAL WORKS; Containing the Author’s recent Introduction and Notes. Complete in one volume, uniform with Lord Byron’s and Southey’s Poems. With a New Portrait, by George Richmond, and a View of the Residence of the Poet. 8vo. 21s. cloth; or 42s. bound in morocco.
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MURE.—A CRITICAL HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. By William Mure, M.P., of Caldwell.
[Preparing for publication.
MURRAY.—ENCYCLOPÆDIA OF GEOGRAPHY; Comprising a complete Description of the Earth: exhibiting its Relation to the Heavenly Bodies, its Physical Structure, the Natural History of each Country, and the Industry, Commerce, Political Institutions, and Civil and Social State of all Nations. By Hugh Murray, F.R.S.E.: assisted by other Writers of eminence. New Edition. 8vo. with 82 Maps, and upwards of 1,000 other Woodcuts, £3, cloth.
NEALE.—THE CLOSING SCENE; Or, Christianity and Infidelity contrasted in the Last Hours of Remarkable Persons. By the Rev. Erskine Neale, M.A., Rector of Kirton, Suffolk; Author of “The Bishop’s Daughter,” “Self-Sacrifice,” “The Life-Book of a Labourer,” &c. New Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. cloth.
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NOZRANI IN EGYPT AND SYRIA: An English Clergyman’s Travels in the Holy Land. Second Edition, revised. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. cloth.
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OWEN. — LECTURES ON THE COMPARATIVE ANATOMY and PHYSIOLOGY of the INVERTEBRATE ANIMALS, delivered at the Royal College of Surgeons in 1843. By Richard Owen, F.R.S. Hunterian Professor to the College. 8vo. with nearly 140 Wood Engravings, 14s. cloth.
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PARROT.—THE ASCENT OF MOUNT ARARAT. By Dr. Friedrich Parrot, Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Dorpat, Russian Imperial Councillor of State, &c. Translated and Edited by W. D. Cooley, Esq. Author of the “History of Martime and Inland Discovery,” &c. 8vo. with a Map by Arrowsmith, and Woodcuts, 14s. cloth.
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PHILLIPS.—AN ELEMENTARY INTRODUCTION TO MINERALOGY; comprising a Notice of the Characters, Properties, and Chemical Constitution of Minerals: with Accounts of the Places and Circumstances in which they are found. By William Phillips, F.L.S.M.G.S. &c. A New Edition, corrected, enlarged, and improved, by W. H. Miller, M.A., F.R.S., Professor of Mineralogy in the University of Cambridge. 8vo. with numerous Wood Engravings. [In the press.
PHILLIPS.—FIGURES AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE PALÆOZOIC FOSSILS of CORNWALL, DEVON, and WEST SOMERSET; observed in the course of the Ordnance Geological Survey of that District. By John Phillips, F.R.S. F.G.S. &c. Published by Order of the Lords Commissioners of H.M. Treasury. 8vo. with 60 Plates, comprising very numerous figures, 9s. cloth.
PITMAN.—A COURSE OF SERMONS On some of the chief Subjects in the Book of Psalms; containing Three or more for each Day of the Month: abridged from Eminent Divines of the Established Church. By the Rev. J. R. Pitman, A.M. Domestic Chaplain to the Duchess of Kent. 8vo. 14s. cloth.
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RICH.—A COMPANION TO THE LATIN DICTIONARY; Being a Dictionary of all the Words respecting Visible Objects connected with the Arts, Science, and Every-day Life of the Ancients. Illustrated by about 2,000 Wood Engravings from the Antique. By Anthony Rich, Jun. B.A. late of Caius College, Cambridge; and one of the Contributors to Dr. Smith’s “Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.” Post 8vo. with 2,000 Woodcuts, 21s. cloth.
RICHTER.—LEVANA; OR, THE DOCTRINE OF EDUCATION. Translated from the German of Jean Paul Fr. Richter. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d. cloth.
RIDDLE. — A COMPLETE ENGLISH-LATIN AND LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY, compiled from the best sources, chiefly German. By the Rev. J. E. Riddle, M.A. New Edition. 8vo. 31s. 6d. cloth.
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RIDDLE.—ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONOLOGY; Or, Annals of the Christian Church, from its Foundation to the present Time. Containing a View of General Church History, and the Course of Secular Events; the Limits of the Church and its Relations to the State; Controversies; Sects and Parties; Rites, Institutions, and Discipline, &c. By the Rev. J. E. Riddle, M.A. 8vo. 15s. cloth.
RIDDLE.—LETTERS FROM AN ABSENT GODFATHER; Or, a Compendium of Religious Instruction for Young Persons. By the Rev. J. E. Riddle, M.A. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. cloth.
RITCHIE.—RAILWAYS: THEIR RISE AND PROGRESS, and CONSTRUCTION. With Remarks on Railway Accidents, and Proposals for their Prevention. By Robert Ritchie, Esq. F.R.S. S.A. Associate of the Institute of Civil Engineers. Fcp. 8vo. with Woodcut and Diagrams, 9s. cloth.
RIVERS.—THE ROSE AMATEUR’S GUIDE; Containing ample Descriptions of all the fine leading varieties of Roses, regularly classed in their respective Families; their History and mode of Culture. By T. Rivers, Jun. New Edition, corrected and improved. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. cloth.
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ROBINSON.—THE WHOLE ART OF CURING, PICKING, AND SMOKING MEAT AND FISH, both in the British and Foreign Modes. With many useful Miscellaneous Receipts, and full Directions for the Construction of an economical Drying Chimney and Apparatus, on an entirely New Plan. By James Robinson, Eighteen Years a Practical Curer. Fcp. 8vo. 4s. 6d. cloth.
ROBINSON.—THE WHOLE ART OF MAKING BRITISH WINES, CORDIALS, and LIQUEURS, in the greatest Perfection; as also Strong and Cordial Waters. To which is added, a Collection of Valuable Recipes for Brewing Fine and Strong Ales, and Miscellaneous Articles connected with the Practice. By James Robinson. Fcp, 8vo. 6s. cloth.
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ROWTON.—THE FEMALE POETS OF GREAT BRITAIN, Chronologically arranged: with copious Selections, and Critical Remarks. By Frederic Rowton, Author of “The Debater.” Square crown 8vo. 14s. cloth.
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SCHOMBURGK.—THE HISTORY OF BARBADOS: Comprising a Geographical and Statistical Description of the Island; a Sketch of the Historical Events since the Settlement; and an Account of its Geology and Natural Productions. By Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, Ph. D. K.R.E. &c. Royal 8vo. with Chart, Views, and Engravings, 31s. 6d. cloth.
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SCHOPENHAUER.—YOUTHFUL LIFE AND PICTURES OF TRAVEL: being the Autobiography of Madame Schopenhauer. Translated from the German. 2 vols. fcp. 8vo. 12s. boards.
SEAWARD.—SIR EDWARD SEAWARD’S NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK, and consequent Discovery of certain Islands in the Caribbean Sea: with a detail of many extraordinary and highly interesting Events in his Life, from 1733 to 1749, as written in his own Diary. Edited by Miss Jane Porter. 3d Edition, with a New Nautical and Geographical Introduction. 2 vols. post 8vo. 21s. cloth.
SENIOR.—CHARLES VERNON: A Transatlantic Tale. By Lieut.-Colonel Henry Senior. 2 vols. post 8vo.
THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT. Printed in Gold and Colours, in the Missal style; with Ornamental Borders by Owen Jones, Architect, and an illuminated Frontispiece by W. Boxall, Esq. New Edition. Fcp. 4to. in a rich brocaded silk cover, 21s.; or bound in morocco, by Hayday, 25s.
SELECT WORKS OF THE BRITISH POETS, From Ben Jonson to Beattie. With Biographical and Critical Prefaces, by Dr. Aikin. A New Edition, with Supplement, by Lucy Aikin; consisting of additional Selections from more recent Poets. 8vo. 18s. cloth.
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*∗* The peculiar feature of these two works is, that the Poems are printed entire, without mutilation or abridgment—a feature not possessed by any similar work, and adding obviously to their interest and utility.
SHAKSPEARE, BY BOWDLER. THE FAMILY SHAKSPEARE; in which nothing is added to the Original Text; but those words and expressions are omitted which cannot with propriety be read aloud. By T. Bowdler, Esq. F.R.S. New Edition. 8vo. with 36 Engravings on Wood, from designs by Smirke, Howard, and other Artists, 21s. cloth; or, in 8 vols. 8vo. without Illustrations, £4. 14s. 6d. boards.
SHORT WHIST: Its Rise, Progress, and Laws; with Observations to make any one a Whist Player; containing also the Laws of Piquet, Cassino, Ecarté, Cribbage, Backgammon. By Major A * * * * *. New Edition. To which are added, Precepts for Tyros. By Mrs. B * * * *. Fcp. 8vo. 3s cloth.
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SINCLAIR.—THE BUSINESS OF LIFE. By Catherine Sinclair, Author of “The Journey of Life,” “Modern Society,” “Jane Bouverie,” &c. 2 vols. fcap 8vo. 10s. cloth.
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SMITH.—THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF ST. PAUL: with Dessertations on the Sources of the Writings of St. Luke, and the Ships and Navigation of the Antients. By James Smith, Esq. of Jordan Hill, F.R.S. 8vo. with Views, Charts, and Woodcuts, 14s. cloth.
SMITH.—COMPENDIUM OF THE ENGLISH FLORA. By Sir J. E. Smith. New Edition. By Sir W. J. Hooker. 12mo. 7s. 6d. cloth.
THE SAME WORK IN LATIN. New Edition. 12mo. 7s. 6d.
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[December 1, 1848.
wilson and ogilvy, skinner street, snowhill, london.
[* ]Hall, Bishop of Exeter, had written strongly, both in verse and in prose, against the fashion of sending young men of quality to travel.