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Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: War and Peace

LETTER II.: TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE. - John Millar, Letters of Crito, on the Causes, Objects, and Consequences, of the Present War [1796]

Edition used:

Letters of Crito, on the Causes, Objects, and Consequences, of the Present War, Second Edition (Edinburgh:the Office of the Scots Chronicle, 1796).

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LETTER II.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SCOTS CHRONICLE.

SIR,

June 3. 1796.

The French Revolution, which took place in 1789, was not hostile to kingly government: It went no farther than to establish a limited monarchy. The abuses in the ancient political system were so numerous, and had attained such magnitude, as to exclude every idea of a partial reform, and to require a complete and radical change. The king had acquired an absolute power over the lives and fortunes of all his subjects. He might throw them into prison without assigning any cause, and subject them, at pleasure, to perpetual confinement. If the ordinary courts of justice were not sufficiently obsequious, he might name other judges for trying any offence in the last resort. He had an unlimited power of making laws and of imposing taxes. The nobility, though dependent upon the crown, had interest to procure an exemption from the greater part of taxes; and they exercised very arbitrary powers over their tenants and vassals. The higher clergy were a sort of nobles, possessing enormous wealth, with similar powers and exemptions; while those of inferior rank were depressed with poverty, and subjected to the whole burden of the clerical functions.

When a reformation of political abuses is to be obtained with concurence of the existing government, it is a maxim of common prudence, that it should proceed slowly and gradually, so as not to endanger the public tranquillity, by counteracting old habits, and losing all sight of the former usages. But when a great change is to be extorted in opposition to the constituted authorities, it must be effected all at once: the machine of administration must be brought into the hands of the reformers; and precautions must be taken for preventing the partizans of the old system from producing a counter-revolution. This was the situation in France. If the people, therefore, had been contented with lopping off a small branch from the power of the crown, the effect of their labours would have remained no longer than till the popular enthusiasm had subsided; and their attempt would have served no other purpose than to rivet their chains, and to draw upon them the vengeance of an irritated and jealous despot. When a highwayman demands your money, it is not enough, if we mean to make resistance, that we should seize his pistol, and let him go; for ten to one he has another in his pocket. We must lay hold of him, and secure his person; otherwise we had better not have provoked his resentment.

The leaders of the French people may, on this account, be vindicated for endeavouring to new-model their government; though they seem to have aimed at a certain ideal perfection beyond what, perhaps, is consistent with the conduct of human affairs. Their great object was to commit the supreme power to a national assembly, composed of representatives, not nominal and fictitious as is in some other countries, but really chosen by the nation at large. For this purpose, all the male inhabitants of different districts, with very few exceptions, were empowered to choose electors for larger departments; and these last nominated the members of the national assembly.

A considerable share of the executive power was, at the same time, devolved upon the king, who had, besides, a negative upon the determinations of the legislature; a negative, which was not merely a shadow, but was intended to be commonly exercised. The king was likewise invested with no inconsiderable patronage; and the civil list, entirly at his disposal, amounted, in our money, nearly to a million and a half. The influence and power of the crown were thus, in some respects, greater than in this island.

It is a difficult to form a decided opinion concerning the merits of any system of government, before it has been actually proved by experiment; but this, as far as mere speculation can enable us to determine, has the appearance of a liberal system, greatly superior to most of those which have ever been established in a great nation. As to the double election of the national representatives, it seems peculiarly calculated for securing an equal representation; and in that view it is highly approved of by two eminent writers, Harrington and Hume, the latter of whom was far from being a favourer of popular licence.

In proportion as the French Revolution was grateful to those who rejoiced in the extension of political liberty, it gave rise to very unpleasant sensations in the absolute sovereigns of Europe. Their authority was obviously founded upon opinion; and that opinion rested upon old custom and prejudice. If the people should once be led to think upon the subject of government, they must immediately see the absurdity of sacrificing their lives, and every thing they hold valuable, to the private interest, to the avarice and ambition, to the whim and caprice of a single individual. They must immediately see that government is intended, by the wise and good Author of nature, for the benefit of the whole community; and that every power, inconsistent with this great principle, assumed by any person, under whatever title, of prince, king, or emperor, is manifestly unjust and tyrannical. There was every reason to apprehend, that the disposition, which had now grown to such a height in France, of prying into these matters of state, of investigating principles which had long lain dormant in the venerable lap of antiquity, would tear off the covering from numberless usurpations, and produce a reformation of many enormous abuses.

How this revolution was, from the beginning, viewed in England, it seems a matter of curiosity to examine. I am, &c.

Crito.