Front Page Titles (by Subject) 68.: FRENCH NEWS  EXAMINER, 19 DEC., 1830, P. 809 - The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XXII - Newspaper Writings December 1822 - July 1831 Part I
Return to Title Page for The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XXII - Newspaper Writings December 1822 - July 1831 Part I
The Online Library of Liberty
A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.
Search this Title:
68.: FRENCH NEWS  EXAMINER, 19 DEC., 1830, P. 809 - John Stuart Mill, The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XXII - Newspaper Writings December 1822 - July 1831 Part I 
The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XXII - Newspaper Writings December 1822 - July 1831 Part I, ed. Ann P. Robson and John M. Robson, Introduction by Ann P. Robson and John M. Robson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986).
About Liberty Fund:
Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.
The online edition of the Collected Works is published under licence from the copyright holder, The University of Toronto Press. ©2006 The University of Toronto Press. All rights reserved. No part of this material may be reproduced in any form or medium without the permission of The University of Toronto Press.
Fair use statement:
This material is put online to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. Unless otherwise stated in the Copyright Information section above, this material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.
FRENCH NEWS 
The article is headed “London, Dec. 19.” For the entry in Mill’s bibliography, see No. 55. The article concludes with a paragraph on Belgian and Swiss news, presumably not by Mill.
the death of benjamin constant is a misfortune to the world.1 France, since the first revolution, has not produced his equal, taking into account purity of purpose, popular principles, and talents as an orator and politician. His absence leaves a deplorable hiatus in the Chamber, which now contains scarcely a man of established reputation and mature years, joined to opinions in harmony with those of the vast majority of Frenchmen between twenty and thirty-five. His health had been for some time declining; but there is no doubt that his death has been hastened by feelings of grievous disappointment at finding France, at the end of four months, from the three days of July last, only at the commencement of, perhaps, a longer and more arduous struggle than that which she appeared to have brought to so glorious and triumphant a consummation. There is reason to fear that the bitterness of these reflections was aggravated by the thought that greater exertions and a more decided tone, on the part of himself and a few others in August last, might have given, perhaps, a materially different character to the settlement of the Constitution.
We are assured that this lamented patriot, almost with his last breath, expressed to the friends who encircled his death-bed, the regret which he felt, while dying, that the revolution of July was manquée, and had fallen into the hands of intrigans.
His house was surrounded by crowds, similar to those which were congregated round the habitation of Mirabeau in his last moments.
The principal subjects of discussion, in the Chambers, for some time past, have been the organization of the National Guard, and the arrangements for putting the army on the war establishment.2 As is usually the case, when a nation is what it calls “prepared for war,” the French seem to desire nothing so much as an opportunity for convincing their neighbours how well prepared they are. A month ago they were as quiet, as could reasonably be required, on the affairs of Belgium; but now the insurrection in Poland3 has kindled them into a perfect flame; so great is the difference in the feelings, either of a man or of a nation, according as their red coat is on or off. We have been shocked and disgusted by the language of the leading French papers on the subject of the Polish revolution. The principle of non-intervention, on which they insisted so strongly a few weeks ago, is now scattered to the winds. If a war, unhappily for France and Europe, were shortly to break out, though undertaken by that country, as it probably would be, for no selfish object, we greatly fear that, under its influence, in less than a twelvemonth, the national character would again be perverted, as it was by Napoleon,—the rage for victory and conquest would become again the dominant passion in the breasts of Frenchmen; and the national feeling once turned in that direction, we know the barefaced profligacy, the systematic and unheard-of disregard of every principle of international morality, and of the most sacred rights of independent nations, which made the foreign policy of the directory, and of the empire, a disgrace to civilisation. That war began with as much purity of purpose, on the part of the French nation, as the present one will do, if the French government accepts the invitation; which, while we now write, is probably under its consideration, to assist the Poles against the three Robber-powers.
The trial of the Ex-Ministers has commenced.—It is expected that Polignac, and, perhaps, Peyronnet, will be sentenced to death; Chantelauze and Guernon-Ranville to some other punishment.4 If Peyronnet be put to death, and Chantelauze spared, it will be from other causes than any which will appear on the proceedings; for it is proved, that Peyronnet was averse to the issue of the ordinances, and that Chantelauze was not.
The municipal and election laws are still delayed, but the Ministry has promised speedily to introduce a Bill for the elementary education of the People.5
M. Isambert laid a proposition before the Chamber, for reducing the Catholic Church Establishment to the standard of 1802;6 but this was rejected, without even a public discussion, by virtue of the mischievous regulation which requires that every proposition must be approved by the whole, or a certain portion of the Chamber sitting in bureaux or committees, and deliberating in secret, before it can be even read, much less discussed, at the public sittings of the Chamber.7
[1 ]Benjamin Constant died on 8 Dec.; crowds of enthusiastic mourners threatened the public peace at his funeral on the 12th (see Moniteur, 1830, pp. 1664, 1665, 1689, and 1699).
[2 ]For identification of the law on the National Guard, see No. 54, n16; Bull. 15, No. 78 (11 Dec., 1830) increased the numbers in the army by 80,000.
[3 ]The Treaty of Vienna had not ended the partition of Poland among Prussia, Austria, and Russia (Mill’s “three Robber-powers”). On 29 Nov., 1830, rioting against Russian domination had broken out in Warsaw.
[4 ]See No. 52.
[5 ]See No. 81.
[6 ]That is, to the status (to which the Vatican objected) enacted in Bull. 172, No. 1344 (5 Apr., 1802), the result of the Concordat between Napoleon and the Pope of 15 July, 1801.
[7 ]See Art. 32 of Règlement pour la chambre des députés des départemens (25 June), Moniteur, 1814, pp. 711-12. The provision that three of nine bureaus were needed to sanction a measure was provided by Modification au règlement de la chambre (24 Aug.), ibid., 1830, pp. 961-2.