1859
347.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Jan. 2. 1859.
Dear Chadwick
I returned Lord Grey’s paper by post yesterday to your address. I now return Mr Greg’s. I agree with him in expecting no substantial improvement in the representative system at present. But I differ from him, among many other things, in thinking that some bill will certainly pass. None of the parties will wish the question to lie over and give rise to a prolonged agitation. There will be a compromise. What is done may be little in amount, & that little may be more bad than good. All we can do is to point out what are the evils, and throw out suggestions which will lead people’s minds in a right direction so far as they can be got to attend to them. Your letter (which I return) is very valuable in this way. But a letter in a newspaper is too little read—I wish you could get out your matter in some better form.
I have never been able to agree with you and Mr Greg about voting papers. I do not doubt their benefit in the election of poor law guardians. But in political elections, a person who does not care to vote will seldom give a good vote. He will be assailed by canvassers who will not leave him until they have seen him fill up his voting paper. It is possible that more conservative votes might be given in that way. So much the worse. When things get into a state in which any person of my opinions can wish for the success of the conservative candidate, conservative voters will have got quite sufficiently frightened to come up to the poll.
But I expect no good so long as any election expenses whatever, borne by the candidate himself, are permitted by law. Liberalism & Conservatism ought to unite in putting down that greatest of existing abuses. As for the measure to be expected from the present Government—all that anybody can know of it is, that it will be all trick.
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
348.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Jan. 10. 1859.
Dear Chadwick
I return Lord Grey’s two letters. Independently of the hopelessness of carrying a provision for life members in a representative assembly, I should fear that to assign a superior status to one section of the House would by exciting antagonism between the elective majority and the permanent minority, do more harm than good even to the interests which the life members would represent.
I see no tenable ground for resisting the democracy of mere numbers, but by directly and openly asserting two broad principles—that every one is entitled to some voice in the representation, and that every intelligent person is entitled to a more potential voice.
If it has not occurred to Lord Grey, it would be worth suggesting to him (as he is not a politician of routine, or afraid to entertain new proposals) that one of the most conservative as well as most liberal provisions in a reform bill would be to give the franchise to all women who fulfil the rating or other conditions required of men. There is precedent for this in local elections: the women enfranchised would be almost solely those of the higher and middle ranks—& the immediate effects would undoubtedly be highly favorable to conservatism.
On the question of the dockyard labourers I agree with Mr Greg. Unless all who are in a dependent condition could be disfranchised, I see no good but harm in excluding a single class. In this country of publicity the Government influence is the least bad of the bad influences.
yrs faithfully
J. S. Mill
349.
TO THEODOR GOMPERZ
Blackheath, Jan. 12, 1859.
You will not have been surprised at my not answering your letter of Dec. 10. I am however sincerely thankful to you for it. No letter that I have received did me more good, and it is a real pleasure to think that, so little as you saw of her, should have made so true an impression. If I understand you rightly in your last letter as offering to translate the little book on Liberty, I could not desire any better fate for it, supposing that when you have read it, you think it likely to be successful and useful in Germany. I will take care that you have one of the earliest copies or the sheets, if you will let me know the safest mode of sending it, as the title might cause it to be stopped at the post or further on, under the idea of its being political. . . .
350.
TO MARY MILL COLMAN
Jan. 13, 1859
Dear Mary—
It is well you have at last perceived that it was not likely I should be inclined to commence a discussion with you about the past. Such things are either cleared up at the time or not at all. I have no ill will to you & am quite willing to put the best interpretation that the case admits of, upon everything that has happened between us. But I do not expect that I shall ever again wish to see any person (two or three excepted) unless on necessary business or for some public purpose. The melancholy life I have before me would be quite insupportable if I could not be left alone with those who are fellow sufferers with me & who feel as I do.
351.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Jan. 20. 1859.
Dear Chadwick
I write, without waiting to go through your paper, to say that it would be very repugnant to me at present to make any sort of public appearance—even that of attending a meeting. In any case I should not have liked that my first connection with the Law Amendment Society should be by taking the chair—an office, too, which it requires much more experience than I have had of public meetings to be qualified for. When I return from abroad I shall probably ask you or some one else to propose me as a member of the Society. I may probably then be desirous of moving actively for the promotion of public objects.
I will write you the letter I promised, without delay, and make any suggestions that occur to me about the paper itself.
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
352.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Jan. 21. 1859
Dear Chadwick
I inclose a letter which I hope will serve your purpose.
I have scratched over the margin of your proof with suggested alterations, very slight in appearance but which would make a great difference in the intelligibility of the paper. It is very carelessly written as to the mere construction of the sentences. Some of the proposed alterations in page 2 have a further object—attained however by equally slight changes—that of avoiding a slur upon Malthus, not at all required for your purpose.
After revisal of the composition, it is a very telling paper.
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
353.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Jan. 21. 1859.
Dear Chadwick
I have read carefully twice over your paper on the advantage of enquiry by Commissions as a preparation for legislation, and specially for Parliamentary Reform; and I not only agree with you entirely on the general principle, but also in thinking Parliamentary Reform a very strong case for its application. Disfranchisement indeed, may be sufficiently judged of from general principles and notorious facts; but when the question is, how far to carry enfranchisement, few persons, I should think, are rash enough to imagine that they have nothing important still to learn respecting the new classes of voters to be created—their numbers, their local distribution, their degree of education (even the number of them who can read and write); their amenability to corruption, the probability of their exercising the franchise if conferred, and the influences under which they are likely to exercise it. If the franchise is to stop anywhere short of universal suffrage, or to arrive even at that by any succession of steps, the choice of the intermediate measures must necessarily be more or less a question of statistics; and the statistics of the whole subject are in their infancy. Even on so narrow a point as the admission of the £10 householders in the small towns to vote for the counties, all is uncertainty as to the nature of the change it would make in the composition of the county constituencies.
Your paper cannot be too much read, or too widely circulated.
I am
Dear Chadwick
very truly yours
J. S. Mill
Edwin Chadwick Esqu.
354.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Jan. 26 [1859].
Dear Chadwick
I have gone through your proof, which requires as much correction in the wording as the other did. I do not know if my pencil marks are legible. Your facts are very striking, and the view of the subject one which it is of great importance to exhibit. But I do not well see where your principle is to stop, or at what place you would draw the line of demarcation between it and conflicting principles. You had better I think, not trouble yourself with what socialist writers have said against competition: It is much better that your results should be seen to come, as they do, from your own thoughts and observations.
You should not have proposed me as a member of the Law Amendment Society without asking me first. I should have much preferred not joining it till my return. I expect to be abroad at least a year, and I certainly shall not go near the Society till afterwards. I shall not leave finally for the Continent till some two months hence.
Yours very truly
J. S. Mill
355.
TO ALEXANDER BAIN
[February ? 1859]
[His pamphlet on Parliamentary Reform, written some years previously, was revised and sent to press. On this he remarked in a letter:—] Grote, I am afraid, will not like it, on account of the ballot, if not other points. But I attach importance to it, as a sort of revision of the theory of representative government.
356.
TO ALEXANDER BAIN
[February ? 1859]
[A few days later he wrote—] Grote knows that I now differ with him on the ballot, and we have discussed it together, with no effect on either.
357.
TO GEORGE JACOB HOLYOAKE
[February, 1859]
[In 1859 J.S. Mill sent Holyoake a copy of his essay On Liberty, asking him not to review it until the other reviewers had done so.]
It is likely enough to be called an infidel book in any case; but I would rather that people were not prompted to call it so.
358.
TO [JOHN WILLIAM PARKER, JR.?]
Tuesday
[February, 1859?]
Dear Sir
I shall be quite unable to write anything during my stay here—and an article on the French treaty should be written immediately. Besides I never write well unless I feel moved to write on the particular subject—which on this subject I do not. I hope soon to find something suitable to Fraser.
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
359.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Feb. 7. 1859
Dear Chadwick
Strange as you seem to think it, I have voted at every election since I have been qualified, and have attended one electoral meeting in my own district. That meeting (here at Blackheath) gave a very favourable reception to language and doctrines far from demagogic. It is true there was little or no catechizing, and little indication of the degree of political information of the electors. I am quite aware from other evidence of the density of ignorance among the bulk of the English population—of all classes I might say: certainly of the working and lower middle class. The new introduction by the Government of a reading and writing qualification I regard as a striking proof of the utter want of principle of their Conservatism.
Have you seen Hare’s book (the Charity Commissioner) on Representation? If not I beg you to read it without delay. It seems to me most masterly in theory and of the greatest possible practical value.
Voting papers, except in the form in which Hare admits them, I am more opposed to than ever, for it seems to me that they make bribery and intimidation both much easier and much more certainly effectual.
I am obliged to you for a sight of Gaultier. It is very sound and as you say, a good logical exercise. Shall I return it to you or to Gilbart, whose name I see is in it?
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
(1) Why say understated? Your opponents charge you with overstatement. It would be better to deny both. [Scored through.]
(2) That when, of the measures I proposed, any prominent part was omitted by the legislature, it has invariably happened that on subsequent experience, impartial persons have independently represented the necessity of its being restored; & that whenever any of those measures has been even imperfectly adopted, a more extensive application of it has been subsequently demanded, & in many instances, made.
(3) restricted by charges, which might be reduced to less than half their amount not only without loss, but with positive benefit to the shareholders; who would also be gainers by reducing the rates for conveyances of goods, to the immense advantage of the metropolis & the great towns by cheapening &c.
(4) by persons carefully selected for the task, before introducing bills on important subjects into Parliament
(5) recommended such previous enquiry as a necessary preparation for measures of Parliamentary Reform.
(6) Until this evil shall be cured discrimination is in my opinion necessary in extending the elective franchise.
(7) These, however, if I were elected, I should consider it my duty to examine, whenever my duty to my constituents & to the country required that I should possess a knowledge of them.
360.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Feb. 24 [1859].
Dear Chadwick
I have just returned from Avignon and have found your notes waiting for me. I hasten to return the supplementary matter of your paper—the detention of which I much regret as this being apparently the original manuscript, you may have been prevented from sending it to the press. The matter is all telling and useful. But the short paper 1A would I think require more working out to produce its proper effect. The objection that will be made to paper B is, that you select the best cases of the working of nomination and the worst of popular election, and that nomination very seldom gave the particular good results you depict—scarcely oftener than a good representative system would. Still, there is a point to be made though it is not so exactly germane to your immediate purpose—enquiry by a commission—as paper A is. By the way did Bristol reject Romilly? Are you not thinking of its rejection of Burke?
I am glad you coincide with so much of the pamphlet.
very truly yrs
J. S. Mill
361.
TO CHARLES DUPONT-WHITE
le 26 février 1859
Monsieur
A mon retour d’une absence, j’ai trouvé votre billet du 7 février. Je suis très flatté que vous ayez eu même la pensée de traduire mon petit livre. Rien ne pourrait lui être plus avantageux que d’être traduit par une plume comme la vôtre; et rien ne saurait m’agréer davantage, pourvu toutefois qu’après l’avoir lu tout entier, vous persistiez dans votre désir. Car il est certain que nous représentons, vous et moi, en quelque sorte, deux systèmes opposés, et je trouverais très naturel que vous pussiez regarder mon ouvrage comme à tout prendre, plus nuisible qu’utile. Il est vrai que comme nous possédons chacun la philosophie de nos opinions respectives, nous sommes, mieux que beaucoup d’autres adversaires, faits pour nous entendre.
Je suis, Monsieur, avec la plus haute considération
Votre dévoué serviteur
J. S. Mill
362.
TO JOHN ELLIOT CAIRNES
March 2. 1859
Dear Sir
On returning from an absence I find your note. It is a great encouragement to me that you agree so fully with me on the various points touched on in the pamphlet. The idea of combining double voting (élection à deux degrés) for the less educated with direct voting for those of higher qualifications is well worth considering as a mode of making the distinction in a manner probably less obnoxious to the “opinion démocratique” than the plural voting which I proposed not as an immediately practical measure but as a standard of theoretic excellence. I have however had a complete adhesion to it by one Chartist leader of some weight.
Have you happened to see Hare’s book on Representation. I have not been so delighted with any political treatise for many years.
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
363.
TO GEORGE JACOB HOLYOAKE
March 2, 1859
Dear Sir
There is now no longer any need for reserve respecting the Liberty, as it has received almost all the notices from the newspapers and weekly periodicals which it is likely to have. There has been an amount of response to it far beyond what I expected.
I was very much pleased with your oration on Owen.
I wish that in quoting from some paper a recommendation for taking all taxes off “industry” and laying them all on “realized property” you had taken occasion to protest against the iniquity of the proposal—which I have shewn very fully in my Pol. Economy. Why should those who save, pay all the taxes for those who have spent all they got? A necessary consequence too would be that those who will not consent to pay any part of the taxes must be willing to renounce all control by their votes over the levying and expending of them, otherwise it would be exactly as if the poor rates were voted and expended by the paupers. There would be no limit to the taxes they would exact from other people for their own emolument or pleasure. A heavy tax on inherited property I do not object to.
I am glad you agree with me about plural voting.
Yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
364.
TO ARNOLD RUGE
March 2. 1859
Dear Dr Ruge
On returning from Avignon I find your note. I am grateful for the sympathy it expresses and only wish that you had known her who is gone sufficiently to know what a feeble and inadequate expression that dedication gives of what she was. While she lived, she never sought to be known beyond her small circle of intimates—but now it seems perfectly shocking that the world should be utterly unaware of the treasure it has lost.
I am glad that you are so usefully and interestingly occupied in writing for your country and I shall be much pleased to read the article you mention. I am aware that my little book is, generally speaking, as little needed in Germany as it is much here. Citizenship and political activity are what Germany most wants, and I trust is again in the road towards acquiring. I am
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
365.
TO THOMAS HARE
March 3, 1859.
Dear Sir
Having been absent from home it is only within the last few days that I have had an opportunity of reading and studying your book —which I have done with no ordinary feelings. You appear to me to have exactly, and for the first time, solved the difficulty of popular representation; and by doing so, to have raised up the cloud of gloom and uncertainty which hung over the futurity of representative government and therefore of civilization. That you are right in theory I never could have doubted, and as to practice, having begun with a great natural distrust of what seemed a very complicated set of arrangements, I ended by being convinced that the plan is workable, and effectually guarded or guardable against fraud. In the details I have as yet found only one point which, it seems to me, might be improved, and that is so minor a one as hardly to be worth mentioning. You propose that (assuming the quota to be 2000) the first 2000 votes a candidate obtains at the place for which he stands, should be counted for his return, and his name struck out of all subsequent voting papers. Should it not be the last 2000 rather than the first? Otherwise there is a premium on hanging back from the poll; the later votes having more power than the earlier ones, inasmuch as after the attainment of their first object, their second votes also are counted.
Excuse my offering this very small criticism on a scheme for which I shall henceforth be a zealous apostle. I am as sanguine as you are yourself respecting the moral and political effects of it, which would far transcend anything that is apparent at first sight. A thing so complete will not however be attained at one step, and it is therefore mortifying that the principle of representation of minorities is not in some way recognized (however imperfectly it might be realized) by the ministerial Reform Bill.
Allow me to add that while I so entirely concur both in the principles of your book and in its practical proposals, I have also the good fortune to agree with most even of your incidental remarks on things in general. I am
yours with great respect
J. S. Mill
366.
TO JAMES LORIMER
March 3. 1859.
Dear Sir
Allow me to thank you for your very interesting treatise which, having been absent, I have only just had an opportunity of reading. We agree to a considerable extent in our practical views, particularly in the important point (almost new I think in the theory of representation) that the proper safeguard against the undue preponderance of a class more numerous than all others taken together, is not the exclusion of anybody, but the graduation of influence proportionally to just claims. Between some influence and more influence, the ratio is finite and appreciable, but between some and none at all it is mathematically infinite. No one could without voluntary degradation admit that he ought to be counted for nothing, though every reasonable person is eager to admit that there are persons entitled to be counted for more than himself.
But while we agree thus far we differ very much on other points. I would not give any one a plurality of votes in consequence of any merely social superiority, and your general principle of making the representative assembly an exact reflection of existing inequalities of weight and position seems to me liable to very strong objections, with which as I shall probably write something on the matter, I will not trouble you here.
I would also include women in the ultimate universal suffrage that you contemplate—which as far as I can collect from a note in your book, you would not do. I think your principles break down altogether if you allow of any exception among persons sui juris. I am
very faithfully yours
J. S. Mill
367.
TO LOUIS BLANC
March 4. 1859.
My dear Monsieur Louis Blanc
Having been absent I only received your kind and sympathizing note a few days ago, and have not until now had time or heart to write to you in acknowledgment of it. I feel a tie between myself and every one who knowing even a little of her, valued and appreciated her to the extent of their opportunities. I do not speak from feeling but from long standing and sober conviction in saying that when she died this country lost the greatest mind it contained. You cannot know what she was privately, but you, more than most men can sympathize in the nobleness of her public objects, which never stopped short of perfect distributive justice as the final aim, implying therefore a state of society entirely communist in practice and spirit, whether also in institutions or not. This entire faith in the ultimate possibilities of human nature was drawn from her own glorious character, while her keen perception of present difficulties and obstacles was derived from her wonderful practical discernment, and comprehension of life. I am
yrs most sincerely
J. S. Mill
368.
TO HORACE GRANT
March 4, 1859
Dear Grant
Since my return from Avignon a week ago, I have had so many things to attend to that I have not, till now, had time to express to you how deeply interested I feel in your account of your health. I suppose the medicine they gave you to stop hemorrhage was sugar of lead, the most effectual of styptics but which always disorders the stomach dreadfully. That effect however will go off, if only the bleeding does not return. It is consolatory that the pulmonary disease did not appear on examination to have advanced. When organic disease exists, hemorrhage may at any time shew itself without marking any fresh advance of the malady.
I recognized your accustomed kind attention in sending the Daily News and the Athenaeum. The D. N. had on last Monday week an attack on the pamphlet, not at all in harmony with the previous article.
I have not yet been able to look at the little book of your Quaker friend.
Hickson has probably told you that I hope to be able to walk across to Fairseat before I leave England.
Yrs ever truly
J. S. Mill
369.
TO WILLIAM E. HICKSON
March 4, 1859.
Dear Hickson
I inclose directions for taking the Bromide of Potassium. I should think the two cases somewhat similar, as the temporary paralysis was caused in my wife’s case by an injury to the spine, suffered in a carriage. It is right to say that she took iodine at the same time, according to the prescription I send. But the iodine did not apparently do any good until she added the bromine to it.
Thanks for your musical present. It is a great advantage to you as it is to me, and very useful under depression, to be interested in a great variety of things. I will refer again to “Time and Faith” on the subject of M. Aurelius, and should be very happy if so great a character could be exculpated. But, being the inferior of the two, I fear he must be held responsible even for Verus.
I am
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
370.
TO HERBERT SPENCER
March 4. 1859
Dear Sir
I fully expected, both that you would go heartily with me in the main object of the little book on Liberty, and also that you would think it does not go far enough. Any difference that there can be between us in the matter can only, however, be on points of detail, not of principle. There are none of your writings which I admire more than your “Over-Legislation”.
I see I omitted to send you a pamphlet I have published on Parliamentary Reform. I send it by this post. But I recommend to you, as much better than it (if not already known to you) the book by Hare the Charity Commissioner on “the election of representatives”. I am much mistaken if you will not recognize in it a combination of theoretic wisdom and practical sagacity very rarely found in any writings on such subjects.
I am Dear Sir
very truly yrs.
J. S. Mill
371.
TO PASQUALE VILLARI
le 6 mars 1859
Mon cher Monsieur Villari
A mon retour d’une absence j’ai trouvé votre bonne et affectueuse lettre. J’y reconnais une sincérité de sympathie qui toujours soulage un peu le malheur dont elle ne console point. Je voudrais pouvoir de quelque façon que se soit, vous rendre ce bien. Si j’avais pu vous faire connaître celle qui n’est plus, il me semble que je vous aurais plus que payé de tout bienfait et de toute amitié qu’il eût été possible de recevoir. Elle était, non seulement le coeur le plus aimant et l’âme la plus élevée, mais aussi l’esprit le plus profond et le jugement le plus infaillible qu’il m’a été donné de connaître. Tout ce qu’on trouve de meilleur dans mes écrits n’est que la plus pâle réflexion de ses lumières et de sa grande âme—et l’on s’en apercevra bien, je le crains, dans ce qui me reste à faire, malgré tous mes efforts pour me diriger toujours par son souvenir.
Vous me demandez comment cette catastrophe est arrivée. Nous étions en route pour le midi. Nous voulions passer l’hiver à Hyères et le printemps en Italie, peutêtre à Florence. Quoique délicate, elle se portait bien lors de notre départ, mais la fatigue du voyage ou quelque cause inconnue a déterminé à Avignon une attaque de poitrine qui quoique sérieuse, ne sembla dangereuse que le jour même qui fut le dernier de sa vie. Ainsi l’affranchissement que j’avais désiré, et dont je me promettais tant de bien pour nous deux, est devenu le malheur de ma vie—et c’est peu de chose encore, car Dieu sait que j’aurais racheté de tout mon bonheur sa simple existence même éloignée de moi. Il me semble que j’aurais pu tout supporter excepté qu’elle cessât d’être.
J’ai acheté une petite maison près de son tombeau, et je vous engage lorsque vous m’écrirez d’ici à une année, d’adresser vos lettres à Saint-Véran près Avignon, Vaucluse. Si je n’y suis pas, vos lettres m’arriveront plus vite que si vous les adressiez ici.
Votre dévoué
J. S. Mill
Algernon Taylor vous remercie de votre souvenir et vous présente ses respects.
372.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
March 10 [1859]
Dear Chadwick
The reason why I think that voting papers would facilitate bribery and intimidation is, that the person who can influence a voter could actually stand by him and see him sign the paper. In regard to bribery, a great additional motive would be created by the fact that the briber need no longer trust the bribee. He could have ocular demonstration that the voter fulfilled his bargain. In these respects the experience of the Poor Law elections is not much to the point, as there is comparatively little inducement either to bribe or intimidate at those elections.
Craik is entirely wrong in his arithmetic. If anything is as plain as that 2 + 2 = 4, it is that with three persons to be elected, and cumulative voting, it would require a third plus one of the electors to be sure of returning one member. Craik’s error is in supposing that while the one third concentrate all their votes on one candidate the two thirds will split theirs among three. Of course they would know better than to do that. They would only divide theirs between two, which would give them exactly the same power of carrying two candidates as the one third would have of carrying one. If either the two thirds or the one third aimed at more than they could do, while the other party did not, they would fail of doing the whole of what they could do. But this liability would be common to both sides, & to both in the same degree.
I am not disposed to republish Gaultier’s book myself, but I should be very ready to give anybody a recommendation who would do it.
I very much hope you will read Hare and help to make the book known.
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
373.
TO THOMAS HARE
March 12. 1859.
Dear Sir
Your note partakes of the comprehensive and thoughtful character of your book. I may well be pleased when, besides approving my suggestion, you furnish me with arguments for it which I had not myself thought of. Your own third course, however, is the real thing; and though I agree with you that in the present stage your main idea should not be encumbered with minutiae which would make it less easily intelligible, this and all similar detailed improvements should be kept in reserve, to be brought out when the time actually comes for legislating on your principles. For the quality in your plan which will contribute most to make it take a strong hold of every competent mind which can be got to look into it, is precisely the finished perfection of adaptation of which it is susceptible. It is the only representative mechanism which is capable of fulfilling all the demands of principle. Every other is a mere rough piece of botching compared with it; and this character of the plan stands out so prominently when once it is understood, that it has a fair chance, if sufficiently promulgated, of being widely and enthusiastically taken up by the élite of the nation.
I am Dear Sir
yours very truly,
J. S. Mill
374.
TO ALEXANDER BAIN
B[lackheath] March 17. 1859.
Dear Bain,—
I am glad that you like the Liberty so much & agree with so many of the heresies of the Reform pamphlet. With regard to the plural voting, one must not withhold one’s opinion as to what is right in principle because one does not see one’s way to getting it fully acted on. The right principle, put into a legislator’s head, may decide his judgment on some important practical question involving the same principle. It is a great point also to meet the claims of mere numbers with something which appeals to the reason & sense of justice of the numbers themselves, which no other mode of inequality of political rights does. One must never suppose what is good in itself to be visionary because it may be far off. That this is not really visionary is illustrated by the fact that Holyoake has already taken it up warmly & in the most unqualified form. We must remember too that the numerical majority are not the politically strongest force yet. The point to be decided is, how much power is to be yielded to them; & justice always affords the best basis for a compromise, which even if only temporary may be eminently useful.
Pray read Hare. His plan supersedes all that I or anyone else has said about grouping of boroughs representation of minorities &c by realizing all these ends through a self acting machinery in a degree of perfection almost ideal.
I am going to write to Reeve, & will inform you immediately of his answer.
Yrs very truly
375.
TO M. E. GRANT DUFF
March 20. 1859
Dear Sir
I am obliged to Mr Herzen for his writings, and shall have pleasure in reading them. But I have not yet seen any one, except from necessity; and as I am going abroad very shortly, for an absence of some duration, there would be little use in commencing an acquaintance which I should not be able, for the present, to prosecute. After my return, I shall be happy to see Mr Herzen, if he should then wish it, and still more (I hope I need not say) yourself.
I am
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
376.
TO GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS
March 20. 1859
My dear Lewis
I agree with you that now is the first time (perhaps also the last) when a parliamentary reform might have a chance of being decided by reason, and not by the tug of hostile parties, each holding fast not by what it ought, but by what it can. It is important therefore that the opportunity should not be lost.
Respecting the ballot —it is quite possible to make the secrecy of the act of voting quite independent of the voter’s will; so that he shall be unable to make known his vote, in any other way than by pledging his veracity to it. If, however, the operation of the ballot were such as you consider probable, there would still be the great evil done of a recognition by the State that electors may vote as they please, and are not accountable for their vote as a moral act. This would not be the intention; but that it would be the popular interpretation of the ballot I feel sure. You must have observed that of late the most popular advocates of the ballot have actually rested its justification on the avowed doctrine that the suffrage is a right and not a trust; a doctrine which, even if there were no non-electors, would be enough to corrupt and destroy the purest democracy conceivable. There will never be honest or self-restraining government unless each individual participant feels himself a trustee for all his fellow citizens and for posterity. Certainly no Athenian voter thought otherwise.
Have you seen Hare’s book on Representation? If not, let me beg you to read it. I think it both a monument of intellect, and of inestimable practical importance at the present moment. His suggestions appear to me the real basis of a reconciliation between Radicalism and Conservatism. Had I seen his book before writing my pamphlet I should have made it very different.
I am
Very truly yours
J. S. Mill.
377.
TO HERBERT SPENCER
March 27. 1859
Dear Sir
I am truly sorry that you have been so unwell, and that there is less chance than there seemed to be of your obtaining a position compatible with your pursuits. I cannot but think, however, that there must be some posts (though fewer than formerly) which would suit your purpose. The difficulty is to know which they are, and to catch them before they are promised.
I did not propose to give votes at present to all who can pass my elementary test—unless plural votes were given to the higher grades of education in all classes. Neither do I propose an educational test as in itself perfect, but as being better than a property test. If education is not a complete guarantee against being swayed by class interests, often ill understood, property is still less so. What you say of the shoemakers only shews, at worst, that they are no better than the shipowners—and probably in this instance less ignorant; for the shoemakers, most likely, suffer more real inconvenience from the sewing machines, than the shipowners from foreign competition.
I think your principle of attaching direct taxation to representation, a very important one. If the taxes were to be spent under the control of those who fancy they do not pay them, they would think they could never lay on too much, or spend it too lavishly. I am afraid however I should come under the same ban with them in the two instances you give of improper expenditure—for I cannot help thinking that public gardens should be the property of the town, in order that they may be free to all without payment: and though I do not think so of public baths, yet in order to foster the taste for them, and render them ultimately a profitable private speculation, I should not object to their being experimentally provided by public authority. These cases exemplify the difference there is between us in degree, though I think not in principle, respecting the limits of government interference.
I am
Yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
378.
TO JOHN PLUMMER
March 28. 1859
Dear Sir
I have read your two pamphlets, and I like much both their spirit and most of the things you say. I should have been glad however to have had your opinion, grounded on observation, as to whether the introduction of new machinery does not often temporarily, and even for some considerable time, diminish the employment for labour. If so, the operatives have reason to complain, not of machinery, but of the State, for not doing something to help them. I fear also that so much cannot be done for the condition of the poorer classes by reduction of taxation as you seem to think there is room for—especially when there is a treacherous despot just across the Channel watching his opportunity.
I have desired my publisher to send you a copy of a book of mine, of which I request your acceptance. In it you will find my opinions on both the subjects referred to in your note. I am
yrs very sincerely
J. S. Mill
379.
TO PASQUALE VILLARI
le 28 mars 1859.
Mon cher Monsieur Villari
Votre belle et touchante lettre m’a fait du bien. Je vous honore d’avoir su voir, au moins en partie, dans mes écrits, ce que je dois à un enseignement et à une collaboration dont le bonheur n’existe plus maintenant qu’en souvenir. Cependant vous risquez toujours de lui attribuer trop peu de tout ce que vous louez en moi. Nous n’étions pas, comme on pourrait le croire, deux esprits différents mais égaux, dont l’un aurait apporté autant que l’autre au fonds commun—comme par exemple l’élévation des idées serait dûe surtout à l’un, la justesse des appréciations pratiques à l’autre. Il n’en était point ainsi. Elle me dépassait également aux deux égards. Sa hauteur atteignait le ciel, tout en restant ferme sur la terre. Elle était complète sans moi, tandis que moi je suis très incomplet sans elle. Ce qui m’appartenait dans l’oeuvre commune n’était guère qu’un certain talent de rédaction et d’interprétation, qui encore ne vaut quelque chose que pour les lettrés et pour les savants, car elle trouvait toujours beaucoup mieux que moi le chemin de l’esprit et du coeur de la simple humanité.
Passons maintenant aux affaires de l’Italie. Je ne m’étonne point de l’illusion où semble être pour le moment chez vous l’esprit national. Je crains pourtant qu’elle ne puisse devenir très fatale. Soyez bien persuadé que le plus dangereux ennemi qu’ait en ce moment l’avenir de l’humanité c’est celui dont vous invoquez l’appui. Je comprendrais qu’à tel époque donné, on mît la nationalité avant la liberté, je pourrais même le pardonner, parceque la liberté a souvent besoin de la nationalité pour exister. Mais comment peut-on croire que la nationalité Italienne puisse exister avec cet homme? A-t-elle existé sous son oncle? Pense-t-on que ce soit par un sentiment généreux qu’il veut faire la guerre à l’Autriche sous prétexte de l’Italie? Est-ce une nationalité que d’être dans la dépendance servile d’un despote étranger? Sait-il même ce que c’est que la foi, que l’honneur, que le respect de la parole donnée? La France, même libre, veut beaucoup trop imposer son joug aux autres peuples; et son maître actuel, en flattant ce défaut national, désire faire usage des Français pour asservir les Italiens afin de les tenir tous deux subjugués les uns par les autres, tout comme en use l’Autriche à l’égard des divers peuples qu’elle domine. C’est navrant pour un ami de la liberté d’être forcé de souhaiter le succès même de l’Autriche contre une puissance plus retrograde encore et plus malfaisante qu’elle. Je ne voudrais pourtant pas que l’Angleterre prêtât main-forte à l’Autriche attaquée, à moins d’une renonciation préalable à l’Italie. Je ne voudrais jusque-là qu’une médiation, et une neutralité armée. Mais si la guerre a lieu, je ne pense pas que l’Angleterre s’arrête longtemps à ce point. Un peuple n’a jamais qu’une idée à la fois, et le nôtre, je le crains, cesserait bientôt de sympathiser avec le patriotisme Italien s’il se présentait comme l’appui du tyran perfide de la France. Ce que veut cet homme est par là même mauvais, car il ne veut que l’accroissement et l’affermissement de son pouvoir, et il n’y a pas de plus grand mal sur la terre.
Je serai charmé de voir votre ouvrage sur Savonarola et je le serais encore plus de vous voir. Quoique probablement nous ne retournerons pas en Angleterre sans passer par Florence, je ne crois pas que ce soit avant le printemps de l’année prochaine. Mais pendant une partie de ce temps nous ne serons pas plus loin qu’Avignon: nous y serons même à quelques jours d’ici, pour y séjourner quelque temps, et nous y serons aussi dans l’automne. Je ne pourrai pas vous y offrir l’hospitalité, car la maisonette suffit à peine pour nous loger: mais à cela près, si vous pouviez venir passer quelque temps avec nous en famille avant l’hiver, nous pourrions causer sur bien des choses, et parcourir ensemble ce pays classique pour tout Italien.
Votre tout dévoué
J. S. Mill
380.
TO THOMAS HARE
March 29. 1859
Dear Sir
I have long ceased to regard speeches in Parliament as meaning anything except that the speaker has not made up his mind to vote next day for the thing he attacks. The position of a Member of Parliament must be very corrupting, for it seems to divest people of all concern for the day after tomorrow. People are not afraid to flétrir by a passing word, something that they have never once thought about—provided there does not seem to be at the time any strong party for it among their own friends. This is what is called being practical.
Your plan, if kept before the public, will be adopted as soon as any really large concession of the suffrage has to be made to the working classes—but all parties at present think they can get off, this time, without that; so they do not like to delay and incumber their measure with provisions which are not understood.
Does Gladstone know of your book? I should think him, of all prominent public men, the likeliest to appreciate it.
I have been working at propagandism since I last wrote to you, and have called the attention of various people to your plan who are sure to talk about it when they understand it. I have also an article in the forthcoming Fraser, great part of which is on your book. A copy shall be sent to you. You will see that I have ventured to differ from you about educational suffrage, which I prefer to any property test, and which indeed I think the necessary accompaniment and supplement of your plan.
Further consideration of the point I wrote to you about before, has made me think your last solution of it a very important element in the plan. In the case of those popular favorites who would receive many thousand votes, a considerable number would probably be given for them and them only. Now every one of these which is not counted for the candidate’s return, corresponds to one elector unrepresented. The same result will often, though not so often, happen in the case of those who put only one or two additional names on their list. So that if a voter with a long list is counted in preference to one with a short list, there is a double evil: one is perhaps disfranchised while the country loses the benefit of the other’s more careful consideration.
As you do not mind the trouble of writing to me, and as I should not like to lose any letter from you, let me mention that after ten days or so my address will be Saint-Véran, près Avignon, Vaucluse, France. I hope to hear from you, especially if there is anything to be done which I can do. I shall take your book with me, and as far as writing is concerned, can do as much anywhere else as here.
I am Dear Sir
very truly yours
J. S. Mill
381.
TO THEODOR GOMPERZ
Blackheath, March 31, 1859.
. . . . The book has had much more success, and has made a greater impression, than I had the smallest expectation of.—We shall be at Avignon for some time. . . . I hope to hear from you sometimes at that place, as I am very desirous to know, how your various literary projects go on. . . .
382.
TO WILLIAM E. HICKSON
March 31, 1859.
Dear Hickson
Since your first note I have been in daily expectation of hearing that all was over.
He was, I think, without exception the most unselfish person, of the male sex, whom I have ever known intimately enough to be able to judge. The only thing which can at all alleviate our regret is that his health had long been too much broken to make life any enjoyment to him.
I would attend the funeral, at whatever inconvenience, if any mark were necessary of my respect and affection for his memory. But I am in the midst of printing against time (a selection from my review articles) and am hurrying the printer in order not to delay my departure from England. I hope to start within ten days, and I fear therefore I shall be unable to make out my projected visit to Fairseat.
My address will for some time be Saint-Véran, près Avignon, Vaucluse, France, where I shall be glad to hear from you, and shall be much interested in knowing whether the bromine experiment succeeds.
I am,
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
383.
TO AN UNIDENTIFIED CORRESPONDENT
March 31 [1859]
Dear Sir
I wrote today to Mr. W. Hickson explaining to him my reasons for preferring not to attend the funeral; but as you may perhaps desire to hear from me before you leave town, I write again merely to say that much as I should wish in any way to shew the great regard I felt for my friend, yet in the present circumstances I would rather not attend.
I am Dear Sir
yrs very faithfully
J. S. Mill
384.
TO FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL
April 4. 1859
Dear Sir
Your approbation of the ‘Liberty’gives me much pleasure, and the last sentence of your letter has caused me a still deeper feeling. I did not for a moment think of doing any good by those few words of preface, but only of expressing some insignificant fraction of what I feel to the noblest and wisest being I have known. But I could do nothing more useful with the rest of my life than devote it to making the world know and understand what she was, if it were possible to do it.
With regard to your impediments at the College: Mr Davies I know nothing of. Maurice I do know, and respect highly. I should have sent him a copy of the book, if I had not thought that my doing so might appear a sort of bravado: for though I was persuaded that he would see some good in it, and though I know that he has the kindest feelings towards me personally, I was quite prepared to find that it contained much which he would think it his duty to discourage.
I had already read Mr Huber’s papers in the Reasoner with great satisfaction.
I am Dear Sir
Yours very truly
J. S. Mill
385.
TO JOHN PLUMMER
April 4, 1859.
Dear Sir
I have read your letter with much pleasure, and entirely agree with it. I shall be very glad to receive your observations on any part of my Political Economy and there will be time enough for you to prepare them at leisure, as I am going abroad immediately probably for a year or more; and as you might lose all your trouble by the miscarriage of a letter, I would suggest your withholding your remarks until my return.
I am
yours very faithfully
J. S. Mill
386.
TO JAMES LORIMER
April 7. 1859.
Dear Sir
Many thanks for your letter. I should think the difficulty you had in obtaining a publisher was owing to the same cause which you refer to in the case of Mr Hare, the scientific apparatus of your treatise. Probably something of the same kind has stood in your way with Reeve. The English public do not like to see even their own conclusions rested upon arguments which they are conscious that they themselves could never have used. You do not at all exaggerate the English dislike of theory, and of any political suggestion which is at all out of the common way. But this dislike is always greatest at first, and though a Minister may be obliged to bow to it, it is a great mistake in any one else to humour it. Every repetition and inculcation of a really good doctrine or proposal, does a little towards raising it from the class of impracticable into that of practicable things. The errors of the public owe half their mischievous power to people who do not participate in the errors, but who think it practical to summarily reject everything that is opposed to them. Therefore, when, as in the case of Hare’s plan, there is really no obstacle to its adoption but the novelty of the idea, we should always, I think, talk and write about it as if that were no obstacle at all.
I hope you may yet find some channel for saying all you would wish to say in reply to me. If you do, you could not oblige me more than by telling me where it is to be found. I shall be out of England for some time, but a letter addressed Saint-Véran près Avignon, Vaucluse France, will find me either immediately or in no very long time.
I am
yours very truly
J. S. Mill
387.
TO JOHN PLUMMER
April 10. 1859.
Dear Sir
My address for some time will be, Saint-Véran près Avignon, Vaucluse, France, where I shall be happy to hear from you any time when you are disposed to write.
Yours faithfully
J. S. Mill
388.
TO JOHN ELLIOT CAIRNES
April 11, 1859
Dear Sir
I have sent your letter to Mr Hare. It will please and encourage him, as it well may.
His plan would be the most effectual of all antidotes to the fatal habit of mind which as you say, is creeping over the non-democratic portion of all the large constituencies.
I dare say the first attempt to introduce representation of minorities will be made in some such manner as you suggest. But this will only be owing to the timidity of our statesmen—for the whole, in this case, is so much more defensible than any part, that it would probably be quite as easy to get it adopted in totality as partially.
I am just leaving England for the Continent.
Yours very truly
J. S. Mill
389.
TO THOMAS HARE
- Saint Véran, près Avignon
May 4. 1859.
Dear Sir
Many thanks for your letter. You have made a good move in endeavouring to get the subject brought before the Social Science Association. The meetings of that body are of considerable use in getting an audience for new views of things practical. If Lord Brougham would take up your plan he would do a great service. Lord Lyndhurst’s approbation is valuable. Parker has sent me an article cut from an Edinburgh paper (the Evening Courant) containing an intelligent appreciation of the plan, though the writer knew it only from the article in Fraser.
I do not see how we can now avoid the terrible calamity of war. If we allow Austria to be crushed between Russia and France, which left to herself she certainly will be, the fate of England is sealed, for the two together will be a match for her at sea, and vastly superior on land. It is quite possible that Europe may be divided between two great military despotisms, and freedom driven to take refuge in America and Australia. I am
very truly yours
J. S. Mill
390.
TO ARTHUR HARDY
- Saint-Véran près Avignon
- Vaucluse France
May 14, 1859
My dear Hardy
I received your letter when on the point of leaving England, and I put off answering it till our arrival here. I have been further delayed by the troubles and interruptions incident to getting into a new place, but still more by the painfulness of writing on the only subject on which I should care to write, or doubtless you to hear.
Though she could not be to anyone else, even if not separated by half the circumference of the globe, all that she was to us, her immediate family, it must make a blank in any life to lose one whose equal we may be perfectly sure that we shall not live long enough ever to see again.
To us who have known what it is to be with her and to belong to her, this silly phantasmagoria of human life devoid of her, would be utterly meaningless and unendurably wearisome, were there not still some things to do in it which she wished done, and some public and other objects which she cared for, and in which therefore it is still possible to keep up some degree of interest. I have been publishing some of her opinions, and I hope to employ what remains to me of life (if I am able to retain my health) in continuing to work for them, and to spread them, though with sadly diminished powers now that I no longer have her to prompt and guide me. I thank you for your wish that we should sometimes correspond. I should be glad to do so, as I feel a tie between myself and everyone who had any sincere feeling of regard for her. Up to next spring it will be best to address any letter to this place, as though we shall not be always here, we do not intend to be in England before that time at soonest. I believe I told you that we have bought a small house and a little bit of ground here, near the place where she lies.
I am my dear Hardy
very truly yours
J. S. Mill
Arthur Hardy Esq.
- Mount Lofty
- near Adelaide
- [South Australia]
391.
TO THOMAS HARE
May 15. 1859.
Dear Sir
It gave me pleasure to hear from you again, and still more to learn that you propose writing something in further development and defence of the plan. The assertion that you propose to abolish the representation of localities might well astonish any one who had not noticed the extraordinary mistakes made by people who write critical notices of a book after one hasty reading. If they have taken in the main idea, it is as much as they have done even in very favorable cases; and if the main idea is new to them, it is all that their mind will hold, and they generally assume that it is advanced without any qualifications and restrictions, though the book may be full of them. This seems to be one of the conditions of daily writing. It is a fact that your book lays so great a stress upon the representation of localities, that I was struck and almost surprised by the great pains you took not only to prevent any of the advantages of local representation from being lost, but to give them an unexampled extension, since you allow any locality or corporate body which has a definable existence to have a member of its own, if it chooses to elect one by its local majority.
The number and population of the unrepresented towns, as stated in your letter, surprised me.
I inclose a letter I have received on the subject of your plan, which as you think of writing further on it, you may like to see. The only difficulty stated by the writer is easily met. I am
very truly yours
J. S. Mill
392.
TO THEODOR GOMPERZ
- Saint-Véran, près Avignon,
May 16, 1859.
. . . . I am rather anxious to hear from you, not knowing whether you have received the sheets of the little book, and, in case you have, whether you still have any idea of translating it. I should much prefer you to any other translator who is likely to offer, but I have always thought it probable that you might have good reasons against undertaking it, and that some other part of Germany might be more suitable for bringing the book before the German public. In addition to an offer made through Messrs. Parker I have lately received one under the signature of Eduard John, Justizrath at Marienwerder . . . who has sent me a portion of a translation actually executed; but as it is in the German manuscript character, which I do not read fluently, I am not at present able to judge of its merits. . . . I could write much about politics, but think it more prudent to wait for some better opportunity; though I certainly do not side with France in this miserable war, which I condemn as strongly as any Austrian can. . . .
393.
TO HELEN TAYLOR
May 26. [1859]
Dearest Lily—
I got here quite prosperously, except that by a blunder not common with me, I first got to Arles instead, & had to wait some time for a train to get back, during which I botanized & did not get here till 7. I however strolled about a good deal both before & after tea & cutlets. Today I began my walk at half past eight & was fairly driven in at ¼ past 2 by the load of plants. It has taken me till now (½ past 4) to determine them, so I shall hardly have time for another walk before the table d’hôte which is unluckily at 6. I am in a very pleasant groundfloor room opening on a shady court yard with large trees, or garden as they call it, thanks to which I here also hear the nightingale in bed. I am very well and not at all tired. This place much exceeds my recollections & expectations, & I now think you would like to see it. To me it is very strange, having seen it twice before and been familiar with it in winter, to see it now in the full blaze of summer, with a richness and verdure I did not think it capable of—but cultivation has gained immensely on the garrigues since my time. I think it a delightful place, and should have felt it delightful once. Now, the contrast with the change in my own life the reverse way, deepens the melancholy which is the groundplan of life and is always in the depths whatever else may be on the surface. But I would not wish it otherwise and would rather seek than avoid any place or circumstance that makes it more so.—My plans remain the same, except that as the weather seems unsettled and may be rainy in the mountains I may possibly stay a day longer here than I intended; but I do not think I shall do so. The weather today is exquisite—the most perfect English summer day, with delicious flying clouds & breeze—but there are storms in the air—it has evidently rained much here & I think you had a storm of rain yesterday afternoon. Tomorrow I shall go down to the sea & next day climb St Loup. If I stay longer I will write again from here. Do not, dear, write here more than once. I will now go & put this in the post, & then see if the best chemist here has got me the citrate he said he would if he could find it in Montpellier.
Your ever affectionate
J.S.M.
394.
TO HELEN TAYLOR
Sunday morning
[May 29, 1859]
Dearest Lily
I have only just got your letter as yesterday morning they denied having one and I was so late returning from my walk (after 7) that the office was shut. Thanks for it dear, it was a great pleasure. If I have had a fair specimen of Montpellier in the last week in May, the climate must be exquisite—to be out all day for several days in that season & never have to think, even, of heat. On Friday I was out from ½ to 9 till between 5 & 6, by the sea, in the most delightful weather, with now & then a few drops of rain towards afternoon—& as for plants, the load of the day before was a joke to them. Yesterday I had marked out for climbing the Pic St Loup, and was out soon after ½ past 8, but after a delightful walk of about twelve miles to the foot of the mountain a succession of thunderstorms came on & though I found shelter, first at a very pretty convent called Notre Dame des Champs, afterwards among sheep & shepherds in a hut, it put a stop to my projects & I had to walk back, mostly through rain, seeing by the way two fine rainbows, one of them when the sun did not shine. So I have the Pic still to climb, which is a reason for staying here today: but a stronger reason is that unless this storm inaugurates a change, the weather must be rainy in the mountains. Not to repeat the walk over the same ground I have engaged a carriage to take me to the neighbourhood of the mountain & bring me back when I am tired. It is a beautiful morning, & if it looks fine towards Le Vigan I shall go there tomorrow, for I hunger & thirst for mountains. Yesterday I was less encumbered with plants but they were all choice ones. I have got the citrate, which the chemist made on purpose for me. This mode of life is doing me a world of good—more than I could possibly hope for in the time, so I would not willingly be forced to give up the mountains for the present. We seem to have had the rare fortune of falling on a wet summer in the driest region of Europe.
ever affectionately
J. S. Mill
I expected that the weather would be bad for Montpellier, from heat, & good for the mountains. I have found it the reverse. It has never been so hot as in any day at Avignon.
395.
TO HELEN TAYLOR
Monday May 30 [1859]
Dearest Lily
Still here! When I got up it rained violently, continued raining all the morning & is only now (1 o’clock) for the first time clearing. There is not time now to go to Le Vigan today, even if it were advisable to go to mountains in such weather. I have been all the morning drying my papers by a fire—the first I have had, but the papers I spread out last night were almost as wet this morning as they were at first. I got to the top of the Pic St Loup, or as they call it here (the country people I mean) the Pied de St Loup, so I got to the head of the saint’s foot. The view was very fine, the walk & plants very good. I am now going to see what sort of walk I can get. Tomorrow I will certainly either go to Le Vigan or return home.
Thanks again for your nice letter dear. I was extremely interested by everything in it & only hope M. Pascal’s news will not prove again a mere put off of the marbrier. Your affectionate
J.S.M.
396.
TO HELEN TAYLOR
May 31 [1859]
Dearest Lily
I write a line to save the post and let you know a day sooner that I have arrived here. It is 40 miles from Montpellier & as the only diligence was a night one, I preferred taking a carriage from the hotel. It has been a tolerable day & gives tolerable hopes: though only hopes for the future. The number of days I stay here will depend on the weather & on anything I hear from you. I should think you must have heard from Gurney by this time. This seems a beautiful place though a most primitive French town & inn. I enquired for your letter & received it immediately on arriving.
Your ever affectionate
J. S. Mill
397.
TO HELEN TAYLOR
Thursday evg [June 2, 1859]
Dearest Lily—
only one word to say that I have taken a place by the diligence to Nîmes for Saturday morning & as I shall arrive there somewhere about 3 or 4 in the afternoon, am sure of a train to take me home tolerably early in the evening. It will be time enough for Benoît to go to the station for my things after I arrive. I shall want nothing but tea, with eggs or not according as I have or have not dined.
As I shall so soon be able to tell you all about this place I will only say that I have climbed today the highest mountain within reach & have been out from ½ past 8 to past 7. I had a fine day & saw everything to perfection.
I received your second letter to this place—third altogether—yesterday morning. Thanks dear for all of them.
Your affectionate
J.S.M.
398.
TO THEODOR GOMPERZ
- Saint-Véran, near Avignon
June 11, 1859
I sincerely condole with you on the unhappy events which have caused you so much pain and disturbance of mind. The delay in answering my letter has occasioned no inconvenience, and since you are willing to translate the little book, or rather have by this time actually done so, I desire nothing better than to leave it in your hands and certainly should not think of giving the preference to any other translator. I have no objection to the omission of any part or the whole of the note to which you refer, nor of the sentence on page 9, though in the latter case I have not been able to discover what there is which renders it more unsuitable for publication than all the rest of the chapter. Perhaps some words in it may be understood as a declaration against kingly government, but nothing of the sort was intended, nor did it occur to me that anyone could think so. The only opinion expressed or implied is in favour of free political institutions, and even that is but incidental. But I do not think the retention of the sentence of any importance. . . .
399.
TO THOMAS HARE
June 17. 1859
Dear Sir
I was very glad to hear from you again, and particularly so to hear that you are going to have the opportunity of a public discussion at the Social Science meeting. What is wanted is to get the subject much written about and talked of; previously to which the theory that two and two make four was no doubt regarded as a paradox, and such people as Disraeli got up in public places and attacked their political opponents for maintaining it. How I should have liked to have been there to answer him on the spot. But there was nobody to do it. I like your idea of writing a paper and sending it to the members of the Association, but I am rather doubtful about attaching signatures to it. That foolish Memorial to Lord Palmerston has thrown a wet blanket on the idea. I suppose you will give brief and pungent answers to the popular objections against the plan, which are only expressions, in varied phrase, of the popular inability to understand it. Where there is anything definite in the objections, the truth is generally the reverse of what is asserted. For instance, it is supposed that the plan would enable minorities to govern; whereas the fact is that now a minority very often governs (by being the majority of a majority) while under your plan a minority never could by possibility do so. It is the only plan which ensures government by the majority.
I see no prospect of anything but mischief from the change of ministry. Its effect on foreign affairs will be bad, and dangerously so, while reform will not be benefitted. The new cabinet will never be able to agree on anything but the well worn useless shibboleths of Whig mitigated democracy, and besides they will be unwilling to propose anything new from the certainty that the Tories would oppose it, would by misrepresentation rouse vulgar prejudices against it, and finally throw it out in the Lords. The Liberals, by refusing to take the bill of the late government as the foundation for theirs, have given redoubled force to the mischievous custom almost universal in Parliament, that whatever one party brings forward, the other is sure to oppose —whereby the enemies of change, even if very far from being a majority, are able to combine with the opponents and defeat the proposals of either. All parties seem to have joined in working the vices and weak points of popular representation for their miserably low selfish ends, instead of uniting to free representative institutions from the mischief and discredit of them.
I intend to pass the greater part of the summer among the Pyrenees, during which time I shall have no settled address but my publisher Mr Parker will be able to tell you where to direct to me for the time being. I am Dear Sir
Yours very truly
J. S. Mill
400.
TO PASQUALE VILLARI
- Saint Véran, près Avignon
le 22 juin 1859.
Mon cher Monsieur Villari
Je ne vais pas renouveler notre discussion sur les affaires politiques. S’il dépendait de moi, je ne voudrais pas maintenant vous décourager. Le sort est jeté, et je souhaite ardemment que l’événement réponde à vos désirs. Seulement tâchez de ne pas mal penser de l’Angleterre à cette occasion, et surtout gardez-vous de croire qu’elle ne sympathise pas avec l’Italie. Cette sympathie est tellement forte qu’en ce moment elle suffit pour balancer non seulement la méfiance et la haine que doit inspirer une ambition criminelle, mais encore les motifs les plus graves de sûreté nationale. Songez que l’Autriche est la seule alliée sur laquelle nous aurions pu compter (car il n’y a pas de fonds à faire sur la Prusse et l’Allemagne sans l’Autriche) dans le cas très probable et peutêtre prochain où nous aurions à lutter pour notre existence nationale contre la France et la Russie réunies. Dans cette lutte nous n’aurons plus l’Autriche avec nous, d’abord parcequ’elle sera probablement trop affaiblie, ensuite parcequ’elle sera trop offensée de notre neutralité actuelle. Nous aurons, hélas, l’Italie contre nous, car vous serez forcés à suivre dans toutes ses guerres votre prétendu libérateur. Ainsi l’ombre d’indépendance dont on vous flatte aura pour résultat que vous aiderez à abattre la seule liberté bien affermie qui existe dans l’ancien Continent. Vous nous pardonnerez, j’espère, de n’être pas très enthousiasmés de cette perspective. Si vous pensez sérieusement là dessus, vous verrez que ce danger doit être désormais la principale préoccupation de nos hommes d’état. Assurément tout le parti libéral aurait demandé la guerre contre la France, pendant que nous avons encore des alliés, si était la répugnance que lui inspire l’idée d’appuyer la domination de l’Autriche sur l’Italie.
Je vais maintenant quitter Avignon pour les Pyrénées, où je me propose de passer la saison des grandes chaleurs. Mais je compte revenir à la fin de Septembre, et vous me feriez un plaisir véritable (à moins que les affaires de votre pays n’exigent votre présence) si vous vouliez venir passer ici quelque temps avec nous. Comme je vous l’ai déjà indiqué, la petitesse de notre demeure m’empêche de vous y offrir un logement, mais il y aura un couvert pour vous, et je serai à votre disposition pendant la journée. Si cette lettre vous parvient, veuillez me dire si nous pouvons avoir cette espérance. Ecrivezmoi toujours à Avignon, on saura où envoyer vos lettres.
Votre tout dévoué
J. S. Mill
401.
TO ELIZABETH CLEGHORN GASKELL
[July, 1859]
[Where I think you do me an injustice is in saying that] in publishing letters not written for publication you disregarded the obligation which custom founded on reason has imposed, of omitting what would be offensive to the feelings and perhaps injurious to the moral reputation of individuals . . . and the notion you seem to entertain that everything said or written by any one, which could possibly throw light on the character of the sayer or writer, may, justifiably, be published by a biographer, is one which the world, and those who are higher and better than the world, would, I believe, perfectly unite in condemning.
402.
TO ELIZABETH CLEGHORN GASKELL
[July, 1859]
You entirely mistake the motives which actuated the letter to which you refer —It was not hurt feeling on a sensitive point but a sense of truth & Justice which I flatter myself wd have been the same in any other case.
Even now I shd feel that I was acting contraryly [sic] to her wishes & character by any partiality or unreasonable sensitiveness, much more therefore at a time when I could afford to regard these things with indifference.
The case being simply that in the exercise of the discretion of an Editor you neglected the usual and indispensable duties which custom (founded on reason) has imposed of omiting [sic] all that might be offensive to the feelings of individuals. Had what was said referred only to myself the publication of it would have been equally unjustifiable. Miss Bronté [sic] was entitled to express any foolish impression that might occur to her in a private letter—It is the Editor who publishes what may give just offence who is alone to blame.
403.
TO JOHN WILLIAM PARKER
July 18, 1859
Dear Sir
Since writing my note this morning, I have received a message from Avignon which makes it necessary for me to return there before going to Bagnères de Luchon. Therefore please direct to Avignon instead of Luchon for the present.
I have also received your letter inclosing the accounts, and the very interesting letters from Mr Hare and Mr Kingsley, to both of whom I will write. I am sorry to say I never received Mr Gladstone’s letter, to my great regret, but I have written to Bagnères to enquire about it. I should like his second note to be forwarded to Avignon (Saint Véran).
The sale of so large an edition of the Liberty in so few months is very satisfactory. You have not told me the number you think it advisable to print of the second edition. If so many as 2000, I think I may fairly ask £200 for the edition.
I do not propose to make any additions or alterations. I am
Yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
404.
TO ALEXANDER BAIN
St. Véran, Aug. 6. 1859
Dear Bain—
Your letter of July 11 reached me in the Pyrenees & I was pleased with all the news it contained, except what related to the weakness in your foot. I hope however that your Scotch excursion will cure what remains of that & if not you have the resource of hydropathy the benefits of which have been so strikingly exemplified in your case.
The “Liberty” has produced an effect on you which it was never intended to produce if it has made you think that we ought not to attempt to convert the world. I meant nothing of the kind, & hold that we ought to convert all we can. We must be satisfied with keeping alive the sacred fire in a few minds when we are unable to do more—but the notion of an intellectual aristocracy of lumières while the rest of the world remains in darkness fulfils none of my aspirations—& the effect I aim at by the book is, on the contrary, to make the many more accessible to all truth by making them more open minded. But perhaps you were only thinking of the question of religion. On that, certainly I am not anxious to bring over any but really superior intellects & characters to the whole of my own opinions—in the case of all others I would much rather, as things now are, try to improve their religion than to destroy it. My review of you has been in Reeve’s hands for several weeks, but I have yet heard nothing from him concerning it. I am expecting the proof shortly. The testimonies & notices you tell me of seem to be of the right kind & of good promise for future ones. I hope that the National will follow up its apparent intention of reviewing you. Its review of me I saw before I left England. I thought the writer’s drift was plain enough, but he wrote from an erroneous point of thought. I have seen as yet no review of the “Dissertations” but that in the Saturday Review which is so complimentary on the whole, & so very weak where it differs from me that I think it is likely to do more good than harm to the opinions it attacks. I am sorry your former reviewer in the Saturday has left off reviewing. The Principal of the Owens College feels as many sincere Christians now do, & I hope the “Liberty” will make many more such. It is curious that the most enthusiastic adhesion I have received is from Kingsley who seems to have been very strongly impressed by the book. When he had only seen it at Parker’s he sent a message thanking me for the pages on Xtian morality & he has since written to me saying that it made him “a clearer headed & braver minded man upon the spot.”
I suppose this letter will be forwarded to you. I do not know at present where I shall be for a month to come, so please address as at [post?] S. V. &c.
405.
TO WILLIAM E. GLADSTONE
Aug. 6. 1859
Dear Sir
I regret that a note which I am informed by Mr Parker that you did me the favour of writing and which was forwarded by him, has never reached me.
In acknowledging the kind expressions in your second, allow me to say that in venturing to send you my last publication, I intended a mark of respect to one of the very few political men whose public conduct appears to me to be invariably conscientious, and in whom desire of the public good is an active principle, instead of at most, a passive restraint. I am
yours faithfully
J. S. Mill
406.
TO THOMAS HARE
- Saint Véran, near Avignon
Aug. 6. 1859
Dear Sir
Your note of July 14 reached me in the Pyrenees, where I was seeking for health, not unsuccessfully. I think you have judged rightly in the subject of your paper for the Social Science Association, which will, I expect, be very valuable, and I shall be much interested in knowing the impression it makes. The best use that can be made of the Association is to make it a means of gaining adhesions to important practical suggestions fitted for immediate adoption.
I was much gratified by your approbation of the Dissertations. You give them the sort of praise which one thinker most desires to receive from another: and that you should find so much usefulness in them is of itself sufficient to justify my having republished them.
I am Dear Sir
yours very truly
J. S. Mill
407.
TO CHARLES KINGSLEY
Saint Véran, near Avignon, Aug. 6, 1859
Your letter of July 5 reached me long after its date, while wandering in search of health in the Pyrenees. Allow me, while expressing the great pleasure it gave me, to say that its humility, as it respects yourself, seems to me as much beyond the mark as the deference expressed towards me exceeds anything I have the smallest title to.
Laudari a laudato, or by any other viro, has never been very much of an object with me. But to be told by a man who is himself one of the good influences of the age, and whose sincerity I cannot doubt, that anything I have written makes him feel able to be a still better influence, is both an encouragement and a reward—the greatest I can look for, now that a still greater has been taken from me by death.
Far from having read none of your books, I have read them nearly all, and hope to read all of them. I have found in them an earnest endeavour towards many of the objects I myself have at heart; and even when I differed from you it has never been without great interest and sympathy. There are few men between whom and myself any nearer approximation in opinion could be more agreeable to me, and that you should look forward to it gives me a pleasure I could not forbear to express.
408.
TO PASQUALE VILLARI
- Saint Véran, près Avignon
le 6 août 1859
Mon cher Monsieur Villari
Votre lettre du 23 juin m’est parvenue, mais un peu tardivement, et je ne vous ai pas alors fait de réponse, parceque peu après l’avoir écrite, vous avez dû recevoir ma lettre du 22, si toutefois l’administration des postes l’a laissé passer. Elle peut dorénavant laisser tout passer, car je n’ai plus besoin de faire aucune observation sur les affaires politiques. Ce serait inutile car aujourd’hui tout le monde en Italie, sauf peutêtre les Lombards, doit être du même avis que moi. Moi-même je n’aurais jamais pensé qu’on vous eût sitôt revendus à l’Autriche pour avoir sa neutralité ou peutêtre son alliance contre la Prusse et l’Angleterre: Au moins, si vous lisez nos débats parlementaires, vous savez à présent de quel côté se trouve la véritable sympathie envers l’Italie.
Si vous n’avez pas reçu ma lettre, il est probable que vous ne recevrez pas davantage celle-ci. Cependant je ne m’abstiendrai pas de renouveler l’expression de mon désir que ce soit à votre convenance de venir passer quelque temps ici au mois d’Octobre, en partageant notre vie modeste et tranquille, sauf le logement que je ne puis pas vous offrir, à cause de la petitesse du pied à terre que nous possédons.
Si cette lettre vous parvient, veuillez en accuser réception, afin que je sache à quoi m’en tenir.
votre tout dévoué
J. S. Mill
409.
TO THOMAS HARE
Aug. 24. 1859.
Dear Sir
I thank you for your paper, which I have read with great pleasure. The expressions which your modesty almost apologizes for, seem to me quite indispensable. I should rather have liked them stronger than at all weaker. Unless the pretensions of the plan are stated highly—as they well may be—sufficient attention will not be attracted to it. I only wish you had had other names to refer to in the second paragraph than merely mine, or that the reference in the note to p. 13 had been brought in simultaneously.
Your paper is excellent. If I had a criticism to make, it would be that you suppose the persons to whom it is addressed less ignorant than, I am afraid, they are. You address them as if they were well acquainted with the subject of discussion, but were under the influence of some of the futile objections which have been brought against you. No doubt this is the case with some, but for the greater number I fear that a brief popular explanation of the plan itself and of its purposes is still required. The conclusion of the paper in some measure supplies this, but a good deal is, I think, lost by not beginning with it. However “I speak as to wise men—judge ye what I say.”
I am Dear Sir
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
410.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
Sept. 5. 1859
Messieurs.
Votre lettre du 3 sept. ne m’est parvenue qu’aujourd’hui. Pour parler d’abord de ce qui regarde le grand morceau. L’étude des proportions fait voir que les dimensions que vous indiquez seraient tout à fait insuffisantes. Elles ne dépassent que très peu celles du morceau destiné à être superposé. Je suis donc forcé à abandonner l’idée de prendre tous les morceaux dans le même bloc, et à me contenter par le grand morceau du marbre blanc clair dont nous possédons déjà un bloc à Marseilles.
Mais il reste la question du temps, qui est pour moi de la plus grande importance. J’ai été au désespoir du délai de huit jours qui s’est déjà écoulé. S’il fallait y ajouter encore six semaines, ne seulement tous nos plans pour l’hiver et l’été prochain seraient entièrement bouleversés, mais, ce qui nous affligerait bien davantage, nous serons forcés d’ajourner presqu’à l’année prochaine l’érection du monument. Je vous prie, Messieurs, avec la plus grande instance de tout faire pour abréger le délai autant que possible. Puis qu’il ne s’agit que de trois morceaux au lieu de quatre j’espère qu’ils pourront été rendus à Avignon avant la fin du mois actuel. Cela même ne nous donnerait que tout juste le temps nécessaire.
Après avoir consulté le sculpteur, je vous donne, Messieurs, les dimensions exactes des divers morceaux. La différence de ces dimensions-celles que je vous avais indiquées, est peu de chose, mais elle suffit pour avoir un effet très appréciable sur les proportions.
Vous voudrez bien adresser les marbres à M. Dupré, marbrier à Avignon.
Je vous engage Messieurs à me donner une réponse immédiate, et à mettre dans les travaux toute l’urgence possible.
Agréez Messieurs
411.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
7 Sept. 1859
Messieurs—
Je viens de recevoir votre lettre du 6 septembre. Je vous remercie de vos assurances que vous mettrez toute la promptitude possible à préparer et à envoyer les trois morceaux de marbre mais j’espérais que votre lettre m’aurait indiqué de combien le délai dont il était avoir été question dans votre lettre du 3 serait susceptible d’être raccourci. Je vous prie de vouloir bien vous expliquer à ce sujet avec M. Pascal, l’architecte de la ville d’Avignon qui s’est chargé de diriger les travaux du monument et qui connaît exactement mes intentions. Il est d’autant plus nécessaire que M. Pascal soit au rapport avec vous, car nous-mêmes ne serons pas à Avignon pendant la moitié du mois.
Nous nous entendons parfaitement sur le prix, qui selon vos lettres du 25 août et du 3 sept est, pour les trois morceaux livrés à Avignon: 6000 fr plus les frais du transport. Mais quant à la proposition que vous me faites d’en payer la moitié ou le tiers d’avance, je ne comprends pas par quel motif vous avez pu faire une proposition tellement inusitée, et je ne peus pas y consentir. Le prix sera payé lorsque les trois marbres se trouveront rendus à Avignon dans les conditions convenues. Si vous désirez des renseignements je vous pourrais les obtenir de mes banquiers, la maison Prescott Grote et Cie de Londres, à qui je pourrais ajouter beaucoup d’autres personnes si vous le désiriez.
S’il vous arrive d’avoir des questions ou des observations à faire, veuillez les adresser à M. Pascal, à l’Hôtel de Ville d’Avignon.
412.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
Briançon le 16 sept. 1859
Messieurs—
J’ai reçu aujourdhui de M. Pascal communication de vos deux lettres du 10 et 11 sept.
Ce que nous avons à discuter ne regarde pas les possibilités de veines ou de taches dans les morceaux. Depuis que j’ai vu le bloc il n’y a plus eu de doute sur cette partie du sujet.
Je consens à prendre sur moi tous les risques qui ne regardent que la qualité du marbre. Mais il n’en est pas de même quant aux chances de dommage dans le transport. Dans tout ce qui s’est passé entre nous et expressément dans ma lettre du 7, il a été stipulé que les marbres seraient livrés à Avignon moyennant un surcroît de prix convenable. Il est évident pour moi, qui ne sais pas du métier et qui n’ai aucune expérience en pareilles matières, je ne pourrais me charger des précautions nécessaires pour assurer le transport d’un objet de cette nature et il ne me conviendrait nullement qu’après avoir payé les marbres 6000 francs un ou plusieurs d’autre cas arriveraient fêlés au milieu gâtés par des écornures.
Je vous prie donc de vouloir bien me dire pour quelle indemnité vous consentiriez à vous charger des risques du transport. Si ces risques sont petits vous n’auriez pas de motif suffisant pour vous y refuser; tandis qu’ils sont grands vous ne pourriez vous étonner que je ne veuille pas m’y exposer. Selon toute probabilité ils seraient petits pour vous, et très grands pour moi. Ceci est donc une condition sine qua non du marché. Pour la question de fournir le marbre en trois morceaux ou en deux je n’y tiens pas, et je me remets là dessus à votre jugement.
Veuillez donc, Messieurs, m’informer par le premier courrier quel surcroît de prix que vous demandez en considération des frais et risques du transport. Vous voudrez bien mettre votre lettre dans une enveloppe adressée à M. Pascal qui me l’enverra après en avoir pris connaissance
Agréez Messieurs &cs
J. S. Mill
Si la Compagnie du chemin de fer garantit la sûreté de pareilles marchandises moyennant une prime d’assurance, cela offrirait une solution facile de la difficulté.
413.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
Sept. 24. 1859
Je viens de recevoir votre lettre du 20 sept.
Puisque vous acceptez les conditions posées dans ma lettre du 16 sept et que vous consentez à prendre sur vous les risques du transport moyennant un surcroît de prix de 800 frcs, je consens au surcroît, et je m’engage à payer le prix de fr 6800 à la livraison sur wagon en gare d’Avignon des deux blocs, en bonne condition, avec les dimensions exactes indiquées dans la lettre qui vous a été adressée par M. Pascal.
Je vous engage à presser le travail autant que possible, en tout cas, à ne pas dépasser le terme de 20 jours mentionné dans votre lettre à M. Pascal du 10 sept. Vous voudrez bien avertir M. Pascal du jour où les marbres arriveront à Avignon.
414.
TO JOHN WILLIAM PARKER
Oct. 5, 1859
Dear Sir
Thanks for the prompt payment of the £200 and likewise for Fraser. I shall be happy to send you another paper when I feel prompted to write anything which will suit the Magazine. If any subject should occur to you on which I can write at a distance from books, I should be glad if you would mention it.
The articles you sent from the two reviews, and three newspaper articles, have reached me since I last wrote. Of these the only one of much importance is that in the National, which I conjecture to be by Martineau. It is quite as favorable as it could be, consistently with the writer’s opinions, and will I think be useful. The others are poor stuff, except the article in the Guardian, which interested me somewhat. By the by there was on the other side of the page, part of an article, evidently favorable on Mr Bain’s book. I wish you had sent that likewise.
I have received and answered Messrs Rankin’s letter.
If it is not a secret, who is G.D.H., the writer of the article on Bacon?
yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
415.
TO ALEXANDER BAIN
S. Véran. Oct. 15. 1859
Dear Bain—
I have received an application from Lorimer, saying that he is a candidate for the office of Principal of the Univ. of St. Andrews, vacant by Sir D. Brewster’s removal to Edinburgh & asking me to write in his favour to Sir G. Lewis. Before I give him any answer I am desirous to know whether you are likely to be a candidate, as if you have any idea of being so I should not think of giving a recommendation to any one else. Therefore please write directly that I may be able to answer Lorimer as soon as possible.
I am your debtor for an interesting letter dated as long ago as Sept. 8. I am afraid I shall not be able to repay you in kind. You have probably seen before this time what I have written about your book. I am glad to see by the advertt that Reeve has put it at the head of the number. What you say of the notices in the Athenaeum & Press gave me pleasure. I saw accidentally part of another, apparently favourable & likely to be useful, in the Guardian. The single paragraph in the Westminster was shabby but I hope Grote persists in his intention of reviewing you there when he has finished with Plato—who seems to take him a length of time only to be warranted by using the opportunity to speak out very plainly on the great subjects—a thing I rather wish than expect he will be found to have done; though the perfect impunity of the bold things in the Liberty ought to give him courage of one qui bene est ausus vana contemnere. Have you seen any of the recent reviews of the Liberty? That in the Dublin Univ Mag, for instance, & the series of letters in the Engl. Churchman? People are beginning to find out that the doctrines of the book are more opposed to their old opinions & feelings than they at first saw, & are taking the alarm accordingly & rallying for a fight. But they have in general dealt candidly with me, & not too violently. As was to be expected they claim for Xtian morality all the things which I say are not in it, which is just what I wanted to provoke them to do. The article in the National Rev. on my writings generally is worth reading. It seems to be by Martineau & I am obliged to him for it, since it is favourable to the utmost extent consistent with the writer’s opinions & decidedly tends to increase rather than diminish the influence which he says is already so great. I really had no idea of being so influential a person as my critics tell me I am. But being thought to have influence is the surest way of obtaining it really. The arguments of the reviewer on the controverted points you will I think agree with me in considering to be very easily answerable.
I hope to hear that your peccant limb is quite restored. It has been a very tedious business for you. As for myself I am in very fair health though I do not find it so easy a matter to keep my digestion right as it used to be a year or two ago. We shall be here, I expect, for at least two months from this time, & it is at present uncertain where we shall be able to go afterwards. I am employing myself in working up some papers which have been lying by me, with additional matter into a little treatise on Utilitarianism. I only hope you will like it as well as I expect to like your discussion of Phrenology. That, both on its own account & from the nature of the topics which it raises, is one of the most important things you could do. In what shape do you intend to publish it?
I was very sorry to see the death of Nichol. He had a geniality of character which was very pleasing & interesting: his influence which his activity & enthusiasm made considerable was almost always given to right opinions & his conversation was that of a thinking, instructed, & right feeling man on many more subjects than those which he mostly wrote upon.
416.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
Oct. 22. 1859
Messieurs—
Le délai de 20 jours que vous avez demandé pour l’expédition des blocs de marbre s’est terminé le 15. Comme vous n’aviez donné de réponse ni à la lettre que je vous écrivis de Sisteron, ni à celle écrite d’ici par M. Pascal, celui-ci vous envoya une dépêche télégraphique, à laquelle vous répondez le 18me [que] l’un des blocs serait expédié de Paris en trois jours, mais que l’autre ne serait pas prêt, et sans la moindre indication du jour où il le serait. Après le temps précieux perdu en correspondances, j’avais le droit de compter que vous vous tiendriez au temps fixé par vous mêmes. Je ne veux pas que l’un bloc soit envoyé sans l’autre, parceque si après que je l’eusse accepté, l’autre se trouvait écorné et gâté dans le transport le premier me serait inutile et j’en serais pour mon temps et pour mon argent. Vous m’avez manqué de parole, et probablement fait échouer tous [les] projets pour cet hiver. J’ajoute seulement que si les blocs n’arrivent pas avant la fin du mois je me croirai libéré de tout engagement envers vous.
417.
TO CHARLES DUPONT-WHITE
- Saint Véran, près Avignon
le 29 octobre 1859.
Monsieur,
Vous avez exprimé, il y a quelque temps, quelque velléité de traduire le petit livre sur la Liberté. Quelque prix que je mise à ce qu’il fût traduit par une plume comme la vôtre, je craignes dès lors que la divergence d’opinion ne fût trop considérable pour que vous donnassiez suite à ce projet, et je vous en dis quelques mots à cet effet. N’ayant plus eu de vos nouvelles j’ai peur que mon présentiment ne soit vérifié. Depuis ce temps-là, j’ai reçu plus d’une proposition au même sujet, mais aucune que me parût acceptable. Aujourd’hui il m’est arrivé une proposition de faire une traduction qui paraîtrait sous les auspices d’Emile de Girardin, avec des notes et une préface de lui. Ce projet réunirait évidemment des conditions excellentes pour la bonne exécution et pour le succès: mais il me répugne d’être associé, de quelque manière que ce soit, avec l’homme qui a tué Carrel. Dans ces circonstances il me serait très désirable de savoir si vous avez positivement renoncé au projet que vous aviez d’abord conçu. S’il n’en était point ainsi, j’aurais, avec le grand avantage d’être traduit par vous, celui d’avoir une réponse toute prête à l’offre qu’on vient de me faire. Je prends donc la liberté de vous demander un mot là-dessus, et ce serait pour moi un grand plaisir si ce mot était plus favorable que je n’ose l’espérer.
Agréez, Monsieur, l’expression de ma considération très particulière.
J. S. Mill
418.
TO THOMAS HARE
Oct. 30. 1859
Dear Sir
I was much pleased by receiving from you so satisfactory an account of your proceedings at Bradford, and of the prospects of the cause; and the more so as the omission by the newspapers of all mention of your paper had made me fear that some unforeseen obstacle had prevented your reading it. I was very much interested by your account of Mr Fawcett. So active an interest in progress in a man early afflicted with such a misfortune as blindness, is very rare and meritorious. Is the recovery of his sight quite hopeless? It is very desirable that the friends of real representation should be in communication, in order to combine their efforts in forcing the idea on the attention of careless people, since want of familiarity with it is the chief obstacle it has to encounter. Mr Fawcett’s idea therefore of bringing a few together at Cambridge is very good, and I hope you will go.
I have not much opportunity of helping you at this distance, but I endeavour to do so. I lately offered to the editor of the Edinburgh Review to write an article on your book, not much expecting that he would consent, but unwilling to lose a chance. He answered “I am afraid it will not be compatible with the other arrangements of the Review for me to accept the article you suggest, at least at present. The whole question of Parliamentary Reform has been so bedevilled by bungling operators and repeated failures, that I find it very unsafe to continue the discussion of it until we have some clear prospect of a definite result. I agree with you however in thinking that the plans advocated by Mr Hare and Mr Lorimer (of Edinburgh) are not devoid of merit and of interest.” So he keeps the door open, and is willing to advocate the plan—when he thinks it will succeed.
You are safe in directing to me here for some weeks.
Every yours truly
J. S. Mill
419.
TO JOHN CHAPMAN
- Saint Véran, near Avignon
Nov. 5. 1859.
Dear Sir
I have received your letter of Nov. 2, and the prospectus contained in it. I need not say that I wish success to the scheme, but I have not much confidence in the management by a company or board, of a business in which, in addition to the ordinary considerations of profit, questions of speculative opinion necessarily play so large a part. A Catholic society for the purpose may succeed, because its creed is definite, and every person concerned knows what it is: and because it has an assured market for its publications, most of which besides are reprints of prayer books and generally accepted works. But freethinkers and extreme liberals do not form a body at all; they differ as much from one another as they do from the orthodox, and have often as bad an opinion of the tendency of each other’s writings as the orthodox have. In any case it would not be convenient for me at present to embark any money in the scheme.
With regard to the Westminster: I have never ceased to consider myself as a potential contributor, and I shall be very well disposed to give it an occasional article; but so long as it cannot pay its expenses without gratuitous assistance, I should not think of accepting payment for any contributions I might furnish.
I am aware of the interest Lord Stanley takes in the Westminster, and I was equally surprised and pleased to hear of it. I am
yrs very faithfully
J. S. Mill
420.
TO CHARLES DUPONT-WHITE
- Saint Véran, près Avignon
le 5 novembre 1859.
Monsieur
C’est avec un grand plaisir que j’ai reçu votre lettre. La traduction du petit livre ne saurait être dans des mains plus capables. Je suis heureux de trouver en vous un ami de Carrel. Je me réjouirai toujours de l’avoir, moi aussi, personnellement connu, et je conserve de lui un souvenir des plus vifs. Pensant qu’un petit opuscule que j’ai consacré à sa mémoire pourrait peut-être vous intéresser, je vais écrire à mon éditeur de vous expédier un exemplaire d’un recueil de mes petits écrits, dans lequel vous trouverez cette notice. Je vous prie de l’accepter comme témoignage des sentiments avec lesquels je suis, Monsieur
votre dévoué serviteur
J. S. Mill
421.
TO ALEXANDER BAIN
St. Véran Nov.14.1859.
Dear Bain—
I am glad that you & Grote liked the article in the Edinburgh. It is a considerable thing to have got the Ed. to say that the experience philosophy & the association psychology are getting up again, & to praise & recommend a book on that side of the question. I shall look with interest for Grote’s article when he is able to write it. With regard to his Plato, one would be reconciled to the long time he spends over it if he were going to speak out his whole mind at last. But his timidity on the population subject is of bad augury. It would be easy enough to keep from any close contact with the physical part of the subject & yet convey clearly enough all he means, or needs to say. But he seems to be incurable. I have no doubt however that there will be much useful & improving matter in his book, & the longer he is in finishing it, the more thought there is likely to be in it when it is done. And with this we shall have to be contented, in default of better.
It is very pleasant to hear that you will be ready with the discussion of Phrenology & the science of character by next spring. It is an excellent plan to publish it in the first instance in Fraser if Parker will take it. Besides being much earlier and more widely read, it will be an advertisement of the other volumes. I expect to learn a good deal from it & to be helped by it in anything I may hereafter write on Ethology —a subject I have long wished to take up, at least in the form of Essays, but have never yet felt myself sufficiently prepared. I do not think of publishing my Utilitarianism till next winter at the earliest, though it is now finished, subject to any correction or enlargement which may suggest itself in the interval. It will be but a small book, about a fifth less than the Liberty, if I make no addition to it. But small books are so much more read than large ones that it is an advantage when one’s matter will go into a small space. I have not written it in any hostile spirit towards Xtianity, though undoubtedly both good ethics & good metaphysics will sap Xtianity if it persists in allying itself with bad. The best thing to do in the present state of the human mind is to go on establishing positive truths (principles & rules of evidence of course included) & leave Xtianity to reconcile itself with them the best way it can. By that course, in so far as we have any success, we are at least sure of doing something to improve Christianity.
I have just sent to Parker for next month’s Fraser a paper on Non-Intervention, in which there are some severe things said of Lord Palmerston’s conduct in opposing the Suez Canal. That affair is damaging the character of England on the Continent more than most people are aware of; it is so direct a confirmation of the old & false ideas respecting the selfish foreign policy of England.
It is amusing to have drawn out Candlish. I expect a series of attacks now from the bigotted portion of all religious sects.
422.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
St. Véran 22 novembre 1859
Messieurs—
Je vous prie de vouloir bien m’informer par le premier courrier, s’il y a moyen de prendre sur ce qui reste du grand bloc, un morceau ayant les dimensions suivantes, savoir—longueur 1.90 mètres largeur 75 centimètres, hauteur 40 centimètres: et en cas de réponse affirmative, quel en serait le prix (frais de transport compris) et en combien de jours vous pourriez l’expédier.
423.
TO WILLIAM GEORGE WARD
St. VéranNov.28.1859
Dear Sir—
It gave me real pleasure to hear from you again after so long an interval, & I am much indebted to you for the opportunity of reading your first volume while still unpublished. I have read it all with great interest, much of it with sincere admiration & sympathy: & (what you probably care more about) with no little admiration also for the eminent Catholic writers whom you quote. Many of them I was already disposed to think highly of, but my knowledge of them was chiefly at second hand. The questions you put to me I will with pleasure attempt to answer. A candid adversary has as great a claim as a supporter, to one’s best endeavours for making one’s meaning clear to him, even if no change of opinion is likely to result. I never feel so sure of doing good as when I find that my writings have given matter for thought to those who differ from me; a service which your treatise is well calculated to render, if I may judge from its effect on myself.
With regard to the passages in which I am mentioned (with the same good feeling which you have always shewn towards me) my answer is that both Mr Herbert Spencer & you have misunderstood me. When I spoke of inferences as necessarily following from premisses, I was not using the word necessary in its metaphysical but in its popular sense. I meant neither more nor less than that the reasoning process is, to us, conclusive evidence of what it proves: take the testimony of our senses, which neither you nor I nor any one considers to be necessary in the philosophical sense. As soon as I read Mr Spencer’s criticism I saw that I had given ground for it, by an incautious use of the word necessary, which I endeavoured to correct in revising the book for another edition. My mistake was not so much in using the term in a double sense, as in not giving proper notice that I did so. For at that time I thought the word necessary a word worth retaining in philosophy; & I therefore, in conformity to my own rule (so to define words that their application may cover the same ground, & if possible even the same extent of ground, as before) used it as a designation for those properties of things which are deducible from the properties implied in their names. All mathematical truths, & truths analogous to mathematical, are in this sense necessary. As therefore I wished to keep the word necessary specifically for truths which are the results of reasoning, I was not unnaturally led into applying the term to the reasoning process itself. But (as I said before) I meant nothing in this case by necessity, but conclusiveness.
I dare say you are not aware that in the last ed. of the Logic I added a chapter in reply to Mr. Spencer, in which may be seen what I have to say against his own doctrine, but if I remember right, I scarcely if at all, touched upon his remarks on myself.
While I am on this part of the subject, I hope you will allow me to say, that I do not think there is any ground for the distinction you draw between the evidence of present & that of past sensations, classing the one as experience & the other as intuition. If remembering were one act of the mind, trusting to memory another act, & judging that memory is to be trusted a third, your doctrine might be admissible. But they seem to me to be all three the same act, just as when I press my hand against an object—feeling resistance, trusting the feeling, & judging that it is to be trusted are all one. We cannot remember that which did not happen; no more than we can see or feel what does not happen. When I feel so & so, I cannot doubt that I do feel so & so; & when I remember to have felt so & so I cannot doubt that I did feel so & so. Memory I take to be the present consciousness of a past sensation. It is strange that such consciousness can exist; but the facts denoted by was, is, & is to come, are perhaps the most mysterious part of our mysterious existence, as is strikingly expressed in the well known saying of St Augustine. If I have made sufficiently clear what I mean, I think you will see that it leaves in my apprehensions nothing to be done by the intuitive act which your doctrine interposes. There indeed remains the act of generalization which we perform when from remembering particular facts we ascend to the general proposition that Memory may be trusted, in other words that we have a faculty of Memory; but this generalization & classification of acts of our own mind, has nothing in it contradictory to the Experience doctrine, which always admits facts of internal consciousness as well as of external sensation, & considers the same logical processes as applicable to both.
Now as to the still more important subject of the meaning of ought. I will endeavour to explain the sense I attach to it, though this cannot be done in very few words. I believe that the word has in some respects a different meaning to different people. We must first distinguish between those who have themselves a moral feeling—a feeling of approving & condemning conscience, & those who have not, or in whom what they may have is dormant. I believe that those who have no feeling of right & wrong cannot possibly intue the rightness or wrongness of anything. They may assent to the proposition that a certain rule of conduct is right; but they really mean nothing except that such is the conduct which other people expect & require at their hands; with perhaps the addition that they have a strong motive for themselves requiring the same from other people. This you will probably agree with, & I will therefore pass to the case of those who have a true moral feeling, that is, a feeling of pain in the fact of violating a certain rule, quite independently of any expected consequences to themselves. It appears to me that to them the word ought means, that if they act otherwise, they shall be punished by this internal, & perfectly disinterested feeling. Unless they would be so punished, or unless they think they would, any assertion they make to themselves that they ought so to act seems to me to lose its proper meaning, & to refer only to the sentiments of others, or of themselves at some other time or in some other case.
If I am asked, what is the nature of this feeling, & whence it comes, I do not think that it is exactly of the same nature, or has exactly the same origin, in all who have it. My father’s theory of it, which you quote, seems to me a sufficient account of it as it exists in many minds. I certainly do not accept that theory as an exhaustive analysis of the phenomenon: yet I do not think your refutation, even of that theory, a sufficient one; inasmuch as the generation of a complex feeling from simpler ones being a sort of chemical union, not a mechanical juxtaposition, it is quite to be expected that the compound will be to appearances unlike the elements it is formed from. The pains of conscience are certainly very different from those of dread of disapprobation; yet it might well be, that the innumerable associations of pain with doing wrong which have been rivetted by a long succession of pains undergone, or pains feared or imagined as the consequence of wrong things done, or of wrong things which we have been tempted to do (especially in early life), may produce a general & intense feeling of recoil from wrongdoing in which no conscious influence of other people’s disapprobation may be perceptible.
However, I do not hold this to be the normal form of moral feeling. I conceive that feeling to be a natural outgrowth from the social nature of man: a state of society is so eminently natural to human beings that anything which is an obviously indispensable condition of social life, easily comes to act upon their minds almost like a physical necessity. Now it is an indispensable condition of all society, except between master & slave, that each shall pay regard to the other’s happiness. On this basis, combined with a human creature’s capacity of fellow-feeling, the feelings of morality properly so called seem to me to be grounded, & their main constituent to be the idea of punishment. I feel conscious that if I violate certain laws, other people must necessarily or naturally desire that I shd be punished for the violation. I also feel that I shd desire them to be punished if they violated the same laws towards me. From these feelings & from my sociality of nature I place myself in their situation, & sympathize in their desire that I shd be punished; & (even apart from benevolence) the painfulness of not being in union with them makes me shrink from pursuing a line of conduct which would make my ends, wishes, & purposes habitually conflict with theirs. To this fellow feeling with man may of course be added (if I may so express myself) fellow feeling with God, & recoil from the idea of not being in union with Him. May I add, that even to an unbeliever there may be a feeling similar in nature towards an ideal God? as there may be towards an ideally perfect man, or towards our friends who are no more, even if we do not feel assured of their immortality. All these feelings are immensely increased in strength by a reflected influence from other persons who feel the same.
This is the nearest approach I am able to make to a theory of our moral feelings. I have written it out, much more fully, in a little manuscript treatise which I propose to publish when I have kept it by me for the length of time I think desirable & given it such further improvement as I am capable of. Perhaps the short statement I have now made will convey some notion of what my opinion is though a very imperfect one of the manner in which I should support it.—I am very sincerely yours,
J.S.M.
P.S. I had not heard of the article in the Rambler but have now sent for it.
424.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
le 29. novembre 1859
Messieurs—
Je viens de recevoir votre lettre du 27. Je vous prie maintenant de préparer le nouveau bloc dans les conditions de votre lettre du 24, c.à.d. au prix de 3000 frs rendu sur wagon en gare à Avignon, et dans l’intervalle de 15 jours.
425.
TO PASQUALE VILLARI
S. Véran. Nov. 29. 1859.
Mon cher Monsieur Villari—
Je vous remercie beaucoup de votre lettre et de l’envoi de la Revue où se trouve votre article. Je l’ai lu avec très grand plaisir. Abstraction faite des louanges dont vous me comblez, et dans lesquelles je vois un nouvel indice de l’amitié et de la sympathie que vous ressentez pour moi, je puis dire en toute sincérité que vous avez donné une excellente analyse de l’ouvrage. Vous en avez mis en relief les idées dominantes, vous avez assez appuyé sur chacune pour la faire bien saisir, et cela de la manière non d’un copiste, mais d’un penseur dont les idées ne sont pas tirées de l’auteur dont il parle mais se sont rencontrées avec lui. Grâce à vous, les lecteurs de la Revue doivent avoir aujourd’hui du livre et de moi une idée très avantageuse, ce qui, je l’avoue, me fait plaisir, car la vive sympathie que j’éprouve pour l’Italie fait que je me plais à l’idée d’être en rapport intellectuel avec les bons esprits du pays.
Comme vous je crains que la position actuelle des affaires, empirée comme elle est par la démission de Garibaldi, n’ait des suites fâcheuses. Qu’il en résulte la dissolution des volontaires, ou des excès populaires dans la Romagne, l’un ou l’autre résultat serait également nuisible à la cause de l’Italie. C’est sans doute ce que désire celui qui a mis les choses en cet état, et qui ne veut pas que les Italiens soient soustraits à leurs tyrans actuels par une autre main que par celle d’un nouveau maître. Ce n’est qu’en se tenant sous les armes, et en montrant la ferme volonté de se battre pour la liberté envers et contre tous, que l’Italie pourra obtenir du Congrès des conditions supportables. Je suis persuadé que l’Angleterre fera dans le Congrès, si elle y prend part, tout son possible pour vous. Mais comme tout le monde sait qu’elle n’en fera pas un cas de guerre son influence sera peu de chose. Les trois despotes sont probablement déjà d’accord pour lui ménager un affront.
Je félicite le gouvernement toscan de votre nomination à la chaire d’histoire à Pise. Je sens toutefois combien il vous sera difficile d’appliquer à ces paisibles travaux les forces de votre esprit, tant que les destinées de l’Italie restent suspendues sur le fil d’un rasoir.
Votre tout dévoué
426.
TO JOHN WILLIAM PARKER
Dec. 8, 1859.
Dear Sir
Fraser for December has arrived this morning—nine days after it was posted. Napoleon the Third has taken that time to make up his mind whether to let it pass.
Possibly therefore the two French reviews may now have received their copies; and therefore if you have not sent the article, in an envelope, to them, it is unnecessary to do so for the present.
The same post brought the Daily News, and also the Economist: your people having cut out the article which you doubtless intended to send and having sent the paper without the article, instead of the article without the paper.
A Mr Durand of New York who conducts a periodical called the Crayon (of which he says he has sent a copy through you) requests permission to reprint one or more of the Dissertations in his magazine. I cannot give him permission without your consent; but as the sale would rather be promoted than injured by his doing so, it would perhaps be desirable. I should like the number which he has sent, to be forwarded by post.
Yrs very truly
J. S. Mill
427.
TO THOMAS HARE
Dec. 19. 1859.
Dear Sir
I duly received the Bradford paper you were so good as to send, and I quite agree with you as to the excellence of the account it gives, in so short a compass, of your plan. I also received the Law Magazine, and read Mr Mayo’s paper with much interest. It shews a real understanding of the subject, and a decided capacity for such studies. I was more prompt in answering his letter than I have been in acknowledging yours.
It gave me great pleasure to hear of the article you were writing for Fraser. The line you intended to take (I speak in the past tense, for it is probably by this time completed) seems to me very useful, and one which you are well entitled to take. The more I think of your plan, the more it appears to me to be the great discovery in representative government. As you have read the two volumes of Dissertations, you have seen how during a great part of my life I have been troubled by the difficulty of reconciling democratic institutions with the maintenance of a great social support for dissentient opinions. Now, your plan distinctly solves this difficulty. The portion of the House of Commons returned by an union of minorities would be this social support, in its most effective form; since its members would meet in the same arena with the organs of the majority; would command public attention, which under any other organisation of minorities might be refused to them; and would have the opportunity of obtruding upon the public daily proofs of the superiority of individual value which they would generally have over their antagonists. In no other way, that I can conceive, would it be possible to maintain a real superiority of power in the majority, along with a full & fair hearing for minorities, and an organization of them which would be all the more effective from being natural and spontaneous. If the Americans would but adopt your plan (which I fear they never will) the bad side of their government and institutions, namely the practical exclusion of all the best minds from political influence, would soon cease. Let us hope that in the old country (thanks to you) democracy will come in this better form.
I am Dr Sir
ever yours truly
J. S. Mill
428.
TO EDWIN CHADWICK
Dec. 20. 1859.
Dear Chadwick
I quite agree with you in expecting no benefit whatever from any reform bill likely to be brought forward by the present government. Neither they nor the Tories wish to make elections unexpensive; they will not, therefore, take the only effective measure against bribery, by prohibiting and making penal all expenses whatever (the small amount of necessary expense being defrayed by the locality). That is mauvaise volonté on their part: but this is chiefly stupidity: neither of them will adopt Hare’s plan, whereby any person of reputation for talent would be sure of being brought in by some set of electors or other if he chose, without needing any local influence. If Hare’s plan were acted on, you would be in Parliament directly; and anybody else whose adherents or admirers are scattered over the country generally. As this plan would be essentially, and in the best sense of the word, Conservative, as well as, also in the best sense, liberal and democratic, it ought to unite both parties in supporting it: only such people as Bright, the mere demagogue and courtier of the majority, are its natural opponents. Notwithstanding this, we shall not have it, until some government finds itself obliged to give a largely extended suffrage, and has sense to see that this plan would diminish the danger of the concession, under cover of which they could contrive to pass it. I am strongly of opinion however that the way by which most good can be done on the Reform question, is by agitating on this point.
I am glad you like the paper in Fraser. It has certainly been very successful, and coming out just at the time it did, may have some practical effect. It has been sent, not to Galignani (who certainly would not reprint it in his paper) but to several of the principal French reviews and public writers. What you say about the real nature of the liberality of English public men is very true. But I had nothing to do with that. I was only concerned with their acts, and the doctrines they profess. The opposition to the Suez Canal adds greatly to the difficulty of their doing the kind of things mentioned in your letter—for every project for international communication patronized by England, is sure henceforth to be opposed by other countries.
Very truly yours
J. S. Mill
429.
TO DERVILLÉ ET CIE.
S. Véran le 20 Déc. 1859
Messieurs—
Quelques jours s’étant écoulés depuis la terminaison des quinze jours que vous avez fixés dans votre lettre du 1er décembre pour l’expédition du morceau supplémentaire de marbre statuaire, je vous prie de vouloir bien m’informer si ce morceau est prêt, ou sinon, quel jour vous croyez pouvoir l’envoyer à la gare.
Agréez de
430.
TO CHARLES DUPONT-WHITE
le 21 Décembre 1859
Monsieur
J’ai appris avec plaisir par votre lettre du 7 que vous aviez presque terminé un nouveau livre, sur la Centralisation. Je ne doute pas que la lecture ne m’en soit aussi utile qu’agréable. Je vous applaudis de vous être beaucoup occupé, en cette matière, des lois et des usages anglais. Je ne me rappelle pas d’avoir remarqué dans votre ouvrage “L’Individu et l’Etat” des erreurs importantes sur l’Angleterre. Sans doute il serait à peine croyable qu’il ne s’en rencontrassent pas quelques-unes, vu la très grande difficulté qu’éprouve toujours un étranger à bien connaître un pays quelconque: difficulté peutêtre encore plus grande pour l’Angleterre que pour les autres pays, tant la pratique des institutions anglaises s’écarte parfois de leur théorie. Je n’ai pas l’ouvrage avec moi ici, sans cela je le relirais pour tâcher de vous donner les indications que vous désirez.
Pour passer à un autre sujet, il y a une idée nouvellement éclose en Angleterre, qui n’a pas encore, que je sache, passé le détroit, et qui pourra être intéressante à un penseur qui s’occupe comme vous du mécanisme des institutions politiques, et qui est capable d’apprécier les idées grandes et fécondes. Celle-ci se rapporte au système représentatif, dont en France comme en Angleterre il est important de perfectionner la théorie, en attendant qu’on puisse de nouveau le posséder de fait. Tous les systèmes existants ont le grand défaut que la majorité est seule representée; tandisque dans les principes même du suffrage égal et universel, une minorité quelconque d’électeurs a le droit d’être representée par une minorité correspondante de l’assemblée. Or, un penseur anglais, Mr. Hare, a proposé une organisation au moyen de laquelle, en supposant par exemple un député par dix mille électeurs, tout candidat qui réunirait dix mille voix dans tout le pays serait nommé. J’ai rendu compte de son système dans le supplément de la seconde édition d’une brochure que j’ai publiée sur la réforme parlementaire, ne l’ayant pas connu à temps pour en parler dans la première édition. Je vous ferai envoyer cette brochure par mon éditeur, et si, après avoir lu l’analyse que j’ai donnée du livre de Mr. Hare, vous désirez en savoir davantage, je vous enverrai ensuite le livre même.
Je suis charmé que l’opinion favorable que vous avez bien voulu exprimer du livre de la Liberté se soutienne à un examen plus approfondi, et que vous soyez content aussi de ce que vous aviez lu des Dissertations. Je me suis tant occupé, dans ce recueil, de la France et de choses françaises, que je ne puis manquer d’être tombé dans beaucoup d’erreurs. Je vous aurais une véritable obligation de toutes celles que vous voudriez bien me mettre à même de rectifier.
J’adresse ma lettre à Paris, croyant que le froid de la saison vous y aura probablement ramené.
Agréez, Monsieur, l’expression sincère de mes sentimens respectueux et amicaux.
J. S. Mill
P.S. Je rouvre ma lettre pour répondre à la vôtre du 18. La loi de réforme de nos corporations municipales est de 1835. Sans pouvoir l’assurer je crois que le renseignement qu’on vous a donné doit être inexact, et que si les Communes ont besoin d’un assentiment quelconque pour s’imposer ou pour emprunter, c’est de celui du Parlement.
Je vous remercie de l’indication sur la Revue des Deux Mondes. Je puis la voir au Musée d’ici.
Puis que vous êtes toujours à Fontainebleau je vous y adresse la lettre.
J.S.M.
le 22 Décembre
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