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GROTE’S ARISTOTLE 1873 - John Stuart Mill, The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XI - Essays on Philosophy and the Classics [1828]Edition used:The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XI - Essays on Philosophy and the Classics, ed. John M. Robson, Introduction by F.E. Sparshott (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978).
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GROTE’S ARISTOTLE
EDITOR’S NOTEFortnightly Review, n.s. XIII (Jan., 1873), 27-50, where the title is footnoted: “Aristotle. By George Grote. Edited by Alexander Bain, Professor of Logic in the University of Aberdeen, and G. Croom Robertson, Professor of Philosophy of Mind and Logic in University College, London. In two volumes. London [: Murray], 1872.” Signed “J. S. Mill.” The essay was reprinted in the posthumous 4th vol. of Dissertations and Discussions (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1875), 188-230. Identified in JSM’s bibliography as “An article on Grote’s Aristotle in the Fortnightly Review for January 1st 1873” (MacMinn, 101). There is no copy in JSM’s library, Somerville College. There are, exceptionally, two complete manuscripts of the essay, one a draft (Harvard), the other the press-copy (Library of Congress). These have been collated with the text; in the footnoted variants “H” indicates the Harvard manuscript; “C”, the Library of Congress manuscript; “73”, the Fortnightly Review. The variants also give the few places where the final text returns to a cancelled reading in the Harvard MS. For comment on the composition of the essay and related matters, see the Introduction and the Textual Introduction, xlii-xlv and xcii-xciv above. ![]() >The first folio of the draft MS of “Grote’s Aristotle” Houghton Library, Harvard University ![]() >The first folio of the press-copy MS of “Grote’s Aristotle” Library of Congress Grote’s Aristotlea book which shouldaperforma for Aristotle what the author of the present volumes hadbaccomplishedb for Plato; which shouldccontainc an accurate and exhaustive account of all his multifarious works, with a critical appreciation of them, both from the philosophical point of view and from the historical; would be as welcome to philosophers and scholars as the work by which Mr. Grote expounded Plato to English readersd ; and would have been, perhaps, even more difficult to execute with that thoroughness which alone would have contented the eminent author. Seldom haseany literary undertaking givene more cause to lament the shortness of human life, and the impossibility off extending beyond the allotted limits lives valuable to mankind, than this work, in its present unfinished condition, exhibits. For Mr. Grote’s death was not, in the ordinarygmeaningg of the word, premature; he lived to the ripe age of seventy-six years; but this, hishlatesth production, down to the very chapter in which his pen was interrupted by fatal illness, shows an undiminished vigour of intellect and perseverance of mental industry, which raise sad thoughts of how muchigoodi work he mightjstill have done,j if the merely animal and nutritive organs of his bodily frame had been capable of as long akpersistencyk of life and health as the properly human organ, the reasoning and thinking brain.lRememberingl , however, that this ismonly one among the many inherent imperfections of our existence on earthm , and that a work of such magnitude, commenced after the age of seventy, wasnexceedinglyn likely never to be completed, let us turn to the two goodly volumes which are theoresulto of the labours of those last years, and rather rejoice that so much has been given, and this of so excellent a quality, than mourn over what might have been if thepconstitutionp of human life had been different. For the work, though unfinished, is not a mere fragment: a part only of the task has been performed, but what is done is thoroughly done; a portion only of the ground has been covered, but what has been built on that portion is a completed structure in itself. The account of the logical writings of Aristotle, and of his position as a thinker on logic, isqcomplete; andq this includes, as is known, by far the greater part of what is permanently valuable in his contributions to the sum of human knowledge, as distinguished from the value, in an historical point of view, ofr his speculations, regarded as steps in the development of human thought. In the natural order of succession, the psychology and metaphysics followsafters the logic; but on these time was only given to Mr. Grote to make a commencement. Onetchapter, abruptly broken off,t is all that he had prepared onuthese subjectsu to form part of the present treatise. But as far as regards the mere exposition of Aristotle, apart from criticism and comment, the blank is in a measure supplied by a full abstract, and, in part, translation, of the six principal books of the Metaphysica (as well as of two books of the De Cœlo,[*]v intimately connected with them), which Mr. Grote had madew, as a helpw to himself, not for publication, but which the editors have, very properly, printed in an appendix. An account of Aristotle’s psychology, contributedxby himx in 1868 to the third edition of Professor Bain’s work, The Senses and the Intellect,[†] isyalsoy reprinted as the last chapter of the treatise. The appendix contains two other papers, also writtenzfor two of Mr. Bain’s treatises,[‡] and there published, in which Mr. Grote gives hisz view of Aristotle’s doctrinesarespecting two of the principal questions on the border ground between logic and metaphysicsa . One isbthe questionb which was the subject of hiscchiefc controversy with Plato, the nature of Universals; the otherd is that of First Principles. Both essays are as thorough and as highly finished as any part of the treatise itself. To these are now addede compositionsfwhich, either wholly or in part, appearf for the first time—one, a correction of the mistakes of Sir William Hamilton respecting the relation of Aristotle to what is calledg, by the Reid and Stewart school,g the philosophy of Common Senseh, of which philosophy Hamilton, on very insufficient grounds, claims him as an apostleh ; and two short but valuable papers on Epicurus and on the Stoics, some account of whom was toihave beeni included in the work on Aristotle, as the earlierjSocraticj schools, the Megarics,kthek Cynics, and Cyrenaics (what little is known of them) were comprehended inlthatl on Plato. The mattermrelating to Aristotle in the appendixm , together with the lucid expositionn of some main points of his doctrine in the two chapters which stand as parts of the work itself, are a most valuable contribution tootheo knowledge andpunderstandingp of Aristotle as a psychologist and metaphysician, and will not only lighten the labour of such as may take up the task after Mr. Grote, but willqhelp materiallyq to guide them into the true path.rButr the greatest value of the work willsalwayss reside in the parttof itt which is completed, the analysis and appreciation of the treatises composing the Organon; a name and classificationu, it must be said,u not of Aristotle’sv making, but introduced by hiswcommentatorsw to distinguish the logical treatises, those on thexrules and methodx of philosophizing, from theyfary greater number which aimed atzsetting forthz some of the results of philosophy. When Aristotle isacalled, not without justice,a the founder of logic, this is not to be understood solely ofbthe portion of logic with which his name is specially identified,b the doctrine of the syllogism. Of this, however, he cwas not only the great teacher, butc expresslydclaimed to bed the creator. In one of the few passages of his voluminous writings whichecontain a directe reference to himself, he declares that on this subject he had no helps, and no precursors.fUnlikef rhetoric, on which there existedga copious body ofh theory and precept, inherited from predecessors and accumulated by successive traditions,g in dialectic (he says)— i I had to begin from the beginning, and to make good the first step myself. The process of syllogizing had never yet been analysed or explained by any one; much less had anything been set forth about the different applications of it in detail. I worked it out for myself, without any assistance, by long and laborious application. . . . The syllogism as a system and theory, with precepts founded on that theory for demonstration and dialectic, has originated first with me. Mine is the first step, and, therefore, a small one, though worked out with much thought and hard labour: it must be looked at as a first step, and judged with indulgence. You, my readers, or hearers of my lectures, if you think that I have done as much as can fairly be required for an initiatory start, compared with other more advanced departments of theory, will acknowledge what I have achieved, and pardon what I have left for others to accomplish.* In such modest terms does Aristotle speak of what he had done for a theory which, in the judgment even ofjso distant an age as the presentj , he did not,kas he himself says, merelyk commence, but completed,lsol far as completeness can be affirmed ofmam scientific doctrine. The theory, as it came from his hands, has proved its sufficiency by the practical rules which hen grounded on it, and which have been found to cover every case and suffice for every purpose for which they wereointended; ando (pexcept the easy addition of the hypothetical syllogismp ) none of the attemptsqthatq have been made, even by men of great knowledge and ability (some of the most notable of them in our own age), to give greater extension and precision to the syllogistic theory, have been able to make good their claim to anyrother value thanr that of a school exercise. Opinion, indeed, has varied, during the two thousand and more yearssthat separate us from Aristotles , respecting the utility of any such rules, andt of the syllogistic theory itself. After having been long deemed the key to all science it came to beuaccountedu a mere incumbrance, and has only of latevbecome av subject of rational estimation. All, however, that has been discovered or invented by modern thought has not invalidated the claim of the syllogism to be a correct analysis of the process of reasoning by general terms—the operation which establishes a conclusion by showing that it comes within the scope of a generalisationwthat has alreadyw been assented to on evidence deemedxsufficient; andx the rules grounded on this analysis do all that rules can do to insure the correct performance of the operation: they point out the conditionsyrequisitey for correctness, and distinguish with scientific precision the modes of error.zIt has, no doubt, been shown (what was never clearly seen until lately) that the syllogism is not really a process of inference; all that there is of inference being completed in the induction from experience which gave us the generalisation we syllogize from. The syllogistic process merely maintains consistency between our general theorems from experience and our particular applications of it, and compels us to face the whole extent of the generalisation which is necessary to justify our inference in a given particular case. What is called Formal Logic is the logic of consistency: and consistency is not necessarily truth, but is one of the most essential conditions of it. A mastery of the syllogistic logic does not necessarily make a sound thinker, but goes far towards making a clear one; and a clear understanding is already well advanced on the road towards soundness.z But the merits of Aristotle in regard to logic are not confined within this, the narrowest acceptation in which the term is used; they extend to the widest. There are none of the operations of the intellect in the pursuit of truth to which his services were not considerable. He cannot indeed be credited with being the permanent legislator of any of the other departments of logic, as he was of the syllogism. Yet it will, we think, be found that he did as much for them as was compatible with the very early stage which scientific studies had then reached; for it was only after considerable trial of all the paths whichalay open to thema , that mankind could discover whichb it is that leads to the desired end. As Aristotle wasc far from completing any logical theory save that of the syllogism, so heddidd not claim to have originated any other. He says expressly that the inventor of definition and of induction was Socrates. What exactly itewase which he intended by these impressions to ascribe to Socrates,fwe are reduced to gather mainly from other evidencef . We know,g both from thehvividh dramatic representation by Plato of the mode of discussionipractised byi Socrates, and from the direct testimony of the more commonplace Xenophon, that it mainly consisted in attempting to ascertain “what” each of the facts or ideas which figure in the talk of the market-place and in thejdeliberationj of the public assembly “is;”kor,k in other words, inla search after definitionsl . And though it is neither known, nor at all likely, that any rules for this investigation were laid down either by Socrates or by Plato, most of the Platonic dialogues are practical exemplifications of it.mIn Mr. Grote’s opinion,* the induction which Aristotle placed to the credit of Socrates, was the establishment of definitions by generalisation from an enumeration of particulars.†m The Platonicnpracticen of dividing down to the thing which is the subject of inquiry,owas regardedo by Bacon as the nearest approach to a true method of induction to be found among the ancients, because itpdid not proceedp by simple enumeration, but by rejectiones et exclusiones debitas[*]q—by an equal scrutiny of the instances in which the thing sought was absent, and of those in which it was present. Butq Plato practised this method only in inquiring into definitions: and,rin its applicationr to that investigation, Aristotle completelysappropriateds it; the doctrine that a definition must be per genus et differentiam being its theoretic generalisation, and the Predicamental Tree its paradigm. tBut Aristotle had a much larger and juster conception of the functions of Induction than merely this. Het did for induction theufirst great thing thatu had to be done for it—v the only great thingwthatw could be done for it in the then state of science; in doing which he had not, so far as we know, been anticipated by Socrates, whilexin Plato he hadx his chief adversary: he pointed out that induction is the ultimate ground and evidence of allyoury knowledge. Inzsyllogizing (as he explains)z we argueadownwarda from general truths; but the general truths which are the ἀρχαὶ or ultimate premises of ourbsyllogismsb must beccollected from particularc experience. His practiced, it must be admitted, seems to modern criticsd to have beeneoftene very insufficientlyfgovernedf by his own doctrine; but he was consistent in upholding the theory. Andghisg recognition of ithdoes the more honourh to hisiphilosophicali perspicacity, inasmuch as the only science in which,jat the time when he livedj , any considerable achievement had been made, was mathematics; a science in which the inductions that constitute the first premises are truthskso obvious and familiar, that it is particularly easy to mistake themk for intuitionsldirectly apprehended by the mind; and theyl are, in fact, the example principally relied on by thosem who, down to and in our ownntimesn , deny Aristotle’s principle. Inohiso eyes, however, the axioms laid down in geometry, and those implied in arithmetic, arepmerely the most obvious of our generalisations from observation. They arep all learnt from sense: notqmerely suggested by itq to the mind, which afterwards perceives them to rest on a higher evidence, butr actually proved by sense. If, by one of the schools between which philosophy is still divided, this is imputed to him as an error, the other, and in our opinion better, school sees in it a far-sighted anticipation of the ultimate verdict of philosophy. Having thus put induction in itsspropers place, as the foundation and evidence of the truths from which all others flow, Aristotle does not inquire further into it, nor attempt totfindt any scientific criterionufor distinguishing good induction fromu bad. His mindvdoes not seemv to have travelled beyond the primitive conception of induction,wdescribedw by Bacon as “Inductio per enumerationem simplicem, ubi non reperitur instantia contradictoria:”[*] and he probably considered this sufficient for scientific, as he certainly did for dialectic purposes; for, in the Topica,[†] he lays it down that if one party in the discussion produces a number of instances in support of a generalisation, and the other party is unable to produce any in contradiction toxitx , he must be held to admit it. That Aristotle should not have seen his way to the scientific tests of correct and incorrect induction, will not be surprising, if we consider thatythose tests are ally grounded upon the universality of the Law of Causation,zand that this universality wasz not known nor admitted in Aristotle’satimea , nor consideredbby him admissibleb . That the same phenomena always, without exception,creappearc whenever a determinate set of conditions is exactly realised, was a truth which had not dawned upon his mind;dnor had the knowledge of nature, which at that early period had been acquired, as yet established this uniformity of sequence as an universal, but only as a partial truthd . Aristotle not only believed that some ofethe sequences which we now calle laws of nature are true invariably, and others only for the most part, butfadmittedf as positive causes in nature two agencies of which uniformity could not in any sense be predicated, τύχη and τὸ αὐτομάτον, chance and spontaneity.[*]gIt can surprise no one that when the first basis of scientific induction, the constancy of the course of nature, had been so imperfectly laid, the rules and tests of induction which have been built upon that basis after its soundness had been proved by three centuries of the successful application of induction to subjects of ever increasing intricacy and complication, could not be arrived at by divination.g It is not, however,hquite so obvious why Aristotle couldh not have seen as much of the matter as Bacon saw; for Bacon also lived at a time when physical science had madei few of its modern achievements, and such of them as it had made (those of Galileo) hejseems to have beenj ignorant of. Accordingly Bacon, no more than Aristotle, was able, by his mere sagacity, to arrive at the true rules and tests of induction. But he did, by that rare sagacity, perceive that such tests and rules must be grounded on the application to the investigation of nature, of that comparison of affirmative and negative instanceskto discover their point of difference,k which Socrates and Plato had introduced and Aristotle had adopted for the investigation of definitionsland for that onlyl .mItm may seem a great derogation from Aristotle’snreach of thoughtn that he should have left it to Bacon to make this step. But we should consider that though Bacon had no experience of the success of the modern induction, he had two thousand years’ experience of the failure of the ancient. There hadoby that time been ample evidenceo that the results arrived at by spontaneous generalisation frompthe instances which first offer themselves, are not top be relied on. Such reliance wasqstill admissibleq in Aristotle’s time. For he was the very first who put that primitiverinduction upon its proper trialr , by using it systematically for scientific purposes; making a vast collection of such facts orsreputeds facts as he could procure, and trying whattcould be donet in the way ofudirectu generalisation from them.vThe need of a more artful method of induction was not likely tov be felt until after the natural modewwas seen to havew failed; and it was the failure of that mode, after an ample trial by such a man as Aristotle,xto establish conclusions that would stand the test of practice,x that awakenedyBacon, and not him alone,y but all the most advanced minds in an age ofzrenewedz intellectual activity, to theaneeda of a saferband more penetratingb inductive method. These considerations ought to be borne in mind in judging of the numerous cases in whichcAristotle’s particular speculations havec the appearance of being false to his own fundamental principle, that all knowledge isd derived from experience. In Mr. Lewes’s book on Aristotlee(a work,fsof far as the present writer’s knowledge of Aristotle enables him to judge, of exemplary fairness; but which,gthoughg warmly acknowledging the great genius of Aristotle, yet dealing chiefly with his crude physical speculations, unavoidably gives a much stronger feeling of his defects than of his superiority),e there are to be found abundant examples of conclusions drawn by him from premises which, to ourheyesh , do not seem groundedion experience at all, but oni what he himself specially warns others against—preconceptions originating in the mind.[*] Wejdoubt notj , however, that Aristotle, if these assumptions had been questioned, would have unhesitatingly claimed for them the character of inductions from experience.kTo take one instance:k he frequently assumes as a principle from whichlconclusions may legitimatelyl be drawnmconcerningm facts, that nature always aims at the best. Nothing, indeed, can be less scientific, or lessnsupportedn by a true knowledge of nature, than this generalisation; butoAristotleo would have had no difficulty in citing as evidence of it, among other facts, all those adaptationsp(so far as then ascertained) onp which writers on natural theologyqinsistq as marks of benevolent design; and though he must have known of manyrfactsr apparently pointing the other way, he could not then know how deeply thatsother ways penetrates into the most intimate constitution of nature, and doubtlesstbelievedt that they all admitted of explanations which would reconcile them with the theory.uThe example we have chosen is a rather peculiar one, and we often find him building conclusions uponu premises the connection of which with observed fact is, to modern apprehension, far more distantv; but wev still find him proceeding on some analogy, or apparent analogy, to some of the experiences of sense. These are not grounds on which he canwfairlyw be charged with abandoning hisxfundamentalx principle. Rather, this mode of proceeding seems the inevitable first stage of the attempt to make aybroady and far-reaching application ofzthez principle. For it is now well understood that scienceadoes not advance by the merea collection of materials, but by usingbthemb , as fast as collected, incthe construction ofc provisional generalisations, fitted to give a definite direction to further inquiry,dand themselves destined, according to the results of fresh inquiry, to be corrected, limited, or totally abandonedd . The first set of provisional generalisations were naturally and properly drawn from the most obvious facts. Generalisation “ex his tantummodo quæ præsto sunt pronuncians,” so deservedlyecondemnede by Bacon[*]fas the final methodf of scientific procedure, isgquite legitimate asg its first stage; and if the provisional character ofhtheh generalisations was lost sight of, and they were mistaken foriproved truthsi , the responsibility does not lie with Aristotle, who tookjthe greatest pains to enlargej the stock of facts, and whokcertainly neither dreamed nork desired that his speculations should be accepted as infallible. It is true, he can hardly have imagined how very far his generalisations would prove to be from a genuine interpretation of nature. For he did not know, nor did any one then know, that the most familiar parts of nature are often the most intricate and complex, and that there are none of which the ultimate lawsldiffer more widelyl from anything which first appearances givem indication of. n Neither let usogreatly blame Aristotleo for not having more carefully sifted the evidence of his facts. It ispchargedp against him that in the natural history of fishes, for example, heqsetsq down as factsrwhateverr were told to him as such by fishermen, some of which were realsresults ofs observation, while others weretmeret popular superstitions; but he hadu, mostly, no meansu of distinguishing the one from the other.vHe was forced to receive a great proportion of his information on trust. The age of scientific specialists had not yet arrived.v Had he devoted his time, like Mr. Buckland, to a careful personal observation of the character and habits of fishes, he would have become,wwithoutw doubt, a very remarkable ichthyologist; but could he have written even the History of Animals,[*] not toxmentionx the Organon, the Ethics,[†] or the Rhetoric?[‡] In his day, the greatest service which any one could do to physical science, was to make the largest possible collection ofyphysicaly facts, andzto link them together even by conjecture, leavingz it to the future to eliminate those which the more aattentivea observation thus directed to them did not confirm. Aristotle did this, with an industry and often an intelligence deserving high praise; nor is it imputable to him that a dictum of his came to be thought, by a succession ofbgenerationsb , better evidence of truth than the use of their eyes. Intimately connected with his opinion respecting the foundation of all our knowledge in sensible experience, is his view of the nature of Universals; whichcexcited more interest and more discussion amongc those who succeeded him than his doctrine of Induction, and contributeddmostd to make him be considered as the founder and chief of the school of sensible experience, in opposition to the Platonic oreRealistic-Idealiste school. Plato, it is well known, gave great prominence in many of his principal Dialogues, to the doctrine, that all individual and sensible objects being in a perpetualfprocess off change, never being, butgalwaysgbecoming, there could be no knowledge, inhany true sense of the termh , of them, but only of certain archetypes or Forms, cognisable by intellect alone; which Formsiarei the attributes in theirjcompletenessj , an imperfect semblance of which we recognise in the best objects of sense. These Formsk(called by him Ideas, ἰδέαι, one of the Greek equivalents of form)k hadl, according to him,l a separate existence of their own, quite apart frommsense. Them gods lived in the constant contemplation of them, whichnwas only possible ton the human mind after a thorough training in philosophy, andocould be completeo only in a life after death. These were the only real Entia, or beings; the world of sense waspsomethingp half-way between Entity and Non-Entity. Such is the doctrineqrespectingq Universals which is called, and justly called, Platonic; though Plato also left very forcible statements of its difficulties, and the objections to which it was liable; coupled, however, with the declaration that in spite of all these, unless the doctrine is admitted, no knowledge is possible. Against this theory Aristotle carries onran unrelaxingr polemic; and gives, in considerable detail, his reasons for rejecting it. But, being a constructive as well as a critical thinker, he sets up a counter theory.[*] According to this, individual objects of sense, instead of not being Entia at all, are sosmore specially and in a fuller degree than any other thingss . He calls them, and them alone, First Substances. Genera and Speciestaret substances also (Second Substances), but not self-existent, like Plato’s Forms; on the contrary, he denies them all existence, except in, and as implicated with, some First Substance. Attributesu, though also included among Entia, could still less be admitted to have a separate existenceu . Without going the length of the Nominalist doctrine, which holds nothing to be universal but names, Aristotle takes up av middle position, analogous to that of the modern Conceptualists;wbut differing from themw in this, thatxwhereas they considerx Universals as notions in the mind, made up from the world of sense by the intellect itself through a process of abstraction,y Aristotle regarded them asz having a real external existence;aas only perceived, not made, by the intellect; perceiveda , however, not asbindependentb entities, but as inseparable elements of the objects perceived by sense. The antagonism between thisctheoryc and Plato’s,dthe two doctrines placing the seatsd of objective reality at opposite poles, the one in individuals, the other in the highest generalities, accounts for the character assigned to Aristotleeof beinge the head and front of the à posteriori, as Plato isfheld to bef of the à priori metaphysics. But it isgnoticeableg thath in the hands of theischool that predominated in the Middle Agesi , who assuredly looked up to Aristotle with an almost servile deference,jhis philosophyj grew into a well-defined system of Realism, from which it was reserved tokthinkers of a much later date to emancipate thoughtk . Mr. Grote was of opinion that thislmisinterpretation, as he considered it,l was in a measure owing to the very imperfect possession of Aristotle’s writingsmbym the early Middle Ages. In anprivaten letter quoted by the editors in their preface,oMr. Groteo says that he should be able to show “how much the improved views of the question of Universals depended on the fact that more and more of the works of Aristotle, and better texts, became known to Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and their successors. During the centuries immediately succeeding Boethius, nothing of Aristotle, except the Categories and the treatise De Interpretatione,[*] was known, and these in a Latin translation. Most fortunately, the Categories was never put out of sight; and it is there that the doctrine of Substantia Prima stands clearly proclaimed.”* But though the doctrine of Substantia Prima, in the book on the Categories, thoroughly excludes Plato’s form of realism, that of Substantia Secunda, which is there combined with it, afforded a basis on which it was possible to erect anotherp realistic doctrine. Universals, as understood by Aristotle, were not indeed, like Plato’s, extra rem, but they were in re, and not solely in the cognising mind. The difference, no doubt,qwas great between the two doctrinesq . As conceived by Aristotle, universals would perish if there were no particulars to predicate them of: The subject, or First Substance, which can never become a predicate, is established as the indispensable ultimate subject for all predicates; if that disappears, all predicates disappear along with it. The particular thus becomes the keystone of the arch whereon all universals rest. Aristotle is indeed careful to point out a gradation in these predicates: some are essential to the subject, and thus approach so near to the First Substance that he calls them Second Substances; others, and the most in number, are not thusressential. Theser last are Concomitants or Accidents, and some of them fall so much short of complete Entity, that he describes them as near to Non-Entia. But all of them, essential or unessential, are alike constituents or appendages of the First Substance or Particular Subject, and have no reality in any other character.* This wassa greats advance on the doctrine, that the only reality, and the onlytpossible subject of science, existst in a sphere altogether apart from particularsu; and it did not, like that, cultivate a disdain of the physical details among which lies the only real road to the discovery of the laws of nature. Butu the admission of general substances, though only as embodied in individual substances, gavevav loop-holewthrough which, in another shape, the realism which is a natural outgrowth of the human mindw could creep in; and a world of argument and discussion was found necessary again to dislodge it. Thextendency to believe that a real thing is signified wherever there is a real word, was in this instancex favoured by some of the leading doctrines of Aristotle inymetaphysicy proper: especially byz two distinctions, which run throughaalla his “Philosophia Prima”—the analysis of every object of perception or thought into two ingredients, Matter and Form, and the cognate distinction between Potential and Actual being; the matter of a thing being only potentially the thing, until the superinduction of the form makes it actually so. These forms, which he does not call ἰδέαι, likebthose of Plato,b but εἴδη,candc which are in reality the attributes of objects, are thus the actual creators ofd objects as they exist in ἐντελεχεία or completedness; andethis attribution to formse of a kind of active power, made it difficult to avoidfregardingf them as substantive entities: whether existing outside the individual thing or only in it, seeming from that point of view to be of little consequence.gIndeed, Aristotlehactuallyh makes it one of his reproaches against Plato’s Ideas, that from their immobility in themselves, and complete severance from individual bodies, they could not haveiai moving force, whereby anything can be made to become; whereas his εἴδη were actual causes.g j The real expulsionkof the objective existence of universals from philosophy was leftk to be effected by the Nominalist schoolmen, towards the end of the Middle Ages: since which the only dispute remaining open is between the pure Nominalism of Hobbes, and the Conceptualism of Locke and Brown; the one seeing nothing in general names but a collection of resembling objects and a word; the other superadding a mental representation, calledl an abstract idea, a general notion, or a concept. Nevertheless, though Aristotle did not finally accomplish the work, he will always be honourably recognised as the thinker who began it;mthe first who saw that knowledge begins in particulars, and rises from them to the universal, and that our knowledge of universals is but the knowledge of something which exists in the particulars, some point which a number of particulars have in common; the first, therefore, who diverted intellectm from the path which could only lead,nand did for ages leadn , to making philosophy a jingle of mysticaloabstractions, and turned it into that better path which lands us at the goal of a truer philosophy, the most general and comprehensive expression of real facts.o In the remainingpbranchesp of logic, those which relate to propositions, and to theqmodesq of signification of terms, the services of Aristotlerwere less signal, but not less indispensabler . Before him, the expression of the operations of the mind in language had scarcely received the merest commencement ofslogicals analysis: we see by Plato that technical terms did not yet exist even for the subject and predicate of a proposition, still less for the differences of (so-called) quantity and quality in propositions, the equivalence or non-equivalence of different forms, and the modes of oppositiontamongt propositions—ausureu proof that these distinctions, elementary as theyvarev , had not yet excited sufficient attention towhave ledw to their being generalisedx. Even Plato, as Mr. Grote points out,*x shows a curious want of perception of some of them;yandy his predecessors and some of his cotemporaries werezentangledz in many puzzles,awhich would have been puzzles to no one to whom these distinctions were familiar, buta from which theybcould findb no means of extrication but through somecpalpablec absurdity.dIt is impossible, without some knowledge of the early speculations of mankind before theiresimpleste logical instruments were duly fashioned,d to appreciate the debt due to those who first gave to such of those instruments as are now the most familiar, the precisionfwhich fits themf for their work. This merit may justly be claimed for Aristotle, ingrespectg to almost all the terminology and distinctions of formal logic. Of the “positive theory of propositions which we read in his treatise De Interpretatione,” Mr. Grote remarks: It is, so far as we know, the first positive theory thereof that was ever set out—the first attempt to classify propositions in such a manner that a legitimate Antiphasis could be assigned to each; the first declaration that to each affirmative proposition there belonged one appropriate negative, and to each negative proposition one appropriate counter-affirmative, and one only—the earliest effort to construct a theory for this purpose, such as to hold ground against all the puzzling questions of acute disputants. The clear determination of the Antiphasis in each case—the distinction of Contradictory antithesis from Contrary antithesis between propositions—this was an important logical doctrine never advanced before Aristotle; and the importance of it becomes manifest when we read the arguments of Plato and Antisthenes, the former overleaping and ignoring the contradictory opposition, the latter maintaining that it was a process theoretically indefensible. But in order that these two modes of antithesis should be clearly contrasted, each with its proper characteristic, it was requisite that the distinction of quantity between different propositions should also be brought to view, and considered in conjunction with the distinction of quality. Until this was done, the Maxim of Contradiction, denied by some, could not be shown in its true force or with its proper limits. Now we find it done, for the first time, in the treatise before us. Here the Contradictory antithesis (opposition both in quantity and quality) in which one proposition must be true and the other false, is contrasted with the Contrary (propositions opposite in quality, but both of them universal). Aristotle’s terminology is not in all respects fully developed; in regard, especially, to the quantity of propositions it is less advanced than in his own later treatises; but from the theory of the De Interpretatione* all the distinctions current among later logicians take their rise.* It is anotherrservice of Aristotle to logicr , that he was the firststo treats largely and systematically of the ambiguities of terms; and (though not unfrequently misled by them himself) made a practice, through all his writings, of distinguishing the various senses in which the principal terms of philosophy were used, and even discriminating between meaningstthatt are wholly different and those which are connected by some tie of analogy with one another. Of this last distinction he makes frequent use in the generalities of hisuphilosophy. Foru example, he says that Ensv, or Being,v though predicable of all the categories (substance, quantity, quality, &c.) is not predicated of them as awgenus is predicated of its variousw species, in one and the same sense;xbut yet, not in senses wholly unconnected with one another. Ax quality, for instance, is not a Being inyexactlyy the same sense as a Substance is; it is called a Being by a kind of analogy: and some Beings, therefore, may bez, and are,z more or less Beings than others;a less fully Beings, Beings in a less complete degree. In connection with this, let us mention that, as Mr. Grote points out, Aristotlebin some degreeb anticipated the acute remark of Hobbes, first brought into its due position of importance by James Mill,[*] respecting the double meaning ofcto bec ; “first, per se, as meaning existence; next, relatively, as performing the function of copula in predication. . . . We may truly say Homer is a poet” (copula), “but we cannot truly say Homer is” (existence). “He tells us, in reply either to Plato or to some other contemporaries, that though we may truly say Non-Ens est opinabile, we cannot truly say Non-Ens est, because the real meaning of the first of these propositions is Non-Ens est opinabile non esse.”* We see in some of Plato’s dialogues what an amount of verbal fallacy, and even of genuine perplexity, arose fromdinattention tod this double meaning. In the book on the Categories, Entia or Beings, in theelargee extension which Aristotlefallowsf to the term (angextensiong including whatever can be thought or spoken abouthaffirmatively, and excluding, if anything, only negativesh ), are distinguished, and arranged under heads; but only in respect of their capacity of entering into a proposition.iOnei kind of Ens, the individual object, or Substantia Prima, is unfit to be predicated of anything except itself, and can enter into a proposition only as a subject. Genera and Species, or Second Substances, may be predicates as well as subjects; and they, as well as all the other Categories, communicate some special kind of information respecting the subject of which they are predicated. Substance is the answer to the question, Whatjis it. Quantity to How great is it. Quality to Of what sort is itj . Ad aliquid, or Relation, to What character has it in reference to something else. And so with the other Categories—Where, When, Posture, Dress or Equipment, Action, andk Being acted upon. There has been an endless amount of writing for, against, and in explanation of, the validity of this classification. Mr. Grote, while himself criticizing it from the point of view of the Relativity oflalll human knowledge, defends it, not without success, against some of the minor criticisms which have been mademby (among others)m the present writer.[†] The best which can be said in favour of it will be found in the acute work of Dr. Franz Brentano, on the different meanings of ens according to Aristotle;* aobook often citedo and highly appreciated by Mr. Grote. Dr. Brentano attempts topdetectp the logical processq, never stated by Aristotle himself, whereby heq was led to constitute precisely those ten Categories; and though (as Mr. Grote thinks) he may not haverprovedr that Aristotlesreally dids reach them by that path, he has undoubtedly shown that they might have been so reached, and that the classificationtadmits of a valid defencet from the Aristotelian point of view. Dr. Brentano has also, we think, completely proved (what has sometimes been denied) that although, in the scheme of the Categories, the idea of predication was predominant, Aristotle did also regard them as the Summa Genera in a classification of Things. To have made the first attempt at a classification of Things in general in their logical aspect, external realities and mental abstractionsutakenu together, was sovconsiderablev a step, that one may more justly wonder that its defects are not greater, than at their being so great as they are. The detailedwdiscussion of the severalw Categories brings out various properties and distinctions which are permanentlyxvalidx , and have passed into modern thought. Thus far of Aristotle as a logician: in which characteryhis performances, considered under the double aspect of originality and substantial value, have justly earned for himy the highest honour which it has been in the power of any one to deserve in that science. As a psychologist and metaphysician he stands on a much lower levelz, and his labours in those fields have seldom more than an historical interestz . Except an incidental remark here and there,ahis claims to have madea any real contribution to positive knowledge on those subjectsbrest onb the share he had in laying the foundation of the doctrine of Association. The amount of that share is much disputed. Sir William Hamilton, in one of the elaborate dissertations appended to his edition of Reid, claims for Aristotle to have been “at once the founder and finisher of the theory of association:”[*] meaning, of course, the laws of association itself,c not the modern applications of it to the explanation of the moredcomplexd mental phenomenae, most of which applications Hamilton did not admite . Hefacknowledgesf that in order to establishgthis high claim on behalf of Aristotle, itg is necessary to correcthmisconceptions “whichh , bequeathed by the first, have been inherited by the last of Aristotle’s interpreters.”*iIf, therefore, the philosopher knew all that Hamilton believed him to have known, he did not succeed in transmitting the knowledge to his most distinguished pupils. But this, which to most people would seem a defect, enhances, in Hamilton’s eyes, the glory of the master.i “Aristotle,” he says, “has been here so long misapprehended only because he was so far ahead of his expositors. Nor is there a higher testimony to his genius than that it required a progress in philosophy of two thousand years before philosophers were prepared to apprehend his meaning, when the discovery of that meaning was abandoned to their own intelligence.”†jLooking solely at his own pages, Hamilton seems to makej out a strong case.kUnfortunately for him,k Mr. Grote has shown, in a paperlnow first published (in the appendix), that Hamilton’s capacityl of putting a meaning into passages of Aristotlemwhich Aristotle never thought of, exceeded anything for which our previous knowledge of Hamilton had prepared us. Mr. Grote himself, however,m says, in more measured language, thatnAristotle, in his account of Memory and Reminiscence,n “displays an acute and penetrating intelligence of the great principles of the Association of Ideas,”omore, however, ino reference to reminiscencepthan to memory; “and the exaggerated prominence that he has given to the distinction between the two (determined apparently by a wish to keep the procedure of man apart from that of animals) tends to perplex his description of the associative process.”p‡ Had we possessed from Mr. Grote that qminuteq examination of the treatise on Memory and Reminiscence which would doubtless have formed part of his work on Aristotle, instead of the brief notice of it in the essay contributed torMr.r Bain, we should have been better able to judge how far, if at all, in this case (as, according to Mr. Lewes, in many branches of physics) modern knowledge has been read into Aristotle’s words. Thesparts of Aristotle’s writings known as the Metaphysica did not receive that name from the philosopher himself; it was invented by his Greek editors, and signified merely the position which they assigned to those writings in their arrangement of his works. Aristotle’s own name for the subject matter of them was ἡ πρώτη ϕιλοσοϕία,[*]t a phrase adopted from him by Bacon and Hobbes as a name for the highest generalities of philosophy. It was in this sense that Aristotle used it, and what he includeduunderu it consisted of all thatvbelongedv to Being as such—w Ens quatenus Ens; together with— the axioms and highest generalities of syllogistic proof or demonstration. He announces, [says Mr. Grote,] as the first principle of these axioms—as the highest and foremost of all principles—the Maxim of Contradiction: The same predicate cannot both belong and not belong to the same subject, at the same time, and in the same sense; or, You cannot both truly affirm and truly deny the same predicate respecting the same subject; or, The same proposition cannot be at once true and false. This Axiom is by nature the beginning or source of all the other Axioms. It stands first in the order of knowledge, and it neither rests upon nor involves any hypothesis.* x This principium contradictionis,yory Law of Contradiction, has ever since been recognised as the ultimate principle ofzall syllogistic, which is as much as to say of all general,z reasoning; the validity of whichaconsists ina the fact that to deny the conclusion,bacceptingb the premises, involves a contradiction; andcits real, and only real, functionc is to keep our particular judgments consistent, anddthe reverse of those judgmentsd inconsistent, with the general propositions to which we have previously given our assent. The distinct laying down of this axiome(“and its supplement or correlative, the maxim of the Excluded Middle”)e[*] was the necessary completion of the theory of the syllogism.fObvious as these maxims appear, the clear perception that the evidence of general reasoning depends on them was a capital step in philosophy, and shows the determination of Aristotle to follow subjects up to their first principles.f The question arises, what is the ground ofgtheseg axioms themselves; and Aristotle does not blink this question. There were thinkers in and before his time,hparticularlyh Herakleitus and his followers, who denied the axiom of contradiction. Aristotle goes at length into the case against them, as well as against others, who agreed with him in affirming the maxim, but who undertook also to demonstrate it. Any such demonstration Aristotle declares to be impossible. The maxim is assumed in all demonstrations; unless you grant it, no demonstration is valid; but it cannot be itself demonstrated. He had already laid down in the Analytica that the premises for demonstration could not be carried back indefinitely, and that the attempt so to carry them back was unphilosophical. There must be some primary undemonstrable truths; and the Maxim of Contradiction he ranks among the first. . . .In attempting any formal demonstration of the maxim, you cannot avoid assuming the maxim itself, and thus falling into Petitio Principii. [Nevertheless,] Aristotle contends that you can demonstrate it in the way of refutation, relatively to a given opponent, provided such opponent will not content himself with simply denying it, but will, besides, advance some affirmative thesis of his own as a truth in which he believes; or, provided he will even grant the fixed meaning of words.* i Mr. Grote gives a fulljexposition of this opinionj of Aristotle, but himself dissents from it, observing that thekworst dilemma to which the supposed opponent could be reduced is thatk of falling into another contradictionl—a difficultyl which, by maintaining that a self-contradictionmis not necessarilym false, henhasn declared himself willing to face. In Mr. Grote’s opinion, the proof of the Axiom of Contradiction, like that of all other axioms,oiso inductive. “All that can really be done in the way of defence is, to prove the Maxim in its general enunciation by an appeal to particular cases. If your opponent is willing to grant these particular cases, you establish the general Maxim against him by way of induction; if he will not grant them, you cannot prove the general Maxim at all.”* This is indeed hunting the doctrine of à priori knowledge from its last refuge: and we should be heartily glad if we were able to agree with Mr. Grotep: so important do we deem it both to philosophy and to practice to leave nothing standing which countenances the notion that there is a kind of knowledge independent of experiencep . But it seems to us that though the meaning ofqthe two maxims,q of Contradiction and Excluded Middle, like that of all other propositions expressed in general terms, is only understood by means of particular cases,rthose axiomsr stand, in one respect, on a different ground from axioms in general.sThe proposition that the affirmation and denial of the same fact cannot both be true, is at once assented to for this reason, thats the judging onetof them to be true and judgingt the other to be false are not two different actsuof the mind, but the same actu . We assent with like readiness to the statement that they cannot both be false, because the judging eitherv to be false is the very same mental act with judging the other to be true. This identity of the mental operation constitutes thewvery meaning of thew words in which the axioms arexexpressed;x it is impossible to understand the words “true” and “false,”y the words “is” and “is not,”zin any other sensez . For this reason it seems to us that the axioms in question do not need the support of aagathered experience;a they have their root in a mental fact which makes it impossible to contravene them* —a fact implied inkevery form of words which can be used to express them.klUndoubtedly, however, the impossibility must be felt in particular instances before it can be assented to in general terms; and in this sense it must be granted to Mr. Grote that the proof of the generalisation lies in the particular instances.l† We have now reached the limits of the portion of Aristotle’s ontology and psychology which is fully explained andadiscusseda by Mr. Grote. To go on to the remainder with no more of that invaluable assistance thanb the abstract of the Metaphysicac in the appendix, and the analysis of the DeAnimâ[*] written for Professor Bain’s treatise,[†] would be an undertakingdwhich could only be practicabled after a study of the originalelittle short of that which had been given by Mr. Grotee . The difficulty of finding a meaning, intelligible to modern habits of thought, in trains of speculation sofalien tof our methods, expressed in phraseologygfor which we have no equivalents, and which seems to us hopelessly entangled andg irremediably confusing, is extreme; and the result is seldom, unless in an historical point of view (nor always even in that), of a value commensurate with the difficulty. The Metaphysica, orh such part of it as has come down to us (for its fragmentary appearance has struck the commentators, andiit has been conjectured to have neveri been completed), turnsjprincipallyj upon the two antitheseskwe have already referred tok , that of Matter and Form, and that of Potential and Actual. Everything is composed of Matter and Form, exceptlan hypotheticall First Matter which has no Form, and a Form which has no Matter, and is the Divine Intelligence. But those composite objectsmwhich have both Matter and Form,m are all of them Matter in relation to any different or additionalnFormsn which they are capable of taking on. Everythingoiso potentially whatever it is capable of becoming, andpby virtue of the appropriate Formp it becomes what it does become.qrBesides Matter and Form, Aristotle recognises another element, Privation.rsSome changest are produced, not by a Form, but by the Privation of a Form; thus, heudoes not recognise a Form of Health and a Form of Sickness, but regardsu sickness as the privation of health;v a sick man, from being potentially well, becomes actually so bywreceivingw the Form of Health; but a healthy man becomes sick, notxthroughx a Form of Sickness, but throughythey Privation of the Form of Health.s These notions, and theznumerousz minutiæ and subtleties into which they are followed out, even were they liable to no other objection, would tell us nothing of the laws of phenomena; theyagive no power of prediction, and explain nothing; they are buta a particular mode of restating thebfactsb to be explained. To say that it is the union of the form of health withcthe matter of the bodyc which makes the man healthy, isdbutd to say, in technical language, that he is made healthy by health. Ifethe Form of Health is anything different from the fact of health, it ise an imaginary entity conjured up out of an abstraction, and supposed to be immanent in all thingsfthat possessf the property it is the form of; as, in a still earlier stage of speculation, gods were thought to be immanent in rivers, and nymphs in trees.gThere is a state of the human mind in which these metaphysical fictions seem to convey explanation; and Aristotle, with all his far-sighted perception that the source of knowledge is observation of particulars, had not got beyond that state.g hWhat is commonly called the Psychologyh of Aristotle is a theory of the various souls, or living principles, which he recognises as existing in nature, and regards as the Forms or Active Principles of life in its different degrees; though he hardly regards them as objectively distinct from one another, but rather as modifications ofia singlei Principle, successively superinduced by the addition ofjmorej attributes.kHis classification of the supposed agents fairly coincides with the modern classification of the phenomena.k The first is the Nutritive Soul, common to animal and vegetable life. The second is the Sensitivel, which is also the Locomotivel Soul, common to all animals. The third and highest is the Noëtic, or Intellectual Soul, belonging to man alone. This last, again, he finds it necessary to subdivide into the passive, or merely receptive intelligence, and the active intelligence, or νου̑ς ποιητικός; the latter of which is the moving force, mthroughm which what is merely potential in the passive intelligence becomes actual.[*] No part of the speculations of Aristotle is more obscure than the theory ofnthen νου̑ς ποιητικός, which he regarded as a part of the universal νου̑ς of the universe, independent of the bodily frame, andotherefore capableo of surviving it, though whether or not with a personal immortalitypremainsp matter of dispute. The subject isqbutq slightly touched on in the essay by Mr. Grote whichris printed asr the last chapter of his treatise. As full and elaborate treatment of it, grounded on a comprehensive view of Aristotle’s metaphysical doctrines,thas been givent by a writer already mentioned, Dr. Franz Brentano,uin a workuOn the Psychology of Aristotle, especially with reference to the νου̑ς ποιητικός,* which,whaving been published as lately as 1867w , does not seem to have been known to Mr. Grote when he wrote his essayx; and which, without venturing to decide whether the author has established all his points, the present writer cannot help noting as one of the most thoroughly executed pieces of philosophical research and exegesisx which it has been his fortune to meet with. The Ethics, Politics,[†] and Rhetoric of Aristotle are notytouched upony by Mr. Grote, and the presentzis not a convenientz occasion forasaying much about them; still less about the Poetics.a[‡] We maybsay, however, of the Rhetoric, thatb besides its special worth incregardc to its particular subject, which is even now considerable,ditd is one of theericheste repositories of incidental remarks on human nature andfhuman affairs thatf the ancients have bequeathed togus. Ing this consists also, in our judgment, the principal value of the Ethics and Politics, which, as treatises onhthose specialh subjects, have for their most markedicharacteristics thati dread of extremes andjlove of the via media which were deeply rooted in Aristotle’s mind. The Politics, in lieuj of the adventurous anticipations of geniuskwhich we find in the Republic of Plato, presents us withk the mode of thinking of a Liberal Conservative, or rather, of a moderate aristocratical politician, at Athens. In the main,litl is a philosophic consecration of existing facts (witness its strange defence of slavery),[*] choosing by preference among those factsmsuch asm tend towards stability, rather than towards improvement.nIt should be remembered that, unless so far as Plato may be considered an exception, none of the ancient politicians or philosophers believed in progress; their highest hopes were limited to guarding society against its natural tendency to degeneration.n There remainsoto be noticedo one work of Aristotle, which is copiously analyzed andpcommented onp by Mr. Grote, and which is of great importance toqaq correct understanding of the Greek mind: the treatise whichr, under the name of Topica, is included in the Organon, and of which the Sophistici Elenchi is properly the concluding bookr . Bothsthe conception ands the detail of this worktare of a nature tot puzzle, and, when not properly understood,utou scandalize, the modern mind. It is a treatise on Dialectic Reasoning, as distinguished from Demonstrative, which last had been elaborately treated in thevAnalytics. Dialecticv , as there understood, isw the art of arguing for victory, not for truth,xand instruction in that art is the declaredx object of the treatise. In order justly to appreciate suchya designy , and to perceive how it could coexist, as in Aristotle’s case the whole collection of his writings witnesses that it did, with an indefatigable ardour in the pursuit of truth, it is necessary to remember how large a place in Grecian life was occupied by contests of skill between individuals, in matters both physical and intellectual. When wezthink ofz the vast honour understood toaaccruea , not onlybto the actual victor but to the city he belonged tob , by his gaining a prize in the Olympic festivalcamong which prizes one for poetry was included)c , and thednumerousd minorecompetitionse of a similar kind in the various Greek states,fby which the minds of aspiring persons were kept perpetually on the stretch to acquire celebrity by successes of this nature; it cannot be wondered atf that after Dialectics, or regulated discussion by question and answer, had been introduced by Zeno of Elea, and brought to perfection by Socrates and Plato, this also should have become extensively popular as a game of skill. In this game, a thesis, usually on somegimportant and highly interesting subjectg , was propounded for discussion,hthe propounder undertakingh to defend it against alliobjections. The assailants were required to proceed by puttingi questions to him, which must be such as admitted ofjan explicitj answer by yes or no, nor was any other kind of answer permissible.kIf the assailants were able to reduce the respondent to admissions inconsistent with each other or with the thesis, they were victorious; if they failed to do this, the victory was with the respondent.k In this intellectual exercise no wrong was done to truth,lthe known object being,l not to disprove the thesis, but to test the disputant’s ability to defend it against objections. How completely msuchm was the sole object is shown in this, that the assailant of the thesis was not allowed to propound positive arguments against it; he could only put questions to the respondent, and must derive his refutation from the respondent’s own answers. There is nothing immoral in arguing for victory when that is thenobject professedn , and the only wrongothat couldo be committed in the casepwasp a violation of the rules of the game. These rules were of course framed with a view to render such contests possible, to make them intelligible and interesting to an audience, and to secure a fair field and fair play to bothqsides. This explainsq why the premises introduced by the arguers were required to be ἔνδοξα, (in the language of the casuists, borrowed no doubt from Aristotle, probable opinions), that is, they must be opinions eitherrheld generallyr by mankind, or maintained by some respected authority. However true they might be, if they were recondite, and remote from common apprehension, the respondent could not reasonably be expected to be prepared for them; while, if they had good authority on their side, it was not even necessary that the person using them should believe them to be true, truth not being the object, but to reduce the respondent to an inconsistency, and itsbeings always open to himtto admit them or nott . The same thing explains why it wasu lawful, even in the opinion of Aristotle, to entrap the respondent into an admission, which on calm reflection he would not have made; for this equally answered the purpose of testing his skill and knowledge. On the other hand, the licenses allowed by the game might be pushed too far, and the allowable kinds and degrees of artifice might be exceeded in such a manner as to defeat the legitimatevpurpose of the trial of skill. Thisv , Aristotle says, waswoften done by dishonest persons, or personsw of a litigious disposition; and the concluding book,xDe Sophisticis Elenchisx , is composed of warnings againstytheiry malpractices. zThe purpose of Aristotle, in giving instructions for success in these contests, went much farther than merely to qualify people for being victorious over an adversary. The study and practice werez , he said, of great utility in reference to the pursuit of truth. “First” (awe nowa quote from Mr. Grote) “the debate is a valuable and stimulating mental exercise.”bThis was the simplest and most obvious of its recommendations.b “Secondly, it is useful for our intercourse with the multitude: for the procedure directs us to note and remember the opinions of the multitude, and such knowledge will facilitate our intercourse with them; we shall converse with them out of their own opinions, which we may thus be able beneficially to modify.” This iscinteresting,c as indicating Aristotle’s opiniond(differing from that of many of the ancient philosophers)d that the philosopher ought not to keepealoofe from the multitude, andfwithdraw himself fromf the duty of advising them for their good by arguments drawngfromg their own opinions. “Thirdly, dialectic debate has an useful though indirect bearing even upon the processes of science and philosophy, and upon the truths thereby acquired. For it accustoms us to study the difficulties on both sides of every question, and thus assists us in detecting and discriminating truth and falsehood.”* Of this benefithfromh dialectic exercise, Aristotle’s own practice affords airemarkable verificationi : for he veryjfrequentlyj commences his investigation of a difficult question byka detailedk enumeration and statement of the ἀπορίαι, the difficulties or puzzles, which affect it; and there is no way in which his method of studying a subject sets a more beneficial example. In this respectlhe was greatlyl in advance not only of his own time, butm of ours. His general advice for exercise and practice in Dialecticnis admirably adapted ton the training of one’s own mindoforo the pursuit of truth. “You ought to test every thesis by first assuming it to be true, then assuming it to be false, and following out the consequences on both sides.”pThis was already the practice of the Eleatic dialecticians, as we see in the Parmenidesq .p When you have hunted out each train of arguments, look out at once for the counter-arguments available against it. This will strengthen your power both as questioner and respondent. It is, indeed, an exercise so valuable, that you will do well to go through it by yourself, if you have no companion. Put the different trains of argument bearing on the same thesis into comparison with one another. A wide command of arguments, affirmative as well as negative, will serve you well both for attack andr defence. The same accomplishment will be of use, moreover, for acquisitions even in science and philosophy. It is a great step to see and grasp in conjunction the trains of reasoning on both sides of the question; the task that remains—right determination which of the two is the better—becomes much easier.* We are far from asserting that the dialectic contests of the Greeks, or the public disputations of the Middle Ages whichssucceeded tos them, had never any but a beneficialteffectt ; that they had not their snares and their temptations, and that the good they effected might not be still better attained by other means. But the fact remains that no such means have been provided, and that the oldutraining hasu disappeared, even from the Universities, without having beenvreplacedv by any other. There is no reason why a practice so useful for the pursuit of truth should not be employed when thewattainmentw of truth is thexsolex object. We have known this most effectually done by a set of young students of philosophy, assembling on certain days to read regularly through some standard book on psychology,y logic, or political economy; suspending the reading whenever any one had a difficulty to propound or an idea to start, and carrying on the discussion from day to day, if necessary for weeks, until the point raised had been searched to its inmost depths, and no difficulty or obscurity capable of removal by discussion remained. The intellectual training given by these debates, and especially the habit they gave of leaving no dark corners unexplored—of searching out all the ἀπορίαι, and never passing overzanyz unsolved difficulty—has been felt, by those who took part, to have been invaluable to them as a mental discipline. There would be nothing impracticable in making exercises of this kind a standing element of the course of instruction in the higher branches of knowledge; if the teachers had anyaperceptiona of the want which such discussions would supply, or thought it any part of their business to form thinkers, instead of “principling” their pupils (as Locke expresses it) with ready-made knowledge.[*] But the saying of James Mill, in his essay on Education, is as true now as when it was written—that even the theory of education is far behind the progress of knowledge, and the practice lamentably behind even the theory.[†] b We now take our leave of Aristotle, referring the reader for fuller knowledge to Mr. Grote’s book; which, as a guide to all the parts of Aristotle’s speculations that are included in it, fulfils the expectations excited by his work on Plato, and leaves nothing to regret but that the remainder of the Aristotelian writings have not had the benefit of the same clear exposition and philosophical criticism, and that a general estimate of Aristotle and of what he did, by so competent a judge, has not been bestowed on us. Besides the matter already spoken of, the work contains a life of Aristotle, and a discussion of the canon of his writings; in both of which, the use made of scanty materials is worthy the author of the History of Greece. It is a curious and almost unique accident, that although many of the writings of Aristotle have been lost, we are actually in possession of some, and those among the most important, which were not accessible to his followers for many generations after the death of his immediate successor, Theophrastus. The collection of manuscripts made by Aristotle and enlarged by Theophrastus, which contained the most precious of the Aristotelian treatises, remained near a century and a half in a hiding place under ground, at Skepsis in Asia Minor, to prevent their being seized by the kings of Pergamus to enrich the royal library; and they emerged from thence after the extinction of the Attalid dynasty, so injured by damp and worms that many passages had to be restored conjecturally: first by anincompetent editor, Apellikon; afterwards more intelligently, but necessarily with increase of difficulty, by Andronicus of Rhodes, somewhat later than the time of Cicero, in whose early youth the books were brought to Rome from Athens by Sylla. So narrowly did posterity escape the loss of one of the chief treasures of Grecian antiquity; many of the treatises having only come down to us through these damaged manuscripts: the condition of which is probably responsible for much of the obscurity which has given so much trouble to commentators and to students: for Aristotle’s literary style, though often awkward (being both prolix and elliptical) is by no means, in his best preserved works, deficient in clearness. AppendixBibliographic Index of Persons and Works Cited in the Essays, with Variants and Notesmill, like most nineteenth-century authors, is somewhat cavalier in his approach to sources, his identifications being often vague and his quotations not exact. This Appendix is intended to help correct these deficiencies, and to serve as an index of names and titles (which are consequently omitted in the analytic Index). Included also, at the end of the Appendix, is the one reference to British statute law, under the heading “Statutes.” The material otherwise is arranged in alphabetical order, with an entry for each author and work quoted or referred to in the text. Both the speakers and those persons referred to in JSM’s translations of Plato’s dialogues are included in this Appendix, with an indication in the notes of the instances when the references and quotations occur in the translation and summary—i.e., when they are Plato’s—but not when they appear in JSM’s comments on the dialogues. (Legendary figures do not appear in this Index.) Similarly, the notes indicate which references and quotations are taken by JSM from other sources. The entries take the following form: 1. Identification: author, title, etc., in the usual bibliographic form. 2. Notes (if required) giving information about JSM’s use of the source, indication if the work is in his library, and any other relevant information. 3. Lists of the pages where works are reviewed, quoted, and referred to. 4. A list of substantive variants between JSM’s text and his source, in this form: page and line reference to the present text. Reading in the present text] Reading in the source (page reference in the source). The list of substantive variants also attempts to place quoted passages in their contexts by giving the beginnings and endings of sentences. Omissions of two sentences or less are given in full; only the length of other omissions is given. In a few cases, following the page reference to the source, cross-references are given to footnoted variants in the present text. When the style has been altered by setting down quotations, the original form is retained in the entries. There being uncertainty about the actual Greek texts used by JSM, the Loeb editions of the Classics are used when possible, and the quotations are not collated. Acumenus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 86 Adeimantus. note: the reference at 167 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167, 396 Adrastus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 86 Æantodorus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Ælian, Claudius.Varia Historia Epistolae Fragmenta. Ed. Rudolph Hercher. Leipzig: Teubneri, 1866. referred to: 327n. Æschines. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 — Against Timarchus, in The Speeches of Æschines (Greek and English). Trans. Charles Darwin Adams. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1919, 4-155. quoted: 398 referred to: 389 — On the Embassy, in ibid., 162-301. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 284 Æschylus. referred to: 317 — Prometheus Bound, in Æschylus (Greek and English). Trans. Herbert Weir Smyth. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963, I, 214-315. note: the quotation is in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 280 Agis III (of Sparta). note: the reference at 300 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 300, 337n Albertus Magnus. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 489 Alcæus. Referred to: 315n Alcibiades. note: the reference at 143 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 143, 166n, 316, 331, 395 Aldrich, Henry.Artis logicæ compendium. Oxford: Sheldonian Theatre, 1691. note: a copy of the 2nd ed. (ed. H. L. Mansel [Oxford: Graham, 1852]), which the reference antedates, in JSM’s library, Somerville College; in that ed. the quotation is on 91; the reference at 23 is on 24 ff. The quotation (a translation) is in a quotation from Whately. The work, frequently reprinted and translated, is also known as Artis logicæ rudimenta and (as JSM indicates at 20) “the Oxford Logic.” quoted: 32 referred to: 20, 23, 29 32n.2-3 “This . . . all.”] [translated from:] 2. Inductio; in qua ponitur quantum opus est de singulis, & deinde assumitur de universis; ut Hic, & illa & iste magnes trahit ferrum; Ergo omnis. [The passage continues:] Est igitur Enthymema quoddam; nempe Syllogismus in Barbara, cujus minor reticetur. (23) Alexander (the Great). note: the reference at 243 is in a quotation from Niebuhr. referred to: 243, 312, 323, 336n Anacharsis. Referred to: 397n Anacreon. note: the reference at 67 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 67, 315n Anaxagoras. note: the reference at 87 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus, that at 160 in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 87, 160, 286, 397n Anaximander. Referred to: 381 Anaximenes. Referred to: 380 Andron. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 124 Andronicus (of Rhodes). Referred to: 510 Anon. “Bailey’s Review of Berkeley’s Theory of Vision,” Spectator, XV (8 Jan., 1842), 41-2. referred to: 262 Antalcidas. Referred to: 323 Antiphon. note: the reference at 167 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology, that at 222 is to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Parmenides. referred to: 167, 222, 327 Antisthenes (the Cynic). note: the reference at 492 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 378, 492 Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius. Referred to: 397 Anytus. note: the references at 153-71 passim are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 153, 158-9, 162-4, 167, 169, 171, 393, 398 Apellicon (Apellikon). Referred to: 510 Apollodorus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167, 171 Aratus. Referred to: 337n Archelaus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 113, 118, 147 Ariosto, Ludovico.Orlando Furioso. 3 vols. Orleans: Couret de Villeneuve, 1785. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 284 Aristeides (Aristides) (the Just). note: the reference at 147 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 147, 322, 327, 333, 416, 417n Aristippus (the Cyrenaic). Referred to: 378, 392 Aristocrates. note: the reference at 114 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 114, 395 Aristodemus. Referred to: 323 Ariston. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Aristophanes. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 326 — Acharnians, in Aristophanes (Greek and English). Trans. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960, I, 2-117. quoted: 333 — The Clouds, in ibid., I, 262-401. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 153, 153n, 154 — The Knights, in ibid., I, 120-259. quoted: 317 Aristophon. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 98 Aristotle. note: the references at 298, 300, 302, 320, 334, 415 are in quotations from Grote. The Loeb eds. of Aristotle are used throughout for ease of reference. Various Greek eds. of different works are in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 12, 23, 26, 84n, 95, 274, 298, 300, 302, 310n, 313, 320, 334, 336n, 377-8, 382, 386, 410, 415, 419, 421, 475-510 passim — Analytica Priora, in The Categories, On Interpretation, Prior Analytics (Greek and English). Trans. Harold P. Cooke and Hugh Tredennick. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938, 198-530. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 12 referred to: 498 — Analytica Posteriora, in Posterior Analytics, Topica (Greek and English). Trans. Hugh Tredennick and E. S. Forster. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960, 24-260. referred to: 12, 505 — The “Art” of Rhetoric (Greek and English). Trans. J. H. Freese. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1926. referred to: 486, 504-5 — Categories, in The Categories, On Interpretation, Prior Analytics (Greek and English). Trans. Harold P. Cooke and Hugh Tredennick. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938, 12-108. referred to: 489, 494 — De Anima, in On the Soul, Parva Naturalia, On Breath (Greek and English). Trans. W. S. Hett. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1935, 8-202. referred to: 501-2, 504 — De Cœlo. See On the Heavens. — De Interpretatione, in The Categories, On Interpretation, Prior Analytics (Greek and English). Trans. Harold P. Cooke and Hugh Tredennick. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938, 114-78. referred to: 489, 492-3, 492n-493n — Historia Animalium (Greek and English). Trans. A. L. Peck. 3 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965-70. referred to: 486 — The Metaphysics (Metaphysica) (Greek and English). Trans. Hugh Tredennick. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1933. note: the quotations all derive from Grote; those at 489-90 and 498 are indirect. quoted: 380n, 489-90, 497-8 referred to: 476, 488, 497-502 — The Nicomachean Ethics (Greek and English). Trans. H. Rackham. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1926. referred to: 486, 504-5 — On the Heavens (Greek and English). Trans. W. K. C. Guthrie. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1939. referred to: 476 — On Sophistical Refutations, in On Sophistical Refutations, On Coming-to-be and Passing-away, On the Cosmos (Greek and English). Trans. E. S. Forster and D. J. Furley. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955, 10-154. note: the quotation at 478 is a translation from Grote. quoted: 400, 478 referred to: 505, 507 — Organon. note: the Organon consists of The Categories, On Interpretation, Prior Analytics, Posterior Analytics, Topica and On Sophistical Refutations. referred to: 477, 486, 505 — The Physics (Greek and English). Trans. Philip H. Wickstead and Francis M. Cornford. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963. referred to: 483 — The Poetics, in Aristotle, The Poetics, “Longinus,” On the Sublime, Demetrius, On Style (Greek and English). Trans. W. Hamilton Fyfe and W. Rhys Roberts. London: Heinemann: New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1927, 4-116. referred to: 504 — Politics (Greek and English). Trans. H. Rackham. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1932. referred to: 504-5 — Sophistici Elenchi. See On Sophistical Refutations. — Topica, in Posterior Analytics, Topica (Greek and English). Trans. Hugh Tredennick and E. S. Forster. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960, 272-738. referred to: 482, 505 Aristoxenus.Elements of Harmony. note: as the references derive from Grote (Plato, I, 217n), no ed. is cited. referred to: 386n, 421n Artaxerxes II (Mnemon). Referred to: 323 Aspasia. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 335 Bacchylides. Referred to: 315n Bacon, Francis. Referred to: 12, 93, 310n, 341, 483, 497 — De Augmentis Scientiarum, in The Works of Francis Bacon. Ed. James Spedding, Robert Leslie Ellis, and Douglas Denon Heath. 14 vols. London: Longman, et al., 1857-74, I, 415-840. note: for ease of reference this ed., which is in JSM’s library, Somerville College, is used, though JSM’s references antedate it. Most of JSM’s phrasal quotations are paraphrases, and that at 482 is undoubtedly summary, so no collation is given (cf. Novum Organum, same reference). The quotations at 12-13 and 93 are indirect. quoted: 12-13, 12n-13n, 93, 482 referred to: 33 12n.7-13n.3 Siquidem . . . delitescere aliquid] Qui enim modum acute introspexerit quo ros iste æthereus scientiarum, similis illi de quo loquitur poëta, —aërei mellis cœlestia dona, colligatur, (cum et scientiæ ipsæ ex exemplis singulis, partim naturalibus partim artificialibus, tanquam prati floribus et horti, extrahantur,) reperiet profecto animum suapte sponte et nativa indole Inductionem solertius conficere, quam quæ describitur a dialecticis; siquidem . . . delitescere aliquod (620) — Novum Organum, in ibid., I, 119-365. note: for ease of reference this ed., which is in JSM’s library, Somerville College, is used, though JSM’s references antedate it. No collation is given for 482 which is undoubtedly summary (cf. De Augmentis, same reference). The quotation at 93 is indirect, as is that at 370, which is in a quotation from Bain. quoted: 93, 310n, 370, 379, 380, 480, 482, 485 referred to: 411 310n.11-12 “Opinio copiæ” . . . “maxima causa inopiæ est.”] Atque cum opinio copiæ inter maximas causas inopiæ sit; quumque ex fiducia præsentium vera auxilia negligantur in posterum; ex usa est, et plane ex necessitate, ut ab illis quæ adhuc inventa sunt in ipso operis nostri limine (idque relictis ambagibus et non dissimulanter) honoris et admirationis excessus tollatur; utili monito, ne homines eorum aut copiam aut utilitatem in majus accipiant aut celebrent. (125) 310n.13-14 notiones temere a rebus abstractas.] Itaque si notiones ipsæ (id quod basis rei est) confusæ sint et temere a rebus abstractæ, nihil in iis quæ superstruuntur est firmitudinis. (158) 310n.23-4 “intellectus sibi permissus,”] Quod vero attinet ad notiones primas intellectus; nihil est eorum quæ intellectus sibi permissus congessit, quin nobis pro suspecto sit, nec ullo modo ratum, nisi novo judicio se stiterit et secundum illud pronuntiatum fuerit. (138) 379.22 naturam rei in ipsa re perscrutatur.] Nemo enim alicujus rei naturam in ipsa re fœliciter perscrutatur, sed ampliande est inquisitio ad magis communia. (180) 380.22 notiones temerè à rebus abstractæ] [see entry at 310n.13-14] 480.23 rejectiones et exclusiones debitas] At Inductio quæ ad inventionem et demonstrationem scientiarum et artium erit utilis naturam separare debet, per rejectiones et exclusiones debitas; ac deinde, post negativas tot quot sufficiunt, super affirmativas concludere; quod adhuc factum non est, nec tentetum certe, nisi tantummodo a Platone, qui ad excutiendas definitiones et ideas, hac certe forma inductionis aliquatenus utitur. (205) 485.24 “ex . . . sunt pronuncians,”] Inductio enim quæ procedit per enumerationem simplicem res puerilis est, et precario concludit, et periculo exponitur ab instantia contradictoria, et plerumque secundum pauciora quam par est, et ex . . . sunt, pronunciat. (205) Bailey, Samuel.A Letter to a Philosopher, in reply to some recent attempts to vindicate Berkeley’s Theory of Vision, and in further elucidation of its unsoundness. London: Ridgway, 1843. reviewed: 265-9 quoted: 266, 267, 268 referred to: 255n, 265 266.26-7 ‘inexplicable how any . . . intelligence’ . . . ‘except] [paragraph] How any . . . intelligence, with such explicit declarations before him, could write in the following strain is inexplicable, except (49) 267.9 ‘material or physical lines,’ since ‘imaginary or hypothetical lines] [paragraph] It will be acknowledged by all that the major premiss of the first syllogism, if it has any meaning at all, must signify material or physical lines. If it meant anything else, it would be palpably inadmissible, since imaginary or hypothetical lines (36) 268.25 ‘bluntness,’ ‘confidence,’ or ‘arrogance,’] If they [Mill and Ferrier] do not always avoid an approach to a needless tone of bluntness and asperity, perhaps of arrogance; if the suaviter in modo is principally wanting, as commonly happens, when its absence is not compensated by the fortiter in re; if confidence is sometimes most conspicuous where diffidence would have been most appropriate—these are faults we all of us naturally fall into when we come in our turn to seat ourselves in the critical chair. (4) — A Review of Berkeley’s Theory of Vision, designed to show the unsoundness of that celebrated speculation. London: Ridgway, 1842. reviewed: 247-65 quoted: 251, 252, 253, 255, 256, 261, 264, 265 251.26-7 “outness” . . . “immediately . . . sight?”] Outness, he affirms, is not immediately . . . sight, but only suggested to our thoughts by certain visible ideas and sensations attending vision. (20) 252.3-7 [paragraph] Outness . . . vision. . . . By a . . . for.] [no paragraph; see above 251.26] [ellipsis indicates 1-page omission] He tells us, in the passage already quoted, that by a . . . for. (20-1) 252.16-18 “but . . . object;”] He maintains, that because the internal feeling has been found to be accompanied by the external one, it will, when experienced alone, not only suggest the external sensation, but . . . object. (21) 252.19-21 [paragraph] “It . . . asserted,” . . . “without . . . process:”] [no paragraph] It . . . asserted, without . . . process. (21) 252.31-2 “converted . . . object,”] [see above 252.16-18] 253.18-21 [paragraph] Distance of . . . shorter;] [paragraph] “It is, I think, agreed by all, that distance of . . . shorter.” (38; Bailey is quoting Berkeley’s An Essay towards a New Theory of Vision, q.v.) 253.22-3 “must appear . . . point.”] “If we consider that the distance of any object from the eye is a line turned endways to it, and that this line must consequently appear . . . point, we shall be sensible that distance from the eye cannot be the immediate object of sight, but that all visible objects must naturally be perceived as close upon the organ, or more properly, perhaps like all other sensations, as in the organ which perceives them.” (39; Bailey is quoting Adam Smith’s “Of the External Senses,” q.v.) 253.29 “see the rays of light”] [paragraph] If this is to be considered as a true interpretation of Berkeley’s language, his sole argument is founded on the fallacy that we see the ends of the rays of light coming from an object to the retina, but not the length of the rays. (39-40) 255.12 “universal impressions of mankind.”][paragraph] As this is a doctrine wholly contrary to the universal and natural impressions of mankind, we should expect it to be supported by an appeal to facts of every description likely to throw light upon the subject. (37) 256.10-13 [paragraph] Virtually . . . plane. . . . Solid . . . solid:”] This is virtually . . . plane—an argument in which there is no connection between premises and conclusion. Let us, however, take it literally as it is put. Solid . . . solid. (44-5) 261.7 [paragraph] It is manifest [ . . . ,] by] [no paragraph] It is manifest by (29) 261.7 many young animals] many of them (29) 261.10-11 dropped; the young . . . crocodiles, says Sir Humphry Davy, hatched] dropped. “The young . . . crocodiles,” says Sir Humphry Davy. “hatched (29) 261.12 water; the] water. The (29) 261.13 hatched.] hatched*.” [footnote: *Life of Sir H. Davy, by John Davy, M.D., vol. ii, p. 80.](29) 264.22-3 [paragraph] “There is] [no paragraph] In the whole of this celebrated narrative there is (183) 264.27-35 [paragraph] He . . . time.] [no paragraph] “He . . . time.” (178; Bailey is quoting Cheselden; he omits the closing quotation marks) 265.19 “when . . . eye;”] [paragraph] Mr. Ware’s patient was a boy seven years old (Master W—), and antecedently to the operation could distinguish colours when . . . eye, but not forms*. [footnote: *Philosophical Transactions for 1801, p. 382.] (193) Bain, Alexander.The Emotions and the Will. London: Parker, 1859. reviewed: 341-73, esp. 361-71 quoted: 362, 363, 365, 366, 367, 368, 368-9, 369-70, 371, 371-2 362.27 “the] [paragraph] I. We shall begin with the (58) 362.27 vent of emotion] vent of emotion (58) 362.28 outburst;”] outburst. (58) 362.33-4 “the extensive] [paragraph] IV. The extensive (58) 362.34-5 Tender Affections.”] Tender Affections constitute a well-marked order or family of emotion.” (58) 365.9 “the] These [two fundamental component elements of the Will] are, first, the (327) 365.11 feelings;”] feelings; and, secondly, the link between a present action and a present feeling, whereby the one comes under the control of the other. (327) 365.33 “nothing . . . incumbrance”] I consider the word ‘necessity’ as nothing . . . incumbrance in the sciences of the present day.* [footnote omitted] (549) 366.6 [paragraph] A] [no paragraph] A (555) 366.14 fallacy. . . . For the] fallacy. I am not inquiring minutely at present into all the meanings of the term consciousness, a task reserved for the dissertation that is to conclude this volume; it is enough to remark, that for the (555) 366.14 word [consciousness] implies] word implies (555) 366.30 nature; on] nature. On (556) 366.33 exception. . . . If] [ellipsis indicates 1-page omission] (556-7) 367.2 “the . . . moment:”] The only case of this sort that I am able to specify is the testimony that each individual gives as to the . . . moment. (558) 368.13 An intellectual] We shall see that an intellectual (568) 368.13 is indispensable] is likewise indispensable (568) 368.17 on an] on our (569) 368.28 “the] In all such cases the (570) 368.28 tested] tested (570) 368.29 actions”] actions, and the subject matter of it is some supposed fact, or occurrence, of nature. (570-1) 368.42 [paragraph] I] [no paragraph] I (585) 369.14 validity. . . . We] validity. This does not exclude the operations termed induction, deduction, analogy and probable inference; because these are to be pursued exactly to the length that experience will justify, and no farther. We (586) 369.14 after trials] after many trials (586) 369.16 same. . . . It] same. I cut down a tree and put a portion of it into water observing that it floats; I then infer that another portion would float, and that the wood of any other tree of the same species would do so likewise. It (586) 369.22 operations.] [long footnote, referring to JSM’s Logic, omitted] (586) 369.43 [paragraph] A] [no paragraph] A (582) 370.3 scepticism. . . . We] [ellipsis indicates 3-sentence omission] (582-3) 370.3 it [belief] as] it rather as (583) 370.5 The “anticipation] ‘The anticipation (583) 370.12 undertaken. . . . The] undertaken. In an opposite condition of things, where intellect and knowledge have made very high progress, and constitutional activity is feeble,—a sceptical, hesitating, incredulous temper of mind is the usual characteristic. The (583) 370.16 cases most] cases the most (583) 370.17 correction. . . . Sound] [ellipsis indicates 3-sentence omission] (583) 370.20 race. . . . The] race. Observation is unanimous on the point. The (583-4) 371.7 [paragraph] There] [no paragraph] There (615) 371.13 awakens] wakens (615) 371.34 concerned.] concerned. *[footnote omitted] (161) 371.41 [paragraph] To] [no paragraph] To (638) 372.26 no impression] no one impression (639) 372.34 knowledge of] knowledge to [printer’s error?] (640) — Mental and Moral Science. 2 vols. London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1868. note: the appendices, separately paginated, are in the first volume; the reference is to App. A, “History of Nominalism and Realism,” 1-24, and App. B, “The Origin of Knowledge,” 34-48, which Grote contributed to Bain’s volumes, and which were reprinted, slightly modified, in Grote’s Aristotle as Appendices I and II. referred to: 476 — The Senses and the Intellect. London: Parker, 1855. note: see also 3rd ed., below. reviewed: 341-73, esp. 352-61 quoted: 356-8, 358-9, 359-60, 360, 361 356.22 an organ] our organs (292) 356.23 instincts. The] instincts. (See his chapter on Instincts, Essays on the Active Powers.) The (293) 356.28 eating. This] eating. [paragraph] This (293) 356.38-9 years of life. . . . [paragraph] But] year of life. At the moment of birth, voluntary action is all but a nonentity. [paragraph] 28. According to this view, therefore, there is a process of acquirement in the establishing of those links of feeling and action that volition implies: this process will be traced and exemplified in the following Book, and also, at some future time, in a detailed discussion of the whole subject of volition. But (293) 357.13-14 action. . . . [paragraph] If] [ellipsis indicates 4-sentence omission] (294) 357.23 movement. . . . The] movement. Once assume that the two waves occur together in the same cerebral seat—a wave of painful emotion, and a wave of spontaneous action tending to subdue the pain,—there would arise an influence out of the former to sustain and prolong the activity of the latter. The (295) 357.47-8 spontaneity. . . . [paragraph] By] [ellipsis indicates 1-paragraph omission] (295-6) 357.48 acquisition, coming under the law of association, the] acquisition, which I shall afterwards dwell upon, the (296) 358.7 “notes of observation] The following are notes of observations (404n) 358.8-9 of their birth] after birth (404n) 358.12 attitude; a] attitude. A (405n) 358.26-7 of its limbs] with two limbs (405n) 358.43 was yet] was as yet (405n) 359.14-15 progress, and locomotion] progress. Locomotion (406n) 359.24-5 mouth. . . . [paragraph] The] mouth. [paragraph] I am not able to specify minutely the exact periods of the various developments in the self-education of those two lambs, but the above are correct statements to the best of my recollection. The (406n) 359.25 three] these (406n) 359.27 sensation] sensations (406n) 360.4 Present] Present (451) 360.4 like] Like (451) 361.14-16 “where . . . state”] It remains for us yet to consider the case where . . . state. (544) 361.18-19 “the . . . trains,”] the . . . trains. [a heading] (562) 361.20 “obstructive association.”] obstructive associations. [a heading] (564) 361.22-3 “combinations . . . experience,”] By means of association, the mind has the power to form combinations . . . experience. (571) — 3rd ed. London: Longmans, Green, 1868. referred to: 476,502; see Grote, “Psychology of Aristotle.” Bekker, Immanuel. referred to: 39; see Plato, Platonis et quæ vel Platonis. . . . Bentham, Jeremy. Referred to: 61, 387, 405 — Book of Fallacies. London: Hunt, 1824. note: in Works, ed. John Bowring (Edinburgh: Tait, 1843), II. The work was edited by Peregrine Bingham. referred to: 31 Berkeley, George. Referred to: 348, 465 — The Works of George Berkeley, D. D., formerly Bishop of Cloyne, including many of his writings hitherto unpublished, With Prefaces, Annotations, his Life and Letters, and an Account of his Philosophy. Ed. Alexander Campbell Fraser. 4 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1871. note: though the references and quotations, 247-69 passim, to An Essay towards a New Theory of Vision antedate this ed., it is used for ease of reference. reviewed: 451-71 — Alciphron: or, the Minute Philosopher, in Works, II, 13-339. referred to: 465-6 — The Analyst: A discourse addressed to an infidel mathematician, in Works, III, 253-98. referred to: 467 — Commonplace Book, in Works, IV, 419-502. referred to: 453 — A Defence of Free-thinking in Mathematics, in Works, III, 299-336. referred to: 467 — An Essay towards a New Theory of Vision, in Works, I, 25-112. quoted: 251, 253 referred to: 247-69 passim, 453-7 251.26 “outness”] 46. From what we have shewn, it is a manifest consequence that the ideas of space, outness, and things placed at a distance are not, strictly speaking, the object of sight; they are not otherwise perceived by the eye than by the ear. (I, 55) 253. 18-21 Distance . . . shorter;] 2. It is, I think, agreed by all that distance . . . shorter. (I, 35) — Passive Obedience, or the Christian doctrine of not resisting the Supreme Power, in Works, III, 103-39. referred to: 468 — Querist, in Works, III, 351-405. quoted: 469 469.13-14 “a ticket . . . this power.”] And whether its true and just idea be not that of a ticket . . . transfer such power? (III, 391) — Siris: A chain of Philosophical reflexions and inquiries concerning the virtues of Tar-water, and divers other subjects connected together and arising one from another, in Works, II, 359-508. quoted: 470 referred to: 463 470.16 connection or] connexion and (II, 479) — Three Dialogues between Hylas and Philonous. The design of which is plainly to demonstrate the reality and perfection of Human Knowledge, the incorporeal nature of the Soul, and the immediate providence of a Deity: in opposition to Sceptics and Atheists. Also to open a method for rendering the sciences more easy, useful, and compendious, in Works, I, 255-360. quoted: 459, 465n, 466 459.18 “shared] My endeavours tend only to unite and place in a clearer light that truth which was before shared (I, 359) 459.18 philosophers:] the philosophers:—(I, 359) 459.19-20 those things . . . real things;] [in italics] (I, 359) 459.20-1 the things . . . mind.] [in italics] (I, 359) 465n.7-8 “to apply . . . perceived”] Words are of arbitrary imposition; and, since men are used to apply . . . perceived, and I do not pretend to alter their perceptions, it follows that, as men have said before, several saw the same thing, so they may, upon like occasions, still continue to use the same phrase without any deviation either from propriety of language, or the truth of things. (I, 343-4) 465n.8-9 “philosophers . . . identity,”] But if the term same be used in the acceptation of philosophers, . . . identity, then, according to their sundry definitions of this notion (for it is not yet agreed wherein that philosophic identity consists), it may or may not be possible for divers persons to perceive the same thing. (I, 344) 465n.9 “all . . . word.”] But who sees not that all . . . word? to wit, whether what is perceived by different persons may yet have the term same applied to it? (I, 344) 465n.10 “Suppose] Or, suppose (I, 344) 465n.16 abstracted idea of identity] [in italics] (I, 344) 466.17 “sceptics and atheists”] [see title] — A Treatise concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge wherein the chief causes of error and difficulty in the sciences, with the grounds of scepticism, atheism, and irreligion, are inquired into, in Works, I, 131-238. quoted: 460, 461, 463 460.8 “that] To this I answer, that (I, 184) 460.20 “not excited from within”] [see above, 514.9-14] 461.1 spirit does] spirit actually does (I, 157) 461.16-17 “the configuration . . . corpuscles,”] To say, therefore, that these are the effects of powers resulting from the configuration, . . . corpuscles, must certainly be false. (I, 168) 461.19 “but] For, since they and every part of them exist only in the mind, it follows that there is nothing in them but what is perceived: but (I, 168) 461.24 anything. Whence] anything: neither can it be the resemblance or pattern of any active being, as is evident from sect. 8. Whence (I, 168) 463.7 “atheism and scepticism.”] [see full title] Bible. New Testament. Referred to: 437 — I Corinthians. note: the quotation (of 2:9) is indirect. quoted: 421 — Luke. note: the indirect quotation (of 23:34) is in a quotation from Thirlwall’s translation of Niebuhr. quoted: 242 — Matthew. note: the indirect quotation (of 23:24) is in a quotation from Thirlwall’s translation of Niebuhr. quoted: 243 — Old Testament. Referred to: 437 — I Samuel. note: the reference, which is in a quotation from Bacon, is to Chap. 16. referred to: 13n Boeckh, August.Ueber die vierjährigen Sonnenkriese der Alten, vorzüglich den Eudoxischen. Berlin: Reimer, 1863. note: the quotation (from p. 150), in JSM’s translation, derives from Grote. quoted: 388-9 388.39-389.1 “he . . . lectures.”] [translated from Grote’s quotation:] Dort lebte er als Sophist, sagt Sotion: das heisst, er lehrte, und hielt Vorträge. (Grote, Plato, I, 123n; Boeckh, 150.) Boethius. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 489 Brentano, Franz.Die Psychologie des Aristoteles, insbesondere seine Lehre vom νου̑ς ποιητικός. Mainz: Kirchheim, 1867. referred to: 504 — Von der mannigfachen Bedeutung des Seienden nach Aristoteles. Freiburg: Herder’sche Verlagshandlung, 1862. referred to: 494-5 Brown, Thomas. Referred to: 19, 247, 341, 352, 491 — Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind. 4 vols. Edinburgh: Tait; London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1820. note: concerning the reference at 352, it may be noted that Brown frequently uses the term “mental physiology.” referred to: 261, 352, 360 Buckland, Frank. Referred to: 486 Burgerdicius. See Burgersdyk, Francis. Burgersdyk, Francis.Institutionam logicarum libri duo. Cambridge: Field, 1660. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 27n Burke, Edmund. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 325 Butler, Samuel.Hudibras. Ed. Zachary Grey. 2 vols. London: Vernor and Hood, et al., 1801. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 30 30.31 —“All] For rhetoric, he could not ope / His mouth, but out there flew a trope: / And when he happen’d to break off / I’ th’ middle of his speech, or cough, / H’ had hard words ready to shew why, / And tell what rules he did it by; / Else, when with greatest art he spoke, / You’d think he talk’d like other folk: / For all (Part I, Canto I, lines 80-90; I.12-13) Byron, George Gordon. note: the references derive from Grote. referred to: 279 — The Works of Lord Byron. Ed. Thomas Moore. 17 vols. London: Murray, 1832-33, XI. note: formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation is a translation from Goethe, which was possibly made by Goethe himself and sent by him to Byron (see Byron’s Works, XI, 71n, immediately preceding the passage from which the quotation is taken); Moore also gives the reference to the German printed version in Kunst und Altherthum; the reference given on 279 is to the edition of Goethe’s Werke in JSM’s library, Somerville College. Actually JSM takes the quotation from Grote’s “Grecian Legends and Early History”; cf. the collation s.v. quoted: 279 referred to: 280 279.15 [paragraph] He [Byron] has] [no paragraph] He has (72) 279.15 him. There] him. He has repeatedly portrayed it; and scarcely any one feels compassion for this intolerable suffering, over which he is ever laboriously ruminating. There (72) 279.16 and in] and which, in (72) 279.18 or presence] or actual presence (72) 279.19 lady.] lady.* [footnote omitted; it is from this footnote that Grote quotes Moore’s comment which is quoted (from Grote) by JSM at 279.10-13] (72) 279.21 to whom suspicion] on whom any suspicion (72) 279.22 after. This] after. [paragraph] This (72) — “Manfred,” in ibid., XI, 2-75. note: the reference, which concerns Goethe’s comments on Byron, derives from Grote’s “Grecian Legends and Early History,” q.v. referred to: 279 Cæsar, Claudius. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grey used by Grote. referred to: 285n Cæsar, Julius. note: the references are in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 284 Calixtus II (Pope). Referred to: 283 Callias (son of Hipponicus). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 154 Callicles. note: the references at 97-150 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias, in which Callicles is a character. referred to: 97-150 passim, 396, 397n Carlyle, Thomas. Referred to: 387, 433 — “Novalis,” in Critical and Miscellaneous Essays. 5 vols. London: Fraser, 1840, II. note: this ed. probably was in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation is from von Hardenberg (q.v.), but there can be little doubt that JSM took it from Carlyle. quoted: 466 Cephalus. note: the references at 222 are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Parmenides, in which Cephalus is a character. referred to: 222 Chærephon. note: the references at 97-150 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias, in which Chærephon is a character; that at 155 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 97-150 passim, 155 Charlemagne. Referred to: 283-4 Charles II (of England). Referred to: 467 Charmides. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Charmides, in which Charmides is a character. referred to: 175-8, 185-6 Cheselden, William. “An Account of some Observations made by a young Gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his Sight so early, that he had no Remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch’d between 13 and 14 Years of Age,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, XXXV (1728), 447-50. note: the quotation and references derive from Bailey; Cheselden’s “Account” is reprinted by Fraser in his edition of Berkeley’s Works (q.v.), I, 444-6. quoted: 264 referred to: 263-4, 267, 267n-268n, 454, 457 . 264.27 He] When he first saw, he was so far from making any Judgment about Distances, that he thought all Objects whatever touch’d his Eyes, (as he express’d it) as what he felt, did his Skin; and thought no Objects so agreeable as those which were smooth and regular, tho’ he could form no Judgment of their Shape, or guess what it was in any Object that was pleasing to him: He (448) 264.32 relate. Having] relate; Having (448) 264.35 “So, puss, I . . . time.”] So Puss! I . . . Time. (448) Christ. See Jesus. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Referred to: 510 — Letters to Atticus (Latin and English). Trans. E. O. Winstedt. 3 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1912. note: this ed. used for ease of reference. The Elzevir ed. of 1642 is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 378 378.28 “Socratici viri”] O Socrates et Socratici viri! numquam vobis gratiam referam. (III, 230; xiv.9) Cimon (Kimon). note: the references at 133, 141, 143 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias; that at 334 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 133, 141, 143, 334, 435 Cleisthenes (Kleisthenes). note: the reference at 326 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 326-7 Cleomenes (Kleomenes) (of Sparta). note: the reference at 300 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 300, 337n Cleon. Referred to: 323, 331 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor.Biographia Literaria; or Biographical Sketches of my Literary Life and Opinions. 2 vols. in 1. London: Rest Fenner, 1817. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 354 — “Notes on John Smith,” in The Literary Remains of Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Ed. Henry Nelson Coleridge. 4 vols. London: Pickering, 1836-39, III, 415-19. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation is indirect. quoted: 463 Comte, Auguste. Referred to: 443 Condillac, Etienne Bonnot de. Referred to: 93, 94, 95, 355, 445 Conington, John. “Grote’s History of Greece,” Edinburgh Review, XCIV (July, 1851), 204-28. referred to: 309n Cooper, Anthony Ashley. note: i.e., the 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury. referred to: 466 Corinna. Referred to: 315, 315n Cousin, Victor. Referred to: 443 — Cours de philosophie. Histoire de la philosophie du dix-huitième siècle. École sensualiste—Locke. 2 vols. Brussels: Hauman, 1836. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 345 — Fragments philosophiques. Paris: Sautelet, 1826. referred to: 355 — Trans. Œuvres de Platon. See under Plato. — See also Plato, Lachès, ou du courage, in Œuvres, trans. Cousin. Crackanthorp. See Crakanthorp. Crakanthorp, Richard.Logicæ libri quinque: de prædicabilibus, de prædicamentis, de syllogismo, de syllogismo demonstrativo, de syllogismo probabili. London: Teage, 1622. note: JSM’s spelling is Crackanthorp; his reference to Cap. 5 is mistaken, the passage being in Cap. 6. quoted: 26 referred to: 27n 26.34 “implicat manifestam contradictionem,”] Hoc enim cogitare implicat manifestam contradictionem: nam in eo ipso quòd est rationalis, habet in se radicem ac necessariam causam à quâ fluit, & in quâ implicite continetur potentia ridendi: quare si quis cogitare posset hominem carere hâc potentia, æque cogitare posset hominem esse rationâlem, & non esse rationalem, vel esse Hominem & non esse hominem. (29) Cratylus (Kratylus). note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 429 Critias. note: the references at 175-86 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Charmides, in which Critias is a character. referred to: 166n, 175-86 passim, 327, 385 Critobulus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167, 171 Criton. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167, 171 Crœsus. Referred to: 295, 299 Ctesippus. note: the references at 210-21 passim are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Lysis, in which Ctesippus is a character. referred to: 210-21 passim Cyrus. Referred to: 311 Damon. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches. referred to: 197, 206, 208 Darius. note: the reference at 80 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; that at 121 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias; that at 213 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Lysis. referred to: 80, 121, 213 Davy, Humphry. See Davy, John. Davy, John, ed. The Collected Works of Sir Humphry Davy. 9 vols. London: Smith, Elder, 1839-40. note: the reference (actually an indirect quotation), which is in a quotation from Bailey, is to a passage from Humphry Davy’s notebooks quoted in John Davy’s “Memoirs of the Life of Sir Humphry Davy,” Vol. I of The Collected Works. referred to: 261 Demetrius Phalereus. Referred to: 336n Democritus (Demokritus). Referred to: 44n, 428 Demodocus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 De Morgan, Augustus. Referred to: 468 Demosthenes. note: the reference at 243 is in a quotation from Niebuhr; that at 298 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 243, 298, 312-13, 317 — Contra Lacritum (“Against Lacritus”), in Private Orations (Greek and English). Trans. A. T. Murray. 3 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1936, I, 278-314. referred to: 389 — De Corona, in De Corona and De Falsa Legatione (Greek and English). Trans. C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1926, 18-228. referred to: 312 Descartes, René. Referred to: 341, 451 Diogenes Laertius.Lives of Eminent Philosophers (Greek and English). Trans. R. D. Hicks. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1925. note: the “Life of Socrates” referred to at 242 is in Vol. I, 148-76. One of the passages quoted at 44n is also quoted at 425. quoted: 44n, 425 referred to: 242, 382 Dion. note: the reference at 243 is in a quotation from Niebuhr. referred to: 243, 311 Dionysius (the elder, of Syracuse). Referred to: 311 Dionysius (the younger, of Syracuse). note: the reference at 243 is in a quotation from Niebuhr. referred to: 243, 311 Dionysius (of Halicarnassus). On Literary Composition: Being the Greek Text of De Compositione Verborum (Greek and English). Trans. W. Rhys. London: Macmillan, 1910. note: this ed. used for ease of reference. referred to: 386 Dionysodorus. Referred to: 393 Du Trieu, Philippus.Manuductio ad logicam, sive dialectica studiosæ juventuti ad logicam præparandæ. London: printed McMillan, 1826. note: this reprint, which was formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College (Grote’s copy is in the University of London Library), of the 1662 edition (Oxford: Oxlad and Pocock; also formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College) was made for the group, including JSM, studying at Grote’s house in the 1820s (see Autobiography, ed. Stillinger, 74). referred to: 20, 20n, 27n Edward I (of England). note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 284 Eginhard.Early Lives of Charlemagne by Eginhard and the Monk of St. Gall. Trans. and ed. by A. J. Grant. London: Chatto and Windus, 1922. note: the reference is general; this ed. is cited merely for the title. referred to: 283 Elizabeth I (of England). note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 301 Empedocles (Empedokles). Referred to: 210, 380 Epaminondas. Referred to: 311, 332 Ephialtes. Referred to: 327 Epicurus. Referred to: 61, 477 Epigenes. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Eryximachus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 86 Eucleides (Eukleides) (the Megaric). Referred to: 378 Euclid. Referred to: 26 Euclides (the archon). Referred to: 309 Eudoxus. Referred to: 388 Euœnus (of Paros). note: the reference at 85 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; that at 155 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 85, 155 Euripides. note: the reference at 86 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; that at 160n is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 86, 160n, 317 — Antiope. note: this drama is not extant; the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 122 Euthydemus. Referred to: 393 Euthyphron. note: the references are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Euthyphron, in which Euthyphron is a character. referred to: 187-96 passim Fabyan, Robert.The New Chronicles of England and France. In Two Parts. Named by Himself the Concordance of Histories. Ed. Henry Ellis. London: Rivington, 1811. note: the reference, which is in a quotation from Grote, is general; this ed. cited merely for the title. referred to: 284 Ferrier, James Frederick. Referred to: 343 —“Berkeley and Idealism,” Blackwood’s Magazine, LI (June, 1842), 812-30. referred to: 266 Fichte, Johann Gottlieb. Referred to: 345, 387 Fourier, Charles. Referred to: 329, 387 Fraser, Alexander Campbell, ed. The Works of George Berkeley, D.D., formerly Bishop of Cloyne, including many of his writings hitherto unpublished, With Prefaces, Annotations, his Life and Letters, and an Account of his Philosophy. 4 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1871. reviewed: 451-71; see also Berkeley, Works. quoted: 470 470.21-5 “the . . . remarkable,” . . . “every . . . thought. It . . . letters.”] On the whole, the . . . remarkable; although curiously it has been much overlooked even by those curious in the history and bibliography of British philosophy. Every . . . thought. There is the unexpectedness of genius in its whole movement. It . . . letters, and it draws this Platonic spirit from a thing of sense so commonplace as Tar. (II, 343-4) Funccii. See Funck. Funck, Johann.Chronologia. Hoc est, omnium temporum et annorum ab initio mundi, usque ad annum a nato Christo 1552. Wittenberg: Hoffmann, 1601. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grey that JSM quotes from Grote’s History. The reference to anno mundi 4017 is on p. 94 of this edition. The reference to anno mundi 3105 is not in this, or the 1st ed. (Basil, 1554); it is, however, the date given in Holinshed’s Chronicles (in the History, Bk. II, Chap. v). referred to: 285n Galileo, Galilei. Referred to: 483 Geoffrey of Monmouth.The British History of Geoffrey of Monmouth. In 12 Books. Trans. A. Thompson. A new ed. rev. and collected by A. J. Giles. London: Bohn, 1842. note: the reference, which is in a quotation from Grote, is general; this ed. cited merely for the title. referred to: 284 George I (of England). Referred to: 467 George II (of England). Referred to: 467 Gibbon, Edward.The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 6 vols. London: Strahan and Cadell, 1776-88. referred to: 337n Glaucon. Referred to: 396 Goethe, Wolfgang von. “Manfred, a dramatic poem by Lord Byron,” in Werke. 55 vols. Stuttgart and Tübingen: Cotta’schen Buchhandlung, 1828-33, XLVI, 216-20. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. In this ed. the essay appears in the section “Englische Literatur.” The quotation (in translation) and references are taken from Grote’s “Grecian Legends and Early History”; Grote took them from Moore (s.v. Byron, Works). quoted: 279 referred to: 280 Gorgias (of Leontium). note: the reference at 85 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; those at 97-150 are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias, in which Gorgias is a main character; that at 154 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 85, 97-150 passim, 154, 394 Grafton, Richard.Grafton’s Chronicle; or, History of England, from the Year 1189 to 1558 inclusive. London: Johnson, 1809. note: the reference, which is in a quotation from Grote, is general; this ed. cited merely for the title. referred to: 284 Grey, Zachary.Critical, Historical and Explanatory Notes on Shakspeare. 2 vols. London: Manby, 1754. note: the quotation is in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 285n Grote, George.Aristotle. Ed. Alexander Bain and G. Croom Robertson. 2 vols. London: Murray, 1872. note: at 476 Mill is referring to Appendix I, pp. 243-68, and Appendix II, pp. 284-300, of the Aristotle, which were first published, in slightly different form, as appendices to Bain’s Mental and Moral Science (1868), q.v. reviewed: 475-510 quoted: 478, 489, 492-3, 494, 496, 497, 498, 499, 500n, 501n, 508, 509 478.4-6 “A . . . of theory . . . traditions,”] To him [Tisias] succeeded Thrasymachus, next Theodorus, and various others; from each of whom partial improvements and additions were derived, until at length we have now (it is Aristotle that speaks) a . . . of rhetorical theory . . . traditions. (II, 131) [cf. 478g-g,h] 478.10-11 application. . . . The syllogism] application. [ellipsis indicates 4-sentence omission] The Syllogism (II, 132-3) 489.7 “how much] If I had time to carry the account farther, I should have been able to show how much (I, vii) 494.3-5 “first . . . predication. . . . We . . . is”] So, too, we . . . is. We see by this last remark, how distinctly Aristotle assigned a double meaning to est: first . . . predication. (I, 181-2) 496.22-4 “displays . . . Ideas,” . . . “and] In this account of Memory and Reminiscence, Aristotle displays . . . Ideas. But these principles are operative not less in memory than in reminiscence; and (II, 217) 497.16 the axioms] But, along with these, Aristotle includes another matter also: viz., the critical examination of the Axioms (II, 140) 497.18 foremost] firmest (II, 140) 498.2-3 (“and . . . Middle”)] Thus it is, that he introduces us to the Maxim of Contradiction, and . . . Middle. (II, 141) 498.12 goes] Yet he nevertheless goes (II, 143) 498.19 first. . . . In] first. Still, though in (II, 143) 498.21 Principii.” . . . “Aristotle] Principii, Aristotle (II, 143) 498.25 words.] words, defining them in a manner significant alike to himself and to others,—each word to have either one fixed meaning, or a limited number of different meanings, clear and well defined. (II, 144) 500n.24 “true to the believer, false to the disbeliever”] He proclaimed that each man was a measure for himself alone, and that every opinion was true to the believer, false to the disbeliever; while they criticize him as if he had said—Every opinion is alike true and false; thus leaving out the very qualification which forms the characteristic feature of his theory. (II, 150-1) 501n.7-8 “the autonomy . . . himself;”] This is an appeal to other men, as judges each for himself and in his own case: it is a tacit recognition of the autonomy . . . himself. (II, 150) 508.1-3 “First . . . exercise.” . . . “Secondly] First . . . exercise; and, if a methodized procedure be laid down, both parties will be able to conduct it more easily as well as more efficaciously. Secondly (II, 391) 508.7-12 modify.” . . . “Thirdly] modify. Thirdly (I, 391) 508.26-509.1 sides.” . . . “When] sides. When (I, 63-4) 509.5 one another] each other (I, 64) 509.7 defence. The same] defence. [paragraph] This same (I, 64) — “Grecian Legends and Early History,” Westminster Review, XXXIX (May, 1843), 285-328. note: the article is ostensibly a review of B. G. Niebuhr’s Griechische Heroen Geschichten; it is reprinted in Grote’s Minor Works (London: Murray, 1873), 75-134, where the relevant passage occurs on 80 ff. JSM’s Byron, Goethe, and Moore references (q.v.) derive from this passage, in which Grote quotes Moore and Goethe (in translation), the Goethe passage deriving from Moore. quoted: 279, 279-80, 280-1, 286-7 referred to: 279 279.10-13 “numerous fictions” . . . “palmed upon the world” as his “romantic . . . existed,”] To these exaggerated, or wholly false, notions of him, the numerous fictions palmed upon the world of his romantic . . . existed, have no doubt considerably contributed; and the consequence is, so utterly out of truth and nature are the representations of his life and character long current on the Continent, that it may be questioned whether the real ‘flesh and blood’ hero of these pages—the social, practical-minded, and, with all his faults and eccentricities, English Lord Byron—may not, to the over-exalted imaginations of most of his foreign admirers, appear but an ordinary, unromantic, and prosaic personage.” (289; Grote is quoting Moore’s Life of Byron, q.v.) 279.15 He [Byron] has] He has (289; here and for the next four entries, Grote is quoting from Goethe as translated in Moore’s edition of Byron) 279.16 and in] and which (we cite the translation as we find it) in (289) 279.17 Astarte] Astarté (289) 279.19-23 When . . . after.] [in italics] (289) 279.21 to whom] on whom (289) 280.1 hero] hero (290) 280.9 vox. Some] vox: some (290) 280.9 forward and] forward or (290) 280.16 god] God (291) 280.17 omniloquent Zeus] Omniloquent Zeus* [footnote omitted] (291) 280.42 being] having been (293) 281.7 nearer the] nearer to (293) 287.3 exhibit.”] exhibit—γιγνομενα μὲν, κὰι ἀεὶ ἐσόμενα, ἕως ἂν ἡ ἀυτὴ ϕύσις τω̑ν ἀνϕρώπων ἠ̑: (305) — History of Greece. 12 vols. London: Murray, 1846-56. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College, heavily (for JSM) annotated, esp. in Vols. I and II, but throughout, even in Vol. XII (1856), which he did not review. Vols. I and II (1846) are the subject of JSM’s first major review (273-305 above); Vols. IX and X (1852), and XI (1853) are ostensibly the subject of his second major review (309-37 above), but he also deals in large part with the intervening volumes (III and IV, 1847; V and VI, 1849; VII and VIII, 1850), which he had reviewed in the Spectator (see the Textual Introduction, lxxxv-lxxxvi above). Grote’s work is divided into two very unequal parts: Part I, “Legendary Greece” (Vol. I; Vol. II, 1-277), and Part II, “Historical Greece” (Vol. II, 279-615; Vols. III-XII). reviewed: 273-305 (Vols. I & II), 309-37 (Vols. IX, X, XI) quoted: 274, 275n, 277-8, 284-5, 287, 292-3, 296, 296-7, 297, 297-8, 298, 298-9, 300-1, 301-2, 303, 311, 316-17, 318-19, 319-20, 325-6, 334-6 referred to: 377, 378, 383, 388, 510 274.30-2 “First, to . . . readers, the general picture of the Grecian world,”] [paragraph] It is that general picture which an historian of Greece is required first to . . . readers;—a picture not merely such as to delight the imagination by brilliancy of colouring and depth of sentiment, but also suggestive and improving to the reason. (I, vii) 274.33 “The historian,” he says, “will] Not omitting the points of resemblance as well as of contrast with the better-known forms of modern society, he will (I, vii) 274.35-6 stationary; and to set forth the action] stationary. He will develope the action (I, vii) 274.38 inferior] superior (I, viii) [treated as typographical error] 275n.8 “feminine” . . . “masculine”] And it must be confessed that what may be called the feminine attributes of the Greek mind—their religious and poetical vein—here [in the first two volumes] appear in disproportionate relief, as compared with the masculine capacities—with those powers of acting, organising, judging, and speculating, which will be revealed in the forthcoming volumes. (I, xvii; see the Textual Introduction, lxxxvi above) 277.30 ground] grounds (I, 572) 277.33 cotemporary] contemporary (I, 572) 277.35-6 improbabilities. It] improbabilities; it (I, 572) 278.2-3 fact. [paragraph] The ] fact. [no paragraph; 3-page omission; paragraph] The (I, 573, 576) 278.5 the presumption] the usual presumption, (I, 576) 278.11 inapplicable,] [footnote omitted] (I, 576) 278.17-18 course. [paragraph] It] course. How active and prominent such tendencies were among the early Greeks, the extraordinary beauty and originality of their epic poetry may teach us. [paragraph] It (I, 577) 278.20 truth.] [footnote omitted which contains reference to Grote’s “Grecian Legends and Early History,” q.v.] (I, 577) 278.26 eagerly believed] eagerly welcomed (I, 578) 278.34 world—legends] world, and of which no country was more fertile than Greece—legends (I, 578) 284.22 nations. With] nations: with (I, 639) 284.24 faith. The] faith: the (I, 639) 284.24 downwards,] downward (I, 639) 284.27 Kings] kings (I, 639) 284n.4 p.131] p.131, note. [corresponding to p.128n in the ed. here cited] (I, 639n) 284n.5 Francus, the son] Francus son (I, 640n) 284.36 Agamemnon.] [footnote omitted] (I, 640) 285.4 deface] efface (I, 640) 285.5 deeds. They] deeds: they (I, 640) 285.6 their setting] thus setting [printer’s error?] (I, 640) 285.7 generally. Yet, in spite] generally2. [footnote and 1 1/2 pages omitted] [paragraph] Yet in spite of the general belief of so many centuries—in spite of the concurrent persuasion of historians and poets—in spite of the declaration of Milton, extorted from his feelings rather than from his reason, that this long line of quasi-historical kings and exploits could not be all unworthy of belief—in spite (I, 640-2) 285.10 King] king (I, 642) 285n.3 anachronisms] anachronisms (I, 642n) 285n.4 anno mundi . . . anno mundi] anno mundi . . . anno mundi (I, 642n) 287.19-22 “Though . . . story;”] For though . . . story. (I, 570) 292.6 The] [no paragraph] The (II, 235) 292.13 Iliad.] [footnote omitted] (II, 235) 292.20 Achillêis. [paragraph] Nothing] [concluding sentence of paragraph, and further 2 pages omitted] (II, 236-8) 292.23 calamities of] calamities to (II, 238) 292.31 to be] to me (II, 239) 292.36 books,] [16-paragraph footnote omitted] (II, 239) 292.41 and following] and in the following (II, 243) 293.7 strives] shines [printer’s error?] (II, 244) 293.10 wounds;] [footnote omitted] (II, 244) 293.13 spoil] to spoil (II, 244) 293.14 heroes. I] heroes: I (II, 244) 293.16 excess and] excess of [printer’s error?] (II, 244) 296.10-14 “that . . . necessity;”] The tenth book, or Doloneia, though adapted specially to the place in which it stands, agrees with the books between the first and eighth in belonging only to the general picture of the war, without helping forward the march of the Achillêis; yet it seems conceived in a lower vein, and one is unwilling to believe that . . . necessity1. [footnote omitted] (II, 267-8) 296.36-297.1 “the . . . Achilles,”] Nor is the reasoning of Nitzsch of much force to rebut the presumptions hence arising; for the . . . Achilles, and would have no painful feeling, requiring to be relieved, in leaving off at the moment in which it is gratified. (II, 266) 297.14-15 antipathy, and] antipathy, or [printer’s error?] (II, 108) 297.16 existence;”] existence. (II, 108) 297.17-19 “the . . . The Laws . . . sympathies.”] In view of the latter [the citizen of historical Athens], the . . . “The Laws” . . . sympathies: but of this discriminated conception of positive law and positive morality3 [footnote omitted], the germ only can be detected in the Homeric poems. (II, 110-11) 298.2 produced. Didactic] produced: didactic (II, 105) 298.27 possessors. But] possessors: for the pass of Thermopylæ between Thessaly and Phocis, that of Kithærôn between Bœotia and Attica, or the mountainous range of Oneion and Geraneia along the Isthmus of Corinth, were positions which an inferior number of brave men could hold against a much greater force of assailants. But (II, 298) 298.40-1 city communities] city-communities1 [footnote omitted] (II, 299) 299.6 æsthetical. . . .] æsthetical. For these reasons, the indefinite multiplication of self-governing towns, though in truth a phænomenon common to ancient Europe as contrasted with the large monarchies of Asia, appears more marked among the ancient Greeks than elsewhere: and there cannot be any doubt that they owe it, in a considerable degree, to the multitude of insulating boundaries which the configuration of their country presented. (II, 299) 299.7 same [geographical] causes] same causes (II, 299) 299.13 men. . . .] men: moreover the contrast between the population of Greece itself, for the seven centuries preceding the Christian æra, and the Greeks of more modern times, is alone enough to inculcate reserve in such speculations. (II, 300) 299.18 rocks] rocks1 [footnote omitted] (II, 300) 300.20 [paragraph] Taking [paragraph] The present is not the occasion to enter at length into that combination of causes which partly sapped, partly overthrew, both the institutions of Lycurgus and the power of Sparta; but taking (II, 527) 300.29 of the] of their (II, 527) 301.8 of inequality] of all inequality (II, 528) 301.13 receded. . . . We] receded. It was thus that the fancies, longings, and indirect suggestions of the present assumed the character of recollections out of the early, obscure, and extinct historical past. Perhaps the philosopher Sphærus of Borysthenês (the friend and companion of Kleomenês1 [footnote omitted] and the disciple of Zeno the Stoic), author of works now lost both on Lycurgus and Socrates and on the constitution of Sparta, may have been one of those who gave currency to such an hypothesis; and we (II, 529) 301.13 that [this hypothesis] would] that if advanced, it would (II, 529) 301.18 Poor-law] Poor Law (II, 530) 301.28 Lived] From the early age of seven years throughout his whole life, as youth and man no less than as boy, the Spartan citizen lived (II, 505) 301.35 night] nights (II, 505) 301.35-6 belonged. . . . [paragraph] The] belonged. [ellipsis indicates 11-page omission] [no paragraph] The (II, 505, 516) 301.39 character] character1 [footnote omitted] (II, 517) 302.3 conceived] conceive (II, 517) 302.8 war] war1 [footnote omitted] (II, 518) 302.10 abroad. . . . When] abroad. Such exclusive tendency will appear less astonishing if we consider the very early and insecure period at which the Lycurgean institutions arose, when none of those guarantees which afterwards maintained the peace of the Hellenic world had as yet become effective—no constant habits of intercourse, no custom of meeting in Amphiktyony from the distant parts of Greece, no common or largely frequented festivals, no multiplication of proxenies (or standing tickets of hospitality) between the important cities, no pacific or industrious habits anywhere. When (II, 518) 302.14 them . . . the] them—we shall not be surprised that the language which Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war addresses to his army in reference to the original Spartan settlement, was still more powerfully present to the mind of Lycurgus four centuries earlier—“We are a few in the midst of many enemies, we can only maintain ourselves by fighting and conquering2.” [footnote omitted] [paragraph] Under such circumstances, the (II, 518-19) 302.30 us] us1 [footnote omitted] (II, 519) 303.18-20 founder;” . . . “of] founder. Now this was one of the main circumstances (among others which will hereafter be mentioned) of (II, 477) 311.22 “despot’s progress.”] [paragraph] Thus was consummated the fifth or closing act of the despot’s progress, rendering Dionysius master of the lives and fortunes of his fellow-countrymen. (X, 616) 316.41-317.1 “that . . . Demos of Pnyx,”*] A hundred years hence, we shall find that sentiment unanimous and potent among the enterprising masses of Athens and Peiræeus, and shall be called upon to listen to loud complaints of the difficulty of dealing with “that . . . Dêmus of Pnyx”—so Aristophanes1 [footnote gives, inter alia, the same text and reference as JSM’s footnote] calls the Athenian people to their faces, with a freedom which shows that he at least counted on their good temper. (IV, 138) 318.2 than imitators] than mere imitators [concerning all the variant readings from here to 319.3 see JSM’s footnote, 319n] (VI, 193) 318.3 its aim] its permanent aim (VI, 193) 318.4 one;] man: (VI, 193) 318.4-6 while in . . . by worth] while looking to public affairs and to claims of individual influence, every man’s chance of advancement is determined not by party-favour but by real worth (VI, 193) 318.6 his particular] his own particular (VI, 193) 318.7 back] back2 [footnote omitted] (VI, 193) 318.7-8 he . . . state] he really has the means of benefiting the city (VI, 193) 318.9 intolerance] tolerance (VI, 193) [treated as typographical error] 318.9-10 tastes and pursuits] daily pursuits (VI, 193) 318.10 does] may do (VI, 193) 318.11 we put] we ever put (VI, 193) 318.11 looks] looks3 [footnote omitted] (VI, 193) 318.11-12 which are offensive . . . damage.] Which, though they do no positive damage, are not the less sure to offend. (VI, 193-4) 318.13 misconduct in] wrong on (VI, 194) 318.15-16 of the wronged, and such as, though unwritten, are] of wrongful sufferers, and even such others as, though not written, are (VI, 194) 318.19 arrangements] establishments (VI, 194) 318.19 pain and annoyance] the sense of discomfort (VI, 194) 318.21-2 as of those] as those (VI, 194) 318.22 produce] grow (VI, 194) 318.24 any one] even an enemy either (VI, 194) 318.25 or spectacle . . . it:] or any spectacle, the full view of which he may think advantageous to him; (VI, 194) 318.26 artifices . . . spirit,] quackery than to our native bravery, (VI, 194) 318.30-2 strength. . . . [paragraph] We combine taste for the beautiful with frugality of life, and cultivate intellectual speculation] strength. [ellipsis indicates 5-sentence omission] [no paragraph] For we combine elegance of taste with simplicity of life, and we pursue knowledge (VI, 195) 318.32 enervated] enervated1 [footnote omitted] (VI, 195) 318.32-3 for the service . . . talk;] not for talking and ostentation, but as a real help in the proper season: (VI, 195-6) 318.34 himself so] his poverty (VI, 196) 318.34-5 may . . . his] may rather incur reproach for not actually keeping himself out of (VI, 196) 318.35-7 Our . . . matters;] The magistrates who discharge public trusts fulfil their domestic duties also—the private citizen, while engaged in professional business, has competent knowledge on public affairs: (VI, 196) 318.37-8 politics . . . one. Far from] these latter not as harmless, but as useless. Moreover, we always hear and pronounce on public matters, when discussed by our leaders—or perhaps strike out for ourselves correct reasonings about them: far from (VI, 196) 318.39-40 think . . . arrives] complain only if we are not told what is to be done before it becomes our duty to do it (VI, 196) 318.40-1 a . . . action] the most remarkable manner these two qualities—extreme boldness in execution (VI, 196) 318.42 daring, debate induces] boldness—debate introduces (VI, 196) 319.1 ought] men are properly (VI, 196) 319.2 accurately] precisely (VI, 196) 319.24 [paragraph] The stress which he [Pericles] lays] [paragraph] But even making allowance for this [Pericles’ contrast of Sparta and Athens], the stress which he lays (VI, 200) 319.27 pursuits,] pursuit— (VI, 200) 320.17 Xenophon] Xenophon1 [footnote omitted] (VI, 201) 325.13 [paragraph] Democracy] [no paragraph] Democracy (IV, 237) 325.32 Herodotus] Herodotus1 [footnote omitted] (IV, 238) 325.38-9 results. . . . Among] results, for a Grecian community. Among (IV, 238) 326.4 sedition] sedition2 [footnote omitted] (IV, 238) 326.10 Pericles] Periklês1 [footnote omitted] (IV, 239) 326.15 agony] agony2 [footnote omitted] (IV, 239) 334.32 Pericles] Periklês1 [footnote omitted] (VI, 386) 335.12 circumstances] circumstances1 [footnote omitted] (VI, 387) 335.18 it. First] it: First (VI, 387) 335.27 aggrandizement. Nikias] aggrandisement: Nikias (VI, 388) 335.46 another] another1 [footnote omitted] (VI, 389) — Plato and the Other Companions of Sokrates. 3 vols. London: Murray, 1865. note: some of the quotations are indirect. In a note (not quoted by JSM) to the passage cited on 417-18, Grote, while praising JSM’s Utilitarianism, criticizes him for calling Socrates’ doctrine Utilitarian. reviewed: 377-440 quoted: 380n, 381, 382, 389, 390, 390n, 392, 392-3, 410, 411, 412, 413, 413-14, 414, 415, 423, 424-5, 427, 428-30, 430, 431, 433-4 referred to: 500n-501n, 510 380n.1-2 “an axiom” . . . “occupying] [paragraph] This axiom is to be noted as occupying (I, 15n) 381.11 He adopted] Not thinking that water, or any other known and definite substance fulfilled these conditions, he adopted (I, 5) 381.14 further] farther (I, 5) 381.15-16 force, . . . indestructible.] [two footnotes omitted] (I, 5) 381.23-6 “which . . . future,” . . . “really . . . apprehension,” . . . “is . . . divided,”] We talk of things generated or destroyed—things coming into being or going out of being—but this phrase can have no application to the self-existent Ens, which . . . future. [footnoteomitted] Nothing is really . . . apprehension. [footnote omitted] In like manner we perceive plurality of objects, and divide objects into parts. But Ens is . . . divided. [footnote omitted] (I, 21) 382.4 “who] [paragraph] It is Zeno who (I, 96) 389.23-4 “one . . . writings.”] I think it is one . . . writings, as an exposition of [continued in next quotation] (II, 45) 390.5 “of] [see previous entry] (II, 45) 390.11 general] [footnote omitted] (II, 46) 390n.5 received] conceived (I, 252n) 390n.6 and] the (I, 252n) [cf. 390b-b] 390n.7 antipathy,’ &c.] antipathy, &c. (I, 252n) [treated as typographical error] 390.13 “for] He has sailed along triumphantly upon the stream of public sentiment, accepting all the established beliefs, appealing to his hearers with all those familiar phrases, round which the most powerful associations are grouped; and taking for (II, 47) 390.16-19 “teaches . . . they:”] He describes instructively the machinery operative in the community for ensuring obedience to what they think right: he teaches, . . . they. (II, 73) 390.19 “what he] What he (II, 77) 392.31 “those] I [Socrates] think that those (I, 390) 392.32 wilfully,] wilfully— (I, 390) 392.32 unwillingly.”] unwillingly. (I, 390) 392.34 if this dialogue had] [paragraph] Now, if the dialogue just concluded had (I, 394) 393.1 Athens.] [footnote omitted] (I, 394) 410.33 [paragraph] In] [no paragraph] In (I, 258) 410.35 afterwards.] [footnote omitted] (I, 258) 410.36 further] farther (I, 258) 410.40 opinions.] [footnote omitted] (I, 258) 411.2 notions.”] notions— τὸ γὰρ ὀρθου̑σθαι γνώμαν, ὀδυνᾳ̑. (II, 12) 412.13 on] upon (II, 108) 412.15-16 “The affirmative Sokrates only stands his] In those dialogues where Plato makes him attempt more (there also, against his own will and protest, as in the Philêbus and Republic), the affirmative Sokrates will be found only to stand his (I, 323) 413.15 afterwards. When] afterwards. The declaration so often made by Sokrates that he is a searcher, not a teacher—that he feels doubts keenly himself, and can impress them upon others, but cannot discover any good solution of them—this declaration, which is usually considered mere irony, is literally true. [footnote omitted] The Platonic theory of Objective Ideas separate and absolute, which the commentators often announce as if it cleared up all difficulties—not only clears up none, but introduces fresh ones belonging to itself. When (I, 270) 413.21 &c.] [footnote omitted] (I, 271) 413.26 one,] [footnote omitted] (I, 214) 414.1 himself] [footnote omitted] (I, 215) 414.3 individuals] individualities (I, 215) 414.31 “immature] It is important that such Dialectic exercises should be deferred until this advanced age—and not imparted, as they are among us at present, to immature (III, 103) 414.32-3 convictions.] [footnote omitted] (III, 103) 415.31 “Aristotle,” . . . “in] [chapter opening] Aristotle, in (II, 90) 415.32 in] on [printer’s error?] (II, 90) 423.18 “teaching and . . . meaning;”] Teaching and . . . meaning: the only process really instructive is that of dialectic debate, which, if indefatigably prosecuted, will dig out the omniscience buried within. [footnote omitted] (II, 18) 423.19 “to] [paragraph] When we come to the Menon and the Phædon, we shall hear more of the Platonic doctrine—that knowledge was to (I, 230n) 424.24 [paragraph] Freedom of] [paragraph] Indeed this freedom of (II, 154) 424.30 or make] or must make (II, 155) 424.40 discriminating] discriminative (II, 155) 425.1 on] upon (II, 155) 425.2 intellect. . . .] [ellipsis indicates omission of footnote and one page of text (mostly translation from Plato’s Phædon, with another footnote)] (II, 155-6) 425.4 specially] especially (II, 156) 425.9 on] upon (II, 157) 425.12 that] which (II, 157) 425.12-13 for them] for them (II, 157) 427.23 “To say] Nevertheless, to say (II, 512) 428.37 [paragraph] How] [no paragraph] How (II, 549) 429.1 is not] is not (II, 549) 429.4 unmeaning. Now] [footnote and paragraph break omitted] (II, 549) 429.5 Theætêtus,] [footnote omitted] (II, 549) 429.9 copiously] [footnote omitted] (II, 549) 429.12 these] those [printer’s error?] (II, 549) 429.18 him.] [footnote omitted] (II, 549) 429.20 Kratylus.] [footnote omitted] (II, 550) 429.25 no way] noway (II, 550) 430.2 Typhôs.] [footnote omitted] (II, 551) 430.6 “evanescent] But the difference [between right actions and right opinions] is, that they [right opinions] are evanescent (II, 10) 430.8 “by . . . reasoning”] They are exalted into knowledge, when bound in the mind by . . . reasoning: [footnote omitted] that is, by the process of reminiscence, before described. (II, 10; this sentence follows immediately that last quoted) 431.1 not] The value of them [all the dialogues] consists, not in the result, but in the discussion—not (II, 551) 431.9 ϕιλόλογον),] [footnote omitted] (II, 551) 431.10 be] appear (II, 551) 431.30 “the] Towards the close of his life (as we shall see in the Treatise De Legibus), the (II, 394) 433.7 [paragraph] “The] [no paragraph] The [setting altered in this edition] (II, 483) 433.11 true] True (II, 483) 433.13 art.] [footnote omitted] (II, 483) 433.16 governed.] [footnote omitted] (II, 483) 433.20 art.] [footnote omitted] (II, 484) 433.23 it.] [footnote omitted] (II, 484) 433.23-4 base, evil, unjust,] [in italics] (II, 484) 433.28 formula.] [footnote omitted] (II, 484) 433.30 worse. How] worse. [paragraph] How (II, 484) 433.31 be . . . if] be (continues the Eleate), if (II, 484) 433.31 and] or [printer’s error?] (II, 484) 433.34 whenever] when (II, 484) 433.37 discontent!] [footnote omitted] (II, 484) 433.40 laws!] [footnote omitted] (II, 485) 433.44 exercised.] [footnote omitted] (II, 485) 434.5 tyranny,] [footnote omitted] (II, 485) 434.6 second-best;] [footnote omitted] (II, 485) 434.9 mischiefs.] [footnote omitted] (II, 485) 434.12 is. We] is. [footnote omitted] [paragraph] We (II, 485) 434.12 therefore . . . that] therefore (the Eleate goes on) that (II, 485) 434.15 governments,] [footnote omitted] (II, 486) 434.30 them.] [footnote omitted] (II, 486) — “Psychology of Aristotle.” Appendix to Alexander Bain. The Senses and the Intellect, 3rd ed. London: Longmans, Green, 1868, 611-67. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 476-7, 502, 504 Hamilton, William. Referred to: 342-3, 477, 501n — “Contribution towards a history of the doctrine of mental suggestion or association” (Note D**), in Works of Thomas Reid. Ed. William Hamilton. Edinburgh: Maclachlan, Stewart; London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1846, 889-910. quoted: 495, 496 495.28-9 “at once . . . theory of association:”] It is, in consequence of his very manifest meaning having been here not merely misunderstood, but actually reversed, by his interpreters, that Aristotle’s doctrine did not exert its merited influence; and that he himself has not as yet, been universally acknowledged, at once, . . . theory of Association. (901) 496.5-6 “which . . . interpreters.”] I shall likewise translate what, (but only what,) of any moment, is to be found in the relative commentary of Themistius; because this, both in itself and in reference to Aristotle, is, on the matter in question, a valuable, though wholly neglected, monument of ancient philosophy;—because, from the rarity of its one edition, it is accessible to few even of those otherwise competent to read it;—but, above all, because we herein discover the origin of those misconceptions, which . . . interpreters. (891) — Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, Education and University Reform. Chiefly from the Edinburgh Review; corrected, vindicated, enlarged, in Notes and Appendices. London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans; Edinburgh: Maclachlan and Stewart, 1852. note: the reference, which derives from Grote’s Plato, is to Appendix I, “Philosophical,” part 2, “Testimonies to the more special fact, that all our knowledge, whether of Mind or of Matter, is only phænomenal,” which is an appendix to the 1st essay, “On the Philosophy of the Unconditioned.” referred to: 426 Hardenberg, Friedrich Leopold von.Novalis Schriften. Ed. Ludwig Tieck and Friedrich Schlegel. 2 vols. Berlin: Realschulbuchhandlung, 1805. note: the quotation (which JSM almost certainly took from Carlyle’s review [Critical and Miscellaneous Essays (London: Fraser, 1840), Vol. II] of the 4th ed. of Novalis Schriften) is from “Moralische Unsichten,” the 3rd of the “Fragmente vermischten Inhalts.” quoted: 466 466.25 “God-intoxicated” Spinoza] [paragraph] Spinoza ist ein Gott-trunkener Mensch. (II, 362) Hardyng, John.The Chronicle of John Hardyng. Ed. Henry Ellis. London: Rivington, 1812. note: the reference, which is in a quotation from Grote, is general; this ed. is cited merely for the title. referred to: 284 Hartley, David. Referred to: 247, 341-2, 347, 352, 354-5, 451 Hauser, Caspar. Referred to: 350 Hecatæus. Referred to: 287 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich. Referred to: 344, 381, 425, 500n Henry VIII (of England). Referred to: 467 Heraclitus (Herakleitus). Referred to: 381-2, 425-6, 498, 500n Herodicus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 98 Herodotus.Herodotus (Greek and English). Trans. A. D. Godley. 4 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1921. note: this edition used for ease of reference. Two Greek and Latin editions (9 vols., Glasgow: Foulis, 1761; 7 vols., Edinburgh: Laing, 1806) formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation at 325 is in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 282n, 325, 325n, 390n referred to: 295 Hesiod. note: the reference at 173 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 173, 276, 286, 288, 295 — “Eoiai.” note: a “lost” poem of Hesiod (see Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns, pp. xxii-xxiv); the reference is to Grote’s spelling of the title, “Eœæ.” referred to: 305n — Theogony, in Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns and Homerica (Greek and English). Trans. Hugh G. Evelyn-White. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964, 78-154. referred to: 281 — Works and Days, in ibid., 2-64. note: the quotation at 178, which is indirect, is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Charmides; that at 215 is in his translation of Plato’s Lysis. quoted: 178, 215 Hippias. note: the references at 46 ff. are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras, in which Hippias is a character; that at 85 is to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; that at 154 is to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology; that at 392-3 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 46 ff., 85, 154, 389, 392, 392-3, 409, 417n Hippocrates (the physician, of Cos). note: the reference at 45 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras; that at 87 is to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 45, 87 Hippocrates. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras, in which Hippocrates is a character. referred to: 45 ff. Hipponicus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 154 Hippothales. note: the references at 210-21 passim are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Lysis, in which Hippothales is a character. referred to: 210-21 passim Hobbes, Thomas. Referred to: 247, 250, 341, 451, 466, 491, 497 — “Computation or Logic.” Part I of Elements of Philosophy: The First Section, Concerning Body, in The English Works of Thomas Hobbes. Ed. William Molesworth. 11 vols. London: Bohn, 1839-45, I, 1-90. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 494 — “Physics, or the Phenomena of Nature.” Part IV of Elements of Philosophy: The First Section, Concerning Body, in ibid., 387-532. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. JSM’s reference is vague, but the doctrine referred to is covered in the passage cited. The quotation is indirect. quoted: 371 Holinshed, Raphael.Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 6 vols. London: Johnson, 1807. note: the reference, which is general, is in a quotation from Grote in which it is spelled “Hollinshed”; this ed. cited merely for the title. referred to: 284 Homer. note: the references at 71, 92 are in JSM’s translations of Plato; the reference at 141 is not to be found in the received text of Homer. referred to: 71, 92, 141, 173, 286, 494 — Iliad (Greek and English). Trans. A. T. Murray. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1954. note: a two-volume Greek ed. of the Iliad and the Odyssey (Oxford, 1800) is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The references at 292-3 are in a quotation from Grote; the quotations at 99 and 123 are from JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias; that at 162 is from his translation of Plato’s Apology; and that at 202 is from his translation of Plato’s Laches. quoted: 99, 123, 162, 202, 294n, 296 referred to: 277, 283, 287-97, 316, 392 — Odyssey (Greek and English). Trans. A. T. Murray. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960. note: a two-volume Greek ed. of the Iliad and the Odyssey (Oxford, 1800) is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation at 167 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology; that at 177 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Charmides; those at 209 (the same as that at 177) and 214 are in his translation of Plato’s Lysis; all are indirect. quoted: 167, 177, 209, 214 referred to: 147, 281, 283, 290-2, 294, 316, 392 Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus). “Carmina,” Liber III, iii, in The Odes and Epodes (Latin and English). Trans. C.E. Bennett. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1914, 178-84. note: this ed. is used for ease of reference. Opera (Glasgow: Mundell, 1796) is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 327, 416 327.8-9 “civium ardor prava jubentium” . . . “vultus instantis tyranni,”] Iustum et tenacem propositi virum / non civium ardor prava iubentium, / non vultus instantis tyranni / mente quatit solida necque Auster, / dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae, / nec fulminantis magna manus Iovis; / si fractus in labatur orbis, / in pavidum ferient ruinae. (178; II. 1-8) 416.17 tenax propositi] [cf. previous entry] Horne Tooke. See Tooke, John Horne. Hume, David. Referred to: 44n, 341, 443, 451, 462, 466 Hyperbolus. Referred to: 331 Isocrates. Referred to: 300, 394 —Oratio ad Philippum (“To Philip”), in Isocrates (Greek and English). Trans. George Norlin. 3 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1928, I, 246-338. note:Opera omnia (Paris: Auger, 1782) formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 389 James I (of England). Referred to: 467 James II (of England). Referred to: 467 Jesus. Referred to: 149, 150, 314 Johnson, Samuel. See under Boswell. Jouffroy, Théodore. Referred to: 443 Kallikles. See Callicles. Kant, Immanuel. Referred to: 93, 341, 346, 451, 461 Laches. note: the references at 197-209 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches, in which Laches is a character. referred to: 197-209, 409 Lagrange, Louis. Referred to: 468n Lamachus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches. referred to: 206 Laromiguière, Pierre.Leçons de philosophie sur les principes de l’intelligence ou sur les causes et sur les origines des idées. 6th ed. 2 vols. Paris: Fournier, 1844. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 355 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm von. Referred to: 445, 451 note: JSM always uses the spelling Leibnitz. Leitch, John. See Müller, Karl Otfried, Introduction. Leon (of Salamis). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 166 Lewes, George Henry.Aristotle: a chapter from the history of science, including analyses of Aristotle’s scientific writings. London: Smith, Elder, 1864. referred to: 484, 497 — “Mr. Grote’s Plato,” Fortnightly Review, II (Sept., 1865), 169-83. referred to: 383-4 Lewis, George Cornewall. “Grote’s History of Greece,” Edinburgh Review, XCI (Jan., 1850), 118-52. referred to: 309n Liddell, Henry George, and Robert Scott.A Greek-English Lexicon, based on the German work of Francis Passow. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1843. referred to: 493n Littré, Emile. Referred to: 444 Livy (Titus Livius). Referred to: 329 Locke, John. Referred to: 19, 84n, 93, 94, 95, 222, 247, 341-2, 345, 347, 443, 451, 457-8, 491 — Essay Concerning Human Understanding, in Works. New ed. 10 vols. London: Tegg, Sharpe, Offor, Robinson, and Evans, 1823, I-III. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation is indirect; the reference is to Locke’s indebtedness to Molyneux. quoted: 53 referred to: 457 — “Several Letters to Anthony Collins, Esq.,” in ibid., X, 260-98. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The passage cited contains explicitly the second of the two phrases, but the sense of the first is also present; a somewhat similar passage appears in “Some Familiar Letters,” ibid., IX, 303. quoted: 251 — Of the Conduct of the Understanding, in ibid., III, 203-89. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 510 510.3 “principling”] [paragraph] There is, I know, a great fault among all sorts of people of principling their children and scholars, which at last, when looked into, amounts to no more but making them imbibe their teacher’s notions and tenets by an implicit faith, and firmly to adhere to them whether true or false. (277) Louis IX (Saint Louis, of France). Referred to: 283 Louis XIV (of France). note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 335 Lucian. “Anacharsis, or Athletics,” in Lucian (Greek and English). Trans. A. M. Harmon. 8 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1925, IV, 1-69. note: this ed. used for ease of reference. Opera Omnia (Amsterdam and Utrecht, 1843-6) is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 397n-398n Luther, Martin. Referred to: 387, 414 Lycan. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 158, 169, 171 Lycurgus. note: the reference at 80 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; those at 301-2 are in quotations from Grote. referred to: 80, 299-302 Lysanias. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Lysias. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 62-96 passim Lysimachus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches, in which Lysimachus is a character. referred to: 197-209 passim Lysis. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Lysis, in which Lysis is a character. referred to: 210-21 passim Mahabharat. Referred to: 282 Malebranche, Nicolas. Referred to: 462, 465 — Recherche de la vérité, in Œuvres. Ed. Jules Simon. 2 vols. Paris: Charpentier, 1842, II. referred to: 457 Mandeville, Bernard. Referred to: 466, 466n Marcus Aurelius. See Antoninus. Mausolus. Referred to: 324 Melesias. note: the references at 197-209 passim are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches, in which Melesias is a character; that at 334 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 197-209 passim, 334 Meletus (Melitus). note: the references at 151-74 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology; those at 187-96 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Euthyphron; it is not known why JSM uses the incorrect spelling “Melitus” in these translations. referred to: 151-74 passim, 187-96 passim, 393, 398 Menexenus. note: the references are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Lysis, in which Menexenus is a character. referred to: 210-21 passim Menon. Referred to: 409 Mervoyer, Pierre Maurice.Étude sur l’association des idées. Paris: Durand, 1864. referred to: 444 Midas (the Phrygian). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 83 Mikkus. Referred to: 389 Mill, James. Referred to: 247, 352 — Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind. 2 vols. London: Baldwin and Cradock, 1829. note: in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 342, 361, 367, 494 — 2nd ed. Ed. John Stuart Mill. London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1869. referred to: 458n — “Education,” in Essays. London: printed by J. Innes, n.d. note: this is the earliest collection (only fifty copies were printed) of reprints of James Mill’s articles for the Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica; the articles are separately paginated. The quotation is indirect. quoted: 510 — A Fragment on Mackintosh. London: Baldwin and Cradock, 1835. referred to: 466n Mill, John Stuart. “Bailey on Berkeley’s Theory of Vision,” Westminster Review, XXXVIII (Oct., 1842), 318-36. note: i.e., the essay printed at 247-65 above; the references are in JSM’s “Rejoinder” to Bailey’s reply to this article. referred to: 266-8 — An Examination of Sir William Hamilton’s Philosophy. London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, 1865. referred to: 458n — “Gorgias,” Monthly Repository, VIII (Oct., Nov., and Dec., 1834), 691-710, 802-15, and 829-42. note: i.e., the essay printed at 97-150 above. referred to: 152 — “Grote’s History of Greece [Vols. V and VI],” Spectator, XXII (3 March, 1849), 202-3. quoted: 333-6 333.22 The] But the (202) [cf. 333t-t] 333.22 the middle period] this division (202) [cf. 333u-u] 333.28 cotemporaries] contemporaries (202) [cf. 333v-v] 334.14 were.] were, the greatest people who have yet appeared on this planet. (202) [cf. 334w] 334.23 [centred heading] character of nicias (203) [cf. 334x] — “Grote’s Greece—Volumes V and VI,” Spectator, XXII (10 March, 1849), 227-8. quoted: 318-19, 319-20 318.8 And our] Our (227) [cf. 318f-f] 318.9 tolerance] intolerance [printer’s error in S?] (227) [cf. 318g-g] 318.9 tastes and] daily (227) [cf. 318h-h] 318.10 does] may do (227) [cf. 318i-i] 318.11 we] we ever (227) [cf. 318j] 318.11-12 are offensive, though they do no positive damage] though they do no positive damage, are not the less sure to offend (227) [cf. 318k-k] . 319.24 [paragraph] The] [no paragraph] But even making allowance for this, the (227) [cf. 319m-m] 319.24 he [Pericles] lays] he lays (227) [cf. 319n-n] 319.27 pursuits] pursuit (227) [cf. 319o-o] 320.15 farther] further (227) [cf. 320p-p] 320.38 [paragraph] The] [paragraph] There have been few things lately written more worthy of being meditated on than this striking paragraph. The (227) [cf. 320r] — “Grote’s Greece—Volumes VII and VIII,” Spectator, XXIII (16 March, 1850), 255-6. quoted: 309n-310n, 327-8, 329, 331-2 309n.8 give the] give the briefest analysis of a dissertation so rich in matter, or the (256) [cf. 309b] 310n.7 case with] case in (256) [cf. 310c-c] 327.35 These men ought] In all these points the Athenian people were honourably distinguished, not only from the Greek oligarchies, but from their own oligarchichal party; who showed during two intervals of ascendancy, the periods of the Four Hundred and of the Thirty, of what enormities they were capable; and who ought (256) 328.1 as a] as the (256) [cf. 328b-b] 328.2 it.] it: for during the whole of its existence, such men as Critias and his compeers were prominent in the first ranks of public discussion, and continually filled the high offices of the state. (256) 329.27 his hero Socrates] by his Socratic dialectics he (256) [cf. 329i-i] 331.22 seventh volume] present volumes (256) [cf. 331o-o] — “Phædrus,” Monthly Repository, VIII (June, and Sept., 1834), 404-20, and 633-46. note: i.e., the essay printed at 62-96 above. referred to: 152 — Preface and Notes to James Mill’s Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind. 2nd ed. 2 vols. London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1869. referred to: 458n — “Protagoras,” Monthly Repository, VIII (Feb., and March, 1834), 89-99, and 203-11. note: i.e., the essay printed at 39-61 above. referred to: 68n, 106n, 135n, 152 — A System of Logic. London: Parker, 1843. note: in Collected Works, Vols. VII and VIII. referred to: 494 Milman, Henry Hart. “Grote’s History of Greece,” Quarterly Review, LXXVIII (June, 1846), 113-44. referred to: 303 Miltiades. note: the references at 133, 141 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 133, 141, 317n, 435 Milton, John.Paradise Lost, in The Poetical Works of Mr. John Milton. London: Tonson, 1695, 1-343. note: in all these quotations Mill is alluding to Aristophanes’ The Clouds; the wording of the translation of Plato’s Apology, however, echoes the Milton passage here cited. quoted: 153, 154, 157, 394 394.13 “make . . . reason.”] But all was false and hollow; though his tongue / Dropt manna, and could make . . . reason, to perplex and dash / Maturest counsels. (31; II, 110-13) Mitford, William.The History of Greece. 10 vols. London: Cadell and Davies, 1818-20. note: formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 275, 305n, 336 Mithæcus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 143 Molyneux, William. referred to: 457; see Locke, Essay Concerning Human Understanding. The Monk of St. Gall.Early Lives of Charlemagne by Eginhard and the Monk of St. Gall. Trans. and ed. A. J. Grant. London: Chatto and Windus, 1922. note: the reference is general; this ed. cited merely for the title. referred to: 283 Moore, Thomas. “Life of Lord Byron.” See Byron, Works. Mueller, Carl Otfried. See Müller, Karl Otfried. Mueller, Johannes Peter. See Müller, Johannes Peter. Müller, Friedrich Max.Lectures on the Science of Language, Delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain in February, March, April, & May, 1863. 2nd Series. London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1864. quoted: 404n 404n. 1-2 Nature . . . Belief] [in italics] (526) Müller, Johannes Peter.Elements of Physiology. Trans. William Baly. 2 vols. London: Taylor and Walton, 1837, 1842. note: the pagination in the two vols. is consecutive. referred to: 355 Müller, Karl Otfried.History of the Literature of Ancient Greece. 2 vols. Trans. George Cornewall Lewis and John William Donaldson. London: Baldwin, 1840-42. note: this ed., whose page references correspond to JSM’s, published in the “Library of Useful Knowledge” by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. The work was later reprinted in 3 vols.; JSM’s library contains the vol. subtitled “to the Period of Isocrates” (trans. Lewis; London: Baldwin, 1847). Grote gives the reference (to Chap. iv, §5) in the passage here also cited by JSM. referred to: 291n — Introduction to a Scientific System of Mythology. Trans. John Leitch. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1844. note: formerly in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 289 referred to: 288 289.26-8 every . . . entity] [in italics] (61) Müller, Max. See Müller, Friedrich Max. Myrtis. Referred to: 315n Nausicydes. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 124 Nero Claudius Cæsar. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grey used by Grote. referred to: 285n Newton, Isaac. Referred to: 310n Niceratus (Nikeratus). note: the reference at 208 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches; that at 334 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 208, 334 Nicias (Nikias). note: the reference at 114 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias; those at 197-209 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches, in which Nicias is a character; the references at 326, 334-6 are in quotations from Grote. For the quotation at 319n, s. v. Thucydides. referred to: 114, 197-209, 316, 319n, 326, 331, 334-6, 395 Nicostratus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Niebuhr, Barthold Georg.The History of Rome. 3 vols. Trans. Julius Charles Hare and Connop Thirlwall (Vols. I and II); William Smith and Leonhard Schmitz (Vol. III). London (Vols. I and II printed Cambridge): Taylor, 1828 (Vol. I), 1832 (Vol. II); Taylor and Walton, 1842 (Vol. III). note: a German ed., 3 vols. (Berlin: Reimer, 1827-32 [Vol. II is of the 1836 ed.]), is in JSM’s library, Somerville College, as are the two vols. of lectures ed. Schmitz (London: Taylor and Walton, 1844) that complete Niebuhr’s History. referred to: 276, 277, 304, 328, 330 — Lectures on Ancient History, from the earliest times to the taking of Alexandria by Octavianus. Comprising the History of the Asiatic Nations, the Egyptians, Greeks, Macedonians and Carthaginians. Trans. Leonhard Schmitz. 3 vols. London: Taylor, Walton, and Maberly, 1852. referred to: 331 — “On Xenophon’s Hellenica.” Trans. Connop Thirlwall. Philological Museum, I (1832), 485-98. note: the quotation and the reference are both to the passage (494-6) that Smith quotes in a note to Wiggers’ Life of Socrates (for the collation, see Wiggers). Concerning Niebuhr’s claim to originality (accepted by JSM at 323), see also Connop Thirlwall, “Death of Paches,” Philological Museum, II (1833), 236-40. quoted: 242-3 referred to: 323 “Novalis.” See Hardenberg. Nunneley, Thomas.On the Organs of Vision: Their Anatomy and Physiology. London: Churchill, 1858. note: Fraser reprints the relevant passage in his edition of Berkeley’s Works (q.v.), I, 446-8. referred to: 454, 457 Octavia (Julius Cæsar’s daughter). note: the reference is in a quotation from Grey used by Grote. referred to: 285n Orthagoras (the flute player). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras. referred to: 48 Owen, Robert. Referred to: 329, 387 Paches. note: the reference at 243 is in a quotation from Niebuhr. referred to: 243, 323 Paley, William. Referred to: 467 Paralus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Parmenides. note: the references at 222-38 passim are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Parmenides. referred to: 222-38 passim, 381-2, 412, 426 Paulus, Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob. Referred to: 287 Peisander. Referred to: 327 Pericles. note: the references at 48, 52, 395 are in JSM’s translations of Plato’s Protagoras; those at 86-7 are in his translation of Plato’s Phædrus; those at 103, 114, 133, 141, 143 are in his translation of Plato’s Gorgias, and that at 435 derives from the Gorgias; those at 298, 319-20, 326, 334-5 are in quotations from Grote. referred to: 48, 52, 86, 87, 103, 114, 133, 141, 143, 298, 311, 316-17, 319-21, 326-7, 331-5, 395, 435 — Funeral Oration. See Thucydides, History. quoted: 318-19 referred to: 377, 397n Phædrus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus, in which he is a character. referred to: 62-96 passim Pheidias. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras. referred to: 45 Philip (of Macedon). note: the reference at 243 is in a quotation from Niebuhr; that at 284 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 243, 284, 312 Philopœmen. Referred to: 337n Phocion. Referred to: 336n Phrynichus. note: the quotation is from Thucydides, History, q.v. quoted: 328 referred to: 322 Pindar. note: the quotation derives from Herodotus, q.v. quoted: 390n referred to: 315, 315n — The Odes of Pindar Including Principal Fragments (Greek and English). Trans. John Sandys. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1946. note: the indirect quotation is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. quoted: 122 Pisistratus. Referred to: 291, 299, 327 Pittacus. note: the quotation is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras. quoted: 54 Plato. note: the Loeb eds. of Plato are used for ease of reference. Bekker’s ed. [11 vols. (London: Priestley, 1826)] is in JSM’s library, Somerville College; the references at 167, 171 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology; those at 242-3 are in a quotation from Niebuhr; those at 298, 301-2, 320, 492, 494 are in quotations from Grote; that at 470 is in a quotation from Fraser. referred to: 39-45, 61-2, 84n, 93-6, 167, 171, 186, 210, 222-4, 238, 241-3, 282, 298, 300-2, 310, 310n, 314, 320, 329, 332, 336n, 377-440 passim, 451, 463, 466, 470, 475-7, 480, 483, 487-94, 506; see also Routh. — Platonis et quæ vel Platonis esse feruntur vel Platonica solent comitari scripta Græce omnia ad codices manuscriptos. With notes by Immanuel Bekker. 11 vols. London: Priestley, 1826. note: this ed. is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. JSM’s reference is to an “English bookseller” (Richard Priestley) who, aided by a “German scholar” (Bekker), “recently produced an excellent edition of Plato,” and subsequently (in 1827) became bankrupt. Vols. X and XI of the edition have as title Platonis dialogi Latine juxta interpretationem Ficini aliorumque. referred to: 39 — The Works of Plato, viz. his fifty-five Dialogues and twelve Epistles. Trans. F. Sydenham and Thomas Taylor. 5 vols. London: Taylor, 1804. referred to: 42 — Œuvres de Platon. Trans. Victor Cousin. 13 vols. Paris: Bossange, 1822-40. note: the reference (in 1834) is to the work as in progress. referred to: 42n — Platonis Euthydemus et Gorgias (Greek and Latin). Ed. Martin Joseph Routh. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1784. referred to: 39 — Apology (Apologia), in Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phædo, Phædrus (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1917, 68-144. translated with commentary: 151-74 quoted: 153n, 399 referred to: 403, 435 — The Apology of Socrates, the Crito, and Part of the Phædo, with Notes from Stallbaum and Schleiermacher’s Introductions. [Ed. William Smith.] London: Taylor and Walton, 1840. note: Stallbaum’s notes are trans. by Gillespie, Schleiermacher’s Introduction to the Apology by Thirlwall (originally for the Philological Museum, II [1833], 556-61), Schleiermacher’s Introduction to the Crito presumably by Smith. reviewed: 241-3 — Charmides, in Charmides, Alcibiades I and II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955, 8-90. translated with commentary: 175-86 referred to: 53n, 187, 407, 408, 439n — Cratylus (Kratylus), in Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hippias (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1914, 6-190. note: the references at 429 are in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 393, 429 — Critias (Kritias), in Timæus, Critias, Cleitophon, Menexenus, Epistles (Greek and English). Trans. R. G. Bury. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1929, 258-306. referred to: 385-6 — Crito (Kriton), in Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phædo, Phædrus (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1914, 150-90. referred to: 241, 417n — Epinomis, in Charmides, Alcibiades I and II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1927, 426-86. referred to: 385-6, 421 — Erastæ (The Lovers), in ibid., 312-38. referred to: 407 — Euthydemus, in Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1924, 378-504. referred to: 393, 435; see also Platonis Euthydemus et Gorgias. — Euthyphron, in Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phædo, Phædrus (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1914, 6-58. translated with commentary: 187-96 referred to: 406 — Gorgias, in Lysis, Symposium, Gorgias (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953, 258-532. note: the references at 413, 415 are in quotations from Grote; many of the quotations are summary or indirect. translated with commentary: 97-150 quoted: 106n, 390n, 394, 395, 401, 419, 435 referred to: 394-6, 399, 401, 407, 413, 415-16, 418, 422-4; see also Platonis Euthydemus et Gorgias. — Greater Hippias (Hippias Major), in Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hippias (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1914, 336-422. referred to: 389, 392, 407, 409 — Hipparchus, in Charmides, Alcibiades I and II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1927, 278-304. referred to: 407 — Kratylus. See Cratylus. — Kritias. See Critias. — Kriton. See Crito. — Laches, in Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1924, 6-82. translated with commentary: 197-209 referred to: 186, 187, 406, 409 — Lachès, ou du courage, in Œuvres de Platon. Trans. Victor Cousin. 13 vols. Paris: Bossange, 1822-40, V. note: Vol. V has 1823 on the title page (though Vol. IV has 1827, and Vol. VI, 1831). quoted: 203n 203n.2 “Constance”] Il me semble que le courage est une certaine constance de l’âme, puisqu’il faut en donner une définition générale et applicable à tous les cas. (369) — Laws (Greek and English). Trans. R. G. Bury. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1926. quoted: 397n referred to: 385-6, 395, 414, 417n, 418, 424, 434-5, 438 — Leges. See Laws. — Lesser Hippias (Second Hippias), in Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hippias (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1914, 428-74. referred to: 389, 392-3 — Lysis, in Lysis, Symposium, Gorgias (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1925, 6-70. translated with commentary: 210-21 referred to: 389, 407, 408 — Meno (Menon), in Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952, 264-370. quoted: 398, 422, 430 referred to: 398, 407, 409, 430, 435 — Minos, in Charmides, Alcibiades I and II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1927, 388-420. referred to: 407 — Parmenides, in Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hippias (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1914, 198-330. translated with commentary: 222-38 referred to: 381, 385, 412-13, 508 — Phædo (Phædon), in Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phædo, Phædrus (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1947, 200-402. note: the references at 413 and 424-5 are in quotations from Grote. referred to: 412-13, 422-5, 431 — Phædrus, in ibid., 412-578. note: the references at 413 and 430 are in quotations from Grote. translated with commentary: 62-96 quoted: 430n referred to: 291, 407, 412-14, 423, 430, 463 — Philebus, in The Statesman, Philebus, Ion (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler and W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1925, 202-398. note: the reference at 413 is in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 420 referred to: 387, 413-14, 418 — Politicus (Politikos). See The Statesman. — Protagoras, in Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952, 92-256. note: the reference at 413 is in a quotation from Grote. translated with commentary: 39-61 referred to: 106n, 197, 328-91, 395, 401n, 407-8, 413, 417-19 — Republic (Greek and English). Trans. Paul Shorey. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1946. note: the reference at 301-2 is in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 399, 400, 411, 438 referred to: 77n, 285, 301-2, 386, 396-7, 407, 412, 414, 416, 418-21, 426n, 428, 430, 434-9, 505 — Second Alcibiades, in Charmides, Alcibiades I and II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1927, 228-72. referred to: 435 — Second Hippias. See Lesser Hippias. — Seventh Epistle, in Timæus, Critias, Cleitophon, Menexenus, Epistles (Greek and English). Trans. R. G. Bury. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1929, 476-564. referred to: 405n, 431 — Sophist (Sophistes), in Theætetus, Sophist (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1921, 264-458. note: the references and the quotation at 429 are in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 397, 426n, 429 referred to: 385, 400-2, 405, 407, 428 — The Statesman (Politicus, Politikos), in The Statesman, Philebus, Ion (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler and W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1925, 4-194. note: the references at 433-4 are in a quotation from Grote in which part of the dialogue is summarized. referred to: 385, 405, 407, 432-4 — Symposium (Symposion), in Lysis, Symposium, Gorgias (Greek and English). Trans. W. R. M. Lamb. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1925, 80-244. referred to: 414 — Theætetus, in Theætetus, Sophist (Greek and English). Trans. H. N. Fowler. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1921, 6-256. note: the references at 429 are in a quotation from Grote. quoted: 430 referred to: 385, 391, 407, 409, 417n, 426, 428-30, 501n — Timæus, in Timæus, Critias, Cleitophon, Menexenus, Epistles (Greek and English). Trans. R. G. Bury. London: Heinemann, New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1929, 16-252. note: the reference at 413 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 385-6, 413, 420n Plutarch.Lives (Greek and English). Trans. Bernadotte Perrin. 11 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Macmillan, 1914. note: the reference at 326 concerns Solon’s proclamation against neutrality. referred to: 300, 326 Polus. note: the reference at 85 is to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; those at 97-150 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias, in which Polus is a character. referred to: 85, 97-150 passim, 394-6 Polycleitus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras. referred to: 45 Porphyry. Referred to: 23 Priestley, Richard. referred to: 39; see Plato, Platonis et quæ vel Platonis. . . . Prior, Thomas. Referred to: 471 Prodicus (Prodikus). note: the reference at 46 ff. are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras, in which Prodicus is a character; that at 85 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; that at 154 is in his translation of Plato’s Apology; that at 178 is in his translation of Plato’s Charmides; that at 207 is in his translation of Plato’s Laches. referred to: 46 ff., 85, 154, 178, 207, 389, 391-2 — “The Choice of Hercules.” See Xenophon, Memorabilia. referred to: 329, 391 Protagoras. note: the references at 42-61 passim are to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras, in which he is a character; that at 85 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; the quotations are from Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, q.v. quoted: 44n, 425 referred to: 42-61 passim, 85, 389, 392-3, 395, 401n, 426-8, 501n Pythagoras. Referred to: 381 Pythodorus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Parmenides. referred to: 222 Quarterly Review. note: the references are to “Church of England writers” who unjustly criticize the Sophists; no specific reference seems justified, but apposite are articles by Thomas Mitchell (XXI [1819], 281-6; XXVII [1822], 385-8—mentioned by Francis Sparshott in his Introduction, above xxiin—and XXXIII [1826], 332-56), J. G. Lockhart (XXVII [1828], 32-50), and H. N. Coleridge (XLIV [1831], 389-414). referred to: 43, 47n Rabelais, François. note: the passage is not in Rabelais, though traditionally ascribed to him. See, e.g., Diderot, Le Neveu de Rameau, ed. Jean Fabre (Geneva: Droz, 1963), 9. Cf. also the first sentence of Voltaire’s Ce qu’on ne fait pas et ce qu’on pourrait faire (1742), and Paul-Louis Courier’s “Lettre à Messieurs de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres” (1819). None of these gives the whole, or the exact notion, of the passage JSM cites; presumably there is a source for all which we have not located. quoted: 149 Ramayun. Referred to: 282 Ramus, Peter. Referred to: 405 Reid, Thomas. Referred to: 3, 247, 251, 341, 343, 443, 477 — Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind. 3 vols. Edinburgh: Bell and Bradfute, 1803. note: the references at 13n and 343-4 are to the first part, Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man, which is in Vols. I and II; that at 356, which is in a quotation from Bain, is to the second part, Essays on the Active Powers of the Human Mind. referred to: 13n, 343-4, 356 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Referred to: 387 Routh, Martin Joseph. See Plato, Platonis Euthydemus et Gorgias. Royer-Collard, Pierre Paul. Referred to: 443 Ruskin, John.Modern Painters. 5 vols. London: Smith, Elder, 1851-60. note: the reference is to Vol. II, which consists of Part III, “Of Ideas of Beauty.” referred to: 363-4 St. Thomas Aquinas. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 489 Sappho. note: the reference at 67 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 67, 315n Sarambus (the tavern keeper). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 143 Schelling, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von. Referred to: 341 Schleiermacher, Friedrich Daniel Ernst. “Introduction to Plato’s Apology of Socrates.” Trans. Connop Thirlwall. Philological Museum, II (1833), 556-61. referred to: 151, 151n; see also Plato, The Apology, the Crito . . . , ed. Smith. — “On the Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher.” Trans. Connop Thirlwall. Philological Museum, II (1833), 538-55. note: the German essay appeared in Berlin Transactions, 1815. referred to: 41, 241-2; see also Wiggers. Scott, Robert. See Liddell. Shaftsbury (3rd Earl of). See Cooper. Shakespeare, William.Cymbeline. note: as the reference is general, no ed. is cited. referred to: 284 — Hamlet. note: the quotation is indirect. The comparative passage is taken from the Variorum Edition of Horace H. Furness. quoted: 224 224.22 like to a cloud, & yet extremely unlike a whale.] Hamlet. Do you see yonder cloud that’s almost in shape of a camel? / Polonius. By the mass, and ’tis like a camel indeed. / Hamlet. Methinks it is like a weasel. / Polonius. It is backed like a weasel. / Hamlet. Or like a whale? / Polonius. Very like a whale. (III, ii, 359-65) — King Lear. note: the quotation is in a quotation by Grote from Grey. The comparative passage is taken from the Variorum Edition of Horace H. Furness. quoted: 285n referred to: 284 285n.2 Nero . . . darkness,] Edgar. Frateretto calls me, and tells me Nero . . . darkness. (III, vi, 6-7) Shelley, Mary.Frankenstein, or the Modern Prometheus. 3 vols. London: Lackington, Hughes, Harding, et al., 1818. referred to: 348 Simonides. Referred to: 315n — “Human Imperfection,” in Anthologia Lyrica Graeca. Ed. Ernestus Diehl. 2 vols. Leipzig: Teubneri, 1925, II, 62-6. note: the quotation, which is indirect, is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras. quoted: 54 Skedasus (daughters of). Referred to: 323 Sleeman, William Henry.Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official. 2 vols. London: Hatchard, 1844. note: in the Preface to the 2nd ed. (1849) of Vols. I and II of his History of Greece, Grote says JSM’s “excellent notice” of the History in the Edinburgh brought Sleeman’s book to his attention, and he added references to it in his notes. referred to: 288n, 290n Smith, Adam. Referred to: 247, 469 — An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. With a Commentary by the Author of “England and America” [E. G. Wakefield]. 4 vols. London: Knight, 1835-39. note: for ease of reference this ed. is used. In Somerville College there are the 2-vol. 8th ed. (London, 1796), the 2-vol. ed., ed. Rogers (Oxford, 1869), and a gift copy of J. R. McCulloch’s ed. (4 vols. Edinburgh: Black, Tait, 1828), Vol. I inscribed: “To John Mill Esq / This copy of the edition of a / work to the value of which / he has essentially contributed / is presented by his friend / the Editor”. referred to: 439 — “Of the External Senses,” in Essays on Philosophical Subjects. London: Cadell and Davies; Edinburgh: Creech, 1795, 195-244. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation, which JSM takes from Bailey, appears in the fifth section, “On the Sense of Seeing.” quoted: 253 253.22-3 “Must appear . . . point.”] But if we consider that the distance of any object from the eye, is a line turned endways to it; and that this line must consequently appear . . . point; we shall be sensible that distance from the eye cannot be the immediate object of Sight, but that all visible objects must naturally be perceived as close upon the organ, or more properly, perhaps, like all other Sensations, as in the organ which perceives them. (216) Smith, Sydney. “Female Education,” Edinburgh Review, XV (Jan., 1810), 299-315. quoted: 275n-276n 276n.10-11 action. There] action: there (299) Smith, William. See Plato, The Apology, the Crito . . . , ed. Smith; and Wiggers. Socrates. note: the references at 39-238 passim are to JSM’s translations of Plato’s dialogues, in which Socrates is the main character; that at 241 is in a quotation from Niebuhr; those at 298 and 320 are in quotations from Grote. referred to: 39-238 passim, 241, 242, 286, 298, 309, 309n-310n, 314, 320, 327, 329, 336y, 377-440 passim, 480, 481, 483, 506 Solon. note: the references at 80, 92 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus; those at 201 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches; the first at 326 is in a quotation from Grote. For Solon’s Speech to Crœsus, referred to at 295, see Herodotus; for his proclamation against neutrality, referred to at 326, see Plutarch. referred to: 80, 92, 201, 295, 313, 326-7, 397n Sophocles. note: the reference at 86 is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 86, 317 — Philoctetes, in Sophocles (Greek and English). Trans. F. Storr. 2 vols. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1919, II, 361-493. referred to: 392 Sophroniscus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Laches. referred to: 197 Spencer, Herbert.Principles of Psychology. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1855. note: by “the dissertation prefixed” to the work, JSM presumably refers (342n) to Part I, “General Analysis,” which is based on Spencer’s “The Universal Postulate,” Westminster Review (Oct., 1853). As to 367, while Spencer generally has different aims and uses different language. JSM would appear to have in mind such arguments as those in Part II, Chap. v, and Part IV, passim (see, e.g., 517, 529, 580). referred to: 342n, 367 Spinoza, Baruch. Referred to: 451, 466 Stasinus. Fragment 20, in Epicorum Græcorum Fragmenta. Ed. Godofredus Kinkel. Leipzig: Teubneri, 1877, 30-1. note: the quotation is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Euthyphron. quoted: 193 Statutes. See below 561. Stesichorus. Referred to: 71 Stewart, Dugald. Referred to: 93, 247, 261, 341, 343, 477 — Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind. Vol. I, London: Strahan and Cadell; Edinburgh: Creech, 1792; Vol. II, Edinburgh: Constable; London: Cadell and Davies, 1814; Vol. III, London: Murray, 1827. referred to: 11, 261 Sulla. See Sylla. Swift, Jonathan.Gulliver’s Travels, in The Works of Jonathan Swift, D. D., Dean of St. Patrick’s, Dublin; containing additional letters, tracts, and poems, not hitherto published; with notes and a life of the author. Ed. Walter Scott. 19 vols. Edinburgh: Constable; London: White, Cochrane, and Gale, Curtis and Fenner; Dublin: Cumming, 1814, XII. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The indirect quotation, which is in a quotation from Grote, is from Voyage IV (“A Voyage to the Country of the Houyhnhnms”), Chap. iii. (As the phrase recurs in Swift, no page reference is given.) In Swift, saying “the thing which was not” is equivalent to lying or expressing falsehood. quoted: 429 — A Tale of a Tub, in ibid., XI, 1-211. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. The quotation is indirect. quoted: 493n 493n.6-8 Lord Peter had studied the works of Aristotle, and . . . wonderful treatise . . . which teaches . . . find a . . . except itself.] But about this time it fell out, that the learned brother aforesaid had read Aristotle’s dialectica, and . . . wonderful piece . . . which has the faculty of teaching . . . find out a . . . but itself; like commentators on the Revelations, who proceed prophets without understanding a syllable of the text. (85) Sylla (Sulla). Referred to: 510 Taine, Hippolyte.Histoire de la littérature anglaise. 4 vols. Paris: Hachette, 1863-4. referred to: 443 — De l’Intelligence. 2 vols. Paris: Hachette, 1870. reviewed: 443-7 quoted: 444 444.24-37 Under . . . these.] [translated from:] Si je ne me trompe, on entend aujourd’hui par intelligence, ce qu’on entendait autrefois par entendement et intellect, à savoir la faculté de connaître; du moins, j’ai pris le mot dans ce sens. [paragraph] En tout cas, il s’agit ici de nos connaissances, et non d’autre chose. Les mots faculté, capacité, pouvoir, qui ont joué un si grand rôle en psychologie ne sont, comme on le verra, que des noms commodes au moyen desquels nous mettons ensemble, dans un compartiment distinct, tous les faits d’une espèce distincte; ces noms désignent un caractère commun aux faits qu’on a logés sous la même étiquette; ils ne désignent pas une essence mystérieuse et profonde, qui dure et se cache sous le flux des faits passagers. C’est pourquoi je n’ai traité que des connaissances, et, si je me suis occupé des facultés, c’est pour montrer qu’en soi et à titre d’entités distinctes, elles ne sont pas. [paragraph] Une pareille précaution est fort utile. Par elle, la psychologie devient une science de faits; car ce sont des faits que nos connaissances; on peut parler avec précision et détails d’une sensation, d’une idée, d’un souvenir, d’une prévision, aussi bien que d’une vibration, d’un mouvement physique; dans l’un comme dans l’autre cas, c’est un fait qui surgit; on peut le reproduire, l’observer, le décrire; il a ses précédents, ses accompagnements, ses suites. De tout petits faits bien choisis, importants, significatifs, amplement circonstanciés et minutieusement notés, voilà aujourd’hui la matière de toute science; chacun d’eux est un spécimen instructif, une tête de ligne, un exemplaire saillant, un type net auquel se ramène toute une file de cas analogues; notre grande affaire est de savoir quels sont ces éléments, comment ils naissent, en quelles façons et à quelles conditions ils se combinent, et quels sont les effets constants des combinaisons ainsi formées. [paragraph] Telle est la méthode qu’on a tâché de suivre dans cet ouvrage. Dans la première partie, on a dégagé les éléments de la connaissance; de réduction en réduction, on est arrivé aux plus simples, puis de là aux changements physiologiques qui sont la condition de leur naissance. Dans la seconde partie, on a d’abord décrit le mécanisme et l’effet général de leur assemblage, puis, appliquant la loi trouvée, on a examiné les éléments, la formation, la certitude et la portée de nos principales sortes de connaissances, depuis celle des choses individuelles jusqu’à celle des choses générales, depuis les perceptions, prévisions et souvenirs les plus particuliers jusqu’aux jugements et axiomes les plus universels. (I, 3-5) Tennyson, Alfred. “Eleänore,” in Poems. London: Moxon, 1833, 25-32. quoted: 420n 420n.11 melody.] melody, / Which lives about thee, and a sweep / Of richest pauses, evermore / Drawn from each other mellow-deep, / Who may express thee, Eleänore? (28; 13-17) Thales. Referred to: 380-1 Theætetus. Referred to: 409, 430 Theages. note: the reference is to JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167, 395 Thearion (the baker). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 143 Themistocles. note: the references at 103, 133, 141, 143 are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 103, 133, 141, 143, 333, 435 Theodorus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 82, 85 Theodotides. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Theodotus. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Apology. referred to: 167 Theophrastus. Referred to: 510 Theramenes. note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 334 Thirlwall, Connop. Referred to: 41 — The History of Greece. New Ed. 8 vols. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1845-52. note: the work first appeared, in 8 vols., in Dionysius Lardner’s The Cabinet Cyclopædia (London: Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1835 ff.), to which the references at 242 and 275n are relevant. quoted: 281-2 referred to: 242, 275, 275n, 330 281.34-282.1 “were . . . Theogony . . . forms;” . . . “whence . . . shapes.”] [paragraph] Before we make any remark on this hypothesis, we must consider the view which Herodotus takes of the change introduced by native poets into the Greek mythology: Whence . . . shapes, on these points the knowledge of the Greeks may be said to be but of yesterday. And he subjoins, as a reason, the comparatively late age of Homer and Hesiod; who, as he says, were . . . theogony . . . forms. (I, 211) — Trans. B. G. Niebuhr’s History of Rome. See Niebuhr. — Trans. B. G. Niebuhr’s “On Xenophon’s Hellenica.” See Niebuhr, and Wiggers. — Trans. F. D. Schleiermacher’s Introduction to The Apology of Socrates. See Plato, The Apology, the Crito . . . , ed. Smith. — Trans. F. D. Schleiermacher’s “On the Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher.” See Schleiermacher. — “Socrates, Schleiermacher, and Delbrueck,” Philological Museum, II (1833), 562-87. referred to: 151n Thrasybulus. Referred to: 155n, 309 Thrasymachus. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 82, 85, 87, 394, 396-7, 397n Thucydides (son of Melesias). note: the references are in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 334 Thucydides. Referred to: 300, 329, 330 — Thucydides (Greek and English). Trans. Charles Foster Smith. 4 vols. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969. note: the references at 377, 397n and the quotations at 318-19, 319 are to Pericles’ funeral oration, which is recorded by Thucydides (I, 318-40; II, 35-46); the passage quoted at 328 is contained in that quoted at 323n. quoted: 317n, 318-19, 319, 319n, 323n, 328 referred to: 322, 327, 377, 397n Timæus. note: the reference at 413 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 385, 413 Timarchus. Referred to: 389 Timoleon. Referred to: 311 Tisander. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 124 Tisias. note: the references are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Phædrus. referred to: 85, 89 Tooke, John Horne. Επεα πτεροεντα. Or, The Diversions of Purley. 2nd ed. 2 vols. London: Johnson, 1798, 1805. note: although the precise words are not used by Tooke, the doctrine is averred. quoted: 425 425.31-2 “that which each man troweth.”] [paragraph] True, as we now write it; or trew, as it was formerly written; means simply and merely—That which is trowed. [footnote omitted] (II, 403; cf. ibid., “. . . every man . . . should speak that which he troweth. . . .”) Torquemada, Juan de. Referred to: 415 Turpin (Archbishop of Rheims). History of Charles the Great and Orlando, ascribed to Archbishop Turpin. Trans. T. Rodd. 2 vols. London: Todd, 1812. note: the reference is general; this ed. is cited merely for the title. referred to: 283 Ueberweg, Friedrich.Untersuchungen über die Echtheit und Zeitfolge Platonischer Schriften, und über die Hauptmomente aus Platos Leben. Vienna: Gerolds Sohn, 1861. note: the reference, to p. 81, derives from Grote. referred to: 386 Vincent de Beauvais.Speculum historiale fratris Vincencii. 2 vols. Strasburg: Mentelin, 1473. note: the reference is general; this ed. cited merely for the title. referred to: 283 Virgil (Publius Virgilius Maro). Referred to: 284 — Aeneid. note: as the reference is general, no ed. is cited; Opera, ed. C. G. Heyne (London: Priestley, 1821), is in JSM’s library, Somerville College. referred to: 284 Voltaire, François Marie Arouet. Referred to: 387 Warburton, William.The Divine Legation of Moses, in The Works of the Right Reverend William Warburton, Lord Bishop of Gloucester. 7 vols. London: Cadell, 1788, I-III. note: the passage referred to, which is in a quotation from Whately, is not in the 1st ed. (3 vols., London: Gyles, 1738-41). referred to: 8 Wardrop, James. “Case of a Lady born blind, who received sight at an advanced age by the formation of an artificial pupil,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, CXVI (1826), Pt. 3, 529-40. note: the reference, to “a middle-aged woman,” derives from Bailey. referred to: 265 Ware, James. “Case of a young Gentleman, who recovered his Sight when seven Years of Age, after having been deprived of it by Cataracts, before he was a Year old; with Remarks,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, XCI (1801), Pt. 2, 382-96. note: the reference, to “a boy seven years old,” derives from Bailey. referred to: 265 Warton, Thomas.The History of English Poetry. 3 vols. London: Dodsley, Walter, Becket, Robson, Robinson, and Bew; Oxford: Fletcher, 1774-81. note: the quotation is taken from Grote’s History, where the ed. is not cited; Grote’s page references to Warton, I, 131 and 140, correspond to I, 128n and 137 in the 1st ed., here used. quoted: 284n 284n.5 the son] a son (I, 137) Watts, Isaac.Logick: Or, the Right Use of Reason in the Enquiry after Truth, with A Variety of Rules to guard against Error, in the Affairs of Religion and Human Life, as well as in the Sciences. London: Clark, Hett, Matthews, and Ford, 1725. note: the quotation at 8 (repeated at 19), which is in a quotation from Whately, would appear to be a summary paraphrase; the exact wording has not been found, but many passages approximate to it (e.g., 124-5, 365, 368, 371). quoted: 8, 19 referred to: 20 Whately, Richard.Elements of Logic. Comprising the substance of the article in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana: with additions, &c. London: Mawman, 1826. — 2nd ed. London: Mawman, 1827. note: the page references given are to the 1st ed. The 1st and 9th eds. are in JSM’s library, Somerville College. reviewed: 3-35 quoted: 3, 4-5, 6-7, 7-8, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 27-8, 31, 32, 32-3, 32n 3.1-2 progress towards popularity,” . . . “is] progress, therefore, towards popularity is (xxvi) 4.34 [paragraph] If] [no paragraph] If (x) 4.38 all and] all and (x) 6.32 [paragraph] Many] [no paragraph] But many (xii) 7.9 never would] would never (xiii) 11.27 “may] [paragraph] Moreover, it should be remembered that a very long discussion is one of the most effectual veils of Fallacy; sophistry, like poison, is at once detected, and nauseated when presented to us in a concentrated form; but a Fallacy which when stated barely, in a few sentences, would not deceive a child, may (151) 11.29 [paragraph] Fallacious reasonings, [. . . ,] may] [no paragraph] Or again, fallacious reasoning may (151) 13.18-19 “regarding the syllogism . . . nature,”] A more curious and important one is the degeneracy of Astronomy into judicial Astrology; but none is more striking than the misapplication of Logic, by those who have treated of it as “the art of rightly employing the rational faculties,” or who have intruded it into the province of natural philosophy, and regarded the Syllogism . . . nature: while they overlooked the boundless field that was before them within the legitimate limits of the science; and perceived not the importance and difficulty of the task, of completing and properly filling up the masterly sketch before them. (7) 14.34-5 plough,” . . . “may] plough may (236) 14.36 flail] flail (236) 15.2 “the] They have in short considered logic as an art of reasoning; whereas (so far as it is an art) it is the art of reasoning; the (22) 15.4 furnish] lay down (22) 15.6-7 “a . . . reasoning,” but “a . . . reasoning”] [paragraph] Others again, who are aware that the simple system of Logic may be applied to all subjects whatever, are yet disposed to view it as a . . . reasoning, and not, as it is, a . . . reasoning: whence many have been led (e.g. the author of the Philosophy of Rhetoric [George Campbell]) to talk of comparing syllogistic reasoning with moral reasoning, taking if for granted that it is possible to reason correctly without reasoning logically; which is in fact as great a blunder as if any one were to mistake grammar for a peculiar language, and to suppose it possible to speak correctly without speaking grammatically. (21-2) 16.19 instance,” . . . “in] instance in (18) 16.23 one . . . same] [no italics] (18) 16.38 argument.—An] argument: e.g. if any one from perceiving that “the world exhibits marks of design,” infers that “it must have had an intelligent author,” though he may not be aware in his own mind of the existence of any other premiss, he will readily understand, if it be denied that “whatever exhibits marks of design must have had an intelligent author,” that the affirmative of that proposition is necessary to the validity of the argument. An (24) 21.18 Property [Proprium];] Property; (62) 27.20 [paragraph] A Nominal Definition, [says he,] (such] [no paragraph] A Nominal Definition (such (71) 28.3 proposition;] “proposition;” (71) 28.4 ten commandments;] “ten commandments;” (71) 28.11 described] described (72) 28.11 food, &c.”] food,” &c. (72) 31.15 [paragraph] If a] [no paragraph] Nay, from the elliptical form in which all reasoning is usually expressed, and the peculiarly involved and oblique form in which Fallacy is for the most part conveyed, it must of course be often a matter of doubt, or rather, of arbitrary choice, not only to which genus each kind of Fallacy should be referred, but even to which kind to refer any one individual Fallacy: for since, in any course of Argument, one Premiss is usually suppressed, it frequently happens, in the case of a Fallacy, that the hearers are left to the alternative of supplying either a Premiss which is not true, or else, one which does not prove the Conclusion; e.g. if a (136-7) 32.23 [paragraph] This mistake, [he observes,] seems] [no paragraph] This inaccuracy seems (208) 32.25 deducing an] deducing of an (208) 32.30 reasoning, [he continues,] by] Reasoning by (208) — Elements of Rhetoric. Comprising the substance of the article in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana: with additions, &c. Oxford: Parker; London: Murray, 1828. note: JSM’s reference at 22n is mistakenly to the “preface” and so has been altered; the close parallel between the wording of the two references suggests a lapse of mind. The passage JSM refers to at 22n does not appear in later eds. of Whately’s Rhetoric. referred to: 22n, 30 Wheatstone, Charles. “Contributions to the Physiology of Vision.—Part the First. On some remarkable, and hitherto unobserved, phenomena of binocular vision,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, CXXVIII (1838), 371-94. note: “Part the Second” appeared ibid., 1852. The reference derives from Bailey. referred to: 267 Whewell, William. Referred to: 247 Wiggers, Gustav Friedrich.A Life of Socrates. Trans. with Notes [by William Smith]. London: Taylor and Walton, 1840. note: the volume also includes the Greek text of Diogenes Laertius’ Life of Socrates, and F. D. Schleiermacher’s “On the Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher,” translated from the Berlin Transactions (1815) by Connop Thirlwall (which first appeared in the Philological Museum, II [1833], 538-55). The quotation, which occurs in one of Smith’s notes, is taken by him, with acknowledgment, from Thirlwall’s translation of Niebuhr, “On Xenophon’s Hellenica” (the translation appeared in the Philological Museum, I [1832], 485-98; the quoted passage is on 494-6); see also 323, where part of the same passage is referred to. The book is paginated throughout in small roman numbers. reviewed: 241-3 quoted: 242-3 242.39 him; a] him? A (lxxvi) 243.5 man. We] man: we (lxxvi) 243.20 gods] Gods (lxxvi) Wolf, Friedrich August. note: the reference is to “the Wolfian hypothesis” concerning the authorship of Homer. referred to: 291 Wordsworth, William. “Lines, composed a few miles above Tintern Abbey, on revisiting the banks of the Wye during a tour,” in The Poetical Works of William Wordsworth. 1st collected ed. 5 vols. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1827, II, 179-86. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 421 421.36-7 “something far more deeply interfused,”] And I have felt / A presence that disturbs me with the joy / Of elevated thoughts; a sense sublime / Of something far more deeply interfused, / Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns, / And the round ocean and the living air, / And the blue sky, and in the mind of man: / A motion and a spirit, that impels / All thinking things, all objects of all thought, / And rolls through all things. (183; 96-105) — “Ode. Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood,” in ibid., IV, 346-55. note: this ed. in JSM’s library, Somerville College. quoted: 423 423.15 “a sleep and a forgetting,”] Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting: / The Soul that rises with us, our life’s Star, / Hath had elsewhere it’s [sic] setting, / And cometh from afar: / Not in entire forgetfulness, / And not in utter nakedness, / But trailing clouds of glory do we come / From God, who is our home: / Heaven lies about us in our infancy! (349; Stanza 5, 1-9) Xenophanes. Referred to: 426 — Fragment 9, in Anthologia Lyrica Graeca. Ed. Ernestus Diehl. Leipzig: Teubneri, 1954, I, 68. quoted: 286 Xenophon. note: the reference at 320 is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 300, 320, 378 — Anabasis, in Hellenica, Books VI & VII, Anabasis, Books I-III. Trans. Carleton L. Brownson. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961, 242-492. referred to: 311 — Apology, in Anabasis, Books IV-VII, Symposium and Apology (Greek and English). Trans. O. J. Todd. London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961, 488-508. referred to: 398 — Memorabilia, in Memorabilia and Œconomicus (Greek and English). Trans. E. C. Marchant. London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1923, 2-358. quoted: 392n, 399, 401n, 407, 417n, 432 referred to: 166n, 393, 399, 409n, 418, 480 Xerxes. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 121 Zeno (of Elea). note: the references at 222-38 passim are in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Parmenides, in which Zeno is a character. referred to: 222-38 passim, 382, 506 Zeuxippus (the painter). note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Protagoras. referred to: 48 Zeuxis. note: the reference is in JSM’s translation of Plato’s Gorgias. referred to: 101 STATUTES43 Elizabeth, c.2. An Act for the reliefe of the poore (1601). note: the reference is in a quotation from Grote. referred to: 301 [a-a]H accomplish [b-b]H achieved [c-c]H combine [d]H & thinkers [e-e]H there been [f]H exceptionally [g-g]H sense [h-h]H last [i-i]H additional [j-j]H have accomplished [k-k]H continuancy [l-l]H Recollecting [m-m]H a complaint against the general conditions of our earthly existence [n-n]H extremely [o-o]H fruits [p-p]H conditions [q-q]H,C complete. And [r]H all [s-s]+C,73 [t-t]H unfinished chapter [u-u]H this subject [[*] ]Aristotle, On the Heavens (Greek and English), trans. W. K. C. Guthrie (London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1939). [v]H which are [w-w]H out as an aid [x-x]+C,73 [[†] ]London: Longmans, Green, 1868; Grote’s “Psychology of Aristotle” appears there as an appendix, pp. 611-67. [y-y]H now [z-z]H by Mr. Grote for insertion in two of Prof. Bain’s treatises, which were then published, giving Mr. Grote’s [[‡] ]Appendices I and II (“History of Nominalism and Realism” and “The Origin of Knowledge”) appeared in Appendices A and B of Bain’s Mental and Moral Science, 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1868), Vol. I, pp. 1-24, and 34-48 (the appendices are separately paginated). [a-a]H on two most important questions of a mixed logical & metaphysical nature [b-b]H that [c-c]H principal [d]H question [e]H other [f-f]H which appear] C which (either wholly or in part) appear [g-g]+C,73 [h-h]+C,73 [i-i]H be [j-j]+C,73 [k-k]+73 [l-l]H the book [m-m]H in the Appendix which relates to Aristotle [n]H given [o-o]H,C a [p-p]H comprehension [q-q]H greatly help [r-r]H Nevertheless [s-s]H still [t-t]+C,73 [u-u]+C,73 [v]H own [w-w]H successors [x-x]H method & rules [y-y]H much [z-z]H laying down [a-a]H said, not without justice, to have been [b-b]+C,73 [c-c]+C,73 [d-d]H claims to have been [e-e]H make any [f-f]H As distinguished from [g-g]Source,H,C “a . . . traditions,” [h]Source,H,C rhetorical [i]H,C [no paragraph] [* ]Grote, Vol. II, pp. 131-3. [Grote’s translation and expansion of Aristotle, On Sophistical Refutations, 184a-b (cf. Forster and Furley trans., p. 155).] [j-j]H the present remote age [k-k]H merely, as he says, [l-l]H as [m-m]H any [n]H himself [o-o]H intended. And [p-p]H with some very limited exceptions [q-q]H which [r-r]H value beyond [s-s]H which have since elapsed [t]H even [u-u]H thought [v-v]H years been the [w-w]H which has previously] C which has already [x-x]H,C sufficient. And [y-y]H required [z-z]+C,73 [a-a]H presented themselves [b]H of them [c]H very [d-d]H does [e-e]H is [f-f]H is open to question [g]H indeed, [h-h]+C,73 [i-i]H habitual to [j-j]H,C deliberations [k-k]+C,73 [l-l]H seeking for definitions of them [m-m]H On this subject, therefore, the ground was well prepared for Aristotle. And in Mr. Grote’s opinion, the use of an enumeration of particulars for the investigation of Definitions is the Induction which Aristotle placed to the credit of Socrates (Vol. II, p. 165).* [footnote:] *Aristotle distinctly praises Socrates for having never regarded universals as having an existence apart from particulars (p. 163 & the passage there quoted). [* ]Ibid., p. 165. [† ]It deserves mention, that Aristotle distinctly praises Socrates for having never regarded universals as having an existence of their own, apart from particulars. The “Ideas” of Plato were Plato’s only, underived from Socrates. See Grote, Vol. II, p. 163, and the passage there quoted. [n-n]H mode [o-o]H is characterized [p-p]H proceeds not [[*] ]Bacon, Novum Organum, Works, Vol. I, p. 205 (Bk. I, Aph. 105). [q-q]H : but [r-r]H as applied [s-s]H appropriates [t-t]H Aristotle, however, [u-u]H greatest thing which [v]H & [w-w]H which [x-x]H he had Plato for [y-y]+C,73 [z-z]H reasoning, as he explains, [a-a]H down [b-b]H reasoning, [c-c]H gathered from [d-d]H indeed seems to modern eyes [e-e]+C,73 [f-f]H guided [g-g]H the [h-h]H is the more honourable [i-i]H,C philosophic [j-j]H in the age of Aristotle [k-k]H which it is particularly easy to mistake [l-l]H certified by the mind’s own faculties & [m]H thinkers [n-n]H days [o-o]H Aristotle’s [p-p]+C,73 [q-q]H as mere suggestions by sense [r]H are [s-s]H true [t-t]H discover [u-u]H to discriminate between good induction & [v-v]H seems not [w-w]H characterized [[*] ]See De Augmentis Scientiarum, Works, Vol. I, p. 620, and Novum Organum, ibid., p. 205. [[†] ]Aristotle, Topica, in Posterior Analytics, Topica (Greek and English), trans. Hugh Tredennick and E. S. Forster (London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960). [x-x]H that generalization [y-y]H all those tests are [z-z]H an universality [a-a]H day [b-b]H admissible by him [c-c]H take place [d-d]H the knowledge of nature which had at that early period been acquired having established this uniformity of sequence only in the case of a limited number of phenomena [e-e]H what we now understand by the [f-f]H recognised [[*] ]Aristotle, The Physics (Greek and English), trans. Philip H. Wickstead and Francis M. Cornford, 2 vols. (London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), Vol. I, pp. 140-62 (195b30-198a10). [g-g]H That any one in Aristotle’s time should work out from his own mind the rules & tests of induction which have been brought to light by three centuries of its successful application to subjects of ever greater intricacy & contemplation, was impossible.] C as 73 . . . complication, were not arrived . . . as 73 [h-h]H at first apparent why he might [i]H very [j-j]H was [k-k]+C,73 [l-l]+C,73 [m-m]H And it [n-n]H philosophic capacity [o-o]H been ample evidence by that time [p-p]H familiar instances could not [q-q]H quite permissible [r-r]H mode of induction to its proper test [s-s]H supposed [t-t]H he could do [u-u]+C,73 [v-v]H It was not likely that the need of a more artful mode of induction should [w-w]H had [x-x]+C,73 [y-y]H not Bacon merely [z-z]H revived [a-a]H necessity [b-b]+C,73 [c-c]H Aristotle has [d]H ultimately [e-e]H , a . . . superiority, [f-f]H as [g-g]H while [h-h]H minds [i-i]H in experience . . . but in [[*] ]George Henry Lewes, Aristotle: a chapter from the history of science (London: Smith, Elder, 1864). [j-j]H apprehend [k-k]H For example, [l-l]H legitimate conclusions may [m-m]H respecting [n-n]H borne out [o-o]H he [p-p]H to [q-q]H direct attention [r-r]H instances [s-s]H “other way” [t-t]H thought [u-u]H When we find him, as we often do, drawing conclusions from [v-v]H than in the case just cited, we shall [w-w]+C,73 [cancelled in H] [x-x]H own [y-y]H wide [z-z]H that [a-a]H cannot advance solely by the [b-b]H those materials [c-c]H constructing [d-d]H generalizations destined to be corrected or totally abandoned as subsequent experience may require [e-e]H stigmatized [[*] ]Novum Organum, Works, Vol. I, p. 205 (Bk. I, Aph. 105). [f-f]H when offered as the last stage [g-g]H legitimately [h-h]H those [i-i]H final results of Science [j-j]H immense pains to add largely to [k-k]H never dreamed or [l-l]H are more different [m]H any [n]H [no paragraph] [o-o]H blame him [p-p]H made an accusation [q-q]H put] C set [r-r]H what [s-s]H facts resting on [t-t]H merely [u-u]H no available mode [v-v]+C,73 [w-w]H no [[*] ]Aristotle, HistoriaAnimalium (Greek and English), trans. A. L. Peck, 3 vols. (London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965). [x-x]H speak of [[†] ]Aristotle, The Nicomachean Ethics (Greek and English), trans. H. Rackham (London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1926). [[‡] ]Aristotle, The “Art” of Rhetoric (Greek and English), trans. J. H. Freese (London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1926). [y-y]H reputed [z-z]H leave [a-a]H accurate [b-b]H ages [c-c]H was more noticed & more discussed by [d-d]H more [e-e]H Idealistic-Realist [f-f]+C,73 [g-g]H only [h-h]H the proper sense of the word [i-i]H were [j-j]H perfection [k-k]+C,73 [l-l]+C,73 [m-m]H sense; the [n-n]H could only be attained by [o-o]H then [p-p]+C,73 [q-q]H concerning [r-r]H a frequent [[*] ]See Metaphysics, trans. Tredennick, Vol. I, pp. 66-81 and 310-472 (991a9-993a10 and 1028a10-1052a10). [s-s]H in a fuller & more special sense than any others [t-t]H he calls [u-u]H can still less be admitted to have any [a cancelled] separate existence, though included among Entia or Beings [v]H kind of [w-w]H differing from them however [x-x]H they considered [y]H while [z]H things [a-a]H which the intellect does not make but only perceives; perceives [b-b]H separate [c-c]H doctrine [d-d]H which place the seat] C as 73 . . . seat [e-e]H as [f-f]H accounted that [g-g]H remarkable [h]H the philosophy of Aristotle [i-i]H predominant school of mediæval speculation [j-j]+C,73 [k-k]H some of the latest thinkers of the middle ages to emancipate philosophy [l-l]+C,73 [m-m]H possessed in [n-n]+C,73 [o-o]H he [[*] ]Aristotle, Categories, and On Interpretation, in The Categories, On Interpretation, Prior Analytics (Greek and English), trans. Harold P. Cooke and Hugh Tredennick (London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938). [* ]Preface, Vol. I, p. vii. [p]H form of [q-q]H between these two doctrines was great [r-r]H,C essential; these [* ]Grote, Vol. II, p. 263. [Grote is rendering Aristotle’s Metaphysics, 1026b23.] [s-s]H an immense [t-t]H subject of knowledge, existed [u-u]H : but [v-v]H an obvious [w-w]H at which Realism in another dress [x-x]H confusion was [y-y]H Metaphysics [z]H the [a-a]+C,73 [b-b]H Plato’s forms [c-c]H but [d]H the [e-e]H the attribution to them in this way [f-f]H considering [g-g]H [added on verso] [h-h]H himself [i-i]H any [j]H [no paragraph] [k-k]H from philosophy of the objective existence of Universals remained [l]H indifferently [m-m]H who first opened up to thought the process of observing & clarifying phenomena, & diverted it [n-n]H as it has led [o-o]H abstractions.] C as 73 . . . comprehensive expressions . . . as 73 [p-p]H parts [q-q]H mode [r-r]H though less original, were not less necessary [s-s]+C,73 [t-t]H between [u-u]H clear [v-v]H now seem, but, though elementary, indispensable to clearness of thought [w-w]H lead [x-x]H : accordingly, as Mr. Grote points out, (Vol. I, p. 195) Plato himself [* ]Grote, Vol. I, p. 195. [y-y]H while [z-z]H from the same cause involved [a-a]+C,73 [b-b]H found [c-c]H positive [d-d]H Without some . . . fashioned, it is impossible [e-e]+C,73 [f-f]H necessary [g-g]H regard [* ]Mr. Grote cannot behreprehendedh for calling Aristotle’s writings by the names by which they are currently known. Yet surely it is time that the mistranslation De Interpretatione should be banished, and the treatise περὶ ἑρμηνείας should be known by its proper designation, De Enunciatione. There is not aisinglei word about interpretation in the whole treatise; and the use of that name for it is a puzzle to learners, andja snarekfork those who would be thought to know more about it than they do: as we see by thejmauvaise plaisanterie of Swift,lin the Tale of a Tub, wherel he says that Lord Peter had studied the works of Aristotle, and especially that wonderful treatise De Interpretatione, which teaches its readers to find a meaning in everything except itself. [Jonathan Swift, A Tale of a Tub, in Works, Vol. XI, p. 85.] In Liddell and Scott’s Greek Lexicon [Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1843)],mthe meanings assigned to ἑρμηνεύω arem , “to be an interpreter, to interpret: hence to express, give utterance to: to explain, make clear.” The secondnsignificationn , that of expressing, or giving utterance to, a fact or thought, is the onlyomeaningo in which the term or its derivativespcould possiblyp be employed toqdesignateq a treatise on Propositions. [* ]Grote, Vol. I, pp. 196-7. [r-r]H merit of Aristotle [s-s]H who treated [t-t]H which [u-u]H philosophy: for [v-v]H (or Being) [w-w]H higher Genus of its different [x-x]H a [y-y]+C,73 [z-z]+C,73 [a]H may be] C are [b-b]+73 [[*] ]See Thomas Hobbes, “Computation or Logic,” in English Works, ed. Molesworth, Vol. I, pp. 30-1, 60-1; James Mill, Analysis, Vol. I, pp. 126ff. [c-c]H the word is [* ]Grote, Vol. I, pp. 181-2. [d-d]H non-observance of [e-e]H enlarged [f-f]H assigns [g-g]H acceptation [h-h]H except negations [i-i]H Only one [j-j]H it is . . . it is . . . it is [k]H the [l-l]H [not in italics] [m-m]H , among others, by [[†] ]Grote, Vol. I, pp. 129n-130n; Mill’s comments are in A System of Logic, Collected Works, Vols. VII and VIII (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973), Vol. VII, pp. 46 ff. [* ]nVon der mannigfachen Bedeutung des Scienden nach Aristoteles. Von Franz Brentano. Freiburg im Breisgau [: Herder’sche Verlagshandlung], 1862.n [o-o]H work well known [p-p]H trace [q-q]H by which Aristotle [r-r]H shewn [s-s]H did really [t-t]H is defensible [u-u]+C,73 [v-v]H great [w-w]H examination of the [x-x]H true [y-y]H , considered . . . value, his achievements entitle him to [z-z]+C,73 [a-a]H he cannot, so far as we are aware, be credited with [b-b]H except [[*] ]William Hamilton, “Contribution towards a history of the doctrine of mental suggestion or association,” in Hamilton, ed., Works of Thomas Reid (Edinburgh: Maclachlan, Stewart; London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1846), p. 901. [c]H & [d-d]H complicated [e-e]+C,73 [f-f]H acknowledges indeed] C acknowledged [g-g]H this it] C as 73 . . . in behalf . . . as 73 [h-h]Source,H,C “misconceptions which [* ]Ibid., p. 891. [i-i]+C,73 [† ]Ibid., p. 897n. [j-j]H Sir W. Hamilton certainly seems to have made [k-k]H But [l-l]H published for the first time in the Appendix to the present work, to how surprising an extent Sir W. Hamilton was capable [m-m]H quite different from that of the author. Mr. Grote himself [n-n]H in his account of Memory & Reminiscence, Aristotle [o-o]H though chiefly with [p-p]H , to the distinction between which & Memory he gave exaggerated prominence, “determined . . . animals.” [‡ ]Grote, Vol. II, p. 217. [q-q]H detailed [r-r]H Prof. [s-s]H portion [[*] ]See, e.g., Metaphysics, trans. Tredennick, Vol. I, p. 296 (1026a24). [t]H Philosophia Prima; [u-u]H in [v-v]H belongs [w]H to [* ]Grote, Vol. II, p. 140. [x]H,C [no paragraph] [y-y]H the [z-z]H general (in other words Syllogistic) [a-a]H is grounded on [b-b]H admitting [c-c]H the function of which (its only real function) [d-d]H their negatives [e-e]H “and . . . middle” (that of the affirmation & the negation of the same predicate respecting the same subject, one or other must be true) [[*] ]Ibid., p. 141. [f-f]+C,73 [g-g]H the [h-h]H especially [* ]Ibid., pp. 143-4. [Grote refers to Aristotle, Metaphysics, 1006a.] [i]H,C [no paragraph] [j-j]H statement of this doctrine [k-k]H opponent supposed by Aristotle could not be reduced to any worse dilemma than [sic] [l-l]+C,73 [m-m]H need not be [n-n]H had [o-o]H can only be [* ]Ibid., p. 166. [p-p]+C,73 [q-q]H these two maxims, that [r-r]H yet those maxims [s-s]H We at once assent to the proposition that the affirmation & negation of the very same fact cannot both be true, because [t-t]H to be true & [u-u]H but the very same act of the mind [v]H of them [w-w]H meaning of the very [x-x]H couched: [y]H,C or [z-z]H without realizing it [a-a]H widely extended experience, though such experience may well be appealed to in their behalf: [* ]Thisbstatementb may seem inconsistent with the fact that there werec, in the earliest stage of Greek speculation,c persons who are represented to have denied the Axiom of Contradiction, and whose good faithd(though questioned by Aristotle)d thereeseems no goode reason tofdoubt. Butf this was before the real nature and meaning of Contradictory Propositions had been set out with clearness,gwhich (as Mr. Grote observes [Vol. II, p. 141])g was first done by Aristotleh, and previous to which men’s minds were in such a muddle on these abstract subjects, that they hardly knew what they affirmed or denied. Weh greatly doubt if Herakleitusi, or any one else, ever faced two really contradictory propositions, and asserted that both could be true, at the same time and in the same sense. In the cases best known to us there was no real contradiction. Those who are cited as maintaining that a person (for instance)i might be at once a man and not a man, seem to have meant by not-man, not something exclusive of man, but only something different fromj , though compatible with it. We may be reminded of the revival, by a noted modern metaphysician, of the Herakleitean doctrine that the Axiom of Contradiction is not of universal validity; but the sphere in which Hegel declared it to be invalid was that of the Absolute, which being territory utterly beyond human ken, the very existence of which we have no faculties to inform us of, it is open to any one to imagine not only all the facts of our knowledge, but all the laws of the knowing mind, totally reversed in that region of the Unknowable. [k-k]H the very terms in which they are expressed. [here (21v) JSm gives the previous footnote, apparently as an insertion, for it ends with “(a)”, his indication that the following footnote occurs at that point] [l-l]+C,73 [a-a]H commented on [b]H is contained in [c]H printed [[*] ]Aristotle, De Anima, in On the Soul, Parva Naturalia, On Breath (Greek and English), trans. W. S. Hatt (London: Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1935). [[†] ]See “Psychology of Aristotle,” in The Senses and the Intellect, 3rd ed., pp. 611-67. [d-d]H in itself which, if possible at all to the present writer would only be so [e-e]H comparable to that which Mr. Grote himself had gone through [f-f]H remote from [g-g]H which to us seems so hopelessly entangled & so [h]H at least [i-i]H indeed it may perhaps never have [j-j]H almost wholly [k-k]H to which we have already referred [l-l]H a hypothetical or supposititious [m-m]+C,73 [n-n]H Form [o-o]H [not in italics] [p-p]H,C it is by . . . Form that [q]H Form it is which renders actual what was only potential. [r-r]+C,73 [s-s]H [marked by JSM as a footnote] [t]H however [u-u]H considers [v]H consequently [w-w]H the reception of [x-x]H by receiving [y-y]+73 [z-z]H multitude of [a-a]H explain nothing but are only [b-b]H fact [c-c]H human matter [d-d]H simply [e-e]H anything is to be understood by the Form of health except health itself, it must be [f-f]H which have [g-g]+C,73 [h-h]H The Psychology, if it can be so called, [i-i]H one [j-j]H new [k-k]+C,73 [l-l]H (& Locomotive) [m-m]H by [[*] ]De Anima, trans. Hatt, pp. 162-70 (429a10-30a26). [n-n]H this [o-o]H capable therefore [p-p]H remaining [q-q]H very [r-r]H now forms [s]H very [t-t]H will be found in a work [u-u]+C,73 [* ]vDie Psychologie des Aristoteles, insbesondere seine Lehre vom νου̑ς ποιητικός. Von Dr. Franz Brentano, Privatdocent der Philosophie an der Universität zu Würzburg. Mainz [: Kirchheim], 1867.v [w-w]H from its very recent publication (1867) [x-x]H . The present writer cannot venture to decide whether Dr. Brentano has . . . points, but can scarcely be mistaken in saying of his treatise that it is one . . . pieces of argumentative exposition] C as 73 . . . help noticing as . . . as 73 [[†] ]Aristotle, Politics (Greek and English), trans. H. Rackham (London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1932). [y-y]H treated of [z-z]H , therefore, is not a suitable [a-a]H treating of them [[‡] ]Aristotle, The Poetics (Greek and English), trans. W. Hamilton Fyfe (London: Heinemann; New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1927). [b-b]H however say that the Rhetoric, [c-c]H relation [d-d]+C,73 [e-e]H most valuable [f-f]H life which [g-g]H us; & in [h-h]H their express [i-i]H characteristic the [j-j]H the Politics, in particular, instead [k-k]H in regard to remote possibilities which are characteristic of Plato, gives us [l-l]H the Politics [it cancelled] [[*] ]Politics, trans. Rackham, pp. 4-6 and 20-30 (1252a32-1252b15 and 1254b1-1255b40). [m-m]H chiefly those which [n-n]+C,73 [o-o]+C,73 [p-p]H treated by [q-q]H the [a cancelled] [r-r]H is included in the Organon under the name of Topica (of which . . . book). [s-s]H in the conception and in [t-t]H there is something which may well [u-u]H even [v-v]H Analytics: & Dialectics [w]H no other than [x-x]H instruction in which art is the avowed [y-y]H an undertaking [z-z]H know [a-a]H be gained [b-b]H by the . . . but by the city to which he belonged [c-c]H , which included prizes for poetry as well as for athletic & other labours [? C as 73 . . . one of poetry . . . as 73]] [d-d]H multitude of [e-e]H contests [f-f]H which kept the minds of aspiring individuals continually intent upon acquiring celebrity by success in these competitions, it is no wonder] C as 73 . . . wondered [g-g]H one of the most interesting subjects [h-h]H & the propounder undertook [i-i]H objections: the assailants being bound to proceed by addressing [j-j]H a distinct [k-k]H The assailants were victorious if they were . . . thesis; he, again, was victorious if they failed in doing so. [l-l]H since the declared object was [m-m]H this [n-n]H declared object [o-o]H which can [p-p]H , is [q-q]H sides: & we thus see [r-r]H generally held [s-s]H was [t-t]H if he thought the proposition false, not to admit it [u]H quite [v-v]H purposes . . . skill: this [w-w]H commonly done by persons either dishonest or [x-x]H the Sophistici Elenchi [y-y]H these [z-z]H Independently of the value of these instructions to qualify persons for success in the contests, study & practice in them was [a-a]H for now we [b-b]H It must certainly have tended in a great degree to sharpen the wits of those who practised it. [c-c]H important [d-d]H , in this distinct from that of too many ancient philosophers, [e-e]H himself estranged [f-f]H discard [g-g]+C,73 [sic] [* ]Grote, Vol. I, pp. 391-2. [h-h]H of [i-i]H signal example [j-j]H commonly [k-k]H an [l-l]H he was much [? page torn] [m]H even [n-n]H serves admirably for [o-o]H in [p-p]+C,73 [q]C of Plato [r]H,C for [* ]Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 63-4. [s-s]H followed [t-t]H operation [u-u]H methods have [v-v]H succeeded [w-w]H pursuit [x-x]H only [y]H [the final two folios (from here to the end of the essay) are a fair copy in another hand] [z-z]H an [a-a]H perceptions [[*] ]See Of the Conduct of the Understanding, in Works, Vol. III, p. 277. [[†] ]James Mill, “Education,” in Essays (London: printed Innes, n.d.), p. 4. [b]H [no paragraph] [* ]Mr. Grote cannot behreprehendedh for calling Aristotle’s writings by the names by which they are currently known. Yet surely it is time that the mistranslation De Interpretatione should be banished, and the treatise περὶ ἑρμηνείας should be known by its proper designation, De Enunciatione. There is not aisinglei word about interpretation in the whole treatise; and the use of that name for it is a puzzle to learners, andja snarekfork those who would be thought to know more about it than they do: as we see by thejmauvaise plaisanterie of Swift,lin the Tale of a Tub, wherel he says that Lord Peter had studied the works of Aristotle, and especially that wonderful treatise De Interpretatione, which teaches its readers to find a meaning in everything except itself. [Jonathan Swift, A Tale of a Tub, in Works, Vol. XI, p. 85.] In Liddell and Scott’s Greek Lexicon [Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1843)],mthe meanings assigned to ἑρμηνεύω arem , “to be an interpreter, to interpret: hence to express, give utterance to: to explain, make clear.” The secondnsignificationn , that of expressing, or giving utterance to, a fact or thought, is the onlyomeaningo in which the term or its derivativespcould possiblyp be employed toqdesignateq a treatise on Propositions. [* ]nVon der mannigfachen Bedeutung des Scienden nach Aristoteles. Von Franz Brentano. Freiburg im Breisgau [: Herder’sche Verlagshandlung], 1862.n [* ]Thisbstatementb may seem inconsistent with the fact that there werec, in the earliest stage of Greek speculation,c persons who are represented to have denied the Axiom of Contradiction, and whose good faithd(though questioned by Aristotle)d thereeseems no goode reason tofdoubt. Butf this was before the real nature and meaning of Contradictory Propositions had been set out with clearness,gwhich (as Mr. Grote observes [Vol. II, p. 141])g was first done by Aristotleh, and previous to which men’s minds were in such a muddle on these abstract subjects, that they hardly knew what they affirmed or denied. Weh greatly doubt if Herakleitusi, or any one else, ever faced two really contradictory propositions, and asserted that both could be true, at the same time and in the same sense. In the cases best known to us there was no real contradiction. Those who are cited as maintaining that a person (for instance)i might be at once a man and not a man, seem to have meant by not-man, not something exclusive of man, but only something different fromj , though compatible with it. We may be reminded of the revival, by a noted modern metaphysician, of the Herakleitean doctrine that the Axiom of Contradiction is not of universal validity; but the sphere in which Hegel declared it to be invalid was that of the Absolute, which being territory utterly beyond human ken, the very existence of which we have no faculties to inform us of, it is open to any one to imagine not only all the facts of our knowledge, but all the laws of the knowing mind, totally reversed in that region of the Unknowable. [* ]vDie Psychologie des Aristoteles, insbesondere seine Lehre vom νου̑ς ποιητικός. Von Dr. Franz Brentano, Privatdocent der Philosophie an der Universität zu Würzburg. Mainz [: Kirchheim], 1867.v [hreprehendedh]H blamed [isinglei]+C,73 [ja snare]H led to the ignorant [kfork]C to [lin the Tale of a Tub, wherel]H when, in the Tale of a Tub, [mthe meanings assigned to ἑρμηνεύω arem]H ἑρμηνεὑω has assigned to it as its significations [nsignificationn]H meaning [omeaningo]H sense [pcould possiblyp]H can [qdesignateq]H denote [bstatementb]+C,73 [c, in the earliest stage of Greek speculation,c]H once, (though only in the earliest stage of Greek speculation) [d(though questioned by Aristotle)d]+C,73 [eseems no goode]H is no [fdoubt. Butf]H doubt: but [gwhich (as Mr. Grote observes [Vol. II, p. 141])g]H & distinguished from the other kinds of opposition which as Mr. Grote observes, [h, and previous to which men’s minds were in such a muddle on these abstract subjects, that they hardly knew what they affirmed or denied. Weh]H . There is proof in the writings even of Plato that he had not stated to himself with accuracy & precision the proposition which Herakleitus is supposed to have denied; & we [i, or any one else, ever faced two really contradictory propositions, and asserted that both could be true, at the same time and in the same sense. In the cases best known to us there was no real contradiction. Those who are cited as maintaining that a person (for instance)i]H properly knew what he was denying; & was not in reality denying something quite different. In fact, those who are said to have maintained that a person for instance] C as 73 . . . person for instance [j]H it [mknown asm]+C,73 [nwhich he had already made of the Protagorean doctrine in his remarks on the Platonic Theætetus,n]H of the Protagorean doctrine, which he had already made in his book on Plato [oregretted, because we think it turns upon a malentendu, and is itself very liable to be misunderstood. (Grote, Vol. II, pp. 150-1. [See Metaphysics, 1007b 19ff.; trans. Tredennick, Vol. I, pp. 172ff.]) Mr. Groteo]H regarded as the single weak point in the philosophic discussions of that excellent work. Mr. Grote, as is known, [pmeant by his doctrine what is now called the Relativity of Human Knowledge, (among the assertors of which he is, on the strength of this doctrine, included by Sir William Hamilton); and, in addition to this,p]H intended to assert (what Sir W. Hamilton also referred to him as having asserted) the Relativity of human knowledge to the human faculties; and, further [qan opinionq]H the proposition [rBut if this was the meaning of Protagoras, it was not only paradoxically, but incorrectly expressed. It would surely be a perverse employment of language to say that if I believe two and two to make five, they really make five to me, or that, if I erroneously believe a certain person to be dead, he is really dead to me though not to other people. The truth of a belief does not consist in its being believed, but in its being in accordance with fact: if it is so, whether everybody believes it or nobody is a circumstance totally irrelevant; if not, my believing it does not make that true to me, which when I proceed to act on it I shall find to be false.r]H Thus limited, the doctrine is of course irrefragable; but if this was the meaning of Protagoras, it was surely very ill expressed: for the belief of an individual that, for instance, a person of his acquaintance is dead, though he is really alive does not make it a true fact to him any more than to others, that the man is dead. He himself would say that he merely believes it to be true, & in so doing, would have said that its truth is a different thing from his belief. [srights]H true [t]H , indeed, [u]H all [vis bound to admitv]H,C of course admits [w]H that [xbelief does not accord with that standard, it is not a true belief in any sense whatsoever. It needs hardly be addedx]H opinions do not accord with experience, they are not true to him, since he would find them false if he proceeded to act upon them. It is hardly necessary to say [y]H that he is no real sceptic as to the reality of truth, [zmerelyz]H but |

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