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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO WILLIAM VANS MURRAY. 1 - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. XIV (1798-1799) [1893]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. XIV (1798-1799).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO WILLIAM VANS MURRAY.1

Mount Vernon, 26 December, 1798.

Dear Sir,

Having some cause to believe the vessel was captured, in which went the original of the enclosed copy, I forward a duplicate.

I returned a few days ago from Philadelphia, whither I had been for the purpose of making some military arrangements with the Secretary of War, respecting the force which is about to be raised. It was there I received a letter from Mr. Dandridge, announcing his intention of returning to America, (partly on account of his health,) expressing in lively and grateful terms his sense of your attentions and kind treatment; and adding, that, as experience had more and more convinced him that a sedentary life was incompatible both with his health and turn of mind (a sentiment he had often expressed whilst he lived with me), he wished for an appointment in the army we were about to raise. The application arriving opportunely, he stands arranged as captain of a company of infantry in one of the regiments, which will be raised in Virginia; and it is necessary he should enter upon the duties thereof as soon as it can be made convenient.

Mr. Envoy Logan, who arrived at Philadelphia about the time I did, brings very flattering accounts of the disposition of the French Directory towards this country. He has dined with one, supped with another, and in short has been as familiar with all, (that were in place,) as the hand is with its gloves; and he is not a little employed in propagating this doctrine in all parts of the United States by means of the presses, who are at the command of that party. He says the inclinations of France to be upon good terms with the United States is now so strong, that it must be our own mismanagement and disinclination to peace, if matters with that country are not accommodated upon terms honorable and advantageous to this.1

Both houses of Congress were formed before I left Philadelphia, but had not been long enough in session for an opinion of the result to be prognosticated.

Their answer to the speech wou’d it seems have passed unanimously, could Mr. Varnum of Massachusetts have retained his spleen.—How far this measure is indicative of a tranquil & energetic session, remains to be decided by more unequivocal evidence.

The Alien and Sedition Laws are now the disiderata of the Opposition.—But any thing else would have done,—and something there will always be, for them to torture; and to disturb the public mind with their unfounded and ill favored forebodings.

The family join me in presenting Mrs. Murray and yourself with the compliments of the season, and in wishing you many happy returns of them.

With very sincere esteem, I am, &c.

[1 ]Minister Resident from the United States in Holland.

[1 ]The mission of Dr. Logan, under the auspices, as it was supposed, of Mr. Jefferson, was a fertile topic of conjecture and discussion in the party politics of the day. While General Washington was in Philadelphia, concerting with the major-generals and Secretary of War the arrangements of the army, Dr. Logan called on him. The following Memorandum of the interview, written down by General Washington at the time, is perhaps more curious as exhibiting a trait of his character, than important for the historical matter it contains.

“Tuesday, November 13th, 1798.—Mr. Lear, my secretary, being from our lodgings on business, one of my servants came into the room where I was writing, and informed me that a gentleman in the parlour below desired to see me; no name was sent up. In a few minutes I went down, and found the Rev. Dr. Blackwell and Dr. Logan there. I advanced towards and gave my hand to the former; the latter did the same towards me. I was backward in giving mine. He possibly supposing from hence, that I did not recollect him, said his name was Logan. Finally, in a very cool manner, and with an air of marked indifference, I gave him my hand, and asked Dr. Blackwell to be seated; the other took a seat at the same time. I addressed all my conversation to Dr. Blackwell; the other all his to me, to which I only gave negative or affirmative answers, as laconically as I could, except asking how Mrs. Logan did. He seemed disposed to be very polite, and, while Dr. Blackwell and myself were conversing on the late calamitous fever, offered me an asylum at his house, if it should return, or I thought myself in any danger in the city, and two or three rooms by way of accommodation. I thanked him slightly, observing there would be no call for it.

“About this time Dr. Blackwell took his leave. We all rose from our seats, and I moved a few paces towards the door of the room, expecting the other would follow, and take his leave also. Instead of which he kept his ground, and proceeded to inform me more particularly (for he had mentioned it before), that he had seen General Lafayette at Hamburg, and his lady and daughter (I think in France), and related many things concerning them. He said something also respecting an interview he had had with our minister, Mr. Murray, in Holland; but, as I remained standing, and showed the utmost inattention to what he was saying, I do not now recollect what the import of it was; except that he hurried from thence to Paris, his object being, he said, to get there before the departure of our commissioners, as he called them.

“He observed that the situation of our affairs in this country, and the train they were in with respect to France, had induced him to make the voyage in hope, or expectation, or words to that effect, of contributing to their amelioration. This drew my attention more pointedly to what he was saying, and induced me to remark, that there was something very singular in this; that he, who could only be viewed as a private character, unarmed with proper powers, and presumptively unknown in France, should suppose he could effect what three gentlemen of the first respectability in our country, specially charged under the authority of the government, were unable to do. With this observation he seemed a little confounded, but, recovering, said, that not more than five persons had any knowledge of his going; that he was furnished by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. McKean with certificates of his citizenship; and that M. Merlin, President of the Directory of France, had discovered the greatest desire that France and America should be on the best terms. I answered that he was more fortunate than our envoys, for they could neither be received nor heard by M. Merlin or the Directory; that if the powers of France were serious in their professions, there was a plain and effectual way by which that object could be accomplished, namely, to repeal all the obnoxious arrêts, by which the commerce and rights of this country had been invaded, put an end to further depredations on both, and make restitution for the injuries we had received. A conduct like this, I said, would speak more forcibly than words; for the latter never made an impression on my mind, when they were contradicted by actions.

“He said that the Directory was apprehensive, that this country, the government of it, or our envoys, I am not now sure which he meant or alluded to, was not well disposed towards France. I asked what better evidence could be given in refutation of this opinion, than its long-suffering of the outrageous conduct of that nation towards the United States, and despatching three gentlemen of unquestionable worth, with ample powers to reconcile all differences even at the expense of great sacrifices on our part; and asked him if the Directory looked upon us as worms, not even allowed to turn when trod upon; for it was evident to all the world, that we had borne, and forborne, beyond what even common respect for ourselves permitted. He replied, that they had taken off the embargo, and were making restitution of property, mentioning one instance, I think. With respect to the embargo, I observed, that taking it off, or continuing it on, was a matter of no great importance, if, as I had been informed, our vessels in French ports were few. He said that the attempt at a coalition of European powers against France would come to nothing; that the Directory were under no apprehensions on that ground; and that Great Britain would have to contend alone; insinuating, as I conceived his object at the time to be, that we should be involved in a dangerous situation, if we persisted in our hostile appearances. To this I finally replied, that we were driven to those measures in self-defence, and I hoped the spirit of this country would never suffer itself to be injured with impunity by any nation under the sun. To this he said he told Citizen Merlin, that, if the United States were invaded by France, they would unite to a man to oppose the invaders.”

Talleyrand expressly disclaimed having received Logan as a secret agent, or the Doctor’s having any political relations with the French government. John Adams also received a visit from this self-constituted envoy, (for it does not appear that Jefferson was active in the mission,) and has recorded the incident in his writings, viii., 615; ix., 244. Congress, on 30 January, 1799, passed a law, known as the Logan Act, subjecting to fine and imprisonment any citizen of the United States holding correspondence with a foreign government or its agents, with intent to influence the measures of such government in relation to disputes or controversies with the United States. This law, with some slight modifications, is still in force.—Revised Statutes, § 5335.