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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO EDWARD CARRINGTON. [PRIVATE.] - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. XIII (1794-1798) [1892]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. XIII (1794-1798).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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TO EDWARD CARRINGTON.

[PRIVATE.]

Philadelphia, 1 May, 1796.

Dear Sir,

With much pleasure I received your letter of the 22d ultimo; and, if the sense of the great body of citizens in Virginia should be expressed in the manner you seem to expect, it would give me and, I believe, every friend to order and good government throughout the United States very great satisfaction, more so than similar sentiments from any other State in the Union; for people living at a distance from it know not how to believe it possible, that its representatives, both in the General and State legislatures, can speak a language, which is repugnant to the sense of their constituents, especially too as they seem to give the tone to all the States south of them.1

Whatever my own opinion may be on this or any other subject interesting to the community at large, it always has been and will continue to be my earnest desire to learn, and, as far as is consistent, to comply with, the public sentiment; but it is on great occasions only, and after time has been given for cool and deliberate reflection, that the real voice of the people can be known.

The present, however, is one of those great occasions, than which none more important has occurred, or probably may occur again to call forth their decision; and to them the appeal is now made. For no candid man in the least degree acquainted with the progress of this business will believe for a moment, that the ostensible dispute was about papers, or whether the British treaty was a good one or a bad one, but whether there should be a treaty at all without the concurrence of the House of Representatives, which was striking at once, and that boldly, too, at the fundamental principles of the constitution; and, if it were established, would render the treaty-making power, not only a nullity, but such an absolute absurdity as to reflect disgrace on the framers of it. For will any one suppose, that they who framed, or those who adopted, that instrument ever intended to give the power to the President and Senate to make treaties, and, declaring that when made and ratified they should be the supreme law of the land, would in the same breath place it in the powers of the House of Representatives to fix their vote on them; unless apparent marks of fraud or corruption (which in equity would set aside any contract) accompanied the measure, or such striking evidence of national injury attended their adoption, as to make a war or any other evil preferable? Every unbiassed mind will answer in the negative.

Whence the source and what the object of all this struggle is, I submit to my fellow-citizens. Charity would lead one to hope, that the motives to it have been pure. Suspicions, however, speak different language, and my tongue for the present shall be silent. Such further information on this head, or any other similar important, which may come to your knowledge, and which your leisure and inclination may enable you to give, will be very acceptable to, dear Sir, yours, &c.1

[1 ]From Mr. Carrington’s Letter.—“The late votes of the House of Representatives, which have just reached us, and from which it appears that appropriations are not intended to be made for giving effect to the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, have, in my opinion, brought our political maladies to a crisis. The disorganizing machinations of a faction are no longer left to be nourished and inculcated on the minds of the credulous by clamorous demagogues, while the great mass of citizens, viewing these as evils at a distance, remain inactive. The consequences of a failure of the treaty are too plain and too threatening to the unparalleled happiness and prosperity we enjoy, not to excite alarm in the minds of all, who are attached to peace and order. This class of citizens will now come forward and speak for themselves, and will be found to compose the great body of the community. I may possibly be mistaken. I however feel a confidence in an opinion, that the sense of Virginia to this purpose will shortly be extensively expressed in public meetings and by petitions. A meeting of the people of this city will take place on Monday next, for the purpose of expressing their opinions on the pending measures, and setting on foot a petition or remonstrance to the House of Representatives thereon. From what I can learn from various parts of the country I verily believe, that similar measures will be adopted at least in many counties. Feeling as I do a strong conviction, that the intelligence contained in this letter is well founded, I have indulged myself in the satisfaction of communicating it to you, and hope that events will realize it.”—Richmond, April 22d.

[1 ]A letter of much the same purport was written to Charles Carroll on the same day, in which occurred the following additional sentences:

“Every true friend to this country must see and feel that the policy of it is not to embroil ourselves with any nation whatever;—but to avoid their disputes and their politics; and if they will harass one another, to avail ourselves of the neutral conduct we have adopted. Twenty years’ peace with such an increase of population and resources as we have a right to expect, added to our remote situation from the jarring powers, will in all probability enable us in a just cause to bid defiance to any power on earth. Why then should we prematurely embarrass (for the attainment of trifles comparatively speaking) in hostilities, the issue of which is never certain, always expensive, and beneficial to a few only (the least deserving perhaps), whilst it must be distressing and ruinous to the great mass of our citizens. But enough of this—the people must decide for themselves, and probably will do so notwithstanding the vote has gone in favor of the appropriations by a majority of 51 to 48—as the principle and assumption of power which has been contended for, remain, although the consequences by the present decision, probably will be avoided.”