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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. XII (1790-1794) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. XII (1790-1794).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Philadelphia, 15 April, 1794.

Dear Sir,

* * * * * *

The manners of M. Fauchet and of M. Genet, the present and former ministers from France, appear to have been cast in very different moulds.1 The former has been temperate and placid in all his movements hitherto. The latter was the reverse of it in all respects. The declarations made by the former, of the friendly dispositions of his nation towards this country, and of his own inclinations to carry them into effect, are strong and apparently sincere. The conduct of the latter is disapproved in toto by the governments of both. Yet it is time only, that will enable us to form a decisive judgment of each, and of the objects of their pursuit.

The British ministry (as you will have perceived by Mr. Pinckney’s letter to the Secretary of State, which is just published) disclaim any hostile intention towards this country, in the agency they had in bringing about a truce between Portugal and Algiers; yet the tenor of their conduct, in this business, has been such, added to their manœuvres with our Indian neighbors, but more especially with respect to the late orders of the King in council, as to leave very unfavorable impressions of their friendship, and little to expect from their justice, whatever may result from that of the interest of their nation.

The debates on what are commonly called Mr. Madison’s Resolutions, which no doubt you have seen, (they having been published in all the gazettes,) will give you the pro and con of that business more in detail, than I could do it, if my leisure were greater than it is. But these resolutions, like many other matters, are slumbering in Congress; and what may be the final result of them, no mortal I believe can tell.

I learn with regret that your health has continued bad ever since I had the pleasure of seeing you at Shuter’s Hill. Warm weather, I hope, will restore it. If my wishes could be of any avail, you assuredly would have them. With best respects to Mrs. Lee, and the rest of your family, in which Mrs. Washington unites, I am, with very great esteem and regard, dear Sir, &c.

[1 ]“I am very happy to hear of Genet’s recall, and hope it may prove a lesson to others, however justified by instructions or seeming to be so, that they may not with impunity trample upon all the forms of decency and respect, that have hitherto been practised in the world.

“Is it possible that there can be any rational proof of the court of London intriguing with Algiers and Portugal to hound out the former against our trade? In any way that I can view the subject, I cannot see the great interest that stimulates a conduct so unjustifiable, so contrary to neutrality, and at a peculiar crisis too, when our friendship, not our enmity, is to be desired. It is chiefly flour and grain, that are sent to the south of Europe, in which articles, I believe, we have not the smallest competition with Great Britain. At the same time that the profits of this trade enable our merchants to pay for the immensity of British manufactures, that Messrs. Jefferson and Madison say we import from thence, I confess that I do not by any means approve the trade resolves introduced to Congress by the latter. They appear to me to be partial, very ill-timed, and totally unnecessary. Because the fact (admitting it to be one, on which this whole theory is built, and when, by the by, theories and the practice of commerce have seldom agreed well) of our commerce being so very highly beneficial to Great Britain as is stated, this fact, from the nature of things, must be continually increasing; so as to put the gainers greatly too much in our power to permit them the idea of refusing our reasonable desires. And this without proceeding at a time, and in a manner, evidently to show a prejudiced, hostile temper of mind. But what astonishes me is, to see so many of our Virginia representatives voting for this most pernicious policy! For certainly Virginia will feel the ruinous consequences of this crambo trade fatally and quickly. I hope your goodness will excuse my writing so much on this subject. The plan has often engaged the public attention, and been generally reprobated.

“The newspapers tell us, that the present minister from France condemns in toto the conduct of his predecessor, and in the same unlimited manner approves the proceedings of our government, especially in what relates to our avoiding war. That he is right in both these points is incontestable. But, attending to all we have seen, what consistent judgment can be formed to reconcile such contrarieties? I here lay aside the crafty, deep, and intricate politics, that have distinguished the genius of France through all the annals of history; by which she has duped so many nations for her own advantage, and to their great injury. I have never heard it denied or doubted, that the instructions published by Genet were the genuine orders of his masters; and although in his conduct you discover the furious zeal of a mad precursor, yet it is impossible not to see, through the whole of the instructions, the most decided determination to push us into the war by every possible means. The words of the instructions are, ‘We ought to excite by all possible means the zeal of the Americans,’ &c. Fortunately, very fortunately, for these States, the wisdom and patriotism, firmness and vigilance, of our government have frustrated the destructive design. But is it possible that this minister can speak the sentiments of his masters, when he approves the condemnation of what they so warmly and evidently desired? It is here again lucky for us, that we are fairly put upon our guard against all the arts and détours of the subtlest policy.

“The success and happiness of the United States are our care; and if the nations of Europe approve war, we surely may be permitted to cultivate the arts of peace. And it is really a happiness to reflect, that, if war should befall us, our government will not promote it; but give cause to all, who venerate humanity, to revere the rulers here.”—Richard Henry Lee to Washington, 15 April, 1794.