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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO JAMES MONROE. 1 - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. XII (1790-1794) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. XII (1790-1794).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO JAMES MONROE.1

Philadelphia, 9 April, 1794.

Sir,

In reply to your letter of yesterday, I can assure you, with the utmost truth, that I have no other object in nominating men to offices, than to fill them with such characters as, in my judgment, or, when they are unknown to me, from such information as I can obtain from others, are best qualified to answer the purposes of their appointment.

Having given you this assurance, I request, if you are possessed of any facts or information, which would disqualify Colonel Hamilton for the mission to which you refer, that you would be so obliging as to communicate them to me in writing, I pledge myself, that they shall meet the most deliberate, impartial, and candid consideration I am able to give them.

Colonel Hamilton and others have been mentioned, and have occurred to me, as an envoy, for endeavoring by negotiation to avert the horrors of war. No one, if the measure should be adopted, is yet absolutely decided on in my mind. But, as much will depend, among other things, upon the abilities of the person sent, and his knowledge of the affairs of this country, and as I alone am responsible for a proper nomination, it certainly behoves me to name such an one, as, in my judgment, combines the requisites for a mission so peculiarly interesting to the peace and happiness of this country. With great esteem and regard, I am, &c.

[1 ]On 19 December, 1793, Jefferson’s elaborate report on the commercial relations of the United States with the different powers of Europe, was laid before Congress, after more than two years had been expended in its preparation. In it he preached the doctrine of reprisal. “Should any nation, contrary to our wishes, suppose it may better find its advantage by continuing its system of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it behooves us to protect our citizens, their commerce, and navigation by counter prohibitions, duties, and regulations also.” On the basis of this report Madison prepared a series of resolutions which were offered to the House 3 January, 1794, proposing retaliatory duties and restrictions, and a discrimination in duties on imports from countries having no commercial treaties with the United States. After adopting the first resolution (3 February, 1794), the subject was postponed for a month, to await further information from England. The British order directing English vessels to seize and bring to British ports “all ships laden with goods the produce of any colony belonging to France, or carrying provisions or other supplies for the use of any such colony,” though dated 6 November, 1793, had not been published by the admiralty till late in December. Pinckney at once sought to have the order revoked, or at least modified so as not to apply to American trade. In this he was partially successful, and on 8 January, 1794, another instruction was issued limiting the application to ships laden with French produce coming direct from a French colony to any port in Europe; ships laden with French goods, the property of French subjects, wherever found; all vessels seeking to enter ports blockaded by the British; and vessels laden in whole or in part with military or naval stores, bound for the islands.

Intelligence of the first instruction, together with the reports of numerous seizures of American vessels by British cruisers, reached America while Congress was arresting a decision on Madison’s resolutions, and excited great indignation in and out of Congress, which the subsequent modification did not allay. Madison wished to press his remedy; while others looked to more stringent measures—an embargo, and an army. Of these measures the House passed an embargo, but it was thrown out in the Senate by the vote of the Vice-President, and by this time Washington had determined to try negotiation. At an early stage the name of Hamilton was suggested (Monroe to Jefferson, 16 March, 1794), but in replying to the President’s wish for an opinion on the proposed mission, Hamilton begged that his name be dropped, and recommended the appointment of Jay.

Naturally the mention of Hamilton excited much alarm among the republicans. Monroe appealed to the President, and received the above reply, while Jefferson wrote to Monroe, 24 April, 1794:

“I learn by your letters and Mr. Madison, that a special mission to England is meditated, and H[amilton], the missionary. A more degrading measure could not have been proposed: and why is Pinckney to be recalled? For it is impossible he should remain there after such a testimony that he is not confided in. I suppose they think him not thorough paced enough; I suspect too the mission, besides the object of placing the aristocracy of this country under the patronage of that government, has in view that of withdrawing H. from the disgrace and the public execrations which sooner or later must fall on the man who, partly by creating fictitious debt, partly by volunteering in the payment of the debts of others, who could have paid them so much more conveniently themselves, has alienated forever all our ordinary and easy resources, and will oblige us hereafter to extraordinary ones for every little contingency out of the common line: and who has lately brought the President forward with manifestations that the business of the Treasury had got beyond the limits of his comprehension.”