- The Writings of George Washington.
- 1785.
- To James Warren.
- To Patrick Henry, Governor of Virginia,
- To George William Fairfax.
- To Lund Washington.
- To James Madison.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To the Trustees of the Alexandria Academy.
- 1786.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To Samuel Purviance, Esq.
- To Cols. Fitzgerald and Gilpin.
- To Robert Morris.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To John Jay.
- To Henry L. Charton.
- To James Tilghman.
- To Henry Lee, In Congress.
- To William Grayson, In Congress.
- To Wakelin Welch, Esq.
- To the Chevalier De La Luzerne.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To John Jay.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To David Humphreys. 1
- To John Francis Mercer.
- To William Triplet.
- To Bushrod Washington.
- To George Augustine Washington.
- To Henry Lee, In Congress.
- To James Madison.
- To Bushrod Washington.
- To James Madison.
- To Fielding Lewis.
- To P. Marsteller.
- To James Madison.
- To Edmund Randolph, Governor of Virginia. 1
- To David Humphreys.
- To Henry Knox.
- 1787.
- To Bushrod Washington.
- To Henry Knox.
- To Charles Washington.
- To Mrs. Mary Washington.
- To Thomas Stone. 1
- To Colonel David Humphreys.
- To John Jay.
- To Major-general Benjamin Lincoln.
- To Edmund Randolph, Governor of Virginia.
- To James Madison, In Congress. 1
- To Henry Knox.
- To Henry Knox.
- To Lund Washington.
- Diary During the Constitutional Convention, May—september, 1787. 1
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To David Stuart.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To Richard Henry Lee.
- To Patrick Henry.
- To Colonel David Humphreys.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Henry Knox.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Mathew Carey.
- To Archibald Johnston.
- To Arthur Young.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Bushrod Washington.
- To Thomas Johnson.
- To David Stuart.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Colonel Thomas Lewis.
- 1788.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Edmund Randolph, Governor of Virginia.
- To Colonel Frederick Weissenfels.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Charles Carter.
- To Jonathan Trumbull.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To the Chevalier De La Luzerne.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Alexander Spotswood.
- To Samuel Griffin.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Samuel Hanson, Esq.
- To the Count De Moustier.
- To Henry Knox.
- To Charles Lee.
- To James Wilson.
- To Thomas Johnson.
- To the Marquis De Chastellux.
- To John Armstrong.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To the Count De Rochambeau.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To George Steptoe Washington. 1
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To James Madison.
- To John Jay.
- To William Smith, and Others, of Baltimore.
- To Henry Knox.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Richard Henderson. 1
- To Charles Carter.
- To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To John Jay.
- To Noah Webster.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To George Steptoe Washington.
- To Charles Pettit.
- To John Beale Bordley.
- To the Count De Moustier.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Henry Lee, In Congress.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To Mathew Carey.
- To Arthur Young.
- To William Gordon.
- 1789.
- To William Pierce.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To Samuel Powel.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Harry Innes.
- To Captain Richard Conway.
- To Benjamin Harrison.
- To George Steptoe Washington.
- To James Madison, In Congress.
- To Thomas Green. 2
- To Henry Knox.
- To John Langdon.
- Inaugural Speech to Both Houses of Congress, April 30th, 1789.
- Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives,
- Reply to the Answer of the Senate.
- Reply to the Answer of the House of Representatives.
- To Edward Rutledge.
- To James Madison.
- To Mary Wooster. 1
- To Count De Moustier. [confidential.]
- To Mathew Carey.
- To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 1
- To James Mchenry.
- To John Jay. [private.]
- To Charles Thomson.
- To David Stuart.
- To James Madison.
- Sentiments Expressed By the President to the Committee From the Senate, Appointed to Confer With Him On the Mode of Communication Between the President and the Senate Respecting Treaties and Nominations.
- To James Madison. [confidential.]
- To Benjamin Lincoln.
- To James Craik.
- To Mrs. Betty Lewis.
- To Benjamin Franklin.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Gouverneur Morris.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Gouverneur Morris.
- To Gouverneur Morris.
- To John Hancock.
- To Beverley Randolph, Governor of Virginia.
- To James Mchenry. [confidential.]
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury.
- To Jabez Bowen.
- 1790.
- Speech to Both Houses of Congress, January 8th, 1790.
- Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
- Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
- Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:
- To Catharine Macaulay Graham.
- To Charles Pinckney, Governor of South Carolina. [private.]
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Edmund Randolph, Attorney-general.
- To David Stuart.
- To the Marquis De La Luzerne. 1
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To David Stuart.
- To Clement Biddle.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Henry Knox, Secretary of War.
- To Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury.
- To Tobias Lear.
- To Henry Knox, Secretary of War. [private.]
- To George Steptoe Washington.
TO CHARLES PINCKNEY, GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
[PRIVATE.]
New York, 11 January, 1790.
Dear Sir,
Although it is not in my power to enter so fully as I could wish into an investigation of the interesting subjects, discussed in your letter of the 14th of last month, yet I would not deny myself the satisfaction of acknowledging the receipt of it, and of expressing my obligations for the sentiments, which your Excellency has been pleased to suggest.
A new monarch having succeeded to the throne of Spain, it remains to be ascertained how far his court may insist upon those exclusive claims to the navigation of the Mississippi, which have hitherto prevented the conclusion of a treaty between the United States and that nation. Mr. Gardoqui went to Spain some time ago; nor have we received any thing official from thence since his departure. A private gentleman, (a man of good intelligence,) lately returned from Spain to America, mentions a report was believed when he sailed, that the Americans of the United States had formed a successful expedition against the Spanish territory in their neighborhood, and that the report had occasioned great sensations in the kingdom. Whatever may be the future policy of that nation, I am disposed to become as well acquainted with the merits of the subjects, which have been agitated between them and us since the war, as my other duties and avocations will admit. For this reason, in particular, I thank your Excellency for your confidential communication.
As to the subject of Indian affairs, I can only say in general, that your sentiments on the expediency of entering into treaties with those nations, upon just terms, perfectly coincide with my own. From the official report of the late commissioners for treating with the Creeks, &c., it seems almost certain, that the connexion of Mr. McGillivray with Spain was the principal cause for preventing the conclusion of the proposed treaty. Their report, (which is this day to be delivered by the Secretary at War to the Senate,) will indicate fully the progress and issue of that business, and the executive will probably be possessed of such documents, as may be useful in taking ulterior measures. For my own part, I am entirely persuaded, that the present general government will endeavor to lay the foundation for its proceedings in national justice, faith, and honor. But should the government, after having attempted in vain every reasonable pacific measure, be obliged to have recourse to arms for the defence of its citizens, I am also of opinion, that sound policy and good economy will point to a prompt and decisive effort, rather than to defensive and lingering operations.
Should your Excellency, after the expiration of your office, prosecute your proposed voyage to France, you will find, I presume, most extraordinary events have taken place in that kingdom. Although all their political arrangements are not yet settled, I hope they will be happily, before the period to which you allude.
My late tour through the eastern States has been of salutary consequence in confirming my health. I have likewise had an opportunity of seeing how far the country is recovered from the ravages of war, and how well the inhabitants are disposed to support the general government.
Not being master of my own time, nor accustomed to make personal engagements, which from contingency might become impracticable, I can only say in regard to the last paragraph of your letter, that nothing would give me greater pleasure than to have it in my power to visit all the southern States. With sentiments of the highest respect, I am, dear Sir, &c.
Governor Pinckney’s letter related to a treaty with Spain, and with the southern Indians. As to the former, he said:
“Upon the conclusion of peace I believe it was the intention of that court to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce with us, to be our friends, and to do every thing in their power to promote the intercourse. But they mistook the means; for, instead of forming a treaty upon the terms, which would have ensured a reciprocity of benefits, they thought the best way to remove every future ground of difference, to prevent our becoming dangerous neighbors, and to keep us at a distance, was to propose the surrender of a right, as degrading to the honor, as it would have been injurious to the interests, of the Union. I happened to be in Congress at the time the proposal was brought forward through the then secretary, Mr. Jay. Having more leisure, or having more maturely considered the offer, I was requested by the opponents to prepare an answer to the reasons, which Mr. Jay offered in support of Mr. Gardoqui’s proposals. This I did, and being afterwards desired by many of the southern members to furnish them with copies, I had a few printed, which were confidentially delivered to some of my friends for their information upon a subject, which at that time very much engaged the attention of the public.
“The court of Spain, being defeated in this measure, have appeared to me entirely to change their ground. The original and I believe the only reason of Spain’s anxiety to conclude a treaty with us was, to secure her American continental possessions from being at any time the object of invasion or insult from the southern, or more probably the western, inhabitants of the Union. They ever dreaded the settlement of the western territory, and looked forward to the time when it would become necessary for its inhabitants to use the Mississippi, as a period very likely to produce those uneasinesses, which would perhaps end in the invasion of their dominions. Had they at first proposed a solid and reciprocally beneficial treaty, it would have prevented, or at least postponed for a number of years, any danger of this sort; but having, as I have already observed, wrongly conceived of the means of effecting it, and being foiled in their first attempt, they have now changed their ground. They are endeavoring, by every exertion in their power, to attach, not only the southern Indians, but as many as they possibly can of the inhabitants of the western territory, closely to their interest.”—Charleston, December 14th, 1789.
These views, respecting the disposition of the Spanish court towards the United States at the time of the general treaty of peace, may at least be doubted. The refusal of that court to receive Mr. Carmichael in the character of Chargé de Affaires, after the signing of the treaty, and the reluctance with which they at last assented, through the personal agency of Lafayette, would not indicate any desire to form ties of alliance with the United States.—Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. x., p. 30. Nor did the tedious manner in which the negotiation was carried on by Mr. Gardoqui, after he came to the United States, and the claims made by him, present the designs of the Spanish cabinet under a more favorable aspect. Much light on this subject may be gathered from a curious Memoir, addressed by Count d’Aranda to the King of Spain immediately after signing the treaty of Paris, in which the independence of the United States was recognized by Spain. See L’Espagne sous les Rois de la Maison de Bourbon, tom. vi., p. 45. This work is a French translation of Coxe’s Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of the House of Bourbon, and contains, beside the above Memoir by Count d’Aranda, several important additions, particularly in regard to the policy and conduct of Spain during the American war.—Sparks.
This report is printed in Lowrie & Clarke’s American State Papers, vol. iv., p. 59.
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