Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. - The Writings of George Washington, vol. XI (1785-1790)

Return to Title Page for The Writings of George Washington, vol. XI (1785-1790)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. XI (1785-1790) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. XI (1785-1790).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Mount Vernon, 28 April, 1788.

* * * * * *

I notice with pleasure the additional immunities and facilities in trade, which France has granted by the late royal arret to the United States. I flatter myself it will have the desired effect in some measure of augmenting the commercial intercourse. From the productions and wants of the two countries, their trade with each other is certainly capable of great amelioration to be actuated by a spirit of unwise policy. For so surely as ever we shall have an efficient government established, so surely will that government impose retaliating restrictions, to a certain degree, upon the trade of Britain. At present, or under our existing form of confederation, it would be idle to think of making commercial regulations on our part. One State passes a prohibitory law respecting some article, another State opens wide the avenue for its admission. One Assembly makes a system, another Assembly unmakes it. Virginia, in the very last session of her legislature, was about to have passed some of the most extravagant and preposterous edicts on the subject of trade, that ever stained the leaves of a legislative code. It is in vain to hope for a remedy of these, and innumerable other evils, until a general government shall be adopted.

The conventions of six States only have as yet accepted the new constitution. No one has rejected it. It is believed that the convention of Maryland, which is now in session, and that of South Carolina, which is to assemble on the 12th of May, will certainly adopt it. It is also since the elections of members of the convention have taken place in this State, more generally believed, that it will be adopted here, than it was before those elections were made. There will, however, be powerful and eloquent speeches on both sides of the question in the Virginia convention; but as Pendleton, Wythe, Blair, Madison, Jones,1 Nicholas, Innes, and many other of our first characters, will be advocates for its adoption, you may suppose the weight of abilities will rest on that side. Henry and Mason are its great adversaries.2 The governor, if he approves it at all, will do it feebly.

On the general merits of this proposed constitution, I wrote to you some time ago my sentiments pretty freely. That letter had not been received by you, when you addressed to me the last of yours, which has come to my hands. I had never supposed that perfection could be the result of accommodation and mutual concession. The opinion of Mr. Jefferson and yourself is certainly a wise one, that the constitution ought by all means to be accepted by nine States before any attempt should be made to procure amendments; for, if that acceptance shall not previously take place, men’s minds will be so much agitated and soured, that the danger will be greater than ever of our becoming a disunited people. Whereas, on the other hand, with prudence in temper and a spirit of moderation, every essential alteration may in the process of time be expected.

You will doubtless have seen, that it was owing to this conciliatory and patriotic principle, that the convention of Massachusetts adopted the constitution in toto, but recommended a number of specific alterations, and quieting explanations as an early, serious, and unremitting subject of attention. Now, although it is not to be expected, that every individual in society will or can be brought to agree upon what is exactly the best form of government, yet there are many things in the constitution, which only need to be explained, in order to prove equally satisfactory to all parties. For example, there was not a member of the convention, I believe, who had the least objection to what is contended for by the advocates for a Bill of Rights and Trial by Jury. The first, where the people evidently retained every thing, which they did not in the express terms give up, was considered nugatory, as you will find to have been more fully explained by Mr. Wilson and others; and, as to the second, it was only the difficulty of establishing a mode, which should not interfere with the fixed modes of any of the States, that induced the convention to leave it as a matter of future adjustment.

There are other points in which opinions would be more likely to vary. As for instance, on the ineligibility of the same person for president, after he should have served a certain course of years. Guarded so effectually as the proposed constitution is, in respect to the prevention of bribery and undue influence in the choice of president, I confess I differ widely myself from Mr. Jefferson and you, as to the necessity or expediency of rotation in that appointment. The matter was fairly discussed in the convention, and to my full conviction, though I cannot have time or room to sum up the argument in this letter. There cannot in my judgment be the least danger, that the president will by any practicable intrigue ever be able to continue himself one moment in office, much less perpetuate himself in it, but in the last stage of corrupted morals and political depravity; and even then, there is as much danger that any other species of domination would prevail. Though, when a people shall have become incapable of governing themselves, and fit for a master, it is of little consequence from what quarter he comes. Under an extended view of this part of the subject, I can see no propriety in precluding ourselves from the services of any man, who on some great emergency shall be deemed universally most capable of serving the public.1

In answer to the observations you make on the probability of my election to the presidency, knowing me as you do, I need only say, that it has no enticing charms and no fascinating allurements for me. However, it might not be decent for me to say I would refuse to accept, or even to speak much about an appointment, which may never take place; for, in so doing, one might possibly incur the application of the moral resulting from that fable, in which the fox is represented as inveighing against the sourness of the grapes, because he could not reach them. All that it will be necessary to add, my dear Marquis, in order to show my decided predilections is, that, (at my time of life and under my circumstances,) the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest man on my own farm. Let those follow the pursuits of ambition and fame, who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment.

Mrs. Washington, while she requests that her best compliments may be presented to you, joins with me in soliciting that the same friendly and affectionate memorial of our constant remembrance and good wishes may be made acceptable to Madame de Lafayette and the little ones. I am, &c.

P. S. May 1st. Since writing the foregoing letter, I have received authentic accounts that the Convention of Maryland has ratified the new Constitution by a majority of 63 to 11.1

[1 ]Both Dr. W. Jones and Gabriel Jones were reported to be in favor of the constitution.

[2 ]“The declaration of Henry mentioned in your letter, is a proof to me that desperate measures will be his game. If report does not more than usually exaggerate, Mason, also, is ripening fast for going every length. His licentiousness of animadversion, it is said, no longer spares even the moderate opponents of the Constitution.”—Madison to Randolph, 10 April, 1788.

[1 ]To an early applicant for office Washington wrote, 8 June, 1788:

“Your letter is now before me, and requires that I should say something in reply on a subject, in which I feel myself more embarrassed, and more awkwardly situated, than ever I have been before. It is but justice to my own feelings to observe that I am conscious I have never been indisposed to do whatever might be in my power in favor of those, whose misfortunes had been unavoidably brought upon them without any fault of their own. In this predicament I was not a little concerned at an application for employment under a government which does not yet exist, and with the administration of which (in case it should be adopted and carried into execution) it is much more than possible I may never be concerned. The chaos of uncertainty in which we are involved, and the impropriety of my anticipating events, or hazarding opinions, would scarcely permit me to touch, however slightly, on these delicate topics.

“These circumstances, I observe, had not entirely escaped your attention; you will not, therefore, think it hard that I should mention the subject as peculiarly distressing and perplexing to me. Delicacy forbids, that I should enlarge as to myself. As to you I will only add, that I know nothing but that your character stands in the fairest light, and consequently cannot be actuated by any prejudice against your pretensions.

“I beg, Sir, that the candor and freedom which I have used on this occasion may not be misinterpreted to give you any unintended and unnecessary anxiety, or to induce you to believe, that I have taken in ill part the application, although I thought it to be altogether untimely and improper. On the contrary you may rely upon my protestation, that I am, in every personal consideration, with real esteem and friendship, &c.”

[1 ]“A thorn, this in the sides of the leaders of opposition in this State.—Should South Carolina give us unequivocal opposition of this system, the opposition will become feeble. Yr. eight affirmations without a negative carries weight of argument, if not of eloquence, along with it which might cause even the unerring sister to hesitate.—Mr. Chase it is said, made a display of all his eloquence—Mr. Mercer discharged his whole Artillery of inflammable matter, and Mr. Martin did something—I know not what—but presume with vehemence—yet no comments were made—no, not one.—So the business after a very short Session, ended, and will if I mistake not render yours less tiresome.”—Washington to Madison, 2 May, 1788.