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Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO JAMES McHENRY, IN CONGRESS. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO JAMES McHENRY, IN CONGRESS.

I have had the honor to receive your favors of the 10th and 17th of July, which were committed to the care of M. Houdon; but I have not yet had the pleasure to see that gentleman. His instruments and materials, (Doctor Franklin informs me,) were sent down the Seine; but, not being arrived when the ship left Havre, he was obliged to leave them, and is now busied in supplying himself with others at Philadelphia, with which, when done, he will come on to this place. I shall take great pleasure in showing M. Houdon every civility and attention in my power during his stay in this country; for I feel myself under personal obligation to you and Dr. Franklin (as the State of Virginia has done me the honor to direct a statue to be erected to my memory) for having placed the execution in the hands of so eminent an artist, and so worthy a character.1

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have the further pleasure to inform you and should have done it long since, had I not supposed that your information would have been more full and perfect from some of your friends in the Assembly, that a resolution of the Assembly authorized the Executive to appoint commissioners to explore and report the best communication between the waters of Elizabeth river and those of Albermarle;—that the commissioners have proceeded to the Survey—and have reported in favor of that which will pass thro’ Drummonds Pond to the Pasquotank. But what will be the result, I am unable to inform you—as I find by some of the principal characters of North Carolina (members of Congress) who have called here; that a considerable jealousy prevails, and a powerful opposition will be given to any water communication between the two States—lest it should draw their exports from them.

* * * * * *

I am very happy to find, that your sentiments respecting the interest the Assembly was pleased to give me in the two navigations of the Potomac and James Rivers coincide with my own. I never for a moment entertained an idea of accepting it. The difficulty, which labored in my mind was how to refuse without giving offence. Ultimately I have it in contemplation to apply the profits arising from the tolls to some public use. In this, if I knew how, I would meet the wishes of the Assembly; but, if I am not able to come at these, my own inclination leads me to apply them to the establishment of two charity schools, one on each river, for the education and support of poor children, especially the descendants of those, who have fallen in defence of their country.

As I have ever been a friend to adequate powers of Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by the powers of Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree with you in sentiment not to enlarge them for the regulating of commerce. I have neither time nor abilities to enter into a full discussion of this subject; but it should seem to me, that your arguments against it, principally that some States may be more benefited than others by a commercial regulation, apply to every matter of general utility. Can there be a case enumerated, in which this argument has not its force in a greater or less degree? We are either a united people under one head and for federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other. If the former, whatever such a majority of the States, as the constitution points out, conceives to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my humble opinion, be submitted to by the minority. Let the southern States always be represented; let them act more in union; let them declare freely and boldly what is for the interest of, and what is prejudicial to, their constituents; and there will, there must be, an accommodating spirit. In the establishment of a navigation act, this in a particular manner ought, and will doubtless be attended to. If the assent of nine, or as some propose of eleven States, is necessary to give validity to a commercial system, it insures this measure, or it cannot be obtained.

I can say nothing decisively respecting the western settlement of this State. The inhabitants of Kentucky have held several conventions, and have resolved to apply for a separation; but what may be the final issue of it, is not for me to inform you. Opinions, as far as they have come to my knowledge, are diverse. I have uniformly given it as mine, to meet them upon their own ground, draw the best line and best terms we can, and part good friends. After the next session of our Assembly, more may be learned and communicated; and, if you should not receive it through a better channel, I will have the honor to inform you.1

Wherein then lies the danger? But if your fears are in danger of being realized, cannot certain provisos in the ordinance guard against the evil; I see no difficulty in this, if the southern delegates would give their attendance in Congress, and follow the example, if it should be set them, of hanging together to counteract combinations. I confess to you candidly, that I can foresee no evil greater than disunion; than those unreasonable jealousies, (I say unreasonable, because I would have a proper jealousy always awake, and the United States on the watch to prevent individual States from infracting the constitution with impunity,) which are continually poisoning our minds and filling them with imaginary evils to the prevention of real ones.

I am sorry I cannot give you full information respecting Bushnell’s project for the destruction of ships. No interesting experiments having been made, and my memory being bad, I may in some measure be mistaken in what I am about to relate. Bushnell is a man of great mechanical powers, fertile of invention and master of execution. He came to me in 1776, recommended by Governor Trumbull and other respectable characters, who were converts to his plan. Although I wanted faith myself, I furnished him with money and other aids to carry his plan into execution. He labored for some time ineffectually; and, though the advocates of his scheme continued sanguine, he never did succeed. One accident or another always intervened. I then thought, and still think, that it was an effort of genius, but that too many things were necessary to be combined, to expect much from the issue against an enemy, who are always upon guard.

As you have asked the question, I answer, I do not know that we can enter upon a war of imposts with Great Britain, or any other foreign power; but we are certain, that this war has been waged against us by the former; professedly upon a belief that we never could unite in opposition to it; and I believe there is no way of putting an end to, or at least of stopping the increase of it, but to convince them of the contrary. Our trade, in all points of view, is as essential to Great Britain, as hers is to us; and she will exchange it upon reciprocal and liberal terms, if better cannot be had. It can hardly be supposed, I think, that the carrying business will devolve wholly on the States you have named, or remain long with them if it should; for either Great Britain will depart from her present contracted system, or the policy of the southern States in framing the act of navigation, or by laws passed by themselves individually, will devise ways and means to encourage seamen for the transportation of the product of their respective countries or for the encouragement of it [Editor: missing word?]. But, admitting the contrary, if the Union is considered as permanent, and on this I presume all superstructures are built, had we not better encourage seamen among ourselves, with less imports, than divide it with foreigners, and by increasing the amount of them ruin our merchants, and greatly injuring the mass of our citizens.

That he had a machine so contrived, as to carry him under water at any depth he chose, and for a considerable time and distance, with an appendix to it, charged with powder, which he could fasten to a ship, and give fire to in a given time sufficient for his returning, and by means thereof destroy it, are facts, I believe, which admit of little doubt. But then, where it was to operate against an enemy, it was no easy matter to get a person hardy enough to encounter the variety of dangers, to which he would be exposed; first, from the novelty; secondly, from the difficulty of conducting the machine, and governing it under water, on account of the current, &c.; and thirdly, the consequent uncertainty of hitting the object devoted to destruction, without rising frequently above water for fresh observation, which, when near the vessel, would expose the adventurer to a discovery and to almost certain death. To these causes I always ascribed the non-performance of his plan, as he wanted nothing that I could furnish to insure the success of it. This, to the best of my recollection, is a true state of the case; but Humphreys, if I mistake not, being one of his converts, will be able to give you a more perfect account of it than I have done. With perfect esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

To sum up the whole, I foresee, or think I do it, the many advantages which will arise from giving powers of this kind to Congress (if a sufficient number of States are required to exercise them), without any evil, save that which may proceed from inattention, or want of wisdom in the formation of the act; whilst, without them, we stand in a ridiculous point of view in the eyes of the nations of the world, with whom we are attempting to enter into commercial treaties, without means of carrying them into effect; who must see and feel, that the Union or the Sates individually are sovereigns, as best suits their purposes; in a word, that we are one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow. Who will treat with us on such terms—but perhaps I have gone too far and therefore will only add, that Mrs. Washington offers her compliments and best wishes for you, and that with great esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, &c.

[1 ]Writing to Lafayette, November 8th, Washington said:—

“I have now to thank you for your favors of the 9th and 14th of July; the first by M. Houdon, who stayed no more than a fortnight with me, and to whom, for his trouble and risk in crossing the seas (although I had no agency in the business), I feel myself under personal obligations. . . .

“Doctor Franklin has met with a grateful reception in Pennsylvania. He has again embarked on a troubled ocean; I am persuaded with the best designs, and I wish his purposes may be answered, which undoubtedly are to reconcile the jarring interests of the State. He permitted himself to be nominated for the city of Philadelphia as a counsellor, a step to the chair, which no doubt he will fill; but whether to the satisfaction of both parties is a question of some magnitude, and of real importance to himself, at least to his quiet. His grandson shall meet with every civility and attention I can show him, when occasions offer.”

“Gatteaux the engraver lives in the Street St. Thomas de Louvre, opposite the Treasury of the Duke de Charters. Now that there is no obstacle to commencing the medal for Genl. Washington since Houdon’s return, I could wish (should it not be giving you too much trouble) that you would send for Du Vivier who lives in the Old Louvre, and propose to him undertaking it upon exactly the terms he had offered, which I think were 2400 livres, besides the gold & expense of coming. If he should not [] it we must let it rest until Dupre shall have finished Genl. Greene’s. Gatteaux has a paper on which is the description of Genl. Washington’s medal.”—D. Humphreys to Jefferson, 30 January, 1786.

[1 ]Virginia had always maintained her claims to Kentucky, and when George Rogers Clark, acting under orders from that State, conquered Illinois (1778), this claim appeared to be established beyond any question. Lands were freely granted, and counties marked off (1783), and a judiciary and local government constituted. The removal, in great measure, of the fears of Indian incursions, and the close of the Revolution, turned a large tide of emigration to this district, which soon realized the inconvenience of recognizing a government so remote as that of Virginia was. The threat of an Indian raid drew together the political elements of the country, and a council, assembled for military purposes, concluded that the time had come when Kentucky should be erected into “a separate and independent State,” with a local government of full powers (November, 1784). It was not until August, 1785, that a regular convention met and framed a memorial to the Virginia legislature praying for a separation, which was granted by an act passed January 10, 1786, subject to the approval of the Continental Congress. Through some unaviodable delays the question could not be acted upon within the period fixed, and securing an extension, it was in June, 1788, that Congress took the necessary steps to admit Kentucky to the Confederation, steps that were again blocked by the adoption of the new Constitution.

[1 ]Writing to Lafayette, November 8th, Washington said:—

“I have now to thank you for your favors of the 9th and 14th of July; the first by M. Houdon, who stayed no more than a fortnight with me, and to whom, for his trouble and risk in crossing the seas (although I had no agency in the business), I feel myself under personal obligations. . . .

“Doctor Franklin has met with a grateful reception in Pennsylvania. He has again embarked on a troubled ocean; I am persuaded with the best designs, and I wish his purposes may be answered, which undoubtedly are to reconcile the jarring interests of the State. He permitted himself to be nominated for the city of Philadelphia as a counsellor, a step to the chair, which no doubt he will fill; but whether to the satisfaction of both parties is a question of some magnitude, and of real importance to himself, at least to his quiet. His grandson shall meet with every civility and attention I can show him, when occasions offer.”

“Gatteaux the engraver lives in the Street St. Thomas de Louvre, opposite the Treasury of the Duke de Charters. Now that there is no obstacle to commencing the medal for Genl. Washington since Houdon’s return, I could wish (should it not be giving you too much trouble) that you would send for Du Vivier who lives in the Old Louvre, and propose to him undertaking it upon exactly the terms he had offered, which I think were 2400 livres, besides the gold & expense of coming. If he should not [] it we must let it rest until Dupre shall have finished Genl. Greene’s. Gatteaux has a paper on which is the description of Genl. Washington’s medal.”—D. Humphreys to Jefferson, 30 January, 1786.

[1 ]Virginia had always maintained her claims to Kentucky, and when George Rogers Clark, acting under orders from that State, conquered Illinois (1778), this claim appeared to be established beyond any question. Lands were freely granted, and counties marked off (1783), and a judiciary and local government constituted. The removal, in great measure, of the fears of Indian incursions, and the close of the Revolution, turned a large tide of emigration to this district, which soon realized the inconvenience of recognizing a government so remote as that of Virginia was. The threat of an Indian raid drew together the political elements of the country, and a council, assembled for military purposes, concluded that the time had come when Kentucky should be erected into “a separate and independent State,” with a local government of full powers (November, 1784). It was not until August, 1785, that a regular convention met and framed a memorial to the Virginia legislature praying for a separation, which was granted by an act passed January 10, 1786, subject to the approval of the Continental Congress. Through some unaviodable delays the question could not be acted upon within the period fixed, and securing an extension, it was in June, 1788, that Congress took the necessary steps to admit Kentucky to the Confederation, steps that were again blocked by the adoption of the new Constitution.