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Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 2 - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.2

Towards the latter part of the year 1783, I was honored with a letter from the Countess of Huntington,1 briefly reciting her benevolent intention of spreading Christianity among the tribes of Indians inhabiting our western territory, and expressing a desire of my advice and assistance to carry this charitable design into execution. I wrote her Ladyship for answer, that it would by no means comport with the plan of retirement I had promised myself, to take an active or responsible part in this business; and that it was my belief, there was no other way to effect her pious and benevolent design, but by first reducing these people to a state of greater civilization; but that I would give every aid in my power, consistent with that ease and tranquillity, to which I meant to devote the remainder of my life, to carry her plan into effect. Since that time I have been favored with other letters from her, and a few days ago, under cover from Sir James Jay, the papers herewith enclosed.1

Mount Vernon, 14 December, 1784.

Dear Sir,

As the plan contemplated by Lady Huntington, according to the outlines exhibited, is not only unexceptionable in its design and tendency, but has humanity and charity for its object, and may, I conceive, be made subservient to valuable political purposes, I take the liberty of laying the matter before you for your free and candid sentiments thereon. The communication I make of this matter to you, Sir, is in a private way; but you are at full liberty to communicate the plan of Lady Huntington to the members individually, or officially to Congress, as the importance and propriety of the measure may strike you. My reasons for it are these. First, I do not believe that any of the States to which she has written, unless it may be New York, are in circumstances, since their cession of territory, to comply with the requisitions respecting emigration; but it has been privately hinted to me, and ought not to become a matter of public notoriety, that, notwithstanding the indefinite expressions of the address respecting the numbers or occupations of the emigrants, which were designed to avoid giving alarms in England, the former will be great, and the useful artisans among them many. Second, because such emigration, if it should effect the object in view, besides the humane and charitable purposes, which would be thereby answered, will be of immense political consequence; and even if this should not succeed to her Ladyship’s wishes, it must nevertheless be of considerable importance from the increase of population by orderly and well-disposed characters, who would at once form a barrier, and attempt the conversion of the Indians without involving an expense to the Union.

The letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 20th of last month, only came to my hands by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, you will please to accept my thanks. These people have given, I think, all that the United States could reasonably have required of them; more, perhaps, than the State of New York conceives ought to have been asked from them, by any other than their own legislature.

I see but one objection to a compact, unmixed, and powerful settlement of this kind, if it is likely to be so, the weight of which you will judge. It is (and her Ladyship seems to have been aware of it, and endeavors to guard against it,) placing a people in a body upon our exterior, where they will be contiguous to Canada, who may bring with them strong prejudices against us and our form of government, and equally strong attachments to the country and institutions they leave, without the means (being detached and unmixed with citizens of different sentiments) of having them eradicated.1

I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States opposing the measures of the United States, encroaching upon the territory of each other, and setting up old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies, and is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Six Nations have been, and will cede a competent district of country northwest of the Ohio to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me; for it was apprehended, that they should agree to the latter reluctantly if at all; but the example of the Northern Indians, who, (if they have not relinquished their claim,) have pretensions to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the commissioners, who have proceeded to Cayahoga.1

Her Ladyship has spoken so feelingly and sensibly on the religious and benevolent purposes of the plan, that no language of which I am possessed can add aught to enforce her observations. And no place I think bids so fair to answer her views, as that spot in Hutchins’s map, marked Miami Village and Fort. From hence there is a communication to all parts by water; and at which in my opinion we ought to have a post. * * *

It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that a sufficient number of States had assembled to form a Congress, and that you were chosen to preside in it.1 On this event, permit me to offer my compliments of congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavorable aspect; contributes to lessen, already too low, the dignity and importance of the federal government, and is hurtful to our national character in the eyes of Europe.

Please to accept my thanks for the pamphlet you sent me, and for the resolutions respecting the temporary and permanent seat of government. If I might be permitted to hazard an opinion of the latter, I would say, that, by the time your federal buildings on the banks of the Delaware, along the point of a triangle are fit for the reception of Congress, it will be found that they are very improperly placed for the seat of the Empire, and will have to undergo a second edition in a more convenient one. If the Union continues, and this is not the case, I will agree to be classed among the false prophets, and suffer for evil prediction. * * *

It is said (I do not know how founded), that our Assembly have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If this be true, and the State of New York has not acted repugnantly to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; but I shall be mistaken if they do not entrench themselves behind some other expedient to effect it, or will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves; the probable consequence of which will be the destruction of the works.1

[1 ]Selina, daughter of Earl Ferrars, born 1707. A serious illness tinged her thoughts with religious enthusiasm. As early as 1775, Governor Hutchinson found her anxious on the state of religion in America, “wishing to see people there lay less stress on the non-essentials of religion, and to pay greater regard to the vital parts of it.”—Hutchinson’s Diary, i., 348.

[1 ]These papers presented a general outline of Lady Huntington’s plan. Her primary object was to civilize and christianize the Indians. For this end she applied to some of the States for grants of lands, on which emigrants might establish themselves. Schools were to be established, and religions instruction provided for, under such regulations as to produce the best practical results; and the arts of life were to be taught, and the means of civilization communicated, by the example of the settlers, and by such direct efforts as should be deemed suited to the great purposes in view.

[1 ]Local and political reasons prevented Lady Huntington’s plan from being carried into effect. Congress had pledged all the wild lands for a specific object, and the States had ceded their lands to the Union, and of course had none to appropriate for such a purpose. The answer from Mr. Lee to the above letter will explain this point in regard to Congress. “At the same time your packet reached me,” said he, “there came one to Congress from Governor Henry, with her Ladyship’s letter and plan enclosed, which the Governor strongly recommended. It was presently observed, that the terms upon which lands had been ceded to the United States did not leave it in the power of Congress to dispose of them for any other purpose, than for paying the debts of the public by a full and fair sale of all the ceded lands. It was indeed remarked, that those religious people, whom her Ladyship had in prospect to transport and fix on our frontier, were remarkable in the late war for a unanimous and bitter enmity to the American cause, and might form a dangerous settlement at so great a distance, contiguous to the Indians, and easily accessible to Canada; especially in the present very unfriendly temper of mind, that we now suppose the British nation possesses with respect to us. It was therefore ordered, that Governor Henry’s letter with the enclosures should be filed, and nothing more be done in the affair.”—New York, February 27th.

To Sir James Jay he was somewhat more full in his objection: “There are but two reasons, which my imagination suggests, that can be opposed to it. The first is, the pressing debts of the United Sates, which may call for the revenue, that can be drawn from the advantageous sale of their lands, and the discontents, which might flow from discrimination, if peculiar exemptions, in the original purchase, or indulgences thereafter, are expected in favor of the class of settlers proposed by the plan; and, secondly, (which may have more weight,) the prejudices of monarchical people, where they are unmixed with republicans, against those who have separated from them, and against their forms of government, and this too in the vicinity of a British one, viz: Canada.”

[1 ]Selina, daughter of Earl Ferrars, born 1707. A serious illness tinged her thoughts with religious enthusiasm. As early as 1775, Governor Hutchinson found her anxious on the state of religion in America, “wishing to see people there lay less stress on the non-essentials of religion, and to pay greater regard to the vital parts of it.”—Hutchinson’s Diary, i., 348.

[1 ]These papers presented a general outline of Lady Huntington’s plan. Her primary object was to civilize and christianize the Indians. For this end she applied to some of the States for grants of lands, on which emigrants might establish themselves. Schools were to be established, and religions instruction provided for, under such regulations as to produce the best practical results; and the arts of life were to be taught, and the means of civilization communicated, by the example of the settlers, and by such direct efforts as should be deemed suited to the great purposes in view.

[1 ]Local and political reasons prevented Lady Huntington’s plan from being carried into effect. Congress had pledged all the wild lands for a specific object, and the States had ceded their lands to the Union, and of course had none to appropriate for such a purpose. The answer from Mr. Lee to the above letter will explain this point in regard to Congress. “At the same time your packet reached me,” said he, “there came one to Congress from Governor Henry, with her Ladyship’s letter and plan enclosed, which the Governor strongly recommended. It was presently observed, that the terms upon which lands had been ceded to the United States did not leave it in the power of Congress to dispose of them for any other purpose, than for paying the debts of the public by a full and fair sale of all the ceded lands. It was indeed remarked, that those religious people, whom her Ladyship had in prospect to transport and fix on our frontier, were remarkable in the late war for a unanimous and bitter enmity to the American cause, and might form a dangerous settlement at so great a distance, contiguous to the Indians, and easily accessible to Canada; especially in the present very unfriendly temper of mind, that we now suppose the British nation possesses with respect to us. It was therefore ordered, that Governor Henry’s letter with the enclosures should be filed, and nothing more be done in the affair.”—New York, February 27th.

To Sir James Jay he was somewhat more full in his objection: “There are but two reasons, which my imagination suggests, that can be opposed to it. The first is, the pressing debts of the United Sates, which may call for the revenue, that can be drawn from the advantageous sale of their lands, and the discontents, which might flow from discrimination, if peculiar exemptions, in the original purchase, or indulgences thereafter, are expected in favor of the class of settlers proposed by the plan; and, secondly, (which may have more weight,) the prejudices of monarchical people, where they are unmixed with republicans, against those who have separated from them, and against their forms of government, and this too in the vicinity of a British one, viz: Canada.”