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The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Author: George Washington
Editor: Worthington Chauncey Ford

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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1785.

A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favorable for Virginia, than for any other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the court of Great Britain on the other, to retain as long as possible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, &c., (which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union,) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this State, if she would open the avenues to the trade of that country, and embrace the present moment to establish it. It only wants a beginning. The western inhabitants would do their part towards its execution. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of or be made dependent upon foreigners; which would eventually either bring on a separation of them from us, or a war between the United States and one or the other of those powers, most probably with the Spaniards.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

The preliminary steps to the attainment of this great object would be attended with very little expense, and might at the same time that it served to attract the attention of the western country, and to convince the wavering inhabitants of our disposition to connect ourselves with them, and to facilitate their commerce with us, be a mean of removing those jealousies, which otherwise might take place among ourselves.

Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1785.

My dear Sir,

These, in my opinion, are to appoint commissioners, who, from their situation, integrity, and abilities, can be under no suspicion of prejudice or predilection to one part more than to another. Let these commissioners make an actual survey of James River and Potomac from tide-water to their respective sources; note with great accuracy the kind of navigation and the obstructions in it, the difficulty and expense attending the removal of these obstructions, the distances from place to place through their whole extent, and the nearest and best portages between these waters and the streams capable of improvement, which run into the Ohio; traverse these in like manner to their junction with the Ohio, and with equal accuracy. The navigation of this river (i. e., the Ohio) being well known, they will have less to do in the examination of it; but, nevertheless, let the courses and distances be taken to the mouth of the Muskingum, and up that river (notwithstanding it is in the ceded lands) to the carrying-place to the Cayahoga; down the Cayahoga to Lake Erie; and thence to Detroit. Let them do the same with Big Beaver Creek, although part of it is in the State of Pennsylvania; and with the Scioto also. In a word, let the waters east and west of the Ohio, which invite our notice by their proximity, and by the ease with which land transportation may be had between them and the Lakes on one side, and the Rivers Potomac and James on the other, be explored, accurately delineated, and a correct and connected map of the whole be presented to the public. These things being done, I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts, jealousy to candor, and, finally, if reason and nature, thus aided, will not dictate what is right and proper to be done.

About the beginning of last month I wrote you a pretty long letter, and soon after, received your favor of the 23d. of November. It is not the letters from my friends which give me trouble, or add ought to my perplexity. I receive them with pleasure, and pay as much attention to them as my avocations will admit.

In the mean while, if it should be thought that the lapse of time, which is necessary to effect this work, may be attended with injurious consequences, could not there be a sum of money granted towards opening the best, or, if it should be deemed more eligible, two of the nearest communications (one to the northward and another to the southward) with the settlements to the westward; and an act be passed, if there should not appear a manifest disposition in the Assembly to make it a public undertaking, to incorporate and encourage private adventurers, if any should associate and solicit the same, for the purpose of extending the navigation of the Potomac or James River; and, in the former case, to request the concurrence of Maryland in the measure? It will appear from my statement of the different routes (and, as far as my means of information have extended, I have done it with the utmost candor), that all the produce of the settlements about Fort Pitt can be brought to Alexandria by the Youghiogany in three hundred and four miles, whereof only thirty-one is land transportation; and by the Monongahela and Cheat Rivers in three hundred and sixty miles, twenty of which only are land carriage. Whereas the common road from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia is three hundred and twenty miles, all land transportation; or four hundred and seventy-six miles, if the Ohio, Toby’s Creek, Susquehanna, and Schuylkill are made use of for this purpose. How much of this is by land, I know not; but, from the nature of the country, it must be very considerable. How much the interest and feelings of people thus circumstanced would be engaged to promote it, requires no illustration.

It is references of old matters with which I have nothing to do—applications, which oftentimes cannot be complied with; enquiries, which would employ the pen of a historian to satisfy; letters of compliment, as unmeaning perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to; and the commonplace business, which employs my pen and my time;—often disagreeably.

For my own part, I think it highly probable, that, upon the strictest scrutiny, if the Falls of the Great Kanhawa can be made navigable, or a short portage be had there, it will be found of equal importance and convenience to improve the navigation of both the James and Potomac. The latter, I am fully persuaded, affords the nearest communication with the Lakes; but James River may be more convenient for all the settlers below the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, and for some distance perhaps above and west of it; for I have no expectation, that any part of the trade above the Falls of the Ohio will go down that river and the Mississippi, much less that the returns will ever come up them, unless our want of foresight and good management is the occasion of it. Or, upon trial, if it should be found that these rivers, from the before-mentioned Falls, will admit the descent of sea-vessels, in which case, and the navigation of the former’s becoming free, it is probable that both vessels and cargoes will be carried to foreign markets and sold; but the returns for them will never in the natural course of things ascend the long and rapid current of that river, which with the Ohio to the Falls, in their mean-derings, is little if any short of two thousand miles. Upon the whole, the object in my estimation is of vast commercial and political importance. In these lights I think posterity will consider it, and regret, (if our conduct should give them cause,) that the present favorable moment to secure so great a blessing for them was neglected.

Indeed, these with company, deprive me of exercise, and unless I can obtain relief, may be productive of disagreeable consequences. I already begin to feel the effect.—Heavy, and painful oppression of the head, and other disagreeable sensations, often trouble me.—I am determined therefore to employ some person who shall ease me of the drudgery of this business.—At any rate, if the whole of it is thereby suspended, I am resolved to use exercise. My private concerns also, require infinitely more attention than I have given, or can give, under present circumstances. They can no longer be neglected without involving my ruin. This, my dear Sir, is a friendly communication—I give it in testimony of my unreservedness with you, and not for the purpose of discouraging your letters; for be assured that, to corrispond with those I love is among my highest gratifications, and I persuade myself you will not doubt my sincerity when I assure you I place you among the foremost of this class. Letters of friendship require no study, the communications are easy, and allowances are expected, and made. This is not the case with those which require re-searches, consideration, recollection, and the de—I knows what to prevent error, and to answer the ends for which they are written.

One thing more remains, which I had like to have forgot, and that is, the supposed difficulty of obtaining a passage through the State of Pennsylvania. How an application to its legislature would be relished, in the first instance, I will not undertake to decide; but of one thing I am almost certain, such an application would place that body in a very delicate situation. There is in the State of Pennsylvania at least one hundred thousand souls west of Laurel Hill, who are groaning under the inconveniences of a long land transportation. They are wishing, indeed they are looking, for the improvement and extension of inland navigation; and, if this cannot be made easy for them to Philadelphia (at any rate it must be lengthy), they will seek a mart elsewhere; the consequence of which would be, that the State, though contrary to the interests of its sea-ports, must submit to the loss of so much of its trade, or hazard not only the loss of the trade but the loss of the settlement also; for an opposition on the part of government to the extension of water transportation, so consonant with the essential interests of a large body of people, or any extraordinary impositions upon the exports or imports to or from another State, would ultimately bring on a separation between its eastern and western settlements; towards which there is not wanting a disposition at this moment in that part of it beyond the mountains. I consider Rumsey’s discovery for working boats against stream, by mechanical powers (principally), as not only a very fortunate invention for these States in general, but as one of those circumstances, which have combined to render the present epocha favorable above all others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail ourselves of them, a large portion of the trade of the western country in the bosom of this State irrevocably.

In my last I informed you that I was endeavoring to stimulate my Countrymen to the extension of the inland Navigation of our Rivers; and to the opening of the best and easiest communication for Land transportation between them and the Western Waters. I am just returned from Annapolis to which place I was requested to go by our Assembly (with my bosom friend Genl. G—tes, who being at Richmond contrived to edge himself into the commission) for the purpose of arranging matters, and forming a Law which should be similar in both States, so far as it respected the river Potomack, which seperates them. I met the most perfect accordance in that legislature; and the matter is now reported to ours, for its concurrence.

Long as this letter is, I intended to have written a fuller and more digested one, upon this important subject; but have met with so many interruptions since my return home, as almost to have precluded my writing at all. What I now give is crude; but if you are in sentiment with me, I have said enough; if there is not an accordance of opinion, I have said too much; and all I pray in the latter case is, that you will do me the justice to believe my motives are pure, however erroneous my judgment may be in this matter, and that I am, with the most perfect esteem and friendship,

The two Assemblies (not being in circumstances to undertake this business wholly at the public expence) propose to incorporate such private Adventurers as shall associate for the purpose of extending the navigation of the River from tide water as far up as it will admit craft of ten tons burthen, and to allow them a perpetual toll and other emoluments to induce them to subscribe freely to a work of such magnitude; whilst they have agreed (or, I should rather say, probably will agree, as the matter is not yet concluded in the Virginia Assembly) to open at the public expence, the communication with the Western territory. To do this will be a great political work—may be immensely extensive in a commercial point; and beyond all question, will be exceedingly beneficial for those who advance the money for the purpose of extending the Navigation of the river, as the tolls arising therefrom are to be held in perpetuity, and will increase every year.—

Dear Sir, yours, &c.1

Rents have got to such an amazing height in Alexandria, that (having an unimproved lot or two there) I have thoughts, if my finances will support me in the measure, of building a House, or Houses thereon for the purpose of letting.

TO JACOB READ.

In humble imitation of the wise man, I have set me down to count the cost; and among other heavy articles of expenditure, I find lime is not the smallest.

Mount Vernon, 3 November, 1784.

Sir

Stone lime with us, owing to the length of (land) transportation comes very high at that place. Shell lime, from its weakness, and the consequent quantity used, is far from being low. These considerations added to a report that this article may be had from your State by way of Ballast, upon terms much easier than either can be bought here, inclines me without making an apology, to give you the trouble of enquiring from those who might be disposed to enter into a contract therefor, and can ascertain the fact with precision.

* * * What may be the result of the Indian treaty I know not; equally unacquainted am I with the instructions or powers given to the Commissioners:— but if a large cession of territory is expected from them, a disappointment I think will ensue; for the Indians, I have been told, will not yield to the proposal. Nor can I see wherein lies the advantages of it, if they would at a first purchase, unless a number of States, tho’ thinly inhabited would be more than a counterpoize in the political scale, for progressive and compact settlements. Such is the rage for speculating in, and forestalling of lands on the No. West of the Ohio, that scarce a valuable spot, within any tolerable distance of it, is left without a claimant. Men in these times talk with as much facility of fifty, an hundred, and even 500,000 Acres, as a gentleman formerly would do of 1,000. In defiance of the proclamation of Congress, they roam over the country on the Indian side of the Ohio—mark out Lands, survey and even settle on them. This gives great discontent to the Indians, and will, unless measures are taken in time to prevent it, inevitably produce a war with the western tribes. To avoid which there appears to me to be only these ways. Purchase if possible as much land of them immediately back of us, as would make one or two States, according to the extent Congress design, or would wish to have them of, and which may be fully adequate to all our present purposes—fix such a price upon the lands so purchased, as would not be too exorbitant and burthensome for real occupiers; but high enough to discourage monopolizers. Declare all steps heretofore taken to procure land on the northwest side of the Ohio, contrary to the prohibition of Congress, to be null and void—and that any person thereafter, who shall presume to mark, survey, or settle on lands beyond the limit of the new States, or purchased lands, shall not only be considered as outlaws, but fit subjects for Indian vengeance.

1st.—At what price by the bushel, a quantity of slaked stone lime could be delivered at one of the wharves at Alexandria (freight and every incidental charge included), or to a Lighter opposite to my own House.

If these or similar measures are adopted, I have no doubt of Congress’s deriving a very considerable revenue from the western territory. But lands, like other commodities rise or fall in proportion to the quantity at market; consequently, a higher price may be obtained by the acre, for as much as will constitute one or two States, than can be had if ten States were offered for sale at the same time—besides extending the benefits, and deriving all the advantages of law and government from them at once, neither of which can be done in sparse settlements, where nothing is thought of but scrambling for land, which may involve confusion and bloodshed.

2d.—At what price burnt lime stone, but unslaked (if it be safe to bring such) could be delivered as above.

It is much to be regretted, that the slow determinations of Congress involve many evils—’tis much easier to avoid mischiefs than to apply remedies when they have happened. Had Congress paid an earlier attention to, or decided sooner on Indian affairs, matters would have been in a more favorable train than they now are; and if they are longer delayed, they will grow worse. Twelve months ago the Indians would have listened to propositions of any kind with more readiness than they will do now:—the terms of the peace frightened them, and they were disgusted with G. B. for making such. Bribery, and every address which British art could dictate have been practised since to soothe them, to estrange them from us, and to secure their trade. To what other causes can be ascribed their holding our western posts so long after the ratifications of the treaty, contrary to the spirit, tho’ they do it under the letter of it. To remove their garrison and stores cannot be the work of a week; for if report is true, they have only to shift them to the opposite side of the line. But it is now more than twelve months since I foretold what has happened, and I shall not be surprized if they leave us no Posts to occupy; for if they mean to surrender them at all, they may fix upon a season, or appoint a short day perhaps for the evacuation when no relief can be had. And Congress having repeatedly called for an evacuation, will hardly know how to act, especially as they will be in no condition to take possession of the posts:—for to do it properly requires time; as ordnance, stores, provisions and other articles, as well as garrisons are not to be established in a moment, even where boats and other conveniences, of which I question much whether you have any, are at hand. This being the case, there will be an interregnum during which the works will be left without guards; and being obnoxious to our late enemy, now no doubt staunch friends with Indian prejudices in aid, will be the cause of accidental fires, or Indian drunkenness, in which the whole will end in conflagration, or, I shall be mistaken. * * *

3d.—At what price unburnt lime stone, could be delivered at the latter place.

TO GEORGE CLINTON, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

In the last case, it might I should suppose, come as Ballast very low. In the second it might also come as ballast, and (tho’ higher than the former, yet) comparatively cheap, if the danger of waters getting to it, and its slaking and heating in the Hold, would not be too great.—In the first case, there would be no certainty of its goodness, because lime from the late judicious experiments of a Mr. Higgens, should be used as soon as it slaked; and would be still better, if it was so, immediately after burning; as air, as well as water, according to his observations, weakens and injures it. Your information upon these points from those who might incline to contract, and on whom dependence could be placed, would much oblige me—and the sooner I get it the better, as my determination is suspended. * * *

Mount Vernon, 25 November, 1784.

My dear Sir,

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.

A few days ago I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 12th instant. Although I felt pain from your silence, I should have imputed that silence to any cause, rather than a diminution of friendship. I feel this passion for you too strongly implanted in my own breast, to harbor a suspicion of it in yours, where I flatter myself it is reciprocal, unless I had done something to deserve it, of which I am not conscious.

Mount Vernon, 22 January, 1785.

My dear Sir,

It gives me great pleasure to learn from yourself, that the State over which you preside is tranquil. Would to God it may ever remain so, and that all others may follow the example. Internal dissensions, and jarring with our neighbors, are not only productive of mischievous consequences as it respects ourselves, but have a tendency to lessen our national character and importance in the eyes of European powers. If any thing can, this will, expose us to their intriguing politics, and may shake the Union.

It is not easy for me to decide by which my mind was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, surprise or gratitude.1 Both were greater than I have words to express. The attention and good wishes, which the Assembly have evidenced by their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of each of the rivers Potomac and James, are more than mere compliment. There is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But believe me, Sir, notwithstanding these, no circumstance has happened to me since I left the walks of public life, which has so much embarrassed me.

It has been my avowed and uniform opinion, ever since the interview between Baron de Steuben and General Haldimand last year, that, whilst a pretext could be found, the western posts would be withheld from us; and I do not think I should hazard a false prediction, were I to add, that they never will come into our hands in the condition they now are. When pretexts can no longer put on the garb of decency, a season may be named for the surrender, in which it would be impracticable for us to avail ourselves; and the Indians during the interregnum by innuendos may reduce them to ashes. I wish it may be otherwise, but these are my opinions.

On the one hand, I consider this act, as I have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country to serve me; and I should be hurt, if, by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disrespect or the smallest slight upon the generous intention of the country, or it should be thought that an ostentatious display of disinterestedness or public virtue was the source of refusal. On the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind, and my actions, which are the result of contemplation, as free and independent as the air; that I may be more at liberty (in things which my opportunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sentiments, and, if necessary, to suggest what may occur to me under the fullest conviction, that, although my judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the suggestion. Not content, then, with the bare consciousness of my having, in all this navigation business, acted upon the clearest conviction of the political importance of the measure, I would wish that every individual, who may hear that it was a favorite plan of mine, may know also that I had no other motive for promoting it, than the advantage I conceived it would be productive of to the Union, and to this State in particular, by cementing the eastern and western territory together, at the same time that it will give vigor and increase to our commerce, and be a convenience to our citizens.

It gave pain to Mrs. Washington and myself to hear of Mrs. Clinton’s indisposition, and the sickness and accidents with which your little flock have been afflicted. Our best and sincere wishes are offered for them, and we hope shortly to hear of their perfect restoration, as we have a most affectionate regard for them all, and feel ourselves interested in every thing which concerns them.

How would this matter be viewed, then, by the eye of the world, and what would be the opinion of it, when it comes to be related, that George Washington exerted himself to effect this work—and George W— has received twenty thousand dollars and five thousand pounds sterling of the public money as an interest therein? Would not this in the estimation of it (if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have acted, and without it there is no foundation for the act,) deprive me of the principal thing, which is laudable in my conduct? Would it not in some respects be considered in the same light as a pension? And would not the apprehension of this make me more reluctantly offer my sentiments in future? In a word, under whatever pretence, and however customary these gratuitous gifts are made in other countries, should I not thenceforward be considered as a dependent? One moment’s thought of which would give me more pain, than I should receive pleasure from the product of all the tolls, were every farthing of them vested in me; although I consider it as one of the most certain and increasing estates in the country.1

I am sorry we have been disappointed in our expectation of the mineral spring at Saratoga; and of the purchase of that part of the Oriskany tract, on which Fort Schuyler stands; but very glad you have succeeded upon such advantageous terms in the purchase of six thousand acres adjoining; for you certainly have obtained it amazingly cheap. Be so good, my dear Sir, along with the other information you have kindly promised me, to signify whether you have any prospect of borrowing, on interest, money for the payment of my moiety, as was talked of between us, or whether I am to provide it in any other manner, that I may take measures accordingly. The time is also come for the payment of interest due on the old score, and I shall do it with as little delay as possible.

I have written to you with an openness becoming our friendship. I could have said more on the subject; but I have already said enough to let you into the state of my mind. I wish to know whether the ideas I entertain occurred to, and were expressed by, any member in or out of the House. Upon the whole you may be assured, my dear Sir, that my mind is not a little agitated. I want the best information and advice to settle it. I have no inclination, as I have already observed, to avail myself of the generosity of the country; nor do I wish to appear ostentatiously disinterested (for more than probable my refusal would be ascribed to this motive), or that the country should harbor an idea, that I am disposed to set little value on her favors, the manner of granting which is as flattering as the grant is important. My present difficulties, however, shall be no impediment to the progress of the undertaking. I will receive the full and frank opinions of my friends with thankfulness. I shall have time enough between the sitting of the next Assembly to consider the tendency of the act, and in this, as in all other matters, will endeavor to decide for the best. * * *

Give me leave now, my dear Sir, to thank you for your recollection of and attention to the small articles, which I prayed you to provide for me. Whenever you conceive the season is proper, and an opportunity offers, I shall hope to receive the balsam trees, or any others, which you may think curious and exotics with us, as I am endeavoring to improve the grounds about my house in this way. If perchance the sloop Pilgrim is not yet sailed from your port, you would add to the favor you mean to confer on me, by causing a number of grape vines, sent to me by an uncle of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, brought over by Captain Williams, and deposited by him in the garden of Mr. Beekman near the city of New York, to be forwarded by that vessel. They consist of a variety of the most valuable eating grapes in France. A list of the kinds, and the distinctions of them, no doubt accompanied them. I pray you to take some of each sort for your own use, and offer some to Mr. Beekman.

I am, my dear Sir, &c.

I thank you for the interest you take in the welfare of my nephew, and for his letter, which you were so obliging as to send me. Poor fellow! his pursuit after health is, I fear, altogether fruitless. Ever since the month of May he has been traversing the seas from island to island, but hitherto to very little effect. When he last wrote, he was about to sail for Charleston, where he proposed to spend the winter, and, if no salutary effects should be derived from it, to come hither in the spring and resign himself to his fate.1

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Mrs. Washington unites in affectionate regards for you, Mrs. Clinton, and family; and with every sentiment of friendship and respect, I am, &c.

Mount Vernon, 8 February, 1785.

Dear Sir,

P. S. Tell Walker, that Mrs. Washington and I join in congratulating with him on his matrimonial connexion, and hope he will enjoy all the comforts and pleasures, which are to be derived from a good wife.1

Since my last I have had the honor to receive your favors of the 26th of December and 16th of January. I have now the pleasure to inform you, that the Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have enacted laws, of which the enclosed is a copy. They are exactly similar in both States. At the same time, and at the joint and equal expense of the two governments, the sum of six thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars and two thirds are voted for opening and keeping in repair a road from the highest practicable navigation of this river, to that of the River Cheat, or Monongahela, as commissioners who are appointed to survey and lay out the same, shall find most convenient and beneficial to the western settlers; and have concurred in an application to the State of Pennsylvania for permission to open another road from Fort Cumberland to the Youghiogany, at the Three Forks, or Turkey Foot. A similar bill to the one enclosed is passed by our Assembly respecting the navigation of James River, and the communication between it and the waters of the Great Kanhawa. And the Executive, authorized by a resolve of the Assembly to appoint commissioners, to examine and report the most convenient course for a canal between Elizabeth River and the waters of Roanoke, with an estimate of the expense; and, if the best communication shall be found to require the concurrence of the State of North Carolina thereto, to make application to the legislature thereof accordingly.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.2

Towards the latter part of the year 1783, I was honored with a letter from the Countess of Huntington,1 briefly reciting her benevolent intention of spreading Christianity among the tribes of Indians inhabiting our western territory, and expressing a desire of my advice and assistance to carry this charitable design into execution. I wrote her Ladyship for answer, that it would by no means comport with the plan of retirement I had promised myself, to take an active or responsible part in this business; and that it was my belief, there was no other way to effect her pious and benevolent design, but by first reducing these people to a state of greater civilization; but that I would give every aid in my power, consistent with that ease and tranquillity, to which I meant to devote the remainder of my life, to carry her plan into effect. Since that time I have been favored with other letters from her, and a few days ago, under cover from Sir James Jay, the papers herewith enclosed.1

Mount Vernon, 14 December, 1784.

Dear Sir,

As the plan contemplated by Lady Huntington, according to the outlines exhibited, is not only unexceptionable in its design and tendency, but has humanity and charity for its object, and may, I conceive, be made subservient to valuable political purposes, I take the liberty of laying the matter before you for your free and candid sentiments thereon. The communication I make of this matter to you, Sir, is in a private way; but you are at full liberty to communicate the plan of Lady Huntington to the members individually, or officially to Congress, as the importance and propriety of the measure may strike you. My reasons for it are these. First, I do not believe that any of the States to which she has written, unless it may be New York, are in circumstances, since their cession of territory, to comply with the requisitions respecting emigration; but it has been privately hinted to me, and ought not to become a matter of public notoriety, that, notwithstanding the indefinite expressions of the address respecting the numbers or occupations of the emigrants, which were designed to avoid giving alarms in England, the former will be great, and the useful artisans among them many. Second, because such emigration, if it should effect the object in view, besides the humane and charitable purposes, which would be thereby answered, will be of immense political consequence; and even if this should not succeed to her Ladyship’s wishes, it must nevertheless be of considerable importance from the increase of population by orderly and well-disposed characters, who would at once form a barrier, and attempt the conversion of the Indians without involving an expense to the Union.

The letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 20th of last month, only came to my hands by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, you will please to accept my thanks. These people have given, I think, all that the United States could reasonably have required of them; more, perhaps, than the State of New York conceives ought to have been asked from them, by any other than their own legislature.

I see but one objection to a compact, unmixed, and powerful settlement of this kind, if it is likely to be so, the weight of which you will judge. It is (and her Ladyship seems to have been aware of it, and endeavors to guard against it,) placing a people in a body upon our exterior, where they will be contiguous to Canada, who may bring with them strong prejudices against us and our form of government, and equally strong attachments to the country and institutions they leave, without the means (being detached and unmixed with citizens of different sentiments) of having them eradicated.1

I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States opposing the measures of the United States, encroaching upon the territory of each other, and setting up old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies, and is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Six Nations have been, and will cede a competent district of country northwest of the Ohio to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me; for it was apprehended, that they should agree to the latter reluctantly if at all; but the example of the Northern Indians, who, (if they have not relinquished their claim,) have pretensions to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the commissioners, who have proceeded to Cayahoga.1

Her Ladyship has spoken so feelingly and sensibly on the religious and benevolent purposes of the plan, that no language of which I am possessed can add aught to enforce her observations. And no place I think bids so fair to answer her views, as that spot in Hutchins’s map, marked Miami Village and Fort. From hence there is a communication to all parts by water; and at which in my opinion we ought to have a post. * * *

It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that a sufficient number of States had assembled to form a Congress, and that you were chosen to preside in it.1 On this event, permit me to offer my compliments of congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavorable aspect; contributes to lessen, already too low, the dignity and importance of the federal government, and is hurtful to our national character in the eyes of Europe.

Please to accept my thanks for the pamphlet you sent me, and for the resolutions respecting the temporary and permanent seat of government. If I might be permitted to hazard an opinion of the latter, I would say, that, by the time your federal buildings on the banks of the Delaware, along the point of a triangle are fit for the reception of Congress, it will be found that they are very improperly placed for the seat of the Empire, and will have to undergo a second edition in a more convenient one. If the Union continues, and this is not the case, I will agree to be classed among the false prophets, and suffer for evil prediction. * * *

It is said (I do not know how founded), that our Assembly have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If this be true, and the State of New York has not acted repugnantly to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; but I shall be mistaken if they do not entrench themselves behind some other expedient to effect it, or will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves; the probable consequence of which will be the destruction of the works.1

TO REV. WILLIAM GORDON.

The Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have now under consideration the extension of the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, and opening a communication between them and the western waters. They seem fully impressed with the political as well as the commercial advantages, which would result from the accomplishment of these great objects, and I hope will embrace the present moment to put them in train for speedy execution. Would it not, at the same time, be worthy of the wisdom and attention of Congress to have the western waters well explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained, accurately laid down, and a complete and perfect map made of the country; at least as far westwardly as the Miamies, running into the Ohio and Lake Erie, and to see how the waters of them communicate with the River St. Joseph, which empties into the Lake Michigan, and with the Wabash. I cannot forbear observing here that the Miami village, in Hutchins’s map, if it and the waters here mentioned are laid down with any degree of accuracy, points to a very important post for the Union. The expense attending the undertaking could not be great, the advantages would be unbounded; for sure I am, nature has made such a display of her bounties in those regions, that the more the country is explored, the more it will rise in estimation, consequently the greater will the revenue be to the Union.

Mount Vernon, 8 March, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Would there be any impropriety, do you think, Sir, in reserving for special sale all mines, minerals, and salt springs, in the general grants of land belonging to the United States? The public, instead of the few knowing ones, might in this case receive the benefits, which would result from the sale of them, without infringing any rule of justice that occurs to me, or their own laws; but, on the contrary, inflict a just punishment upon those, who in defiance of the latter have dared to create enemies & to disturb the public tranquillity, by roaming over the country, marking and surveying the valuable spots in it, to the great disquiet of the western tribes of Indians, who have viewed these transactions with jealous indignation. To hit upon a happy medium price for the western lands, for the prevention of monopoly on one hand, and not discouraging useful settlers on the other, will, no doubt, require consideration; but should not employ too much time before it is announced. The spirit for emigration is great. People have got impatient, and, though you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way; a little while, and you will not be able to do either. It is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil. I shall be very happy in the continuation of your correspondence; and, with sentiments of great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

Since my last to you, I have been favored with several of your letters, which should not have remained so long unacknowledged, had I not been a good deal pressed by matters which could not well be delayed; and because I found a difficulty in complying with your request respecting the profiles. The latter it is not in my power to do now satisfactorily. Some imperfect miniature cuts I send you under cover with this letter. They were designed for me by Miss D’Hart of Elizabethtown, and given to Mrs. Washington, who, in sparing them, only wishes they may answer your purpose. For her I can get none cut yet. If M. Du Simitiere is living, and at Philadelphia, it is possible he may have miniature engravings of most if not all the military characters you want, and in their proper dresses. He drew many good likenesses from the life, and got them engraved at Paris for sale. Among these I have seen General Gates, Baron Steuben, and others, as also of your humble servant. The Marquis de Lafayette had left this before your request of his profile came to hand.

1785.

You ask if the character of Colonel John Laurens, as drawn in the Independent Chronicle of the 2d of December last, is just. I answer, that such parts of the drawing, as have fallen under my own observation, is literally so; and that it is my firm belief his merits and worth richly entitle him to the whole picture. No man possessed more of the amor patriæ. In a word, he had not a fault, that I ever could discover, unless intrepidity bordering upon rashness could come under that denomination; and to this he was excited by the purest motives.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

The order alluded to in my private letter, a copy of which you requested, I now send. You might have observed, for I believe the same private letter takes notice thereof, that it was consequent of a resolve of Congress, that Fort Washington was so pertinaciously held, before the ships passed that post. Without unpacking chests, unbundling papers, &c., I cannot come at, to give you a copy of, that resolve; but I well remember, that, after reciting the importance of securing the upper navigation of the Hudson, I am directed to obtain hulks, to sink them for the purpose of obstructing the navigation, and to spare no other cost to effect it. Owing to this, the posts of Forts Washington and Lee, on account of the narrowness of the river, some peculiarity of the channel, and strength of the ground at those places, were laboriously fortified. Owing to this, we left Fort Washington strongly garrisoned in our rear, when we were obliged to retreat to the White Plains; and owing to this, also, Colonel Magaw, who commanded at it, was ordered to defend it to the last extremity.

Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1785.

My dear Sir,

But when, maugre all the obstructions which had been thrown into the channel, all the labor and expense which had been bestowed on the works, and the risks we had run of the garrison theretofore, the British ships of war had passed, and could pass those posts, it was clear to me from that moment, that they were no longer eligible, and that that on the east side of the river ought to be withdrawn whilst it was in our power. In consequence thereof, the letter of the 8th of November, 1776, was written to General Greene from the White Plains; that post and all the troops in the vicinity of it being under his orders. I give this information, and I furnish you with a copy of the order for the evacuation of Fort Washington, because you desire it, not that I want to exculpate myself from any censure, which may have fallen on me by charging another. I have sent your recipe for the preservation of young plants to the Alexandria printer, and wish the salutary effect which the author of the discovery in the annual register has pointed to may be realized, the process is simple and not expensive which renders it more valuable.

Some accounts say, that matters are in train for an accommodation between the Austrians and Dutch. If so, the flames of war may be arrested before they blaze out and become very extensive; but, admitting the contrary, I hope none of the sparks will light on American ground, which, I fear, is made up of too much combustible matter for its well-being.

Your young friend is in high health, and as full of spirits as an egg shell is of meat. I informed him I was going to write to you, and desired to know if he had any commands. His spontaneous answer, “I beg he will make haste and come here again.” All the rest of the family are well, except Mrs. Washington, who is too often troubled with bilious and colicky complaints to enjoy perfect health. All join in best wishes for you and yours, with dear Sir, &c.

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.

Sir,

It has so happened, that your favor of the 19th ultimo did not come to my hands until the last mail arrived at Alexandria. By the return of it I have the honor to address this letter to you.

Mr. McMeikens’s explanation of the movements of Rumsey’s newly invented boat is consonant to my ideas, and warranted by the principles upon which it acts. The small manual assistance, to which I alluded, was to be applied in still water and to the steerage. The counteraction being proportioned to the action, it must ascend a swift current faster than a gentle stream; and both, with more ease than it can move through dead water. But in the first there may be, and no doubt is, a point beyond which it cannot go without involving consequences, which may be found insurmountable. Further than this I am not at liberty to explain myself; but if a model, or thing in miniature, is a just representation of a greater object in practice, there is no doubt of the utility of the invention. A view of his model, with the explanation, removed the principal doubt I ever had in my mind of the practicability of propelling against a stream by the aid of mechanical power; but as he wanted to avail himself of my introduction of it to the public attention, I chose previously to see the actual performance of the model in a descending stream before I passed my certificate; and having done so, all my doubts were satisfied.

In humble imitation of the wise man, I have set me down to count the cost; and among other heavy articles of expenditure, I find lime is not the smallest.

I thank you, Sir, for your account of the last Indian treaty. I had received a similar one before, but do not comprehend by which line our northern limits are to be fixed. Two things seem naturally to result from this agreement with the western Indians; the terms on which the ceded lands are to be disposed of, and the mode of settling them. The first, in my opinion, ought not to be delayed; the second ought not to be too diffusive. Compact and progressive seating will give strength to the Union, admit law, and good government, and federal aids at an early period. Sparse settlements in several new States, or a large territory for one, will have the direct contrary effects; and, whilst it opens a large field to land-jobbers and speculators, who are prowling about like wolves in many shapes, will injure the real occupier and useful citizens, and consequently the public interest.

If a tract of country, of convenient size for a new State, contiguous to the present settlements on the Ohio, is laid off, and a certain proportion of the land seated, or at least granted, before any other State is marked out, and no land is to be obtained beyond the limits of it, we shall, I conceive, reap great political advantages from such a line of conduct; and without it, may be involved in much trouble and perplexity before any new State will be well organized, or contribute any thing to the support of the Union.

I have the honor to be, &c.

2d.—At what price burnt lime stone, but unslaked (if it be safe to bring such) could be delivered as above.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

3d.—At what price unburnt lime stone, could be delivered at the latter place.

Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have had the honor to receive your excellencys’ favor of the 14th of February, and pray you to accept my thanks for the copy of the treaty with the Western Indians, with which you were so obliging as to furnish me; from the accounts given me last fall, (whilst I was on the Ohio) I did not expect such a cession of territory from the tribes that met. The Shawnees are pretty numerous, among the most warlike of the Ohio Indians: but if the subscribing Indians mean to keep good faith, and a treaty should be favorably negotiated with the more southerly Indians, their spirit must yield, or they might easily be extirpated. The wisdom of Congress will now be called upon to fix a happy medium price on these lands, and to point out the most advantageous mode of seating them, so as that law and good government may be administered, and the Union strengthened and supported thereby. Progressive seating, I conceive, is the only means by which this can be effected; and unless in the scale of politics, more than one new state is found necessary at this time, the unit I believe would be found more pregnant with advantages than the decies. The latter if I mistake not, will be more advancive of individual interest, than the public welfare. As you will have the untowardness, jealousy, and pride, which are characteristic of the Spanish nation to contend with, it is more than probable that Mr. Gardoqui will give Congress a good deal of trouble, respecting the navigation of the river Mississippi. To me it should seem, that the true policy of that government would be to make New Orleans a free mart, instead of shutting its ports, but their ideas of trade are very confined I believe. I take the liberty of putting a letter under cover of this to Mr. Lee. Mrs. Washington offers her respectful compliments to you.

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Mount Vernon, 22 January, 1785.

My dear Sir,

TO JAMES DUANE.

Mount Vernon, 10 April, 1785.

Dr. Sir,

Inclosed you have my answer to the Acts of your Corporation, which I pray you to present.—I thank you for “the arguments and judgment of the Mayor’s Court of the City of New York in a cause between Elizabeth Rutgers and Joshua Waddington”—I have read them with all the attention I am master of, and tho’ I do not pretend to be a competent judge of the Law of Nations, or the principle and policy of the statute upon which the action was founded, yet I must confess that reason seems very much in favor of the opinion given by the Court, and my judgment yields a hearty assent to it.

It is painful to hear that a State which used to be the foremost in Acts of liberality and its exertion to establish our federal system upon a broad bottom and solid ground, contracting her ideas and pointing them to local and independent measures, which if persevered in must sap the constitution of these States—(already too weak)—destroy our national character, and render us as contemptible in the eyes of Europe, as we have it in our own power to be respectable.—It should seem as if the impost of 5 p ct would never take place, for no sooner does an obstinate State begin to relent, and adopt the recommendations of Congress, but some other runs restiff, as if there was a combination among them to defeat the measure.

From the latest European accots. it is probable an accommodation will take place between the Emperor and Holland—but to reverberate news to a man at the source of intelligence would be idle—therefore mum.

I am, my dear Sir, &c.

The Dutch I conceive are too much attached to their possessions, and to their wealth, if they could yield to the pangs of parting with their country, to adopt the plan you hinted to Mr. Van Berkel—The nations of Europe are ripe for slavery—a thirst after riches,—promptitude to luxury, and a sinking into venality, with their concomitants, untune them for manly exertions and virtuous sacrifices.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

I do not know from whence (except the probability of my accompanying the Marqs. de la Fayette as far as New York) the report of my coming to Trenton could have originated; for tho’ pressed by him, it had never been in contemplation by me, to make the tour at the season he embarked.

Mount Vernon, 8 February, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Mrs. Washington and myself entertain a grateful sense of the kind recollection of us, by you, Mrs. and Miss Duane, and the other branches of your family, and beg leave to present our compliments to and best wishes for them all.

With very great esteem and regard, I have, &c.

P. S. If our Rocky hill acquaintance Mrs. Vanhorne, has removed, (as she talk’d of doing) to the City of New York,—I pray you to recall me in respectful terms to her remembrance.

TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

Mount Vernon, 16 May, 1785.

Dear Sir,

In for a penny, in for a pound, is an old adage. I am so hackneyed to the touches of the painter’s pencil, that I am now altogether at their beck; and sit, “like Patience on a monument,” whilst they are delineating the lines of my face. It is a proof, among many others, of what habit and custom can accomplish. At first I was as impatient at the request, and as restive under the operation, as a colt is of the saddle. The next time I submitted very reluctantly, but with less flouncing. Now, no dray-horse moves more readily to his thill than I to the painter’s chair. It may easily be conceived, therefore, that I yielded a ready obedience to your request and to the views of Mr. Pine.

Letters from England recommendatory of this gentleman came to my hands previous to his arrival; not only as an artist of genius and taste, but as one who had shown a very friendly disposition towards this country, for which it seems he had been marked.

It gave me pleasure to hear from you. I shall always feel an interest in your happiness; and, with Mrs. Washington’s compliments and best wishes joined to my own for Mrs. Hopkinson and yourself, I am, &c.1

TO REV. WILLIAM GORDON.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

Mount Vernon, 8 March, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 20 May, 1785.

My dr. Sir,

After a long and boisterous passage, my nephew, G. A. Washington, returned to this place a few days since, and delivered me your letter of the 25th of April.

Under the state of the case between you and Capt. Gun, I give it as my decided opinion that your honor and reputation will not only stand perfectly acquitted for the non-acceptance of his challenge, but that your prudence and judgment would have been condemnable for accepting of it in the eyes of the world:—because, if a commanding officer is amenable to private calls for the discharge of public duty, he has a dagger always at his breast, and can turn neither to the right nor to the left without meeting its point; in a word he is no longer a free agent in office, as there are few military decisions which are not offensive to one party or the other.

However just Capt: Gun’s claim upon the public might have been, the mode adopted by him (according to your account) to obtain it, was to the last degree dangerous. A precedent of the sort once established in the army, would no doubt have been followed; and in that case would unquestionably have produced a revolution; but of a very different kind from that which, happily for America, has prevailed.

It gives me real concern to find by your letter, that you are still embarrassed with the affairs of Banks; I should be glad to hear, that the evil is likely to be temporary only; ultimately, that you will not suffer. From my nephew’s account, this man has participated of the qualities of Pandora’s box, and has spread as many mischiefs. How came so many to be taken in by him? If I recollect right, when I had the pleasure to see you last, you said an offer had been made you of back lands, as security or payment in part for your demand. I then advised you to accept it. I now repeat it—you cannot suffer by doing this, altho’ the lands may be high rated.—If they are good I would almost pledge myself that you will gain more in ten years by the rise in the price, than you could by accumulation of interest.

The Marqs. de la Fayette is safe arrived in France, and found his Lady and family well. From his letters, those of the Chevr. de la Luzerne, Count de Rochambeau and others to me, dated between the middle and last of Feby., I think there will be no war in Europe this year, but some of the most intelligent of these writers are of opinion that the Emperial Court and Russia will not suffer matters to remain tranquil much longer. The desire of the first to annex the Dutchy of Bavaria to its dominions in exchange for the Austrian possessions in the Netherlands is very displeasing, it seems, to the military powers, which added to other matters may kindle the flames of a general war.

Few matters of domestic nature are worth the relation; otherwise, I might inform you, that the plan for improving and extending the navigation of this river has met a favorable beginning. Tuesday last was the day appointed by law for the subscribers to meet—250 shares were required by law to constitute and incorporate the company; but upon comparing the Books, it was found that between four and five hundred shares were subscribed.

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

What has been done respecting the navigation of James river I know not—I fear little.

Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.

Sir,

This State did a handsome thing, and in a handsome manner for me; in each of these navigations they gave me and my heirs forever fifty shares; but as it is incompatible with my principles, and contrary to my declarations I do not mean to accept of them. But how to refuse them, without incurring the charge of disrespect to the country on the one hand, and an ostentatious display of disinterestedness on my part on the other, I am a little at a loss: time and the good advice of my friends must aid me, as the Assembly will not meet ’till Octor., and made this gratuitous offer among, if not the last act of the last session, as if they were determined I should not resolve what to do from the first impulse. Mrs. Washington joins me in every good wish for you, and with sentiments of attachment and regard, I am, &c.

It has so happened, that your favor of the 19th ultimo did not come to my hands until the last mail arrived at Alexandria. By the return of it I have the honor to address this letter to you.

TO BURWELL BASSETT.

Mount Vernon, 23rd May, 1785.

Dear Sir:

It would have given me much pleasure to have seen you at Richmond; and it was part of my original plan to have spent a few days with you at Eltham whilst I was in the lower parts of the country; but an intervention of circumstances not only put it out of my power to do the latter, but would have stopped my journey to Richmond altogether, had not the meeting, the time and the place been of my own appointing. I left company at home when I went away who proposed to wait my return—among whom a Mr. Pine, an artist of eminence, came all the way from Philadelphia on purpose for some materials for an historical painting which he is about, and for which he was obliged to stay till I got back, which I did after an absence of eight days only.

My nephew, Geo. Aug. Washington, is just returned from his perigrination, apparently much amended in his health, but not quite free from the disorder in his side. I have understood that his addresses to Fanny were made with your consent, and I now learn that he is desirous, and she is willing, to fulfil the engagement they have entered into, and that they are applying to you for permission to do so.

I have the honor to be, &c.

It has ever been a maxim with me through life, neither to promote nor to prevent a matrimonial connection, unless there should be something indispensably requiring interference in the latter. I have always considered marriage as the most interesting event of one’s life, the foundation of happiness or misery. To be instrumental therefore in bringing two people together, who are indifferent to each other, and may soon become objects of disgust; or to prevent a union which is prompted by the affections of the mind, is what I never could reconcile with reason, and therefore neither directly nor indirectly have I ever said a word to Fanny or George, upon the subject of their intended connection, but as their attachment to each other seems of early growth, warm and lasting, it bids fair for happiness. If therefore, you have no objection, I think, the sooner it is consummated the better.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

I have just now informed them both (the former through Mrs. Washington) that it is my wish they should live at Mt. Vernon.

Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.

Dear Sir,

It is unnecessary, I hope, to say how happy we should be to see you, her brothers, and any of her friends, who can make it convenient and are disposed, at this place on this occasion. All here join in best wishes for you.

TO WILLIAM MINOR.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Mount Vernon, 27 May, 1785.

Sir,

TO JAMES DUANE.

My objection to paying your account when here—was, now is, and whether it is done or not, will be—that it comes neither under the letter nor spirit of my letter to Mr. Baker. My object was to give Lawce. Posey1 a year’s schooling to fit him for some of the better occupations of life:—to do this, I agreed to pay his board also, both of which together, I was inform’d would amount at the free school to £17—Md. Curry.—What followed? Why, he neither went to the school nor boarded with the person under whose care he was intended to be put—this by your own confession. Is it just, is it reasonable then that I should look back to expenses which had been incurred previous to the date of my letter, or even forward to what might be incurred, if the end which I had in view was not to be answered by it? If the child did not go to the school nor derive the benefits which were intended him from it, could it be supposed I meant to pay for his board without; when his father’s house and eye were more proper than any other? Might he not as well have been at home with his father, as at any other place idle? Upon these grounds it was, and under this state I repeat it, that if there is a disinterested man upon earth, who will say I ought to comply with your request, I will do it: and you may have the chusing of him or them; for it does not suit me to go from home on this business. I am, &c.

Mount Vernon, 10 April, 1785.

Dr. Sir,

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.1

Mount Vernon, 2 June, 1785.

Dear Sir,

As your letter of the 30th ulto. did not reach me until late this afternoon, and the Post goes from Alexa. at 4 oclock in the morning I have scarcely a moment (being also in company) to write you a reply.—I was not sufficiently explicit in my last. The terms upon which Mr. Falconer came to this country are too high for my finances—and (to you, my dear Sir, I will add) numerous expences. I do not wish to reduce his (perhaps well founded) expectations; but it behooves me to consult my own means of complying with them.

I had been in hopes, that a young man of no great expectations might have begun the world with me for about fifty or sixty pounds—, but for one qualified in all respects to answer my purposes, I would have gone as far as seventy-five—more would rather distress me.

My purposes are these—To write letters agreeably to what shall be dictated. Do all other writing which shall be entrusted to him. Keep Accts.—examine, arrange, and properly methodize my Papers, which are in great disorder.—Ride, at my expence, to such other States, if I should find it more convenient to send, than attend myself, to the execution thereof. And, which was not hinted at in my last, to initiate two little children (a girl of six and a boy of 4 years of age, descendants of the deceased Mr. Custis, who live with me and are very promising) in the first rudements of education. This to both parties, would be mere amusement, because it is not my wish that the Children should be confined. If Mr. Falconer should incline to accept the above stipend in addition to his board, washing and mending,—and you (for I would rather have your opinion of the gentleman than the report of a thousand others in his favor) upon a close investigation of his character, Temper and moderate political tenets (for supposing him an Eglish man, he may come with prejudices, and doctrines of his Country) the sooner he comes, the better my purpose would be promoted.

If I had had time, I might have added more, but to you it would be unnecessary.—You know my wants.—You know my disposition—and you know what kind of a man would suit them.—In haste I bid you adieu—with assurances of great regard and sincere friendship, I am, &c.1

TO WILLIAM GODDARD.

With very great esteem and regard, I have, &c.

P. S. If our Rocky hill acquaintance Mrs. Vanhorne, has removed, (as she talk’d of doing) to the City of New York,—I pray you to recall me in respectful terms to her remembrance.

Mount Vernon, 11 June, 1785.

Sir,

TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

On the 8th instant I received the favor of your letter of the 30th of May. In answer to it I can only say, that your own good judgment must direct you in the publication of the manuscript papers of General Lee. I can have no request to make concerning the work.

Mount Vernon, 16 May, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I never had a difference with that gentleman but on public ground, and my conduct towards him upon this occasion was such only, as I conceived myself indispensably bound to adopt in discharge of the public trust reposed in me. If this produced in him unfavorable sentiments of me, I yet can never consider the conduct I pursued, with respect to him, either wrong or improper, however I may regret that it may have been differently viewed by him, and that it excited his censure and animadversions. Should there appear in General Lee’s writings any thing injurious or unfriendly to me, the impartial and dispassionate world must decide how far I deserved it from the general tenor of my conduct.

I am gliding down the stream of life, and wish, as is natural, that my remaining days may be undisturbed and tranquil; and, conscious of my integrity, I would willingly hope, that nothing would occur tending to give me anxiety; but should any thing present itself in this or any other publication, I shall never undertake the painful task of recrimination, nor do I know that I should even enter upon my justification. I consider the communication you have made as a mark of great attention, and the whole of your letter as a proof of your esteem. I am, &c.1

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Mount Vernon, 18 June, 1785.

My dear Sir,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

I am quite ashamed to be so long deficient in acknowledging the receipt of your favors of the 24th and 29th of March and 5th of May; but an intervention of circumstances, (with the enumeration of which I will not trouble you,) has prevented it.

Mount Vernon, 20 May, 1785.

My dr. Sir,

It gave me pleasure to hear of your appointment to the office of secretary at war. Without a compliment, I think a better choice could not have been made; and, though the salary is low, it may, under the circumstances you mention, be considered as auxiliary. Enclosed is a certificate of service for Major Sergeant of whose worth I have a high opinion but for want of a more competent knowledge of the time of his entering the line of the army and of the commissions he had borne I could not be more particular. At any time this summer the lime stone would be useful to me but the sooner it comes the greater benefit I shall derive from it as the walls for which I want it are now in hand. The sentiment, which you have dropped respecting the appropriation of the shares, which were intended for me by the Assembly of this State, in the navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, is very pleasing, and it would give me great pleasure to see it realized.1

After a long and boisterous passage, my nephew, G. A. Washington, returned to this place a few days since, and delivered me your letter of the 25th of April.

For want of a complete view of the designs of Congress respecting the western territory, and not knowing how matters stand with Great Britain respecting the posts of Detroit and other places at present in the occupation of British garrisons on the American side of the line, I feel myself incompetent to answer your question respecting such posts, as may be proper for the purposes you mention; but, under my present ideas of the matter, I am inclined to think, if garrisons are to be established within the limits and jurisdiction of any of the present States, that Fort Pitt, or Fort McIntosh,1 whichever shall be found most convenient and in best repair, would suit very well for a post of deposit, from whence all the others should be supplied; and, as it is my opinion, that great part of the fur and peltry of the lakes, when we shall have free access to them, will be transported by the Cayahoga and Big Beaver Creek, a post at the mouth of the latter, or some convenient post on the former, must be eligible. The spot marked Miami Village and Fort in Hutchins’s Map, I have always considered as of importance, being a central point between Lake Erie, Lake Michigan, and the River Ohio, communicating with each by water. To these, the Falls of Ohio, or some more convenient spot for the lower settlements, may be added. Whether this chain embraces territory enough; whether it goes far enough to the southward to afford protection to the back settlers of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia; or whether these are objects meant to be comprehended, is for those, who are more behind the curtain than I am, to determine. My opinion of the matter is, that I have described a sufficient extent of the country to answer all our present purposes; beyond which neither settlements nor location of land ought to be admitted, because a larger would open a more extensive field for land-jobbers and speculators, weaken our frontiers by the sparseness of the settlements, exclude law, good government, and taxation to a late period, and injure the Union very essentially in many respects.

At the conflux of the Great Kanhawa with the Ohio a post might be established so as to answer beneficial purposes. Indeed it is the opinion of many, that it is a more eligible place than Pittsburg. In time, if the navigation of the Kanhawa should be extended, and an easy communication had with James River, it may be so; but in the present state of things, considering the settlements about the latter, and the sources from whence proceed all the supplies of that country, it certainly is not. As a post for the protection of the river and the movements thereon, it may be desirable.

If I am right in my principles, some such distribution as the following may not be ineligible for the seven hundred men, which are ordered to be raised. At Fort Pitt, Fort McIntosh, or the mouth of Big Beaver, (being in the vicinity of a thick settlement,) only one hundred men. Cayahoga, whence a detachment might occupy the carrying-place between that water and Big Beaver, being on the line and most exposed, allow two hundred. Miami Fort, or Village, and dependencies, &c. two hundred. At the Falls of Ohio, or some spot more convenient and healthy on that river, one hundred and fifty. At the conflux of the Great Kanhawa and the Ohio, for security of the river, protection of trade, and covering emigrants, fifty. Total—700. * * *

TO WILLIAM GRAYSON.

Mount Vernon, 22 June, 1785.

Dr. Sir,

Since my last to you I have been favored with your letters of the 5th, 27th, & — of May and beg your acceptance of my thanks for their enclosures, and for the communications you were pleased to make me therein.

What has been done respecting the navigation of James river I know not—I fear little.

I am very glad to find you have pass’d an Ordinance of Congress respecting the sale of the Western Lands:—I am too well acquainted with the local politics of individual States, not to have foreseen the difficulties you met with in this business;—these things are to be regretted, but not to be altered, until liberallity of sentiment is more universal.—Fixing the Seat of Empire at any spot on the Delaware, is in my humble opinion, demonstrably wrong;—to incur an expence for what may be call’d the permanent seat of Congress, at this time is, I conceive evidently impolitic; for without the gift of prophecy, I will venture to predict that under any circumstance of confederation, it will not remain so far to the Eastward long; & that until the public is in better circumstances, it ought not to be built at all. Time too powerful for sophistry, will point out the place & disarm localities of their power.—In the meanwhile let the Widow, the Orphan, and the Suffering Soldier, who are crying to you for their dues, receive that which can very well be rendered to them.

There is nothing new in this quarter of an interesting nature, to communicate, unless you should not have been informed that the Potomac navigation proceeds under favorable auspices; At the general meeting of the subscribers in May last, it appeared that upwards of 400 of the 500 shares had been engaged,—many more have been subscribed since—a Board of Directors have been chosen—proper characters & Laborers advertized for, to commence the work in the least difficult parts of the river ’till a skillful Engineer can be engaged to undertake those which are more so; and it is expected the work will be begun by the 10th of next month.

TO BURWELL BASSETT.

With great esteem & regard, I am, &c.

Mount Vernon, 23rd May, 1785.

Dear Sir:

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Mount Vernon, 22 June, 1785.

Dr. Sir,

I stand indebted to you for your favors of the 3d, 7th, and 29th of last month, and feel myself exceedingly obliged to your Excellency for the communications and enclosures therein.—

It gives me pleasure to find that an Ordinance of Congress has passed respecting the Western Territory.—A little longer delay of this business, and I believe the country would have been settled, maugre, all that could have been done to prevent it; as it is, I am not clear that the same respect will be paid now to this Ordinance, which would have been at an earlier period, before men began to speculate in Lands No. West of the Ohio, and to obtrude themselves thereon.

I have just now informed them both (the former through Mrs. Washington) that it is my wish they should live at Mt. Vernon.

From the general tenor of my letters from very respectable characters in France, I think it most likely that the dispute between the Emperor and Holland will be settled without bloodshed, and that the former will hardly be able to effect the exchange of his Northerland Dominions for the Dutchy of Bavaria, among other reasons because the Duke de Deux Ponts, nephew and heir to the Elector, is opposed thereto: but notwithstanding that the state of politics, and temper of some of the formidable Powers of Europe are such as to place War at no remote distance.

I have just parted with Mr. and Mrs. Macaulay Graham, who after a stay of about ten days, left this in order to embark for England, from New York; I am obliged to you for introducing a Lady to me whose reputation among the literati is so high, and whose principles are so much and so justly admired by the friends of liberty and of mankind.—it gave me pleasure to find that her sentiments respecting the inadequacy of the powers of Congress, as also those of Doctr. Price’s, coincide with my own; experience evinces the truth of these observations, and the late movement of the mercantile interest exhibits a recent proof of the conviction it is working in the popular mind, but it is unfortunate for us, that evils which might have been averted, must be first felt, and our national character for wisdom, justice and temperance, suffer in the eyes of the world, before we can guide the political machine as it ought to be. * * *

TO WILLIAM MINOR.

I am, &c.

Mount Vernon, 27 May, 1785.

Sir,

TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Mount Vernon, 30 June, 1785.

My Dr. Sir,

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.1

* * * * * *

Mount Vernon, 2 June, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have not yet received the Pictures which you were so obliging as to send me by Mr. Bracken; but have some prospect now of getting them, as Colo. Bassett who left this lately & who expects to be up again in Octor. to the marriage of his Daughter who lives with us, with a son of my brother Charles (who acted as an Aid de Camp to the Marqs. de la Fayette from the year 1780, to the close of the War) has promised to bring them.—Altho’ I have lately had the pleasure of seeing the original in the hands of the designer & executioner Mr. Pine, who spent three weeks with me in May last.—

Mr. Pine has met a favorable reception in this country, & may, I conceive, command as much business as he pleases: he is now preparing materials for historical representations of some of the most important events of the War; & if his choice and the execution is equal to the field he has to display his talents in, the pieces (which will be large) will do him much credit as an artist, & be interesting for America & its friends as a deposit for their posterity.

The information which you have given of the disposition of a certain Court coincides precisely with the sentiments I had formed of it from my own observations upon many late occurrences, and from a combination of circumstances. With respect to ourselves, I wish I could add, that as much wisdom has pervaded our councils; as reason & common policy most evidently dictated; but the truth is, the people must feel before they will see, consequently are brought slowly into measures of public utility. Past experience, or the admonitions of a few, have but little weight—where ignorance, selfishness and design possess the major part:—but evils of this nature work their own cure; tho’ the remedy comes slower than those who foresee, or think they foresee the danger, attempt to effect. With respect to the commercial system which G: B: is pursuing with this country, the Ministers, in this as in other matters, are defeating their own ends, by facilitating those powers in Congress which will produce a counteraction of their plans, and which half a century without, would not have invested that body with. The restriction of our trade, and the additional duties which are imposed upon many of our staple commodities, have put the commercial people of this Country in motion;—they now see the indispensable necessity of a general controuling power, and are addressing their respective Assemblies to grant this to Congress.—Before this every State thought itself competent to regulate its own Trade and were verifying the observations of Lord Sheffield; who supposed we never could agree upon any general plan;—but those who will go a little deeper into matters, than his Lordship seems to have done, will readily perceive that in any measure where the Fœderal interest is touched, however wide apart the politics of individual States may be, yet as soon as it is discovered they will always unite to effect a common good. * * *

Our course of Husbandry in this country, & more especially in this State, is not only exceedingly unprofitable, but so destructive to our Lands, that it is my earnest wish to adopt a better; & as I believe no country has carried the improvement of Land & the benefits of Agriculture to greater perfection than England, I have asked myself frequently of late, whether a thorough bred practical English Farmer from a part of England where husbandry seems to be best understood & is most advantageously practised could not be obtain’d? and upon what terms? The thought having again occurred to me, whilst I was in the act of writing this letter, I resolved as a more certain & eligible mode of having the questions determined, to propound them to you. That a man of character & knowledge may be had for very high wages, there can be no doubt—money we know will fetch anything & command the service of any man; but with the former I do not abound.—To engage a man upon shares as the Overseers of this country are, might be productive of much discontent to the employed; for we could scarcely convey to a good English Farmer a just idea of the wretched condition of our Lands—what dressings they will require, and how entirely our system must be changed to make them productive:—and if we do not, disappointment and continual murmurings would be the consequence. It follows then that the only means by which we can think of obtaining one, must be to give standing wages:—for what then my good Sir, do you think a sober, industrious and knowing Farmer might be had to take of one of our plantations—say of ten laborers? Or to bring the matter nearer to his own conception of things—a Farm of about 200 or 250 acres of cleared Land, to be stocked with a competent number of plows—Black Cattle, Sheep and hogs?

When I speak of a knowing Farmer, I mean one who understands the best course of crops, how to plough—to sow—to mow—to hedge—to Ditch, and above all, Midas like, one who can convert every thing he touches into manure, as the first transmutation towards gold:—in a word one who can bring worn out and gullied Lands into good tilth in the shortest time. I do not mean to put you to the trouble of actually engaging one, but I should be obliged to you for setting on foot the enquiry—and for communicating the result of it to me;—because I could not receive your answer in time for the next year; the autumn being, as you well know the season at which our Overseers are engaged, and our plans for the ensuing Crop must be formed.

TO WILLIAM GODDARD.

These enquiries, as you will readily perceive are pointed to a Farmer of the middling class;—which more than probably would best answer my purpose;—but if it could be made convenient to you to extend enquiries further;—permit me to ask if one of a higher order could be had? And upon what terms? I mean for a Steward.

Mount Vernon, 11 June, 1785.

Sir,

It may not in this place be amiss to observe to you that I still decline the growth of Tobacco, and to add, that it is my intention to raise as little Indian Corn as may be:—in a word, that I am desirous of entering upon a compleat course of husbandry as practiced in the best Farming counties of England.—I enquire for a man of this latter description with little hope of success—1st because I believe one who is compleatly fit for my purposes, wou’d be above my price; & 2dly because I have taken up an idea that an English Steward is not so much a farmer, as he is an Attorney or an Accomptant; because few of the Nobility and Gentry having their Estates in their own hands—stand more in need of a Collector who, at the same time that he receives the rents, will see that the Covenants of the leases are complied with, repairs made &c, &c., than of a Farmer.—In this however, I may be mistaken—One thing more and then I will close this long letter:—if from your own observation, or from good information you should fix your eyes upon men of one or both of these descriptions—and could ascertain his or their terms, (leaving me at liberty to accede to them or not, within a reasonable time for an intercourse by letter) I had rather he or they should be personally known to you; or their characters well ascertained by a friend in whom you can confide; because what you or such a person would say of them, I could rely upon; but how often do we find recommendations given without merit to deserve them,—founded in a disposition to favor the applicant, or want of resolution to refuse them—oftentimes indeed, to get rid of a dependant who is troublesome or injurious to us, upon what are called decent terms.—A man in the character of a Steward (if single, and his appearance equal to it,) would live in the House with me, and be at my table, in the manner Lund Washington was accustomed to do, who is now married and a House Keeper tho’ still attending my business.1 The common Farmer would live on the Farm which would be entrusted to his care. * * *

I have not yet seen Mr. Thos. Corbin, he sent your letter under cover a few days ago with assurances of making me a visit as soon as he had recovered from a slight indisposition.—He appears from your account to have been very ill treated by his brother Dick,—but the latter I understand has not been behind him in charges to some of his friends in this country, who think Thos. in the wrong.

Mrs. Washington joins me in most affectionate regards, & in every good wish for you & Mrs. Fairfax.—with much truth

I am, &c.1

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS.

Mount Vernon, 18 June, 1785.

My dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785.

My dear Humphreys,

Since my last to you, I have received your letter of the 15th of January, and, I believe, that of the 11th of November, and thank you for them. It always gives me pleasure to hear from you; and I should think, if amusements would spare you, business could not so much absorb your time as to prevent your writing more frequently, especially as there is a regular conveyance once a month by the packet.

As the complexion of European politics seems now (by letters I have received from the Marquis de Lafayette, the Chevalier de Chastellux, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and others,) to have a tendency to peace, I will say nothing of war, nor make any animadversions upon the contending powers; otherwise I might possibly have said, that the retreat from it seemed impossible after the explicit declaration of the parties. My first wish is to see this plague to mankind banished from off the earth, and the sons and daughters of this world employed in more pleasing and innocent amusements, than in preparing implements and exercising them for the destruction of mankind. Rather than quarrel about territory, let the poor, the needy, and oppressed of the earth, and those who want land, resort to the fertile plains of our western country, the second land of promise, and there dwell in peace, fulfilling the first and great commandment.

In a former letter I informed you, my dear Humphreys, that if I had talents for it, I have not leisure to turn my thoughts to Commentaries. A consciousness of a defective education, and a certainty of the want of time, unfit me for such an undertaking. What with company, letters, and other matters, many of them quite extraneous, I have not been able to arrange my own private concerns so as to rescue them from that disordered state into which they have been thrown by the war, and to do which is become absolutely necessary for my support whilst I remain on this stage of human action. The sentiments of your last letter on this subject gave me great pleasure. I should be pleased indeed to see you undertake this business. Your abilities as a writer, your discernment respecting the principles which led to the decision by arms, your personal knowledge of many facts as they accurred in the progress of the war, your disposition to justice, candor, and impartiality, and your diligence in investigating truth, combining, fit you, when joined with the vigor of life, for this task; and I should with great pleasure, not only give you the perusal of all my papers, but any oral information of circumstances, which cannot be obtained from the former, that my memory will furnish; and I can with great truth add, that my house would not only be at your service during the period of your preparing this work, but (without an unmeaning compliment I say it) I should be exceedingly happy if you would make it your home. You might have an apartment to yourself, in which you would command your own time. You would be considered and treated as one of the family, and meet with that cordial reception and entertainment, which are characteristic of the sincerest friendship.

To reverberate European news would be idle, and we have little of domestic kind worthy of attention. We have held treaties with the Indians, but they were so unseasonably delayed, that these people, by our last accounts from the westward, are in a discontented mood, supposed by many to be instigated thereto by our late enemies (now, to be sure, fast friend), who, from any thing I can learn, under the indefinite expression of the treaty, hold and seem resolved to retain possession of our western posts. Congress have, also, after a long and tedious deliberation, passed an ordinance for laying off the western territory into States, and for disposing of the land; but in a manner and on terms, which few people in the southern States conceive can be accomplished. Both sides are sure, and the event is appealed to. Let time decide it. It is however to be regretted, that local politics and self-interested views obtrude themselves into every measure of public utility:—but to such characters be the consequences.

My attention is more immediately engaged in a project, which I think big with great political, as well as commercial consequences to these States, especially the middle ones; it is by removing the obstructions and extending the inland navigation of our rivers, to bring the States on the Atlantic in chose connexion with those forming to the westward, by a short and easy transportation. Without this, I can easily conceive they will have different views, separate interests, and other connexions. I may be singular in my ideas, but they are these; that, to open a door to, and make easy the way for, those settlers to the westward (which ought to progress regularly and compactly) before we make any stir about the navigation of the Mississippi, and before our settlements are far advanced towards that river, would be our true line of policy. It can, I think, be demonstrated, that the produce of the western territory, (if the navigations which are now in hand succeed, and of which I have no doubt,) as low down the Ohio as the Great Kanhawa, I believe to the Falls, and between the parts above and the Lakes, may be brought either to the highest shipping port on this or James river, at a less expense, with more ease, (including the return,) and in a much shorter time, than it can be carried to New Orleans, if the Spaniards, instead of restricting, were to throw open their ports and invite our trade. But if the commerce of that country should embrace this channel, and connexions be formed, experience has taught us, and there is a very recent proof with great Britain, how next to impracticable it is to divert it; and, if that should be the case, the Atlantic States, (especially as those to the westward will in a great degree fill with foreigners,) will be no more to the present Union, except to excite perhaps very justly our fears, than the country of California, which is still more to the westward, and belonging to another power.

TO WILLIAM GRAYSON.

Mrs. Washington presents her compliments to you, and with every wish for your happiness,

Mount Vernon, 22 June, 1785.

Dr. Sir,

I am, my dear Humphreys, &c.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785.

My dear Marquis,

* * * * * *

With great esteem & regard, I am, &c.

As the clouds which overspread your hemisphere are dispersing, and peace with all its concomitants is dawning upon your Land, I will banish the sound of War from my letter:—I wish to see the sons and daughters of the world in Peace and busily employed in the more agreeable amusement of fulfilling the first and great commandment—Increase and Multiply: as an encouragement to which we have opened the fertile plains of the Ohio to the poor, the needy and the opressed of the Earth; any one therefore who is heavy laden or who wants land to cultivate, may repair thither & abound, as in the Land of promise, with milk and honey:—the ways are preparing, and the roads will be made easy, thro’ the channels of Potomac & James river.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Speaking of these navigations, I have the pleasure to inform you that the subscriptions (especially for the first) at the surrender of the books, agreeably to the act which I enclosed you in my last, exceeded my most sanguine expectation:—for the latter, that is James river, no comparison of them has yet been made.—

Mount Vernon, 22 June, 1785.

Dr. Sir,

Of the £50,000 Sterlg. required for the Potomac navigation, upwards of £40,000, was subjoined before the middle of May, and encreasing fast—a President & four Directors, consisting of your hble. servant, Govrs. Johnson and Lee of Maryland, and Colos. Fitzgerald and Gilpin of this State, were chosen to conduct the undertaking.—The first dividend of the money was paid in on the 15th of this month; and the work is to be begun the first of next, in those parts which require least skill, leaving the more difficult ’till an Engineer of abilities and practical knowledge can be obtained; which reminds me of the question which I propounded to you in my last, on this subject, and on which I should be glad to learn your sentiments. This prospect, if it succeeds, and of which I have no doubt, will bring the Atlantic States and the Western Territory into close connexion, and be productive of very extensive commercial and political consequences; the last of which gave the spur to my exertions, as I could foresee many, and great mischiefs which would naturally result from a separation—and that a separation would inevitably take place, if the obstructions between the two countries remained, and the navigation of the Mississippi should be made free.

I stand indebted to you for your favors of the 3d, 7th, and 29th of last month, and feel myself exceedingly obliged to your Excellency for the communications and enclosures therein.—

Great Britain, in her commercial policy is acting the same unwise part, with respect to herself, which seems to have influenced all her councils; and thereby is defeating her own ends:—the restriction of our trade, and her heavy imposts on the staple commodities of this country, will I conceive, immediately produce powers in Congress to regulate the Trade of the Union; which, more than probably would not have been obtained without in half a century. The mercantile interests of the whole Union are endeavoring to effect this, & will no doubt succeed; they see the necessity of a controuling power, and the futility, indeed the absurdity, of each State’s enacting Laws for this purpose independant of one another.—This will be the case also, after a while, in all matters of common concern;—It is to be regretted, I confess, that Democratical States must always feel before they can see:—it is this that makes their Governments slow—but the people will be right at last.—

Congress after long deliberation,—have at length agreed upon a mode for disposing of the Lands of the United States in the Western territory:—it may be a good one, but it does not comport with my ideas.—The ordinance is long, and I have none of them by me, or I would send one for your perusal.—They seem in this instance, as in almost every other, to be surrendering the little power they have, to the States individually which gave it to them.—Many think the price which they have fixed upon the Lands too high;—and all to the Southward I believe, that disposing of these in Townships, and by square miles alternately, will be a great let to the sale:—but experience, to which there is an appeal, must decide.

Soon after I had written to you in Feby., Mr. Jefferson, and after him Mr. Carmichael informed me that in consequence of an application from Mr. Harrison for permission to export a Jack for me from Spain, his Catholic Majesty had ordered two of the first race in his Kingdom (lest an accident might happen to one) to be purchased and presented to me as a mark of his esteem.—Such an instance of condescension and attention from a crowned head is very flattering and lays me under great obligation to the King; but neither of them is yet arrived:—these I presume are the two mentioned in your favor of the 16th of April; one as having been shipped from Cadiz—the other as expected from the Isle of Malta, which you would forward.—As they have been purchased since December last, I began to be apprehensive of accidents; which I wish may not. In the case with respect to the one from Cadiz, if he was actually shipped at the time of your account:—should the other pass thro’ your hands you cannot oblige me more, than by requiring the greatest care, & most particular attention to be paid to him. I have long endeavored to procure one of a good size and breed, but had little expectation of receiving two as a royal gift.—

I am much obliged to you my dear Marquis, for your attention to the Hounds, & not less sorry that you should have met the smallest difficulty, or experienced the least trouble in obtaining them: I was no way anxious about these, consequently should have felt no regret, or sustained no loss if you had not succeeded in your application.—I have commissioned three or four persons (among whom Colo. Marshall is one) to procure for me in Kentucke, for the use of the King’s Gardens at Versailles or elsewhere, the seeds mentioned in the list you sent me from New York, and such others as are curious, and will forward them as soon as they come to my hands: which cannot be ’till after the growing crop has given its seeds.

I am, &c.

My best wishes will accompany you to Potsdam, and into the Austrian’s Dominions whenever you set out upon that tour. As an unobserved spectator, I should like to take a peep at the troops of those Monarch’s at their manœuverings, upon a grand field day; but as it is among the unattainable things, my philosophy shall supply the place of curiosity, and set my mind at ease.

TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

In your favor of the 19th of March you speak of letters which were sent by a Mr. Williams; but none such have come to hand. The present for the little folks did not arrive by Mr. Ridouts ship as you expected;—to what cause owing I know not.—Mrs. Washington has but indifferent health; & the late loss of her mother, & only brother Mr. Barthw. Dandridge (one of the Judges of our Supreme Court) has rather added to her indisposition. My mother and friends enjoy good health.—George has returned after his peregrination thro’ the West Indies, to Burmuda, the Bahama Islands, & Charlestown; at the last place he spent the winter. He is in better health than when he set out, but not quite recovered:—He is now on a journey to the Sweet Springs, to procure a stock sufficient to fit him for a matrimonial voyage in the Frigate F. Bassett; on board which he means to embark at his return in October:—how far his case is desperate, I leave you to judge—if it is so, the remedy, however pleasing at first, will certainly be violent.

Mount Vernon, 30 June, 1785.

My Dr. Sir,

The latter end of April I had the pleasure to receive in good order, by a ship from London, the picture of yourself, Madame la Fayette and the children, which I consider as an invaluable present, & shall give it the best place in my House.—Mrs. Washington joins me in respectful compliments, & in every good wish for Madame de la Fayette, yourself & family, all the others who have come under your kind notice present their compliments to you.—For myself, I can only repeat the sincere attachment, & unbounded affection of My Dr. Marqs., &c.

* * * * * *

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Mount Vernon, 30 July, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Although it is not my intention to derive any pecuniary advantage from the generous vote of the Assembly of this State, consequent of its gratuitous gift of shares in the navigation of each of the rivers Potomac and James; yet, as I consider these undertakings as of vast political and commercial importance to the States on the Atlantic, especially to those nearest the centre of the Union, and adjoining the western territory, I can let no act of mine impede the progress of the work. I have therefore come to the determination to hold the shares, which the treasurer was directed to subscribe on my account, in trust for the use and benefit of the public; unless I should be able to discover, before the meeting of the Assembly, that it would be agreeable to it to have the product of the tolls arising from these shares applied as a fund, on which to establish two charity schools, one on each river, for the education and support of the children of the poor and indigent of this country, who cannot afford to give it, particularly the children of those men of this description, who have fallen in defence of the rights and liberties of it. If the plan succeed, of which I have no doubt, I am sure it will be a very productive and increasing fund, and the moneys thus applied will be a beneficial institution.

I am aware that my non-acceptance of these shares will have various motives ascribed to it, among which an ostentatious display of disinterestedness, perhaps the charge of disrespect or slight of the favors of my country, may lead the van; but under a consciousness, that my conduct herein is not influenced by considerations of this nature, and that I shall act more agreeably to my own feelings, and more consistent with my early declarations, by declining to accept them, I shall not only hope for indulgence, but a favorable interpretation of my conduct. My friends, I persuade myself, will acquit me; the world, I hope, will judge charitably.

Perceiving by the advertisements of Messrs. Cabell, Buchanan, and Southall, that half the sum required by the act, for opening and extending the navigation of James River, is subscribed, and the 20th of next month appointed for the subscribers to meet at Richmond, I take the liberty of giving you a power to act for me on that occasion. I would (having the accomplishment of these navigations much at heart) have attended in person, but the president and directors of the Potomac company, by their own appointment, are to commence the survey of this river in the early part of next month; for which purpose I shall leave home to-morrow. Besides which if the ejectments which I have been obliged to bring for my lands in Pennsylva. are to be tried at the September term, as Mr. Smith my lawyer conceives they would and is to inform me, I shall find it necessary I fear to attend the trial. An intermediate journey therefore, in addition to Richmond, would be impracticable for me to accomplish.

I am, Sir, &c.1

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

13 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

At the time your letter from the Rocks was delivered to me, I had neither pen, ink, paper, or a table to write on at command; consequently could only verbally acknowledge knowledge the receipt of it,—which I did by Mr. Wormley:—since my return home I have met your other favor of the 29th ulto.

Mrs. Washington joins me in most affectionate regards, & in every good wish for you & Mrs. Fairfax.—with much truth

The great object, for the accomplishment of which I wish to see the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac & James improved & extended, is to connect the Western Territory with the Atlantic States; all others with me, are secondary. Tho’ I am clearly of opinion that it will greatly increase our commerce, & be an immense saving, in the article of transportation, & draft cattle, to the Planters & Farmers who are in a situation to have the produce of their labor water borne.

I am, &c.1

These being my sentiments, I wish to see the undertaking progress equally in both rivers; & but for my local situation, & numerous avocations, my attention to each should be alike:—what little I do for the advancement of the enterprise in this river, is done, as it were en passant; and because I think the difficulties greater than in the other—and not because I give it the preference—for both in my opinion have their advantages, without much, if any interference with each other. The advantages arising from my patronage of either, is probably more ideal than real; but such as they are, I wish them to be thought equally distributed:—my contribution to the works shall be the same. I have already subscribed five shares to the Potomac navigation; and enclosed I give you a power to put my name down for five shares to that of James river.—

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS.

With respect to acting as President to the Board of Directors for that Company, it is a delicate subject for me to speak to:—every person who knows how much my time (by company & other matters) is occupied, must also know that it would be impossible for me to discharge the duties of the office, as they should be:—even here, where the business for the most part is, and will continue to be done at Alexandria, or George-town (eight miles further from me) it was so evident to me that I could not perform the duties of President with that diligence and propriety which I thought necessary, that I wish to decline it, but could not get excused:—How much more would this be the case with James river, where the journey to it alone would be a work of time and labor:—and besides, let it not be forgotten my Dr. Sir, that tho’ some of the Subscribers may wish to see me at the head of the Board of Directors;—yet there may be others who would feel disappointed and hurt if they are over looked and this might have an influence on their connexions—I mention these things to you with the candor and frankness of a friend, and under the rose; after which your own judgment and those of your friends, must dictate for the best.—I am persuaded all of us have the same object in view, and what ever shall be deemed, by the concurrent voice of the subscribers, the best means to effect it, shall meet my hearty approbation.—

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785.

My dear Humphreys,

My last letter was written to you in such haste, that I apprehend I was not sufficiently explicit to be understood.—It was not my intention to apply for a copy of the Governor’s instructions releasing him from the restriction of the King’s Proclamation; but for the order of Council consequent thereof, directing or permitting Warrants to issue on military rights, agreeably thereto:—because if the date of this order had been found to be antecedent to the occupancy of my adversaries, it would remove them from their grand Fort—for on possession, before I took any legal steps—I know they mean to place their sole defence.—

The Patent, & thousands of Warrants are evidences that the restrictions respecting military settlers was taken off; but they do not ascertain the time.—My Patent, if I recollect right, was dated in July, 1774;—but the occupants, according to their own accounts, possessed the Land in the October. preceding;—if therefore I could have obtained a certificate of the loss of the Council Books; and any circumstance could have been recollected by which it should appear (as unquestionably the fact is) that the recognition of military rights was previous to October 1773, and so intimated in the certificate aforesaid; it would have been useful:—Without this indeed, the matter is so clear, in my judgment, as not to admit of dispute before an impartial Jury;—but an impartial Jury I do not expect—& much less since I have heard that the high Sheriff of the County (lately chosen) is of the fraternity of my competitors, & interested in the decision,—so far at least as similar circumstances, & the suffrages of these people in his election, can bias him—Indeed I have lately been told that the decision of this case will be interesting to numbers whose rights are disputed on similar grounds.—

I am, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

In my absence with the directors of the Potomac navigation, to examine, the river and fix a plan of operations,1 your favor, begun on the 23d and ended the 31st of July, came to this place. I am sorry to hear of your late indisposition, but congratulate you on your recovery, hoping the reëstablishment of your health may be of long continuance. * * *

Mrs. Washington presents her compliments to you, and with every wish for your happiness,

It is to be hoped, that our minister at the court of London will bring that government to an explanation respecting the western posts, which it still retains on the American side the line, contrary to the spirit, if not the letter of the treaty. My opinion from the first, and so I declared it, was, that these posts would be detained from us as long as they could be held under any pretence whatsoever. I have not changed it, though I wish for cause to do so, as it may become a serious matter. However singular the opinion may be, I cannot divest myself of it, that the navigation of the Mississippi, at this time, ought to be no object with us.1 On the contrary, until we have a little time allowed to open and make easy the ways between the Atlantic States and the western territory, the obstruction had better remain. There is nothing which binds one county or one State to another, but interest. Without this cement the western inhabitants, who more than probably will be composed in a great degree of foreigners, can have no predilection for us, and a commercial connexion is the only tie we can have upon them. It is clear to me, that the trade of the Lakes, and of the River Ohio, as low as the Great Kanhawa if not to the Falls, may be brought to the Atlantic ports easier and cheaper, taking the whole voyage together, than it can be carried to New Orleans; but, once open the door to the latter before the obstructions are removed from the former, let commercial connexions, which lead to others, be formed, and the habit of that trade well established, and it will be found to be no easy matter to divert it; and vice versâ. When the settlements are stronger and more extended to the westward, the navigation of the Mississippi will be an object of importance, and we shall then be able, (reserving our claims,) to speak a more efficacious language, than policy, I think, dictates at present.1

I am, my dear Humphreys, &c.

I never have and I hope never shall hear, any serious mention of a paper emission in this State; yet such a thing may be in agitation. Ignorance and design are productive of much mischief. The first are the tool of the latter, and are often set to work suddenly and unexpectedly. Those, with whom I have conversed on the subject in this part of the State, reprobate the idea exceedingly.2

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

We have lately had the pleasure of Miss Lee’s and Miss Hannah’s company at this place. They were both well five days ago. Mrs. Washington prays you to accept her compliments; and with sentiments of great respect, esteem, and regard, I am, &c.

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785.

My dear Marquis,

P. S. Your name, I well remember, stands among those of the subscribers for a share in the Potomac navigation.

* * * * * *

TO JAMES McHENRY, IN CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

* * * * * *

As I have ever been a friend to adequate powers of Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by the powers of Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree with you in sentiment not to enlarge them for the regulating of commerce. I have neither time nor abilities to enter into a full discussion of this subject; but it should seem to me, that your arguments against it, principally that some States may be more benefited than others by a commercial regulation, apply to every matter of general utility. Can there be a case enumerated, in which this argument has not its force in a greater or less degree? We are either a united people under one head and for federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other. If the former, whatever such a majority of the States, as the constitution points out, conceives to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my humble opinion, be submitted to by the minority. Let the southern States always be represented; let them act more in union; let them declare freely and boldly what is for the interest of, and what is prejudicial to, their constituents; and there will, there must be, an accommodating spirit. In the establishment of a navigation act, this in a particular manner ought, and will doubtless be attended to. If the assent of nine, or as some propose of eleven States, is necessary to give validity to a commercial system, it insures this measure, or it cannot be obtained.

Wherein then lies the danger? But if your fears are in danger of being realized, cannot certain provisos in the ordinance guard against the evil; I see no difficulty in this, if the southern delegates would give their attendance in Congress, and follow the example, if it should be set them, of hanging together to counteract combinations. I confess to you candidly, that I can foresee no evil greater than disunion; than those unreasonable jealousies, (I say unreasonable, because I would have a proper jealousy always awake, and the United States on the watch to prevent individual States from infracting the constitution with impunity,) which are continually poisoning our minds and filling them with imaginary evils to the prevention of real ones.

As you have asked the question, I answer, I do not know that we can enter upon a war of imposts with Great Britain, or any other foreign power; but we are certain, that this war has been waged against us by the former; professedly upon a belief that we never could unite in opposition to it; and I believe there is no way of putting an end to, or at least of stopping the increase of it, but to convince them of the contrary. Our trade, in all points of view, is as essential to Great Britain, as hers is to us; and she will exchange it upon reciprocal and liberal terms, if better cannot be had. It can hardly be supposed, I think, that the carrying business will devolve wholly on the States you have named, or remain long with them if it should; for either Great Britain will depart from her present contracted system, or the policy of the southern States in framing the act of navigation, or by laws passed by themselves individually, will devise ways and means to encourage seamen for the transportation of the product of their respective countries or for the encouragement of it [Editor: missing word?]. But, admitting the contrary, if the Union is considered as permanent, and on this I presume all superstructures are built, had we not better encourage seamen among ourselves, with less imports, than divide it with foreigners, and by increasing the amount of them ruin our merchants, and greatly injuring the mass of our citizens.

To sum up the whole, I foresee, or think I do it, the many advantages which will arise from giving powers of this kind to Congress (if a sufficient number of States are required to exercise them), without any evil, save that which may proceed from inattention, or want of wisdom in the formation of the act; whilst, without them, we stand in a ridiculous point of view in the eyes of the nations of the world, with whom we are attempting to enter into commercial treaties, without means of carrying them into effect; who must see and feel, that the Union or the Sates individually are sovereigns, as best suits their purposes; in a word, that we are one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow. Who will treat with us on such terms—but perhaps I have gone too far and therefore will only add, that Mrs. Washington offers her compliments and best wishes for you, and that with great esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO WILLIAM GRAYSON, IN CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

* * * * * *

I thank you for the several articles of intelligence contained in your letter, and for the propositions respecting a coinage of gold, silver, and copper; a measure, which, in my opinion, is become indispensably necessary. Mr. Jefferson’s ideas upon this subject are plain and simple; well adapted, I think, to the nature of the case, as he has exemplified by the plan.1 Without a coinage, or unless some stop can be put to the cutting and clipping of money, our dollars, pistareens, &c., will be converted, as Teague says, into five quarters; and a man must travel with a pair of money scales in his pocket, or run the risk of receiving gold at one fourth less by weight than it counts.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

I have ever been a friend to adequate congressional powers; consequently I wish to see the ninth article of the confederation amended and extended.1 Without these powers we cannot support a national character, and must appear contemptible in the eyes of Europe. But to you, my dear Sir, I will candidly confess, that in my opinion it is of little avail to give these to Congress. The members seem to be so much afraid of exerting those, which they already have, that no opportunity is slipped of surrendering them, or referring the exercise of them to the States individually. Instance your late ordinance respecting the disposal of the western lands, in which no State with the smallest propriety could have obtruded an interference. No doubt but the information of Congress from the back country is better than mine, respecting the operation of this ordinance; but I have understood from some sensible people therefrom that, besides running they know not where to purchase, the lands are of so versatile a nature, that, to the end of time, they will not, by those who are acquainted therewith, be purchased either in townships or by square miles. This, if I recollect right, was the sentiment I delivered to you, on the first mention of the matter; but past experience, you said, was brought forward in support of the measure, and appealed to for the issue. I submitted therefore to its decision, but still retained my opinion.

Mount Vernon, 30 July, 1785.

Dear Sir,

We have got the Potomac navigation in hand. Workmen are employed, under the best manager and assistants we could obtain, at the Falls of Shenandoah and Seneca; and I am happy to inform you, that, upon a critical examination of them by the directors, the manager, and myself, we are unanimously of opinion, that the difficulties at these two places do not exceed the expectations we had formed of them; and that the navigation through them might be effected without the aid of locks. How far we may have been deceived with respect to the first, (as the water though low may yet fall), I shall not decide; but we are not mistaken, I think, in our conjectures of the other. With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c.1

TO JOHN DE NEUFVILLE.

Mount Vernon, 8 September, 1785.

Sir,

I have lately been honored with your favors of the 10th and 15th of March—Until the latter explained the mistake of the former, I was puzzled to get at the meaning of it; because, I did not recollect that I had ever made application to your Son for the loan of any money; but since the subject has been started, I will take the liberty of pursuing it.—

I am, Sir, &c.1

I am a member of a Company in this State, who associated many years ago for the purpose of reclaiming what is called the Great Dismal Swamp near Norfolk.—The war gave considerable interruption, indeed almost put an entire stop to the progress of the business; but in May last the members (for the first time since the war) had a meeting, & resolved to prosecute the work with vigor:—for this purpose they are inclined to borrow money on interest; & to import, if they can do it upon advantageous, terms, a number of Hollanders, or Germans, as being best acquainted with the nature of the work; which is to drain & bank level, low & wet Land, which would from its situation, & the quality of its soil, be invaluable if accomplished.—

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Individually, the members possess considerable property—as a company they have little money at command; but would I believe, bind themselves jointly & severally for the repayment of the principal sum borrowed, in a given number of years; & for such interest as may be agreed upon annually:—& as a collateral security they would moreover, I imagine, mortgage the Estate which they are about to improve.—

13 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Under this Statement of the matter, permit me to ask you frankly, if four or five thousand pounds could be borrowed in Amsterdam—at what interest & for how long a term? and whether it is a matter which could be easily accomplished, to import about three hundred laborers (a few women among them would be no objection)—for what time they might be engaged & upon what wages? and what expence would attend the importation? * * *

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Mount Vernon, 16 September, 1785.

Dear Sir,

It was not in my power to obtain the enclosed in time, to forward them by the last mail; but they will, I hope, reach you seasonably for your intended meeting on the 26th—by the present mail.

I feel very sensibly, the honor and confidence which has been reposed in me by the James river company; and regret that it will not be in my power to discharge the duties of the office of President of the Board of Directors, with that punctuality and attention which the trust requires.—Every service however that I can render, compatible with my other avocations, shall be afforded with pleasure, and I am happy in being associated in the business with gentlemen so competent to the purposes of their appointment—and from what I have heard of the navigation, and seen of the Falls, I think your work may be soon and easily accomplished—and that it will be of great public utility, as well as private emolument to the subscribers when done:—for the advantage of both, tho’ I believe the business lies in another line, I would earnestly recommend it to you to press the execution of the survey between James river and the navigable waters of the Kanhawa, and a proper investigation of the latter.—It will be a source of great commerce with the capitol and in my opinion will be productive of great political consequences to this country:—the business of a similar nature, as it respects this river, is at an entire stand.—Mr. Massey who was first appointed on the part of this State, having declined acting; the Maryland Commissioner knows of no other in his room, and is unable, tho’ ready to proceed.

Besides what appears in the minutes, which are enclosed, it is in contemplation by the Board of Directors of the Navigation of this river, to endeavor to hire a number of Slaves next year as laborers thereon,—and as the Great Falls are tremendous, and the navigation thereof, in whatever manner it is attempted, will require much skill and practical knowledge in the execution; we propose, before this is undertaken, to invite a proper person from Europe, who has been employed in works of this kind, as a superintendant of it:—With respect to the other parts of the river, tho’ what are called the Shanandoah Falls are as difficult in my opinion as the Falls of James river, at Westham, we seem to have confidence enough in ourselves to undertake them; and mean to do so without having recourse to either canals or Locks.—Thro’ all the Falls and rapids above the Great falls, we mean to attempt nothing more than to open a strait passage to avoid, as much as possible, currents;—giving sufficient depth, and as much smoothness as may be to the surface;—and if Rumsey’s project fails (of which he has not the smallest apprehension) to pull the Boats up by chains floated by buoys:—the latter, when Ice begins to form, may be slipped and thereby saved; whilst the former rivoted to rocks at bottom, may remain during the intemperate season undisturbed and without injury.

Upon an estimate of the expence of those chains and Buoys, we (that is, the Directors of the Potomac navigation and myself) are of opinion, without having an eye to the probable advantages which are expected to be drived from Rumsey’s mechanical discovery, that it will be infinitely less than what must arise from cutting canals, building Locks, making track paths, &c., as was the design of Ballendine and others; and will have this advantage over them, that when once done, that is when the passage is opened in a straight direction in the natural bed of the river, it is done as it were forever, whereas canals and Locks, besides the natural decay of them, are exposed to much injury from Ice, drift-wood, and even the common freshes;—in a word, are never safe where there are such sudden inundations and violent torrents, as the rivers in this country are subject to.

I am, &c.

It has so happened that Thursday the 22d inst. is a day of my own appointing to meet the Directors at the Great Falls of this river, for the purpose of examining the place proposed for a canal; and the river and ground from thence to tide water, on which business I expect to be employed (at least to be from home) four or five days.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Altho’ I see no impropriety myself in laying the Proceedings of the Potomac Company before the Board of Directors of the James river navigation, it being my wish that every intelligence which one can give to the other should be mutually afforded; yet it is my desire that the act may be considered as transmitted for the private information (if it should convey any light) of yourself and the Directors.—

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

We are endeavoring to engage our miners to bore by the foot; rather than by the day; but as yet have not agreed with any in this way:—they ask a shilling, which we think is too much—to common labourers we pay 40/ per month; and we find paying the workmen every fortnight, rather troublesome—once a month would do better:—as they will be frequently moving, we have provided Tents as most convenient & least expensive, for their accommodation.—

I find I have been under a mistake with respect to the subscriptions for the James river navigation;—I conceived the Books were to lie open ’till the general meeting appointed (as that for this river was) by law;—and if the aggregate amounted to more than the sum required by the act, at such meeting—they they were then to be reduced in the manner therein directed.

The expression of the Law, “the highest point practicable”—is certainly too indefinite; and in the hurry which the act passed, the import of it was not sufficiently adverted to:—but how far it may be politic for the Potomac Company to meddle in the matter, I will not at this moment undertake to decide; as the concurrence of two States is required to effect the Alteration, and as one of them, it is said by those who are unfriendly to the measure, has been surprized into it.—

If it would not be too troublesome for your Secretary, it would be a satisfaction to me to receive a copy of your proceedings—With great esteem & sincere friendship, I am, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

P. S. Your name, I well remember, stands among those of the subscribers for a share in the Potomac navigation.

Mount Vernon, 26 September, 1785.

Dear Sir,

TO JAMES McHENRY, IN CONGRESS.

I have had the honor to receive your favors of the 10th and 17th of July, which were committed to the care of M. Houdon; but I have not yet had the pleasure to see that gentleman. His instruments and materials, (Doctor Franklin informs me,) were sent down the Seine; but, not being arrived when the ship left Havre, he was obliged to leave them, and is now busied in supplying himself with others at Philadelphia, with which, when done, he will come on to this place. I shall take great pleasure in showing M. Houdon every civility and attention in my power during his stay in this country; for I feel myself under personal obligation to you and Dr. Franklin (as the State of Virginia has done me the honor to direct a statue to be erected to my memory) for having placed the execution in the hands of so eminent an artist, and so worthy a character.1

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have the further pleasure to inform you and should have done it long since, had I not supposed that your information would have been more full and perfect from some of your friends in the Assembly, that a resolution of the Assembly authorized the Executive to appoint commissioners to explore and report the best communication between the waters of Elizabeth river and those of Albermarle;—that the commissioners have proceeded to the Survey—and have reported in favor of that which will pass thro’ Drummonds Pond to the Pasquotank. But what will be the result, I am unable to inform you—as I find by some of the principal characters of North Carolina (members of Congress) who have called here; that a considerable jealousy prevails, and a powerful opposition will be given to any water communication between the two States—lest it should draw their exports from them.

* * * * * *

I am very happy to find, that your sentiments respecting the interest the Assembly was pleased to give me in the two navigations of the Potomac and James Rivers coincide with my own. I never for a moment entertained an idea of accepting it. The difficulty, which labored in my mind was how to refuse without giving offence. Ultimately I have it in contemplation to apply the profits arising from the tolls to some public use. In this, if I knew how, I would meet the wishes of the Assembly; but, if I am not able to come at these, my own inclination leads me to apply them to the establishment of two charity schools, one on each river, for the education and support of poor children, especially the descendants of those, who have fallen in defence of their country.

I can say nothing decisively respecting the western settlement of this State. The inhabitants of Kentucky have held several conventions, and have resolved to apply for a separation; but what may be the final issue of it, is not for me to inform you. Opinions, as far as they have come to my knowledge, are diverse. I have uniformly given it as mine, to meet them upon their own ground, draw the best line and best terms we can, and part good friends. After the next session of our Assembly, more may be learned and communicated; and, if you should not receive it through a better channel, I will have the honor to inform you.1

I am sorry I cannot give you full information respecting Bushnell’s project for the destruction of ships. No interesting experiments having been made, and my memory being bad, I may in some measure be mistaken in what I am about to relate. Bushnell is a man of great mechanical powers, fertile of invention and master of execution. He came to me in 1776, recommended by Governor Trumbull and other respectable characters, who were converts to his plan. Although I wanted faith myself, I furnished him with money and other aids to carry his plan into execution. He labored for some time ineffectually; and, though the advocates of his scheme continued sanguine, he never did succeed. One accident or another always intervened. I then thought, and still think, that it was an effort of genius, but that too many things were necessary to be combined, to expect much from the issue against an enemy, who are always upon guard.

That he had a machine so contrived, as to carry him under water at any depth he chose, and for a considerable time and distance, with an appendix to it, charged with powder, which he could fasten to a ship, and give fire to in a given time sufficient for his returning, and by means thereof destroy it, are facts, I believe, which admit of little doubt. But then, where it was to operate against an enemy, it was no easy matter to get a person hardy enough to encounter the variety of dangers, to which he would be exposed; first, from the novelty; secondly, from the difficulty of conducting the machine, and governing it under water, on account of the current, &c.; and thirdly, the consequent uncertainty of hitting the object devoted to destruction, without rising frequently above water for fresh observation, which, when near the vessel, would expose the adventurer to a discovery and to almost certain death. To these causes I always ascribed the non-performance of his plan, as he wanted nothing that I could furnish to insure the success of it. This, to the best of my recollection, is a true state of the case; but Humphreys, if I mistake not, being one of his converts, will be able to give you a more perfect account of it than I have done. With perfect esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO GEORGE MASON.

TO WILLIAM GRAYSON, IN CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 3 October, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have this moment received yours of yesterday’s date, enclosing a memorial and remonstrance against the Assessment Bill, which I will read with attention. At present I am unable to do it, on account of company. The bill itself I do not recollect ever to have read; with attention I am certain I never did, but will compare them together.

* * * * * *

Although no man’s sentiments are more opposed to any kind of restraint upon religious principles than mine are, yet I must confess, that I am not amongst the number of those, who are so much alarmed at the thoughts of making people pay towards the support of that which they profess, if of the denomination of Christians, or declare themselves Jews, Mahometans, or otherwise, and thereby obtain proper relief. As the matter now stands, I wish an assessment had never been agitated, and as it has gone so far, that the bill could not die an easy death; because I think it will be productive of more quiet to the State, than by enacting it into a law, which in my opinion would be impolitic, admitting there is a decided majority for it, to the disquiet of a respectable minority. In the former case, the matter will soon subside; in the latter, it will rankle and perhaps convulse the State. The dinner-bell rings, and I must conclude with an expression of my concern for your indisposition. Sincerely and affectionately, I am, &c.1

end of vol. x.

TO JOHN DE NEUFVILLE.

Mount Vernon, 8 September, 1785.

Sir,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Mount Vernon, 16 September, 1785.

Dear Sir,

It was not in my power to obtain the enclosed in time, to forward them by the last mail; but they will, I hope, reach you seasonably for your intended meeting on the 26th—by the present mail.

If it would not be too troublesome for your Secretary, it would be a satisfaction to me to receive a copy of your proceedings—With great esteem & sincere friendship, I am, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Mount Vernon, 26 September, 1785.

Dear Sir,

TO GEORGE MASON.

Mount Vernon, 3 October, 1785.

Dear Sir,

end of vol. x.

[1 ]From Mr. Harrison’s Letter.—“It gives megre at pleasure to inform you, that the Assembly yesterday, without a dissenting voice, complimented you with fifty shares in the Potomac Company, and one hundred in the James River Company; of which I give you this early notice to stop your subscribing on your own account. As this compliment is intended by your country in commemoration of your assiduous cares to promote her interest, I hope you will have no scruples in accepting the present, and thereby gratifying them in their most earnest wishes.”—Richmond, January 6th.

The preamble to the act expresses the object of the legislature in making the donation. It runs thus. “It is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled merits of George Washington towards his country; and it is their wish in particular, that those great works for its improvement, which, both as springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country.” The act then proceeds to vest in George Washington, and his heirs and assigns for ever, the above one hundred and fifty shares in the Potomac and James River Companies.—Hening’s Statutes, vol. xi., p. 525.

[1 ]The act was officially communicated to him by Patrick Henry, then governor of Virginia. To that communication he replied as follows, more than a month after the above was written, and when his mind seems to have become firmly settled in its first impressions.

“I shall ever consider this act as an unequivocal and substantial testimony of the approving voice of my country for the part I have acted on the American theatre, and shall feast upon the recollection of it as often as it occurs to me; but this is all I can or mean to do. It was my first declaration in Congress, after accepting my military appointment, that I would not receive any thing for such services as I might be able to render the cause in which I had embarked. It was my fixed determination, when I surrendered that appointment, never to hold any other office under government, by which emolument might become a necessary appendage, or, in other words, which should withdraw me from the necessary attentions, which my own private concerns indispensably required; nor to accept of any pecuniary acknowledgment for what had passed. From this resolution my mind has never swerved.”—February 27th.

[1 ]Selina, daughter of Earl Ferrars, born 1707. A serious illness tinged her thoughts with religious enthusiasm. As early as 1775, Governor Hutchinson found her anxious on the state of religion in America, “wishing to see people there lay less stress on the non-essentials of religion, and to pay greater regard to the vital parts of it.”—Hutchinson’s Diary, i., 348.

[1 ]These papers presented a general outline of Lady Huntington’s plan. Her primary object was to civilize and christianize the Indians. For this end she applied to some of the States for grants of lands, on which emigrants might establish themselves. Schools were to be established, and religions instruction provided for, under such regulations as to produce the best practical results; and the arts of life were to be taught, and the means of civilization communicated, by the example of the settlers, and by such direct efforts as should be deemed suited to the great purposes in view.

[1 ]Local and political reasons prevented Lady Huntington’s plan from being carried into effect. Congress had pledged all the wild lands for a specific object, and the States had ceded their lands to the Union, and of course had none to appropriate for such a purpose. The answer from Mr. Lee to the above letter will explain this point in regard to Congress. “At the same time your packet reached me,” said he, “there came one to Congress from Governor Henry, with her Ladyship’s letter and plan enclosed, which the Governor strongly recommended. It was presently observed, that the terms upon which lands had been ceded to the United States did not leave it in the power of Congress to dispose of them for any other purpose, than for paying the debts of the public by a full and fair sale of all the ceded lands. It was indeed remarked, that those religious people, whom her Ladyship had in prospect to transport and fix on our frontier, were remarkable in the late war for a unanimous and bitter enmity to the American cause, and might form a dangerous settlement at so great a distance, contiguous to the Indians, and easily accessible to Canada; especially in the present very unfriendly temper of mind, that we now suppose the British nation possesses with respect to us. It was therefore ordered, that Governor Henry’s letter with the enclosures should be filed, and nothing more be done in the affair.”—New York, February 27th.

To Sir James Jay he was somewhat more full in his objection: “There are but two reasons, which my imagination suggests, that can be opposed to it. The first is, the pressing debts of the United Sates, which may call for the revenue, that can be drawn from the advantageous sale of their lands, and the discontents, which might flow from discrimination, if peculiar exemptions, in the original purchase, or indulgences thereafter, are expected in favor of the class of settlers proposed by the plan; and, secondly, (which may have more weight,) the prejudices of monarchical people, where they are unmixed with republicans, against those who have separated from them, and against their forms of government, and this too in the vicinity of a British one, viz: Canada.”

[1 ]“April 28th. To dinner Mr. Pine, a pretty eminent Portrait and historical painter arrived in order to take my picture from the life, and place it in the historical pieces he was about to draw. This gentleman stands in good estimation as a painter in England; comes recommended to me from Colo. Fairfax, Mr. Morris, Govr. Dickinson, Mr Hopkinson, and others.”—Washington’s Diary.

[1 ]Amelia Posey, his sister, was for some years in the keeping of Mrs. Washington.

[1 ]Washington had for some time been endeavoring to hire a “single man of good character and decent appearance (because he will be at my table, and with my company,) of liberal education, and a master of composition,” to serve as secretary, and had written Tilghman on the matter.

[1 ]William Shaw, taken on the recommendation of Thomas Montgomery, acted as secretary from 26 July, 1785, to the arrival of Tobias Lear in May, 1786, receiving for that time £56. 2 Virginia currency, or £42. 1. 6 sterling.

[1 ]The manuscript papers of General Charles Lee were left by his will to Mr. Goddard, who was at this time publisher of the Maryland Journal, in Baltimore. He issued proposals for printing the papers of General Lee in three volumes. The work never appeared. It is said, that a person, whom he had associated with him in preparing the materials for the press, betrayed his trust, and sent parts of the manuscripts to England, where they were sold for his own benefit. They afforded the groundwork of a volume first printed in London, imperfect in its arrangement and character, entitled “The Life and Memoirs of the late Major-General Charles Lee.”—Thomas’ History of Printing, vol. ii., p. 355. The four volumes of Lee Papers issued by the New York Historical Society contain ample evidence of Lee’s antagonism to and abuse of Washington.

[1 ]A suggestion that the donation of the legislature might be appropriated with proper delicacy to the support of the widows and orphans of those men, of the Virginia line, who had sacrificed their lives in the defence of their country.

[1 ]A fort on the Ohio River twenty-five miles below Pittsburg.

[1 ]Lund Washington had married Elizabeth Foote, in 1782.

[1 ]“June 30th.—Dined with only Mrs. Washington, which, I believe is the first instance of it since my retirement from public life.”—Diary.

[1 ]Washington was chosen president of the James River Company, but he declined to serve, although assured of being relieved of the “troublesome part.” Randolph wrote: “We wish to be considered as having your particular patronage.”

[1 ]The object of this tour was to inspect minutely the course of the Potomac from Georgetown to Harper’s Ferry, and ascertain in what places and to what extent it was necessary to construct canals and remove obstructions in the river. The directors went up by land, part of the distance on one side and part on the other; but they returned from Harper’s Ferry to the head of the Great Falls above Georgetown in boats; thus effecting a thorough examination of the river. General Washington, as usual wherever he moved, attracted the attention of the people and demonstrations of respect for his person. The following is an extract from his Diary.

“August 5th.—After breakfast, and after directing Mr. Rumsey, when he had marked the way and set the laborers at work, to meet us at Harper’s Ferry, myself and the directors set out for the same place by way of Fredericktown in Maryland. Dined at a Dutchman’s two miles above the mouth of the Monococy, and reached Fredericktown about five o’clock. Drank tea, supped, and lodged at Governor Johnson’s. In the evening the bells rang and guns were fired; and a committee waited upon me by order of the gentlemen of the town to request, that I would stay the next day and partake of a public dinner, which the town were desirous of giving me. But, as arrangements had been made, and the time for examining the Shenandoah Falls, previously to the day fixed for receiving laborers into pay, was short, I found it most expedient to decline the honor.”

[1 ]Washington was somewhat singular in this opinion, for a large majority of Virginians were opposed even to a temporary occlusion of the Mississippi, even when accompanied by no determination of the right to navigate the river. The arrival of Gardoqui was at this time looked forward to as offering a settlement of the question.

[1 ]In writing on this subject to M. de Marbois, who had spoken of a rencounter between the Spaniards at Fort Natchez and the inhabitants in that neighborhood, General Washington said: “I wish something disagreeable may not result from the contentions respecting the navigation of the River Mississippi. The emigration to the waters thereof is astonishingly great, and chiefly by a description of people, who are not very subordinate to the laws and constitution of the States they go from. Whether the prohibition of the Spaniards, therefore, is just or unjust, politic or impolitic, it will be with difficulty, that people of this class can be restrained from the enjoyment of natural advantages.”—June 18th.

[2 ]The following questions and sentiments were contained in Mr. Lee’s letter, to which this is an answer.

“Is it possible that a plan can be formed for issuing a large sum of paper money by the next Assembly? I do verily believe, that the greatest foes we have in the world could not devise a more effectual plan for ruining Virginia. I should suppose, that every friend to his country, every honest and sober man, would join heartily to reprobate so nefarious a plan of speculation.”

The sentiments of George Mason on the same subject may be seen in the following extract from a letter written by him to General Washington at a somewhat later date. “I have heard nothing from the Assembly,” said he, “except vague reports of their being resolved to issue a paper currency; upon what principle or funds I know not; perhaps upon the old threadbare security of pledging solemnly the public credit. I believe such an experiment would prove similar to the old vulgar adage of carrying a horse to the water. They may pass a law to issue it, but twenty laws will not make the people receive it.”—November 9th.

[1 ]This plan was the one which has since been carried into use. Mr. Jefferson took the dollar as a unit, and then divided it decimally for the other denominations. He wrote a memoir on the subject for the consideration of Congress.—Jefferson’s Writings, vol. i., p. 133. A very ingenious scheme had been previously devised by Gouverneur Morris, founded on similar principles; but, as a different unit was adopted, the notation was less simple.—Sparks’ Life of Gouverneur Morris, vol. i., pp. 273-281.

[1 ]A proposal to confer upon Congress the regulation of commerce. Madison, while approving of the powers, thought that “the only circumstance which promises a favorable hearing to the meditated proposition of Congress is, that the power which it asks is to be exerted against Great Britain, and the proposition will consequently be seconded by the animosities which still prevail in a strong degree against her.”

[1 ]“It gives me great pleasure to find by my last letters from France, that the dark clouds which hung on your hemisphere are vanishing before the all-chearful sunshine of peace. My first wish is to see the blessings of it diffused through all countries, and among all ranks in every country; and that we should consider ourselves as the children of a common parent, and so disposed to acts of brotherly kindness towards one another. In that case all restrictions of trade would vanish; we should take your wines, your fruits and surplusage of other articles; and give you in return our oils, our fish, tobacco, naval stores, &c., and in like manner we should exchange produce with other countries, to our reciprocal advantage. The Globe is large enough. Why then need we wrangle for a small spot of it? If one country cannot contain us, another should open its arms to us. But these halcyon days (if they ever did exist) are now no more; a wise Providence, I presume, has ordered it otherwise; and we must go on in the old way, disputing and now and then fighting, until the Globe itself is disolved.”—Washington to the Marquis de Chastellux, 5 September, 1785.

[1 ]Writing to Lafayette, November 8th, Washington said:—

“I have now to thank you for your favors of the 9th and 14th of July; the first by M. Houdon, who stayed no more than a fortnight with me, and to whom, for his trouble and risk in crossing the seas (although I had no agency in the business), I feel myself under personal obligations. . . .

“Doctor Franklin has met with a grateful reception in Pennsylvania. He has again embarked on a troubled ocean; I am persuaded with the best designs, and I wish his purposes may be answered, which undoubtedly are to reconcile the jarring interests of the State. He permitted himself to be nominated for the city of Philadelphia as a counsellor, a step to the chair, which no doubt he will fill; but whether to the satisfaction of both parties is a question of some magnitude, and of real importance to himself, at least to his quiet. His grandson shall meet with every civility and attention I can show him, when occasions offer.”

“Gatteaux the engraver lives in the Street St. Thomas de Louvre, opposite the Treasury of the Duke de Charters. Now that there is no obstacle to commencing the medal for Genl. Washington since Houdon’s return, I could wish (should it not be giving you too much trouble) that you would send for Du Vivier who lives in the Old Louvre, and propose to him undertaking it upon exactly the terms he had offered, which I think were 2400 livres, besides the gold & expense of coming. If he should not [] it we must let it rest until Dupre shall have finished Genl. Greene’s. Gatteaux has a paper on which is the description of Genl. Washington’s medal.”—D. Humphreys to Jefferson, 30 January, 1786.

[1 ]Virginia had always maintained her claims to Kentucky, and when George Rogers Clark, acting under orders from that State, conquered Illinois (1778), this claim appeared to be established beyond any question. Lands were freely granted, and counties marked off (1783), and a judiciary and local government constituted. The removal, in great measure, of the fears of Indian incursions, and the close of the Revolution, turned a large tide of emigration to this district, which soon realized the inconvenience of recognizing a government so remote as that of Virginia was. The threat of an Indian raid drew together the political elements of the country, and a council, assembled for military purposes, concluded that the time had come when Kentucky should be erected into “a separate and independent State,” with a local government of full powers (November, 1784). It was not until August, 1785, that a regular convention met and framed a memorial to the Virginia legislature praying for a separation, which was granted by an act passed January 10, 1786, subject to the approval of the Continental Congress. Through some unaviodable delays the question could not be acted upon within the period fixed, and securing an extension, it was in June, 1788, that Congress took the necessary steps to admit Kentucky to the Confederation, steps that were again blocked by the adoption of the new Constitution.

[1 ]A bill had been brought into the House of Delegates in December, 1784, and twice read, for establishing a provision for teachers of the Christian religion. By the principles of the bill, a specified tax was to be collected from every person in the commonwealth subject to pay taxes for other purposes; and the money raised by virtue of this act was to be appropriated by the vestries, elders, or directors of each religious society to a provision for a minister or teacher of the gospel of their denomination, or to the providing of places of worship. Quakers and Mennonists were to receive the amount collected among themselves, but they were to employ it in promoting their particular mode of worship. When the bill came up for a third reading, on the 24th of December, a motion was made to postpone it till the fourth Thursday in November, and this motion was carried by a vote of forty-five to thirty-eight. Before the time arrived, remonstrances and memorials agaimst it were prepared, and signatures obtained from those who were opposed to the measure. The consequence seems to have been a law of a very different complexion, in the preamble of which religious freedom is asserted in its fullest latitude, and by which it was enacted, “that no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or otherwise burdened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief; but that all men shall be free to possess, and by argument to maintain, their opinion in matters of religion, and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities.”—Hening’s Statutes, vol. xii., p. 86.

[1 ]Amelia Posey, his sister, was for some years in the keeping of Mrs. Washington.

[1 ]A fort on the Ohio River twenty-five miles below Pittsburg.

[1 ]Lund Washington had married Elizabeth Foote, in 1782.

[1 ]“June 30th.—Dined with only Mrs. Washington, which, I believe is the first instance of it since my retirement from public life.”—Diary.

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1785. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

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1785.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

Dear Sir, yours, &c.1

TO JACOB READ.

Sir

TO GEORGE CLINTON, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

My dear Sir,

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.

My dear Sir,

I am, my dear Sir, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.2

Dear Sir,

TO REV. WILLIAM GORDON.

Dear Sir,

1785.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

Sir,

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Dear Sir,

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.

I have the honor to be, &c.

My dear Sir,

TO JAMES DUANE.

Dr. Sir,

I am, my dear Sir, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

With very great esteem and regard, I have, &c.

TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

Dear Sir,

TO REV. WILLIAM GORDON.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

Dear Sir,

My dr. Sir,

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

Sir,

TO BURWELL BASSETT.

Dear Sir:

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Dear Sir,

TO WILLIAM MINOR.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Sir,

TO JAMES DUANE.

Dr. Sir,

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.1

Dear Sir,

TO WILLIAM GODDARD.

With very great esteem and regard, I have, &c.

Sir,

TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

Dear Sir,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

My dr. Sir,