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Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 2 - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.2

But that this may not now stand as mere matter of opinion or assertion, unsupported by facts (such at least as the best maps now extant, compared with the oral testimony, which my opportunities in the course of the war have enabled me to obtain), I shall give you the different routs and distances from Detroit, by which all the trade of the northwestern parts of the united territory must pass; unless the Spaniards, contrary to their present policy, should engage part of it, or the British should attempt to force nature, by carrying the trade of the Upper Lakes by the River Utawas into Canada, which I scarcely think they will or could effect.2 Taking Detroit then (which is putting ourselves in as unfavorable a point of view as we can be well placed, because it is upon the line of the British territory,) as a point by which, as I have already observed, all that part of the trade must come, it appears from the statement enclosed, that the tide waters of this State are nearer to it by one hundred and sixty-eight miles, than that of the River St. Lawrence; or than that of the Hudson at Albany, by one hundred and seventy-six miles.

Mount Vernon, 14 December, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Maryland stands upon similar ground with Virginia. Pennsylvania, although the Susquehanna is an unfriendly water, much impeded, it is said, with rocks and rapids, and nowhere communicating with those, which lead to her capital, has it in contemplation to open a communication between Toby’s Creek, which empties into the Allegany River ninety-five miles above Fort Pitt, and the west branch of Susquehanna, and to cut a canal between the waters of the latter and the Schuylkill; the expense of which is easier to be conceived, than estimated or described by me. A people, however, who are possessed of the spirit of commerce, who see and who will pursue their advantages, may achieve almost any thing. In the mean time, under the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are smoothing the roads and paving the ways for the trade of that western world. That New York will do the same so soon as the British garrisons are removed, which are at present insurmountable obstacles in their way, no person, who knows the temper, genius, and policy of those people as well as I do, can harbor the smallest doubt.1

The letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 20th of last month, only came to my hands by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, you will please to accept my thanks. These people have given, I think, all that the United States could reasonably have required of them; more, perhaps, than the State of New York conceives ought to have been asked from them, by any other than their own legislature.

Thus much with respect to rival States. Let me now take a short view of our own; and, being aware of the objections which are in the way, I will, in order to contrast them, enumerate them with the advantages.

I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States opposing the measures of the United States, encroaching upon the territory of each other, and setting up old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies, and is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Six Nations have been, and will cede a competent district of country northwest of the Ohio to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me; for it was apprehended, that they should agree to the latter reluctantly if at all; but the example of the Northern Indians, who, (if they have not relinquished their claim,) have pretensions to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the commissioners, who have proceeded to Cayahoga.1

The first and principal one is, the unfortunate jealousy, which ever has, and it is to be feared ever will prevail, lest one part of the State should obtain an advantage over the other parts, (as if the benefits of the trade were not diffusive and beneficial to all). Then follows a train of difficulties, namely, that our people are already heavily taxed; that we have no money; that the advantages of this trade are remote; that the most direct route for it is through other States, over whom we have no control; that the routes over which we have control are as distant as either of those which lead to Philadelphia, Albany, or Montreal; that a sufficient spirit of commerce does not pervade the citizens of this commonwealth; and that we are in fact doing for others, what they ought to do for themseles.

It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that a sufficient number of States had assembled to form a Congress, and that you were chosen to preside in it.1 On this event, permit me to offer my compliments of congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavorable aspect; contributes to lessen, already too low, the dignity and importance of the federal government, and is hurtful to our national character in the eyes of Europe.

Without going into the investigation of a question, which has employed the pens of able politicians, namely, whether trade with foreigners is an advantage or disadvantage to a country, this State, as a part of the confederated States, all of whom have the spirit of it very strongly working within them, must adopt it, or submit to the evils arising therefrom without receiving its benefits. Common policy, therefore, points clearly and strongly to the propriety of our enjoying all the advantages, which nature and our local situation afford us; and evinces clearly, that, unless this spirit could be totally eradicated in other States as well as in this, and every man be made to become either a cultivator of the land or a manufacturer of such articles as are prompted by necessity, such stimulus should be employed as will force this spirit, by showing to our countrymen the superior advantages we possess beyond others, and the importance of being upon a footing with our neighbors.

It is said (I do not know how founded), that our Assembly have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If this be true, and the State of New York has not acted repugnantly to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; but I shall be mistaken if they do not entrench themselves behind some other expedient to effect it, or will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves; the probable consequence of which will be the destruction of the works.1

If this is fair reasoning, it ought to follow as a consequence, that we should do our part towards opening the communication with the fur and peltry trade of the Lakes, and for the produce of the country which lies within, and which will, so soon as matters are settled with the Indians, and the terms on which Congress mean to dispose of the land, found to be favorable, are announced, be settled faster than any other ever did, or any one would imagine. This, then, when considered in an interested point of view, is alone sufficient to excite our endeavors. But in my opinion there is a political consideration for so doing, which is of still greater importance.

The Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have now under consideration the extension of the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, and opening a communication between them and the western waters. They seem fully impressed with the political as well as the commercial advantages, which would result from the accomplishment of these great objects, and I hope will embrace the present moment to put them in train for speedy execution. Would it not, at the same time, be worthy of the wisdom and attention of Congress to have the western waters well explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained, accurately laid down, and a complete and perfect map made of the country; at least as far westwardly as the Miamies, running into the Ohio and Lake Erie, and to see how the waters of them communicate with the River St. Joseph, which empties into the Lake Michigan, and with the Wabash. I cannot forbear observing here that the Miami village, in Hutchins’s map, if it and the waters here mentioned are laid down with any degree of accuracy, points to a very important post for the Union. The expense attending the undertaking could not be great, the advantages would be unbounded; for sure I am, nature has made such a display of her bounties in those regions, that the more the country is explored, the more it will rise in estimation, consequently the greater will the revenue be to the Union.

I need not remark to you, Sir, that the flanks and rear of the United States are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too; nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part of it, which lies immediately west of us, with the middle States. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? What, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens), will be the consequence of their having formed close connexions with both or either of those powers, in a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell.

Would there be any impropriety, do you think, Sir, in reserving for special sale all mines, minerals, and salt springs, in the general grants of land belonging to the United States? The public, instead of the few knowing ones, might in this case receive the benefits, which would result from the sale of them, without infringing any rule of justice that occurs to me, or their own laws; but, on the contrary, inflict a just punishment upon those, who in defiance of the latter have dared to create enemies & to disturb the public tranquillity, by roaming over the country, marking and surveying the valuable spots in it, to the great disquiet of the western tribes of Indians, who have viewed these transactions with jealous indignation. To hit upon a happy medium price for the western lands, for the prevention of monopoly on one hand, and not discouraging useful settlers on the other, will, no doubt, require consideration; but should not employ too much time before it is announced. The spirit for emigration is great. People have got impatient, and, though you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way; a little while, and you will not be able to do either. It is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil. I shall be very happy in the continuation of your correspondence; and, with sentiments of great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

The western settlers (I speak now from my own observation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They have looked down the Mississippi, until the Spaniards, very impoliticly I think for themselves, threw difficulties in their way; and they looked that way for no other reason, than because they could glide gently down the stream; without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessary to perform it in; and because they have no other means of coming to us but by long land transportations and unimproved roads.1 These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little flour, which the necessities of the Spaniards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it.

1785.

A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favorable for Virginia, than for any other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the court of Great Britain on the other, to retain as long as possible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, &c., (which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union,) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this State, if she would open the avenues to the trade of that country, and embrace the present moment to establish it. It only wants a beginning. The western inhabitants would do their part towards its execution. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of or be made dependent upon foreigners; which would eventually either bring on a separation of them from us, or a war between the United States and one or the other of those powers, most probably with the Spaniards.

[2 ]Mr. Lee had been chosen President of Congress on the 30th of November.

[1 ]The commissioners, Wolcott, Lee, and Butler, came to Fort Stanwix and found Lafayette already there. On a suggestion, and after some bickering, the Marquis made a speech to the Indians, and was, during his stay, of more importance to them than the commissioners, which gave umbrage to Arthur Lee. Madison, who was also present, details the matter, and hints that the commissioners were embarrassed by their instructions, “which left them no space for negotiation or concession.” They were also impeded by the independent negotiations of New York with the Indians. “The Governor of this State not only attempted to hold a treaty before and separate from that of the U. S., but has absolutely done all in his power to frustrate ours.”—Arthur Lee toJacob Read, 29 October, 1784. In one of Washington’s letters, it is hinted, that the negotiations were fruitless, as the deputies on the part of the Indians were not properly authorized to treat—an error, perhaps, for deputies of Congress. For it led him to add: “Certain it is in my opinion that there is a kind of fatality attending all our public measures. Inconceivable delays, particular states counteracting the plans of the United States when submitted to them, opposing each other upon all occasions, torn by internal disputes, or supinely negligent and inattentive to every thing which is not local and self-interesting, and very often short sighted in these,—make up our system of conduct. Would to God our own countrymen, who are entrusted with the management of the political machine, could view things by that large and extensive scale upon which it is measured by foreigners, and by the statesmen of Europe, who see what we might be and predict what we shall come to. In fact, our federal government is a name without substance. No state is longer bound by its edicts than it suits present purposes, without looking to the Consequences. How then can we fail in a little time becoming the sport of European politics, and the victims of our own policy.”—To Knox, 5 November, 1784.

[1 ]Although Congress was to have assembled October 30th, it was not organized until November 30th.

[1 ]In December, 1783, the Virginia Assembly revived two acts passed during the war, which suspended all voluntary and fraudulent assignments of debt, and as to others, allowed real and personal property to be tendered in discharge of executions. Joseph Jones, deeming speedy payment of the debts due to British creditors impracticable, wished to make periodical payments of the principal, though, with Jefferson, of the opinion that the treaty subjected debtors to the payment of interest also.—Jones to Jefferson, 28 February, 1784. In June, 1784, the courts were to be opened to British suits only when reparation should have been made for negroes carried off by the British. The minority of the State Senate protested against this measure, and it was admitted that a large majority of the people condemned it, either from a sense of justice or national faith.—Madison to Jefferson, 3 July and 20 August, 1784. In November the proposition of Mr. Jones passed in committee by a large majority, disallowing the interest, and it was to this bill, as yet not a law, that Washington referred. After discussing the terms of payment, the measure went to the Senate, where some discriminations were inserted; it was, in a committee of conference, made acceptable to both Houses, but its final acceptance was prevented by the adjournment of the Assembly.—Madison to Jefferson, 9 January, 1785.

In March, 1783, New York passed an act declaring that in any action by the proprietor of a house or tenement against the occupant, no military order should be a justification. It was on this law that the case of Rutgers vs. Waddington was tried. In May, 1784, a law was passed confirming in express terms all confiscations before made, notwithstanding errors in the proceedings, and taking away the writ of error upon any judgment previously rendered. This act, passed when the feeling was strongly aroused over the British retention of the posts, was, in Hamilton’s opinion, a new confiscation, and involved an infraction of the treaty.—Hamilton’s Works (Lodge), iv., 408. It may be noted that Hamilton believed that “it was not till about May, 1784, that we can charge upon Great Britain a delinquency as to the surrender of the posts.”

[2 ]Mr. Lee had been chosen President of Congress on the 30th of November.

[1 ]The commissioners, Wolcott, Lee, and Butler, came to Fort Stanwix and found Lafayette already there. On a suggestion, and after some bickering, the Marquis made a speech to the Indians, and was, during his stay, of more importance to them than the commissioners, which gave umbrage to Arthur Lee. Madison, who was also present, details the matter, and hints that the commissioners were embarrassed by their instructions, “which left them no space for negotiation or concession.” They were also impeded by the independent negotiations of New York with the Indians. “The Governor of this State not only attempted to hold a treaty before and separate from that of the U. S., but has absolutely done all in his power to frustrate ours.”—Arthur Lee toJacob Read, 29 October, 1784. In one of Washington’s letters, it is hinted, that the negotiations were fruitless, as the deputies on the part of the Indians were not properly authorized to treat—an error, perhaps, for deputies of Congress. For it led him to add: “Certain it is in my opinion that there is a kind of fatality attending all our public measures. Inconceivable delays, particular states counteracting the plans of the United States when submitted to them, opposing each other upon all occasions, torn by internal disputes, or supinely negligent and inattentive to every thing which is not local and self-interesting, and very often short sighted in these,—make up our system of conduct. Would to God our own countrymen, who are entrusted with the management of the political machine, could view things by that large and extensive scale upon which it is measured by foreigners, and by the statesmen of Europe, who see what we might be and predict what we shall come to. In fact, our federal government is a name without substance. No state is longer bound by its edicts than it suits present purposes, without looking to the Consequences. How then can we fail in a little time becoming the sport of European politics, and the victims of our own policy.”—To Knox, 5 November, 1784.

[1 ]Although Congress was to have assembled October 30th, it was not organized until November 30th.

[1 ]In December, 1783, the Virginia Assembly revived two acts passed during the war, which suspended all voluntary and fraudulent assignments of debt, and as to others, allowed real and personal property to be tendered in discharge of executions. Joseph Jones, deeming speedy payment of the debts due to British creditors impracticable, wished to make periodical payments of the principal, though, with Jefferson, of the opinion that the treaty subjected debtors to the payment of interest also.—Jones to Jefferson, 28 February, 1784. In June, 1784, the courts were to be opened to British suits only when reparation should have been made for negroes carried off by the British. The minority of the State Senate protested against this measure, and it was admitted that a large majority of the people condemned it, either from a sense of justice or national faith.—Madison to Jefferson, 3 July and 20 August, 1784. In November the proposition of Mr. Jones passed in committee by a large majority, disallowing the interest, and it was to this bill, as yet not a law, that Washington referred. After discussing the terms of payment, the measure went to the Senate, where some discriminations were inserted; it was, in a committee of conference, made acceptable to both Houses, but its final acceptance was prevented by the adjournment of the Assembly.—Madison to Jefferson, 9 January, 1785.

In March, 1783, New York passed an act declaring that in any action by the proprietor of a house or tenement against the occupant, no military order should be a justification. It was on this law that the case of Rutgers vs. Waddington was tried. In May, 1784, a law was passed confirming in express terms all confiscations before made, notwithstanding errors in the proceedings, and taking away the writ of error upon any judgment previously rendered. This act, passed when the feeling was strongly aroused over the British retention of the posts, was, in Hamilton’s opinion, a new confiscation, and involved an infraction of the treaty.—Hamilton’s Works (Lodge), iv., 408. It may be noted that Hamilton believed that “it was not till about May, 1784, that we can charge upon Great Britain a delinquency as to the surrender of the posts.”