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Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO JACOB READ. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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TO JACOB READ.

Although Mr. L—’s informant may have the means of acquiring knowledge, and though it is undoubted that the British cabinet wish to recover the United States to a dependence on that government, yet I can scarce think they ever expect to see it realized, or that they have any plan in contemplation to try to effect it; unless our want of wisdom, and perseverance in error, should in their judgment render the attempt certain. The affairs of Ireland, if our accounts from thence are to be relied on, are in too turbulent a state to suffer Great Britain to enter very soon into another quarrel with America, even if her finances were on a more respectable footing, than I believe them to be; and her prospect of success must diminish as our population increases, and the government becomes more consistent; without the last of which, indeed, any thing may be apprehended. It is, however, as necessary for the sovereign in council, as it is for the general in the field, not to despise information, but to hear all, compare all, combine them with other circumstances and take measures accordingly. Nothing, I confess, would sooner induce me to give credit to a hostile intention on the part of Great Britain, than their continuing, (without the shadow of reason for I really see none,) to withhold the western posts on the American side the line from us, and sending, as the gazettes say is their intention, Sir Guy Carleton over as Viceroy to their possessions in America, which are to undergo a new organization.

Sir

The opinion I have here given, you will readily perceive is founded upon the ideas I entertain of the temper of Ireland, the imbecility of Great Britain, and her internal divisions; for with pain I add, that I think our affairs are under wretched management, and that our conduct, if Great Britain was in circumstances to take advantage of it, would bid her hope every thing, while other powers might expect little from the wisdom or exertion of these States.

* * * What may be the result of the Indian treaty I know not; equally unacquainted am I with the instructions or powers given to the Commissioners:— but if a large cession of territory is expected from them, a disappointment I think will ensue; for the Indians, I have been told, will not yield to the proposal. Nor can I see wherein lies the advantages of it, if they would at a first purchase, unless a number of States, tho’ thinly inhabited would be more than a counterpoize in the political scale, for progressive and compact settlements. Such is the rage for speculating in, and forestalling of lands on the No. West of the Ohio, that scarce a valuable spot, within any tolerable distance of it, is left without a claimant. Men in these times talk with as much facility of fifty, an hundred, and even 500,000 Acres, as a gentleman formerly would do of 1,000. In defiance of the proclamation of Congress, they roam over the country on the Indian side of the Ohio—mark out Lands, survey and even settle on them. This gives great discontent to the Indians, and will, unless measures are taken in time to prevent it, inevitably produce a war with the western tribes. To avoid which there appears to me to be only these ways. Purchase if possible as much land of them immediately back of us, as would make one or two States, according to the extent Congress design, or would wish to have them of, and which may be fully adequate to all our present purposes—fix such a price upon the lands so purchased, as would not be too exorbitant and burthensome for real occupiers; but high enough to discourage monopolizers. Declare all steps heretofore taken to procure land on the northwest side of the Ohio, contrary to the prohibition of Congress, to be null and void—and that any person thereafter, who shall presume to mark, survey, or settle on lands beyond the limit of the new States, or purchased lands, shall not only be considered as outlaws, but fit subjects for Indian vengeance.

I thank you for your proffered services to the eastward. I have nothing to trouble you with, but wishing you may find the air of Rhode Island salubrious and beneficial to your mother, I have the honor to be, with great esteem, &c.

If these or similar measures are adopted, I have no doubt of Congress’s deriving a very considerable revenue from the western territory. But lands, like other commodities rise or fall in proportion to the quantity at market; consequently, a higher price may be obtained by the acre, for as much as will constitute one or two States, than can be had if ten States were offered for sale at the same time—besides extending the benefits, and deriving all the advantages of law and government from them at once, neither of which can be done in sparse settlements, where nothing is thought of but scrambling for land, which may involve confusion and bloodshed.