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The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Author: George Washington
Editor: Worthington Chauncey Ford

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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1784.

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL, JUNIOR.

Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1784.1

Dear Trumbull,

Your obliging letter of the 15th of November did not reach me until some days after we had taken possession of the city of New York. The scene, that followed, of festivity, congratulation, addresses, and resignation, must be my apology for not replying to it sooner.

I sincerely thank you for the copy of the address of Governor Trumbull to the General Assembly and freemen of your State.2 The sentiments contained in it are such, as would do honor to a patriot of any age or nation; at least they are too coincident with my own, not to meet with my warmest approbation. Be so good as to present my most cordial respects to the Governor, and let him know, that it is my wish, the mutual friendship and esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of public life, may not wither and die in the serenity of retirement. Tell him, we should rather amuse our evening hours of life in cultivating the tender plants, and bringing them to perfection, before they are transplanted to a happier clime.

Notwithstanding the jealous and contracted temper, which seems to prevail in some of the States, yet I cannot but hope and believe, that the good sense of the people will ultimately get the better of their prejudices; and that order and sound policy, though they do not come so soon as one would wish, will be produced from the present unsettled and deranged state of public affairs. Indeed, I am happy to observe, that the political disposition is actually meliorating every day. Several of the States have manifested an inclination to invest Congress with more ample powers; most of the legislatures appear disposed to do perfect justice; and the Assembly of this commonwealth have just complied with the requisitions of Congress, and I am informed, without a dissentent voice. Every thing, my dear Trumbull, will come right at last, as we have often prophesied. My only fear is, that we shall lose a little reputation first.1

After having passed, with as much prosperity as could be expected, through the career of public life, I have now reached the goal of domestic enjoyment; in which state, I assure you I find your good wishes most acceptable to me. The family at Mount Vernon joins in the same compliments and cordiality, with which I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 14 January, 1784.

Sir,

I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 28th ultimo by Mr. Godin, and beg your Excellency to be persuaded, that I shall always be happy in opportunities of showing every suitable attention to foreigners and gentlemen of such distinction, as those you did me the honor to introduce to my acquaintance.

I am truly sensible, Sir, that the extract from the instructions of the executive of Pennsylvania to their delegates contains another most flattering proof of the favorable opinion they are pleased to entertain of my past services. Every repeated mark of the approbation of my fellow citizens, (especially of those invested with so dignified an appointment,) demands my particular acknowledgment. Under this impression, I cannot but feel the greatest obligations to the Supreme Executive Council of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. But, as my sentiments on the subject of their instructions have been long and well known to the public, I need not repeat them to your Excellency on the present occasion.1 * * *

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

Mount Vernon, 18 January, 1784.1

My dear Sir,

I have just had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 8th. For the friendly and affectionate terms, in which you have welcomed my return to this country and to private life, and for the favorable light in which you are pleased to consider and express your sense of my past services, you have my warmest and most grateful acknowledgments.

That the prospect before us is, as you justly observe, fair, none can deny; but what use we shall make of it is exceedingly problematical; not but that I believe all things will come right at last, but like a young heir, come a little prematurely to a large inheritance, we shall wanton and run riot until we have brought our reputation to the brink of ruin, and then like him shall have to labor with the current of opinion, when compelled perhaps to do what prudence and common policy pointed out, as plain as any problem in Euclid, in the first instance.

The disinclination of the individual States to yield competent powers to Congress for the federal government, their unreasonable jealousy of that body and of one another, and the disposition, which seems to pervade each, of being all-wise and all-powerful within itself, will, if there is not a change in the system, be our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me as the A, B, C; and I think we have opposed Great Britain, and have arrived at the present state of peace and independency, to very little purpose, if we cannot conquer our own prejudices. The powers of Europe begin to see this, and our newly acquired friends, the British, are already and professedly acting upon this ground; and wisely too, if we are determined to persevere in our folly. They know that individual opposition to their measures is futile, and boast that we are not sufficiently united as a nation to give a general one! Is not the indignity alone of this declaration, while we are in the very act of peacemaking and conciliation, sufficient to stimulate us to vest more extensive and adequate powers in the sovereign of these United States?

For my own part, although I am returned to, and am now mingled with, the class of private citizens, and like them must suffer all the evils of a tyranny, or of too great an extension of federal powers, I have no fears arising from this source, in my mind; but I have many, and powerful ones indeed, which predict the worst consequences, from a half-starved, limping government, that appears to be always moving upon crutches, and tottering at every step. Men chosen as the delegates in Congress are, cannot officially be dangerous. They depend upon the breath, nay, they are so much the creatures of the people, under the present constitution, that they can have no views, (which could possibly be carried into execution,) nor any interests distinct from those of their constituents. My political creed, therefore, is, to be wise in the choice of delegates, support them like gentlemen while they are our representatives, give them competent powers for all federal purposes, support them in the due exercise thereof, and, lastly, to compel them to close attendance in Congress during their delegation. These things, under the present mode for and termination of elections, aided by annual instead of constant sessions, would, or I am exceedingly mistaken, make us one of the most wealthy, happy, respectable, and powerful nations, that ever inhabited the terrestrial globe. Without them, we shall, in my opinion, soon be every thing which is the direct reverse of them.

I shall look for you, in the first part of next month, with such other friends as may incline to accompany you, with great pleasure, being, with best respects to Mrs. Harrison, in which Mrs. Washington joins me, dear Sir, &c.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Mount Vernon, 1 February, 1784.

At length, my dear Marquis, I am become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac; and under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig-tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all, and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. I have not only retired from all public employments, but I am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order for my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers.

Except an introductory letter or two, and one countermanding my request respecting plate, I have not written to you since the middle of October by General Duportail. To inform you, at this late hour, that the city of New York was evacuated by the British forces on the 25th of November; that the American troops took possession of it the same day, and delivered it over to the civil authority of the State; that good order, contrary to the expectation and predictions of General Carleton, his officers, and all the loyalists, was immediately established; and that the harbor of New York was finally cleared of the British flag about the 5th or 6th of December, would be an insult to your intelligence. And that I remained eight days in New York after we took possession of the city; that I was very much hurried during that time, which was the reason I did not write to you from thence; that, taking Philadelphia in my way, I was obliged to remain there a week; that at Annapolis, where Congress were then and are now sitting, I did, on the 23d of December present them my commission, and made them my last bow, and on the eve of Christmas entered these doors an older man by near nine years than when I left them, is very uninteresting to any but myself. Since that period, we have been fast locked up in frost and snow, and excluded in a manner from all kinds of intercourse, the winter having been, and still continues to be, extremely severe.

I have now to acknowledge and thank you for your favors of the 22d of July and 8th of September, both of which, although the first is of old date, have come to hand since my letter to you of October. The accounts contained therein of the political and commercial state of affairs, as they respect America, are interesting, and I wish I could add, that they were altogether satisfactory; and the agency you have had in both, particularly with regard to the free ports in France, is a fresh evidence of your unwearied endeavors to serve this country; but there is no part of your letters to Congress, my dear Marquis, which bespeaks the excellence of your heart more plainly, than that which contains those noble and generous sentiments on the justice which is due to the faithful friends and servants of the public. But I must do Congress the justice to declare, that, as a body, I believe there is every disposition in them, not only to acknowledge the merits, but to reward the services of the army. There is a contractedness, I am sorry to add, in some of the States, from whence all our difficulties on this head proceed; but it is to be hoped, that the good sense and perseverance of the rest will ultimately prevail, as the spirit of meanness is beginning to subside.

From a letter, which I have just received from the governor of this State, I expect him here in a few days, when I shall not be unmindful of what you have written about the bust, and will endeavor to have matters respecting it placed on their proper basis. I thank you most sincerely, my dear Marquis, for your kind invitation to your house, if I should come to Paris. At present I see but little prospect of such a voyage. The deranged situation of my private concerns, occasioned by an absence of almost nine years, and an entire disregard of all private business during that period, will not only suspend, but may put it for ever out of my power to gratify this wish. This not being the case with you, come with Madame de Lafayette, and view me in my domestic walks. I have often told you, and repeat it again, that no man could receive you in them with more friendship and affection than I should do; in which I am sure Mrs. Washington would cordially join me. We unite in respectful compliments to your lady, and best wishes for your little flock. With every sentiment of esteem, admiration, and love, I am, my dear Marquis, your most affectionate friend.

TO THOMAS LEWIS.1

Mount Vernon, 1 February, 1784.

Sir,

After an absence of almost nine years, and nearly a total suspension of all my private concerns, I am at length set down at home, and am endeavoring to recover my business from the confusion into which it has run during that period.

Among other matters which require my attention, indeed in which I need information, is the state of the Lands which I am entitled to in my own right, and by purchase, under the royal Proclamation in 1763, (west of the mountains). My papers are so mixed, and in such disorder at this time, occasioned by frequent hasty removals of them out of the way of the Enemy, that I cannot, (it being likely too, that some of them are lost,) by the assistance of my memory, come at a thorough knowledge of that business. In a Letter which I have come across, from Capt. William Crawford, who appears to have acted as your deputy, dated the 8th of May 1774, I find these words—“Inclosed you have the Drafts of the round Bottom and your Shurtee’s Land done agreeably to Mr. Lewis’s direction.” For the latter, I have found a patent signed by Lord Dunmore, the 5th day of July 1774, for 2813 acres; but the other is not in my possession, and I am unable from any recollection I have of the matter, to account for it, unless it should have been arrested there by some very ungenerous, and unjustifiable attempts of different people, at different times, to disturb me in my right to it—a right, I will venture to say, which is founded upon the first discovery of the Land, the first improvement of it, the first survey, and, for ought I know, the only report by authority that ever was made of it; which will be found in the words of the enclosed copy, the recital of which, if I mistake not is in your own hand writing, and the whole with your signature.

I have an imperfect recollection that in the year 1774, I sent a young man (of the name of Young, who at that time lived with me) to you on the business of these Lands; but not having as yet met with any letter from you, or report from him on the subject, I am unable with precision, to recollect the particular matters with which he was charged, or the result of his journey. This then is one of the points on which I want information, and it is one of the inducements to my giving you the trouble of this letter.

Another is, to know if I have any warrants in your hands unexecuted, it appearing from two bonds in my possession, one from a Capt. Roots,1 for 3000 acres; the other from Lieut: (now, or lately the Revd. Mr.) Thruston for 2000 more; that I ought (if I have not been neglectful in taking them out) to have warrants somewhere for 5000 acres under the proclamation of 1763,—of which no locations, that have come to my knowledge have yet been made.

Another thing of which I wish to be informed is, whether there are any surveys or locations in your Office, for the Land immediately at the point of fork between the little Kanhawa (upper side) and the Ohio, and in that case, in whose names they are made. The reason for the latter enquiry is, that Capt. Crawford, in a letter of the 12th of Nov. 1773, (an extract from which I herewith enclose, as I also do a copy of the survey, which he actually made at that place,) proposed to locate this spot for his own benefit and mine. And I am the more sollicitous in this enquiry, as it appears by a subsequent Letter of his to me, that there was some difficulty in the way of his obtaining a warrant from Lord Dunmore for the part he expected to get himself. If this difficulty continued to exist until his death, so as to prevent his location; and provided there are no better pretensions than mine; I should be glad to lay the two warrants before mentioned (to wit, Roots’s and Thruston’s) on this spot. I would be understood however, explicitly to mean, that it is not my wish, in the smallest degree to injure my much regretted friend Crawford, or any person claiming under him by this application; but if the road is open, to learn only from you, by what mode I am to obtain it; having the above rights for 5000 acres, which were in whole, or part, designed for this very spot, yet to locate.1

It might seem proper, before I conclude to make an apology for the trouble the compliance with these several requests will give you; but persuading myself you will consider the situation I have been in for many years, as a reasonable excuse; I conceive it is altogether unnecessary, my good Sir, to offer one. I shall only request the favor therefore, of an answer, and your care of the inclosed letter to your nephew, (who I find has made one survey for me in Bottetourt) or to the Surveyor of that County.

On the Death of your Brother Genl. Lewis, I most sincerely condole with you, as I had, while he was living a sincere friendship and regard for him. I am, &c.

1784.

P. S. An answer under cover to some acquaintance of yours in Fredericksg. or Richmond, with a request to put the Letter into the post office, will be certain of getting to hand—otherwise, unless an opportunity shou’d offer directly to Alexandria, the chances are against my ever receiving it.—

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL, JUNIOR.

TO GILBERT SIMPSON.

Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1784.1

Dear Trumbull,

Fredericksburg, 13 February, 1784.

Mr. Simpson,

Having closed all my transactions with the public, it now behooves me to look into my own private business, no part of which seems to call louder for attention, than my concerns with you.—How profitable our partnership has been, you best can tell; and how advantageous my mill has been, none can tell so well as yourself.

If however I am to credit the report, not only of one, but every body from that country, I ought to have a good deal of wealth in your hands, arising from the produce of it; because all agree, that it is the best mill, and has had more custom than any other on the West side the Alleghaney Mountains; I expect something very handsome therefore from that quarter. I want a full settlement of this account from the beginning, clearly stated.—I also require a full and complete settlement of our Par[t]nership accounts, where in every article of debit is to be properly supported by vouchers; and the sums receivd. to be mentioned for what, and from whom they were received. In a word I expect every thing relating to the partnership, as well as my individual and separate interests, will appear clear and satisfactory. And as I expect to leave home for a pretty long trip, before or at furthest by middle of April, I think it incumbent upon you to make this settlement previous to it, especially as the world does not scruple to say that you have been much more attentive to your own interest than to mine. But I hope your accounts will give the lie to these reports, by shewing that something more than your own emolument was intended by the partnership; and that you have acted like an honest, industrious and frugal man, for the mutual interest of us both; which will justify the opinion I entertained of you at the time of our agreement, and would be complying with the conditions and professed intention of our associating together.1

This Letter will be certain of getting into your hands in the course of ten or twelve days, as it goes by my nephew,2 who I met with at this place, where I had come on a visit; and who is on his way to Fort Pitt, &c. The enclosure for Major Stephenson (Brother to the late Colo. Crawford) I wish to have put into his own hands if living; if otherwise, into the hands of Executor or administrator of Colo. Crawford; as the contents of it relate principally to some matters between that deceased Gentleman and me. I am, &c.

MEMORANDUM TO JOHN LEWIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

14 February, 1784.

Mount Vernon, 14 January, 1784.

Sir,

G. Washington would be obliged to Mr. Lewis for delivering, or causing to be delivered by a safe hand the Letter accompanying this, to Mr. Gilbert Simpson, & if he goes by his house to Fort Pitt;—for observing the size, & condition of his Plantation & the Condition of the Mill.—& for enquiring how many Tenants he has placed on the Land, for how long a term, & upon what Rents. Whether there is any person living upon a small Tract he holds at the Great Meadows—what sort of an Improvement is thereon—of whom the person took it and upon what terms—And should Mr. Lewis have a favorable opportunity, the General would be obliged to him for informing those settlers upon his tract West of the Monongahela, on the waters of Shurtee’s & Raccoon creeks1 that he has a patent for the Land, dated the 5th day of July 1774—that he will most assuredly assert his right to it. But, in consideration of their having made Improvements thereon ignorantly, or under a mistaken belief, founded in false assertions that the Land did not belong to him, he is willing that they should remain upon it as Tenants, upon a just and moderate rent, such as he and they can agree upon. The like may be said to any Person or Persons who may be settled at a place called the Round Bottom, on the Ohio, opposite Pipe Creek and a little above a Creek called Capteening, which has been surveyed by the county Surveyor of Augusta upon proper warrants from Lord Dunmore, ever since the 14th day of July 1773.

If Mr. Lewis can discover by indirect means who would be a fit Agent in the neighborhood of Fort Pitt to charge with the seating and leasing the General’s Lands in that country without holding up Ideas to them which may lead any one to expect the appointment, he would thank him for the information.

Such parts of these requests as can be complied with before his departure from Fort Pitt, the General would be obliged by receiving them (in a letter) from that place, as he is desirous of getting some knowledge of his affairs in that Country, as soon as possible.

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Mount Vernon, 18 January, 1784.1

My dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 20 February, 1784.

My dear Sir,

The bad weather, and the great care which the post-riders take of themselves, prevented your letters of the 3d and 9th of last month from getting to my hands till the 10th of this. Setting off next morning for Fredericksburg to pay my duty to an aged mother, and not returning till yesterday, will be admitted, I hope, as a sufficient apology for my silence until now.

I am much obliged by the trouble you have taken to report the state of the garrison and stores, together with the disposition of the troops at West Point to me; and I think the allowance of rations, or subsistence money, to such officers as could not retire at that inclement season, was not only perfectly humane, but perfectly just also, and that it must appear so to Congress.

It would seem to me, without having recourse to calculation, that the allowance of a major-general in a separate department to the person who shall discharge the duties of secretary at war, master of ordnance, and commanding officer of the forces, which may be retained or raised on a peace establishment, is a very moderate demand. I expect the president and some members of Congress here in a day or two, and will tell them so.

It was among my first acts, after I got home, to write to the president of each State Society, appointing Philadelphia (and the first Monday in May) for the general meeting of the Cincinnati. Colonel Walker took all the letters to the presidents eastward of this with him before new year’s day; and I despatched those for the southward, about the same time, by the post. I have even sent duplicates for fear of miscarriage; yet, though it is the most eligible method, it is to be feared it will not prove so effectual a communication, as a general notification in the public gazettes would have been. And, in case of failure, I shall be exceedingly sorry for not having adopted the most certain, as it would give me pleasure to find the first general meeting a very full one. I have named Philadelphia (contrary to my own judgment, as it is not central), to comply with the wishes of South Carolina; which, being the most southern State, has desired it.1 North Carolina I have not heard a title from, nor any thing official from New Hampshire. All the other States have acceded very unanimously to the proposition, which was sent from the army.

I am just beginning to experience that ease and freedom from public cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to realize; for, strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it was not till lately I could get the better of my usual custon of ruminating, as soon as I waked in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a public man, nor had any thing to do with public transactions.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burthen on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed; and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with an eager eye the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires which lay in his way; and into which none but the all-powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling.

Mount Vernon, 1 February, 1784.

I shall be very happy, and I hope I shall not be disappointed, in seeing you at the proposed meeting in Philadelphia. The friendship I have conceived for you will not be impaired by absence, but it may be no unpleasing circumstance to brighten the chain by a renewal of the covenant. My best wishes attend Mrs. Knox and the little folks, in which Mrs. Washington most heartily joins me. With sentiments of the purest esteem, regard, and affection, I am, &c.

P. S. I hope General Greene will be in the delegation from Rhode Island, and that we shall see him at the general meeting of the Cincinnati. Will you intimate this to him?

TO DOLPHIN DREW.

Mount Vernon, 25 February, 1784.

Sir,

Yesterday evening brought me your favor of the 13th —

TO THOMAS LEWIS.1

Two things induced me to Lease my Lands in small tenements; the first was to accommodate weak handed people who were not able to purchase, thereby inviting and encouraging a number of useful Husbandmen and Mechanicks to settle among us: The other, that I might have them restored to me at the expiration of the term for which they were granted, in good order and well improved. One step towards which was to prevent a shift of property without my consent, and a covenant was inserted in the Leases accordingly.

Mount Vernon, 1 February, 1784.

Sir,

From the first I laid it down as a maxim, that no person who possessed Lands adjoining, should hold any of mine as a Lease, and for this obvious reason, that the weight of their labors, and burden of the crops, whilst it was in a condition to bear them, would fall upon my Land, and the improvement upon his own, in spite of all the covenants which could be inserted to prevent it. Having no cause to depart from this opinion, and without meaning to apply the obsertion particularly to Mr. Throckmorton, whose person and character are entirely unknown to me, he must excuse me for declaring in very explicit terms, that I will not suffer his purchase of Collet, to be carried into effect. Of this, Mr. Lund Washington, who was acquainted with my sentiments on all these matters, and who superintended my business, informed me he acquainted Mr. Throckmorton (hearing he was about to purchase,) either directly or by means of his acquaintance in September last:—he has not paid his money therefore, or erred in this business, without warning of the consequences.

A good price and ready Money might induce me to part with the fee-simple of Collet’s Lot—perhaps of the other also. Without these I do not incline to sell, as Lands are rising very fast in their price; which will be enhanced by the emigration of Foreigners, and the demand for them. I am, &c.

TO CAPTAIN FIELDING LEWIS.

Mount Vernon, 27 February, 1784.

Dear Fieldg.,

You very much mistake my circumstances when you suppose me in a condition to advance money. I made no money from my Estate during the nine years I was absent from it, and brought none home with me. Those who owed me, for the most part, took advantage of the depreciation, and paid me off with six pence in the pound. Those to whom I was indebted, I have yet to pay, without other means, if they will not wait, than selling part of my Estate; or distressing those who were too honest to take advantage of the tender Laws to quit scores with me.

This relation of my circumstances, which is a true one, is alone sufficient, (without adding that my living under the best œconomy I can use, must unavoidably be expensive,) to convince you of my inability to advance money.

I have heard with pleasure that you are industrious. Convince people by your mode of living that you are sober and frugal also; and I persuade myself your creditors will grant you every indulgence they can. It would be no small inducement to me, if it should ever be in my power, to assist you. * * *

On the Death of your Brother Genl. Lewis, I most sincerely condole with you, as I had, while he was living a sincere friendship and regard for him. I am, &c.

TO JOHN WITHERSPOON.

Mount Vernon, 10 March, 1784.

Reverend Sir,

TO GILBERT SIMPSON.

The recourse, which I have had to my papers since I returned home, reminds me of a question, which you asked me in Philadelphia, respecting my lands to the westward of the Allegany mountains; to which I was unprepared at that time to give a decided answer, either as to the quantity I had to let, or the terms upon which I would lease them.

Fredericksburg, 13 February, 1784.

Mr. Simpson,

Upon examination, I find that I have patents under the signature of Lord Dunmore (while he administered the government of this State) for about 30,000 acres; and surveys for about 10,000 more, patents for which were suspended by the disputes with Great Britain, which soon followed the return of the warrants to the land-office.

Ten thousand acres of the above thirty lie upon the Ohio; the rest on the Great Kenhawa, a river nearly as large, and quite as easy in its navigation, as the former. The whole of it is rich bottom land, beautifully situated on these rivers, and abounding plenteously in fish, wild-fowl, and game of all kinds.

The uppermost tract upon the Ohio (which I incline to lease) contains 2314 acres, and begins about four miles below the mouth of the Little Kenhawa (there are two rivers bearing that name, the uppermost of which is about one hundred and eighty miles below Fort Pitt by water), and has a front on the water of more than five miles. The next is eighteen miles lower down, and contains 2448 acres, with a front on the river, and a large creek which empties into it of four miles and upwards. Three miles below this again, on the same river, and just above what is called the Big Bend in Evan’s Map, is a third tract of 4395 acres, with a river front of more than five miles.

Then going to the Great Kenhawa, distant about twelve miles by land, but thirty odd to follow the meanders of the two rivers, and beginning within three miles of the mouth, I hold lands on the right and left of the river, and bounded thereby forty-eight miles and a half; all of which, being on the margin of the river, and extending not more than from half a mile to a mile back, are, as has been observed before, rich, low grounds.

MEMORANDUM TO JOHN LEWIS.

From this description of my lands, with the aid of Evan’s or Hutchins’s Map of that country, a good general knowledge of their situation may be obtained by those, who incline to become adventurers in the settlement of them; but it may not be improper to observe further, that they were surveyed under the Royal Proclamation of 1763 (granting to each commissioned and non-commissioned officer according to his rank, and to the private soldier certain quantities,) and under a yet older proclamation from Mr. Dinwiddie, then lieutenant-governor of the colony, issued by the advice of his council to encourage and benefit the military adventurers of the year 1754, while the land-office was shut against all other applicants. It is not reasonable to suppose, therefore, that those, who had the first choice, had five years allowed them to make it, and a large district to survey in, were inattentive either to the quality of the soil, or the advantages of situation.

14 February, 1784.

But supposing no preëminence in quality, the title to these lands is indisputable; and, by lying on the south-east side of the Ohio, they are not subject to the claims of the Indians; consequently will be free from their disturbances, and from the disputes, in which the settlers on the northwest side (when the Indians shall permit any) and even on the same side lower down will be involved; for it should seem, that there is already location upon location, and scarce any thing else talked of but land-jobbing and monopolies, before Congress have even settled the terms upon which the ceded lands are to be obtained.

Having given this account of the land, I am brought to another point, which is more puzzling to me.

I have been long endeavoring to hit upon some mode, by which the grantor and grantees of these lands might be mutually considered and equally satisfied, but find it no easy matter; as it is to be presumed that all adventurers, especially emigrants from foreign countries, would not only choose but expect leases for a long term. In this case, it is difficult in an infant country, where lands rise progressively, and I might add rapidly in value, to fix upon a rent, which will not, in the first instance, startle the tenant by its magnitude, or injure the landlord in the course of a few years by the inadequacy of it. What course then is to be taken?

To advance the rent periodically, in proportion to the supposed increasing value of the land, is very speculative; and to leave it to the parties, or their representatives, or to persons to be chosen by them, at like stated periods to determine the increase of it, would not only be vague and uncertain, but more than probably open a door for many disputes, and prove very unsatisfactory to both sides. Yet, difficult as the case is, private and public considerations urging me thereto, I have come to a resolution, which I am going to promulge in the gazettes of this country, by inserting an advertisement of which the enclosed is a copy, leaving it optional in the grantees to make choice of either.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Whether the terms there promulged are sufficiently encouraging to the people of this country, and inviting to strangers; or whether the latter might think so in the first instance, and change sentiments afterwards, upon seeing a wide, a wild, and an extensive country before them, in which they may, for ought I know, obtain good, though not so valuable and pleasant spots upon easier terms, is not with me to decide. Experiment alone can determine it. But it is for me to declare, that I cannot think of separating for ever from lands, which are beautifully situated upon navigable rivers, rich in quality, and abundantly blessed with many natural advantages, upon less beneficial terms to myself.

Mount Vernon, 20 February, 1784.

My dear Sir,

The leases for short tenures, if these should be preferred to either of the other two, could be attended with no great injury to me, because the improvements, which (according to the conditions of them) are to be made thereon, will enable me, if I am not too sanguine in my expectation, to rent them thereafter upon more lucrative terms, than I dare ask for either of the other two at present.

It has been my intention in every thing I have said, and will be so in every thing I shall say on this subject to be perfectly candid; for my feelings would be as much hurt, if I should deceive others by a too favorable description, as theirs would be who might suffer by the deception.

I will only add, that it would give me pleasure to see these lands seated by particular societies, or religious sectaries with their pastors. It would be a means of connecting friends in a small circle, and making life in a new and rising empire (to the inhabitants of which, and their habits, new comers would be strangers) pass much more agreeably than in a mixed or dispersed situation.

If a plan of this sort should be relished, it would be highly expedient for an agent in behalf of such societies to come out immediately, to view the lands and close a bargain; for nothing is more probable, than that each of the tracts here enumerated may, if the matter is delayed, have settlers upon it, an intermixture with whom might not be agreeable.

The number of families, which these tracts aggregately, or each one separately, would accommodate, depends more upon the views of the occupiers, than on any other circumstance. The soil is capable of the greatest production, such as Europeans have little idea of. For mere support, then, the smallest quantity would suffice; which I mention in this place, because a plan for the settlement of them, under the information here given of the quantity, quality, and situation, can be as well digested in Europe, as on the land itself, so far as it respects support only; and is to be preferred to a waste of time in ascertaining on the spot the number it would receive, and what each man shall have before the association is formed.

I will make no apology, my good Sir, for the length of this letter, presuming from your inquiries, when I had the pleasure of seeing you last in Philadelphia, that you would not be displeased at the information I now give you, and might have a wish to communicate it to others. My best wishes attend you. With sentiments of great esteem and respect, I am, Reverend Sir, &c.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Mount Vernon, 18 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

P. S. I hope General Greene will be in the delegation from Rhode Island, and that we shall see him at the general meeting of the Cincinnati. Will you intimate this to him?

I have seen the form of the answer which you have drawn in Savage’s suit, and approve it, presuming the references are founded on facts. Mr. Fairfax was to have compared these, & will prepare a fair copy. I will remind him of the matter, & have it sent to you as soon as I can.

TO DOLPHIN DREW.

The case of the depending petitions in the General Court, is as follows.—

Mount Vernon, 25 February, 1784.

Sir,

The Land was obtained under a proclamation of Mr. Dinwiddie; issued by the advice of his Council, Feby. 19th, 1754, for encouraging the raising of Troops for an Expedition to the Ohio. It was surveyed pursuant to warrants granted by Lord Dunmore & patented Decr. 15th, 1772.—

For	10,990	acres, in Fincastle.
	4,395 }	—in Botetourt.
	2,448 }
	2,314 }

Yesterday evening brought me your favor of the 13th —

In the Month of March, 1774, I encounter’d in preparation only, an expence of at least £300; by the purchase of Servants, Nails, Tools & other necessaries for the purpose of seating and cultivating the above Lands, agreeably to our Act of Assembly; & for transporting the same over the Allighaney Mountains—but this was entirely sunk. The disturbances occasioned by the Indians, which immediately followed, put a stop to my proceedings—the Servants, some of them, engaged in the Militia—others squandered—& the whole were lost to me; while my Goods as I am informed, were seized for the use of the Militia & a fort which was built, upon the Expedition under Lord Dunmore, and no compensation made me for them—nor, if I am rightly informed, any thing given upon which I can found a claim.

The March following I went thro’ the second edition of a similar expence, and find by having recourse to my papers, (since I came home) the certificates which I enclose herewith.

Not knowing what had been, or might be done in this second essay to cultivate my Lands (for I left home in May, while my people were out)—I wrote from Cambridge (in Septr., 1775)—to Mr. Everard requesting as a further security, that they might be covered by friendly Petitions; and presume I must have required Colo. Bassett to take measures accordingly. But never knew what, or whether any steps had been taken in this business, ’till Mr. Mercer (whom I saw at Fredericksburg the other day) and your Letter of the 19th of Feby. since, informed me of the depending Petitions.

Under this information and what follows, you will be so good as to do what shall appear necessary and proper in my behalf. The Lands, by the Proclamation and Patents, are exempted from the payment of quit rent, ’till the expiration of fifteen years from and after the date of the latter: but my ignorance of the existing Laws of this State, since the change of its constitution, does not enable me to determine whether the old Act requiring cultivation and improvement, is yet in force, or not; consequently I can give no opinion upon the proper line of conduct to be pursued. Admitting however that this act is in force so far as it may apply to Lands under the circumstances mine are—yet the two principal tracts are nevertheless saved; as will appear by the records of Fincastle and Botetourt, where the aggregate of the valuations amount to £1583 15 7½, and the sum required to save the number of acres contained in them amounts to no more than £1538 10 0—And had it not been for the hostile temper of the Indians towards the close of 1775—which rendered it unsafe for my people to remain out, and who were actually driven in, to my very great loss in other respects (besides the non-cultivation) I should most undoubtedly, have saved the whole agreeably to Law.

TO CAPTAIN FIELDING LEWIS.

Miss Lee, sister to the late Major Genl. Lee, wrote, requesting me to obtain for her an authenticated copy of his will—the copy I have lately got, but Mr. Drew thinks it may be necessary to affix the Seal of the State to it, as it is to go to England, I request the favor of you therefore to procure and send this to me by the post—the cost when made known to me I will pay.

Mount Vernon, 27 February, 1784.

Dear Fieldg.,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Mount Vernon, 20 March, 1784.

My dear Sir,

Your letter of the 21st ultimo did not reach my hands till yesterday. Having the governor here, and a house full of company, and the post being on the point of setting out for the eastward, I must confine the few lines I shall be able (at this time) to write, to the business of the Cincinnati.

From what you have said of the temper of your Assembly respecting this society, from the current of sentiment in the other New England States thereon, and from the official letter, which I have lately received from the Marquis de Lafayette on this subject, I am more than ever of opinion, that the general meeting at Philadelphia in May next ought, by all means, to be full and respectable. I was sorry to find these words, therefore, in your letter, after naming the delegates from your State,—“Probably only two will attend.”

TO JOHN WITHERSPOON.

I think not only the whole number chosen should attend, but the abilities of them, should be coolly, deliberately, and wisely employed, when met, to obviate the prejudices and remove the jealousies, which are already imbibed, and more than probably, through ignorance, envy, and perhaps worse motives, will increase and spread. I cannot, therefore, forbear urging in strong terms the necessity of the measure. The ensuing general meeting is either useful or useless; if the former, the representatives of each State society ought to be punctual in their attendance, especially under the present circumstances; if it is not, all ought to be exempted; and I am sure none can give the time, which this journey and business require, with less convenience to themselves than myself.

Mount Vernon, 10 March, 1784.

Reverend Sir,

By a letter, which I have just received from General Greene, I am informed that himself, General Varnum, and Major Lyman are chosen to represent the society of the State of Rhode Island; that he intends to be in South Carolina before the meeting; and it is not expected that more than one will attend it! I wish this could be otherwise, and that General Greene would attend. Private interest or convenience may be a plea for many, and the meeting thereby be thin and unfit for the purpose of its institution.

I have heard nothing yet from New Hampshire, New York, or New Jersey, to the eastward, nor any thing from the southward; to the last, duplicates have long since been sent.

As there can be no interruption of the post by bad weather now, and there is time for it, pray let me hear more fully from you on the subject of this letter by the return of it; particularly what the committees of your Assembly have reported. * * *

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

Mount Vernon, 24 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

I am informed that a ship with Palatines is gone up to Baltimore, among whom are a number of tradesmen. I am a good deal in want of a house joiner and brick-layer who really understand their profession, and you would do me a favor by purchasing one of each for me, if to be had, I would not confine you to Palatines; if they are good workmen, they may be from Asia, Africa or Europe; they may be Mahometans, Jews or Christians of any sect, or they may be Atheists. I would, however, prefer middle aged to young men, and those who have good countenances, and good characters on ship board, to others who have neither of these to recommend them; altho’ after all, I well know, the proof of the pudding must be in the eating. I do not limit you to a price, but will pay the purchase money on demand. * * *

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.

Mount Vernon, 25 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Having given this account of the land, I am brought to another point, which is more puzzling to me.

In answer to Mr. Bowie’s request to you, permit me to assure that gentleman, that I shall at all times be glad to see him at this retreat; that, whenever he is here, I will give him the perusal of any public papers antecedent to my appointment to the command of the American army, that he may be laying up materials for his work; and whenever Congress shall have opened their archives to any historian for information, that he shall have the examination of all others in my possession, which are subsequent thereto; but that, till this epoch, I do not think myself at liberty to unfold papers, which contain all the occurrences and transactions of my late command; first, because I conceive it to be respectful to the sovereign power to let them take the lead in this business; and next, because I have, upon this principle, refused Dr. Gordon and others, who are about to write the history of the revolution, this privilege.

I will frankly declare to you, my dear Doctor, that any memoirs of my life, distinct and unconnected with the general history of the war, would rather hurt my feelings than tickle my pride whilst I lived. I had rather glide gently down the stream of life, leaving it to posterity to think and say what they please of me, than by any act of mine to have vanity or ostentation imputed to me. And I will further confess, that I was rather surprised into a consent, when Dr. Witherspoon (very unexpectedly) made the application, than considered the tendency of that consent. It did not occur to me, at that moment, from the manner in which the question was propounded, that no history of my life, without a very great deal of trouble indeed, could be written with the least degree of accuracy, unless recourse was had to me or to my papers for information; that it would not derive sufficient authenticity without a promulgation of this fact; and that such a promulgation would subject me to the imputation I have just mentioned, which would hurt me the more, as I do not think vanity is a trait of my character.

It is for this reason, and candor obliges me to be explicit, that I shall stipulate against the publication of the memoirs Mr. Bowie has in contemplation to give the world, till I should see more probability of avoiding the darts, which I think would be pointed at me on such an occasion; and how far, under these circumstances, it would be worth Mr. Bowie’s while to spend time, which might be more usefully employed in other matters, is with him to consider; as the practicability of doing it efficiently without having free access to the documents of this war, which must fill the most important pages of the memoir, and which, for the reasons already assigned, cannot be admitted at present, also is. If nothing happens more than I at present foresee, I shall be in Philadelphia on or before the 1st of May, where it is probable I may see Mr. Bowie, and converse further with him on this subject. In the mean while, I will thank you for communicating these sentiments. I am, very truly, your affectionate friend, &c.1

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, IN CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 29 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

It was not in my power to answer your favor of the 15th by the last post, for the reason then assigned. I wish I may be able to do it to your satisfaction now, as I again am obliged to pay my attention to the other company, the Governor being gone.

My opinion coincides perfectly with yours respecting the practicability of an easy and short communication between the waters of the Ohio and Potomac, of the advantages of that communication and the preference it has over all others, and of the policy there would be in this State of Maryland to adopt and render it facile. But I confess to you freely, I have no expectation, that the public will adopt the measure; for, besides the jealousies which prevail, and the difficulty of proportioning such funds as may be allotted for the purposes you have mentioned, there are two others, which, in my opinion, will be yet harder to surmount. These are (if I have not imbibed too unfavorable an opinion of my countrymen) the impracticability of bringing the great and truly wise policy of the measure to their view, and the difficulty of extracting money from them for such a purpose, if it could be done; for it appears to me, maugre all the sufferings of the public creditors, breach of public faith, and loss of reputation, that payment of the taxes, which are already laid, will be postponed as long as possible. How then are we to expect new ones for purposes more remote?

I am not so disinterested in this matter as you are; but I am made very happy to find that a man of discernment and liberality, who has no particular interest in the plan, thinks as I do, who have lands in that country, the value of which would be enhanced by the adoption of such a measure.

More than ten years ago I was struck with the importance of it; and, despairing of any aids from the public, I became a principal mover of a bill to empower a number of subscribers to undertake at their own expense, on conditions which were expressed, the extension of the navigation from tide water to Will’s Creek, about one hundred and fifty miles; and I devoutly wish that this may not be the only expedient by which it can be effected now. To get this business in motion, I was obliged even upon that ground to comprehend James River, in order to remove the jealousies, which arose from the attempt to extend the navigation of the Potomac. The plan, however, was in a tolerably good train, when I set out for Cambridge in 1775, and would have been in an excellent way, had it not been for the difficulties, which were met with in the Maryland Assembly from the opposition which was given (according to report) by the Baltimore merchants, who were alarmed, and perhaps not without cause, at the consequence of water transportation to Georgetown of the produce, which usually came to their market by land.1

The local interest of that place, joined to the short-sighted politics or contracted views of another part of that Assembly, gave Mr. Thomas Johnson, who was a warm promoter of the scheme on the north side of the Potomac, a great deal of trouble. In this situation I left matters when I took command of the army. The war afterwards called men’s attention to different objects, and all the money they could or would raise was applied to other purposes. But with you I am satisfied that not a moment ought to be lost in recommencing this business, as I know the Yorkers will delay no time to remove every obstacle in the way of the other communication, so soon as the posts of Oswego and Niagara are surrendered; and I shall be mistaken if they do not build vessels for the navigation of the lakes, which will supersede the necessity of coasting on either side.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

It appears to me, that the interest and policy of Maryland are proportionably concerned with those of Virginia, to remove obstructions, and to invite the trade of the western country into the channel you have mentioned. You will have frequent opportunities of learning the sentiments of the principal characters of that State, respecting this matter; and I wish, if it should fall in your way, that you would discourse with Mr. Thomas Johnson, formerly governor of Maryland, on this subject. How far, upon mature consideration, I may depart from the resolution I had formed, of living perfectly at my ease, exempt from every kind of responsibility, is more than I can at present absolutely determine. The sums granted, the manner of granting them, the powers and objects, would merit consideration. The trouble, if my situation at the time would permit me to engage in a work of this sort, would be set at nought; and the immense advantages, which this country would derive from the measure, would be no small stimulus to the undertaking, if that undertaking could be made to comport with those ideas, and that line of conduct, with which I meant to glide gently down the current of life, and it did not interfere with any other plan I might have in contemplation.

Mount Vernon, 18 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

I am not less in sentiment with you, respecting the impolicy of this State’s grasping at more territory than they are competent to the government of; and, for the reasons you assign, I very much approve of a meridian from the mouth of the Great Kanhawa as a convenient and very proper line of separation, but I am mistaken if our chief magistrate will coincide with us in this opinion.1

I will not enter upon the subject of commerce. It has its advantages and disadvantages; but which of them preponderates, is not now the question. From trade our citizens will not be restrained, and therefore it behoves us to place it in the most convenient channels under proper regulations, freed as much as possible from those vices, which luxury, the consequence of wealth and power, naturally introduce.

The case of the depending petitions in the General Court, is as follows.—

The incertitude, which prevails in Congress, and the non-attendance of its members, are discouraging to those, who are willing and ready to discharge the trust, which is reposed in them; whilst it is disgraceful in a high degree to our country. But it is my belief, the case will never be otherwise, so long as that body persist in their present mode of doing business, and will hold constant instead of annual sessions; against the former of which my mind furnishes me with a variety of arguments; but not one, in times of peace, against the latter.

For	10,990	acres, in Fincastle.
	4,395 }	—in Botetourt.
	2,448 }
	2,314 }

Annual sessions would always produce a full representation, and alertness at business. The delegates, after a separation of eight or ten months, would meet each other with glad countenances. They would be complaisant; they would yield to each other all, that duty to their constituents would allow; and they would have better opportunities of becoming acquainted with their sentiments, and removing improper prejudices, when they are imbibed, by mixing with them during the recess. Men, who are always together, get tired of each other’s company; they throw off that restraint, which is necessary to keep things in proper tune; they say and do things, which are personally disgusting; this begets opposition; opposition begets faction; and so it goes on, till business is impeded, often at a stand. I am sure (having the business prepared by proper boards or a committee) an annual session of two months would despatch more business than is now done in twelve, and this by a full representation of the Union.

Long as this letter is, I intended to be more full on some of the points, and to touch on others; but it is not in my power, as I am obliged to snatch the moments, which give you this hasty production of my thoughts on the subject of your letter, from company. With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c.

The March following I went thro’ the second edition of a similar expence, and find by having recourse to my papers, (since I came home) the certificates which I enclose herewith.

P. S. Have you not estimated the distance from Cuyahoga to New York too high.

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 31 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

The last post brought me your favor of the 24th. The sentiments I shall deliver in answer to it must be considered as coming from an individual only, for I am as unacquainted with the opinions, and know as little of the affairs and present management of the Swamp Company in Virginia (though a member of it) as you do, perhaps less, as I have received nothing from thence, nor have heard any thing of my interest therein for more than nine years.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

I am equally uninformed of the motives, which induced the Assembly of Virginia to open a canal between Kemp’s and the Northwest Landings, but presume territorial jurisdiction must have been the governing principle.

Mount Vernon, 20 March, 1784.

My dear Sir,

From an attentive examination of the Great Dismal Swamp, I have been long satisfied of the practicability of opening a communication through Drummond’s Pond between the rivers, which empty into Albemarle Sound, and the waters of Elizabeth or Nansemond River. Once, for the purpose of forming a plan for reclaiming the lands, more than with a view to the benefit of navigation, I traversed Drummond’s Pond through its whole circuit; and at a time when it was brimful of water. I lay one night on the east border of it, on ground something above the common level of the swamp; and in the morning, I had the curiosity to ramble as far into the swamp as I could get with convenience, to the distance perhaps of five hundred yards; and found that the water, which, at the margin of the lake (after it had exceeded its natural bounds) was stagnant, began perceptibly to move eastward; and at the extent of my walk it had deepened, got more into a channel, and increased obviously in its motion. This discovery left not a doubt in my mind that the current was descending into one of the rivers of Albemarle Sound. To ascertain it, I directed our manager to hire persons to explore it fully. To the best of my recollection, he some time afterwards informed me, that he had done so, that it was found to be the head of the northwest river, that to the place where the water had formed a regular channel of considerable width and depth did not exceed four miles, and that from thence downwards to the present navigation of the river there was no other obstruction to small craft than fallen trees. What I have given as coming under my own knowledge, you may rely upon. The other I sufficiently believe, and have no doubt but that the waters of Perquemins and Pasquotank Rivers have a similar, and perhaps as close a communication with Drummond’s Pond, as those of the northwest.

My researches at different times into and round the swamp (for I have encompassed the whole) have enabled me to make the following observations; that the principal rivulets, which run into the Great Dismal, if not all of them, are to the westward of it, from Suffolk southwardly, that Drummond’s Pond is the receptacle for all the water, which can force its way into it through the reeds, roots, trash, and fallen timber, with which the swamp abounds; that to these obstructions, and the almost perfect level of the swamp, are to be ascribed the wetness of it; that, in wet seasons, when the banks of the pond are overflowed by the assemblage of waters from the quarter I have mentioned, it discharges itself with equal difficulty into the heads of the rivers Elizabeth and Nansemond, and those which flow into Albemarle Sound; for it is a fact, that the late Colonel Tucker of Norfolk, on a branch of Elizabeth River, and several others on Nansemond River, have mills, which are, or have been, worked by the waters which run out of the swamp.

Hence, and from a canal, which the Virginia Company opened some years since, I am convinced, that there is not a difference of more than two feet between one part of the swamp and another; that the east side and south end are lower than their opposites; and that a canal of that depth, when the water of Drummond’s Pond is even with its banks, and more or less in the proportion it rises or sinks, will take the water of it, and, with the aid of one lock, let it into either Elizabeth River or Nansemond; neither of which, from the best information I have been able to obtain, would exceed six or seven miles. Admitting these things, and I firmly believe in them, the kind of navigation will determine the expense, having due consideration to the difficulty, which must be occasioned by the quantity of water, and little fall by which it can be run off.

To attempt, in the first instance, such a canal as would admit any vessel, which the Bay of Albemarle is competent to, would in my opinion be tedious, and attended with an expense, which might prove discouraging; whilst one upon a more contracted scale would answer very valuable purposes, and might be enlarged as the practicability of the measure, and the advantages resulting from it, should be unfolded; appropriating the money, which shall arise from the toll, after principal and interest are fully paid, as a fund for the further extension of the navigation, which in my opinion would be exceedingly practicable, and would be found the readiest and easiest plan to bring it to perfection.

If this method should be adopted, I would very readily join my mite towards the accomplishment, provided the canal, which the State of Virginia is about to cut, should not render it an unnecessary or unprofitable undertaking. A more extended plan would be too heavy for my purse.

I have heard nothing yet from New Hampshire, New York, or New Jersey, to the eastward, nor any thing from the southward; to the last, duplicates have long since been sent.

I agree in sentiment with you, that, whenever the public is disposed to reimburse principal and interest to the corporation, and will open a free passage of the canal, the charter should cease; but I do not think eight per cent is adequate, I mean sufficiently inviting, nor ten either, unless government, in the act for incorporation, were to guaranty the expense, and be at the final risk of the success, and would have, though not an exorbitant, yet a fixed toll, and one which should be judged fully competent to answer the purpose; because it is not less easy than pleasing to reduce it at any time, but it would be found difficult and disgusting, however necessary and urgent, to increase it.

In other respects, my opinion differs not from yours, or the propositions you enclosed to, Sir, your most obedient, &c.

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

TO THE MARCHIONESS DE LAFAYETTE.

Mount Vernon, 24 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 4 April, 1784.

Madam,

It is now more than ever I want words to express the sensibility and gratitude, with which the honor of your felicitations of the 26th of December has inspired me. If my expression was equal to the feelings of my heart, the homage I am about to render you would appear in a more favorable point of view, than my most sanguine expectations will encourage me to hope for. I am more inclined, therefore, to rely upon the continuance of your indulgent sentiments towards me, and that innate goodness for which you are remarkable, than upon any merit I possess, or any assurances I could give of my sense of the obligation I am under for the honor you have conferred upon me by your correspondence.

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.

Great as your claim is, as a French or American woman, or as the wife of my amiable friend, to my affectionate regards, you have others to which the palm must be yielded. The charms of your person, and the beauties of your mind, have a more powerful operation. These, Madam, have endeared you to me, and every thing, which partakes of your nature, will have a claim to my affections. George and Virginia, the offspring of your love, whose names do honor to my country and to myself, have a double claim, and will be the objects of my vows.

Mount Vernon, 25 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

From the clangor of arms and the bustle of a camp, freed from the cares of public employment and the responsibility of office, I am now enjoying domestic ease under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig tree; and in a small villa, with the implements of husbandry and lambkins around me, I expect to glide gently down the stream of life, till I am entombed in the dreary mansion of my fathers.

Mrs. Washington is highly honored by your participations, and feels very sensibly the force of your polite invitation to Paris; but she is too far advanced in life, and is too much immersed in the care of her little progeny,1 to cross the Atlantic. This, my dear Marchioness (indulge me with this freedom), is not the case with you. You have youth (and, if you should not incline to bring your children, can leave them with all the advantages to education), and must have a curiosity to see the country, young, rude, and uncultivated as it is, for the liberties of which your husband has fought, bled, and acquired much glory, where every body admires, every body loves him. Come, then, let me entreat it, and call my cottage your home; for your own doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine would. You will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet the rustic civility; and you shall taste the simplicity of rural life. It will diversify the scene, and may give you a higher relish for the gayeties of the court, when you return to Versailles. In these wishes, and in most respectful compliments, Mrs. Washington joins me. With sentiments of strong attachment, and very great regard, I have the honor to be, Madam, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Mount Vernon, 8 April, 1784.

Dear Sir,

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, IN CONGRESS.

If with frankness, and the fullest latitude of a friend, you will give me your opinion of the institution of the Society of Cincinnati, it would confer an acceptable favor upon me. If to this opinion, you would be so obliging as to add the sentiments, or what you suppose to be the sentiments of Congress respecting it, I would thank you.

Mount Vernon, 29 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

That you may have the best materials on which to form a judgment, I send you a copy of the proceedings of the Society—consequent of their choice of me for President pro: tem:, and the direction therein; I sent the Institution to the French land and naval commanders, and to the Marquis de la Fayette (as the senior French officer in the American Army,)—whose proceedings thereon, I also enclose.

These papers you will please to retain for fear of accidents, till I shall have the pleasure to see you at Annapolis, the week after next, on my way to Philadelphia, where this and other business will take me, but the sooner I could receive your sentiments on this subject, the more pleasing they would be.

The pamphlet ascribed to Mr. Burke, as I am told, had its effect—people are alarmed, especially in the Eastern States—how justly, or how contrary to the avowed principles of the Society, and the purity of their motives, I will not declare; lest it should appear that I wanted to biass your judgment, rather than to obtain an opinion—which if you please, might be accompanied with sentiments, under the information here given respecting the most eligible measures to be pursued by the Society at their next meeting.1

You may be assured, Sir, that to the good opinion alone, which I entertain of your abilities and candor, this liberty is to be attributed; and I can truly add, that, with very great esteem & regard, I am &c.2

TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL.

Philadelphia, 15 May, 1784.

Dear Sir,

It was with great pleasure and thankfulness I received a recognisance of your friendship, in your letter of the 20th of last month.

It is indeed a pleasure, from the walks of private life to view in retrospect all the meanderings of our past labors, the difficulties through which we have waded, and the happy haven to which the ship has been brought. Is it possible, after this, that it should founder? Will not the All-wise and All-powerful Director of human events preserve it? I think he will. He may, however, (for some wise purpose of his own,) suffer our indiscretions and folly to place our national character low in the political scale; and this, unless more wisdom and less prejudice take the lead in our government, will most certainly happen.

Believe me, my dear Sir, there is no disparity in our ways of thinking and acting, though there may happen to be a little in the years we have lived, which places the advantage of the correspondence on my side, as I shall benefit by your experience and observations; and that no correspondence can be more pleasing to me than that, which originates from similar sentiments and similar conduct through (though not a long war, the importance of it and attainments considered,) a painful contest. I pray you, therefore, to continue me among the number of your friends, and to favor me with such observations and sentiments as may occur.

As my good friend, Colonel Trumbull, is perfectly acquainted with the proceedings of the meeting, which brought us together, our embarrassments and final decision, I will refer the detail of them to him. With the most perfect esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.1

TO RUFUS PUTNAM.

Mount Vernon, 2 June, 1784.

Dear Sir,

P. S. Have you not estimated the distance from Cuyahoga to New York too high.

I could not answer your favor of the 5th ulto., from Phila., because Genl. Knox having mislaid, only presented the letter to me, in the moment of my departure from that place. The sentiments of esteem and friendship which breathe in it, are exceedingly pleasing and flattering to me—and you may rest assured they are reciprocal.

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

I wish it was in my power to give you a more favorable account of the officers’ petition for Lands on the Ohio and its waters, than I am about to do.—After this, and information respecting the establishment for Peace, were my enquiries solely directed, as I passed thro’ Annapolis on my way to Philadelphia,—but I could not learn that any thing decisive had been done in either. On the latter Congress are differing about their powers, but as they have accepted of the cession from Virginia, and have resolved to lay off ten new States bounded by latitudes and longitudes, it should be supposed that they will determine something respecting the former before they adjourn, and yet I very much question it, as the latter event is to happen on the third of next month.

Mount Vernon, 31 March, 1784.

Dear Sir,

As the Congress, who are to meet in November next by adjournment, will be composed from a new choice of Delegates in each State, it is not in my power at this time, to direct you to a proper correspondence in that body. I wish I could, for persuaded I am, that to some such causes as you have assigned may be ascribed the delay which the petition has encountered;—for surely, if justice and gratitude to the Officers, and the general policy of the Union, were to govern in this case, there would not be the smallest interruption in granting their request. I really feel for those Gentlemen who, by these unaccountable (by any other means than those which you have suggested) delays, are held in such an awkward and disagreeable state of suspence; and wish my endeavors could remove the obstacles. At Princeton (before Congress left that place) I exerted every power I was master of, and dwelt upon the arguments you have used to shew the propriety of a speedy decision. Every member with whom I conversed acquiesced in the justice of the petition; all yielded, or seemed to yield to the policy of it, but plead the want of cession of the Land to act upon.—This is made, and accepted, and yet matters (as far as they have come to my knowledge) remain in statu quo.—

I am endeavoring to do something with the Lands I now hold, and have had in that Country these twelve or fourteen years. The enclosed contains the terms upon which I propose to lease them. I am not sanguine in obtaining Tenants on them in this country; and yet on leases renewable forever—or for the term of 999 years. I will not (considering the peculiar situation and advantages of these Lands) take less. For a short time I care little about the rent, because, knowing the value and convenience of the Land, I am certain that the improvements which are to be made thereon, will enable me thereafter to command my own terms. If you think the promulgation of them can be of service to others, or myself, it is optional with you to do it. With very sincere &c.

TO JAMES MADISON.

Mount Vernon, 12 June, 1784.

Sir,

Can nothing be done in our Assembly for poor Paine? Must the merits and services of Common Sense continue to glide down the stream of time unrewarded by this country? His writings certainly have had a powerful effect upon the public mind. Ought they not, then, to meet an adequate return? He is poor, he is chagrined, and almost, if not altogether, in despair of relief. New York, not the least distressed, nor best able State in the Union, has done something for him. This kind of provision he prefers to an allowance from Congress. He has reasons for it, which to him are conclusive; and such, I think, as may be approved by others. His views are moderate; a decent independency is, I believe, all he aims at. Ought he to be disappointed of this? If you think otherwise, I am sure you will not only move the matter, but give it your support. For me, it only remains to feel for his situation; and to assure you of the sincere esteem and regard, with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, &c.1

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.

Mount Vernon, 10 July, 1784.

Dear Doctor,

I have come to a resolution, (if not prevented by any thing at present unforeseen,) to take a trip to the western country this fall, and for that purpose to leave home the first of September. By appointment I am to be at the Warm Springs the 7th of that month; and at Gilbert Simpson’s the 15th, where, having my partnership accounts, with some of very long standing, to settle, and things to provide for the trip to the Kanhawa, I expect to be by the 10th or 11th, that is, four or five days before the 15th. It is possible, though of this I cannot be certain at this time, that I shall, if I find it necessary to lay my lands off in lots, make a day or two’s delay at each of my tracts upon the Ohio, before I reach the Kanhawa, where my stay will be the longest, and more or less according to circumstances.

I mention all these matters, that you may be fully apprized of my plan, and the time it may probably take to accomplish it. If, under this information, it would suit you to go with me, I should be very glad of your company. No other except my nephew, Bushrod Washington, and that is uncertain, will be of the party; because it can be no amusement to others to follow me in a tour of business, and from one of my tracts of land to another; (for I am not going to explore the country, nor am I in search of fresh lands, but to secure what I have;) nor would it suit me to be embarrassed by the plans, movements, or whims of others, or even to have my own made unwieldy. For this reason I shall continue to decline all overtures, which may be made to accompany me. Your business and mine lays in the same part of the country, and are of a similar nature; the only difference is, that mine may be longer in the execution. If you go, you will have occasion to take nothing from hence, but a servant to look after your horses, and such bedding as you may think proper at make use of. I will carry a marquee, some camp utensils, and a few stores. A boat, or some other kind of vessel, will be provided for the voyage down the river, either to my place on the Youghiogany, or Fort Pitt, measures for this purpose having been already taken. A few medicines, and hooks and lines, you may probably want. My compliments and best wishes, in which Mrs. Washington joins, are offered to Mrs. Craik and your family, and I am, with sincere esteem and friendship, dear Sir, yours, &c.1

In other respects, my opinion differs not from yours, or the propositions you enclosed to, Sir, your most obedient, &c.

TO CLEMENT BIDDLE.

TO THE MARCHIONESS DE LAFAYETTE.

Mount Vernon, 28 July, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 4 April, 1784.

Madam,

The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived that the connexion between them had ceased: but I am mistaken it seems they are both applying to get her here, and tho’ I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years.

After premising thus much, I have to beg the favor of you to procure her a passage to Alexanda., either by Sea, in the Stage, or in the passage boat from the head of Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best, and her situation will admit;—the cost of either I will pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas, allias Lee (the name by which he calls himself). She lives in Philada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile—black people, who are often employ’d by families in the city as cooks.

I am &c.1

TO JACOB READ.2

Mount Vernon, 11 August, 1784.

Dear Sir,

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

I return the letter you were so obliging as to send me, and thank you for the perusal of it. No copy has been taken; nor will any part of its contents transpire from me.

Mount Vernon, 8 April, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Although Mr. L—’s informant may have the means of acquiring knowledge, and though it is undoubted that the British cabinet wish to recover the United States to a dependence on that government, yet I can scarce think they ever expect to see it realized, or that they have any plan in contemplation to try to effect it; unless our want of wisdom, and perseverance in error, should in their judgment render the attempt certain. The affairs of Ireland, if our accounts from thence are to be relied on, are in too turbulent a state to suffer Great Britain to enter very soon into another quarrel with America, even if her finances were on a more respectable footing, than I believe them to be; and her prospect of success must diminish as our population increases, and the government becomes more consistent; without the last of which, indeed, any thing may be apprehended. It is, however, as necessary for the sovereign in council, as it is for the general in the field, not to despise information, but to hear all, compare all, combine them with other circumstances and take measures accordingly. Nothing, I confess, would sooner induce me to give credit to a hostile intention on the part of Great Britain, than their continuing, (without the shadow of reason for I really see none,) to withhold the western posts on the American side the line from us, and sending, as the gazettes say is their intention, Sir Guy Carleton over as Viceroy to their possessions in America, which are to undergo a new organization.

The opinion I have here given, you will readily perceive is founded upon the ideas I entertain of the temper of Ireland, the imbecility of Great Britain, and her internal divisions; for with pain I add, that I think our affairs are under wretched management, and that our conduct, if Great Britain was in circumstances to take advantage of it, would bid her hope every thing, while other powers might expect little from the wisdom or exertion of these States.

I thank you for your proffered services to the eastward. I have nothing to trouble you with, but wishing you may find the air of Rhode Island salubrious and beneficial to your mother, I have the honor to be, with great esteem, &c.

TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.

Mount Vernon, 20 August, 1784.

My dear Count,

I thank you for your favor of the 16th of June by the Marquis de Lafayette, who arrived here three days ago; and for your other letter of the 4th of May, which also came safe.1 Permit me to offer you my sincere congratulations on your appointment to the government of Picardy. It is an honorable testimony of the approbation of your Prince, and a just reward for your services and merit. Should fortune ever put it into my power to come to France, your being at Calais would be an irresistible inducement for me to make it a visit.

TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL.

My letters from Philadelphia, public and private, would give you a full account of every matter and thing respecting the Society of the Cincinnati, and upon what footing all claims to the order were thereafter to be decided. To these referring, I shall save you the trouble of reading a repetition. Considering how recently the King of Sweden has changed the form of government of that country, it is not so much to be wondered at, that his fears should get the better of his liberality, at any thing which might have the semblance of republicanism; but when it is further considered, how few of his nation had, or could have a right to the order, I think he might have suffered his complaisance to overcome them.1

Philadelphia, 15 May, 1784.

Dear Sir,

I will not trouble you with a long letter at this time, because I have nothing worthy of communication. Mrs. Washington, always pleased with your recollection of her, and glad to hear of your health, prays you to accept her compliments and best wishes. Mine are always sincere and offered (though unknown) to Madame de Rochambeau, the Viscount your son, and any of the officers of the army you commanded in America, whom you may see, and with whom I have the honor of an acquaintance. With great esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, &c.2

It was with great pleasure and thankfulness I received a recognisance of your friendship, in your letter of the 20th of last month.

CERTIFICATE TO MR. JAMES RUMSEY.1

I have seen the model of Mr. Rumsey’s Boats constructed to work against stream; have examined the power upon which it acts;—have been an eye witness to an actual experiment in running water of some rapidity; & do give it as my opinion (altho’ I had little faith before) that he has discovered the Art of propelling Boats, by mechanism & small manual assistance, against rapid currents;—that the discovery is of vast importance—may be of the greatest usefulness in our inland navigation—&, if it succeeds, of which I have no doubt, that the value of it is greatly enhanced by the simplicity of the works, which when seen & explained to, might be executed by the most common mechanics.—

Given under my hand at the town of Bath, County of Berkeley in the State of Virga. this 7th day of September, 1784.

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

TO RUFUS PUTNAM.

Mount Vernon, 10 October, 1784.2

Dear Sir,

Mount Vernon, 2 June, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Upon my return from the western country a few days ago, I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 17th ultimo. It has always been my intention to pay my respects to you, before the chance of another early and hard winter should make a warm fireside too comfortable to be relinquished. And I shall feel an additional pleasure in offering this tribute of friendship and respect to you, by having the company of the Marquis de Lafayette, when he shall have revisited this place from his eastern tour, now every day to be expected.

I shall take the liberty now, my dear Sir, to suggest a matter, which would (if I am not too shortsighted a politician) mark your administration as an important era in the annals of this country, if it should be recommended by you and adopted by the Assembly.

It has long been my decided opinion, that the shortest, easiest, and least expensive communication with the invaluable and extensive country back of us would be by one or both of the rivers of this State, which have their sources in the Apalachian mountains. Nor am I singular in this opinion. Evans, in his Map and Analysis of the Middle Colonies, which, considering the early period at which they were given to the public, are done with amazing exactness, and Hutchins since, in his Topographical Description of the western country, (a good part of which is from actual surveys,) are decidedly of the same sentiments; as indeed are all others, who have had opportunities, and have been at the pains, to investigate and consider the subject.1

But that this may not now stand as mere matter of opinion or assertion, unsupported by facts (such at least as the best maps now extant, compared with the oral testimony, which my opportunities in the course of the war have enabled me to obtain), I shall give you the different routs and distances from Detroit, by which all the trade of the northwestern parts of the united territory must pass; unless the Spaniards, contrary to their present policy, should engage part of it, or the British should attempt to force nature, by carrying the trade of the Upper Lakes by the River Utawas into Canada, which I scarcely think they will or could effect.2 Taking Detroit then (which is putting ourselves in as unfavorable a point of view as we can be well placed, because it is upon the line of the British territory,) as a point by which, as I have already observed, all that part of the trade must come, it appears from the statement enclosed, that the tide waters of this State are nearer to it by one hundred and sixty-eight miles, than that of the River St. Lawrence; or than that of the Hudson at Albany, by one hundred and seventy-six miles.

Maryland stands upon similar ground with Virginia. Pennsylvania, although the Susquehanna is an unfriendly water, much impeded, it is said, with rocks and rapids, and nowhere communicating with those, which lead to her capital, has it in contemplation to open a communication between Toby’s Creek, which empties into the Allegany River ninety-five miles above Fort Pitt, and the west branch of Susquehanna, and to cut a canal between the waters of the latter and the Schuylkill; the expense of which is easier to be conceived, than estimated or described by me. A people, however, who are possessed of the spirit of commerce, who see and who will pursue their advantages, may achieve almost any thing. In the mean time, under the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are smoothing the roads and paving the ways for the trade of that western world. That New York will do the same so soon as the British garrisons are removed, which are at present insurmountable obstacles in their way, no person, who knows the temper, genius, and policy of those people as well as I do, can harbor the smallest doubt.1

TO JAMES MADISON.

Thus much with respect to rival States. Let me now take a short view of our own; and, being aware of the objections which are in the way, I will, in order to contrast them, enumerate them with the advantages.

Mount Vernon, 12 June, 1784.

Sir,

The first and principal one is, the unfortunate jealousy, which ever has, and it is to be feared ever will prevail, lest one part of the State should obtain an advantage over the other parts, (as if the benefits of the trade were not diffusive and beneficial to all). Then follows a train of difficulties, namely, that our people are already heavily taxed; that we have no money; that the advantages of this trade are remote; that the most direct route for it is through other States, over whom we have no control; that the routes over which we have control are as distant as either of those which lead to Philadelphia, Albany, or Montreal; that a sufficient spirit of commerce does not pervade the citizens of this commonwealth; and that we are in fact doing for others, what they ought to do for themseles.

Without going into the investigation of a question, which has employed the pens of able politicians, namely, whether trade with foreigners is an advantage or disadvantage to a country, this State, as a part of the confederated States, all of whom have the spirit of it very strongly working within them, must adopt it, or submit to the evils arising therefrom without receiving its benefits. Common policy, therefore, points clearly and strongly to the propriety of our enjoying all the advantages, which nature and our local situation afford us; and evinces clearly, that, unless this spirit could be totally eradicated in other States as well as in this, and every man be made to become either a cultivator of the land or a manufacturer of such articles as are prompted by necessity, such stimulus should be employed as will force this spirit, by showing to our countrymen the superior advantages we possess beyond others, and the importance of being upon a footing with our neighbors.

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.

If this is fair reasoning, it ought to follow as a consequence, that we should do our part towards opening the communication with the fur and peltry trade of the Lakes, and for the produce of the country which lies within, and which will, so soon as matters are settled with the Indians, and the terms on which Congress mean to dispose of the land, found to be favorable, are announced, be settled faster than any other ever did, or any one would imagine. This, then, when considered in an interested point of view, is alone sufficient to excite our endeavors. But in my opinion there is a political consideration for so doing, which is of still greater importance.

Mount Vernon, 10 July, 1784.

Dear Doctor,

I need not remark to you, Sir, that the flanks and rear of the United States are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too; nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part of it, which lies immediately west of us, with the middle States. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? What, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens), will be the consequence of their having formed close connexions with both or either of those powers, in a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell.

The western settlers (I speak now from my own observation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They have looked down the Mississippi, until the Spaniards, very impoliticly I think for themselves, threw difficulties in their way; and they looked that way for no other reason, than because they could glide gently down the stream; without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessary to perform it in; and because they have no other means of coming to us but by long land transportations and unimproved roads.1 These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little flour, which the necessities of the Spaniards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it.

A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favorable for Virginia, than for any other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the court of Great Britain on the other, to retain as long as possible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, &c., (which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union,) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this State, if she would open the avenues to the trade of that country, and embrace the present moment to establish it. It only wants a beginning. The western inhabitants would do their part towards its execution. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of or be made dependent upon foreigners; which would eventually either bring on a separation of them from us, or a war between the United States and one or the other of those powers, most probably with the Spaniards.

TO CLEMENT BIDDLE.

The preliminary steps to the attainment of this great object would be attended with very little expense, and might at the same time that it served to attract the attention of the western country, and to convince the wavering inhabitants of our disposition to connect ourselves with them, and to facilitate their commerce with us, be a mean of removing those jealousies, which otherwise might take place among ourselves.

Mount Vernon, 28 July, 1784.

Dear Sir,

These, in my opinion, are to appoint commissioners, who, from their situation, integrity, and abilities, can be under no suspicion of prejudice or predilection to one part more than to another. Let these commissioners make an actual survey of James River and Potomac from tide-water to their respective sources; note with great accuracy the kind of navigation and the obstructions in it, the difficulty and expense attending the removal of these obstructions, the distances from place to place through their whole extent, and the nearest and best portages between these waters and the streams capable of improvement, which run into the Ohio; traverse these in like manner to their junction with the Ohio, and with equal accuracy. The navigation of this river (i. e., the Ohio) being well known, they will have less to do in the examination of it; but, nevertheless, let the courses and distances be taken to the mouth of the Muskingum, and up that river (notwithstanding it is in the ceded lands) to the carrying-place to the Cayahoga; down the Cayahoga to Lake Erie; and thence to Detroit. Let them do the same with Big Beaver Creek, although part of it is in the State of Pennsylvania; and with the Scioto also. In a word, let the waters east and west of the Ohio, which invite our notice by their proximity, and by the ease with which land transportation may be had between them and the Lakes on one side, and the Rivers Potomac and James on the other, be explored, accurately delineated, and a correct and connected map of the whole be presented to the public. These things being done, I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts, jealousy to candor, and, finally, if reason and nature, thus aided, will not dictate what is right and proper to be done.

In the mean while, if it should be thought that the lapse of time, which is necessary to effect this work, may be attended with injurious consequences, could not there be a sum of money granted towards opening the best, or, if it should be deemed more eligible, two of the nearest communications (one to the northward and another to the southward) with the settlements to the westward; and an act be passed, if there should not appear a manifest disposition in the Assembly to make it a public undertaking, to incorporate and encourage private adventurers, if any should associate and solicit the same, for the purpose of extending the navigation of the Potomac or James River; and, in the former case, to request the concurrence of Maryland in the measure? It will appear from my statement of the different routes (and, as far as my means of information have extended, I have done it with the utmost candor), that all the produce of the settlements about Fort Pitt can be brought to Alexandria by the Youghiogany in three hundred and four miles, whereof only thirty-one is land transportation; and by the Monongahela and Cheat Rivers in three hundred and sixty miles, twenty of which only are land carriage. Whereas the common road from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia is three hundred and twenty miles, all land transportation; or four hundred and seventy-six miles, if the Ohio, Toby’s Creek, Susquehanna, and Schuylkill are made use of for this purpose. How much of this is by land, I know not; but, from the nature of the country, it must be very considerable. How much the interest and feelings of people thus circumstanced would be engaged to promote it, requires no illustration.

For my own part, I think it highly probable, that, upon the strictest scrutiny, if the Falls of the Great Kanhawa can be made navigable, or a short portage be had there, it will be found of equal importance and convenience to improve the navigation of both the James and Potomac. The latter, I am fully persuaded, affords the nearest communication with the Lakes; but James River may be more convenient for all the settlers below the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, and for some distance perhaps above and west of it; for I have no expectation, that any part of the trade above the Falls of the Ohio will go down that river and the Mississippi, much less that the returns will ever come up them, unless our want of foresight and good management is the occasion of it. Or, upon trial, if it should be found that these rivers, from the before-mentioned Falls, will admit the descent of sea-vessels, in which case, and the navigation of the former’s becoming free, it is probable that both vessels and cargoes will be carried to foreign markets and sold; but the returns for them will never in the natural course of things ascend the long and rapid current of that river, which with the Ohio to the Falls, in their mean-derings, is little if any short of two thousand miles. Upon the whole, the object in my estimation is of vast commercial and political importance. In these lights I think posterity will consider it, and regret, (if our conduct should give them cause,) that the present favorable moment to secure so great a blessing for them was neglected.

I am &c.1

One thing more remains, which I had like to have forgot, and that is, the supposed difficulty of obtaining a passage through the State of Pennsylvania. How an application to its legislature would be relished, in the first instance, I will not undertake to decide; but of one thing I am almost certain, such an application would place that body in a very delicate situation. There is in the State of Pennsylvania at least one hundred thousand souls west of Laurel Hill, who are groaning under the inconveniences of a long land transportation. They are wishing, indeed they are looking, for the improvement and extension of inland navigation; and, if this cannot be made easy for them to Philadelphia (at any rate it must be lengthy), they will seek a mart elsewhere; the consequence of which would be, that the State, though contrary to the interests of its sea-ports, must submit to the loss of so much of its trade, or hazard not only the loss of the trade but the loss of the settlement also; for an opposition on the part of government to the extension of water transportation, so consonant with the essential interests of a large body of people, or any extraordinary impositions upon the exports or imports to or from another State, would ultimately bring on a separation between its eastern and western settlements; towards which there is not wanting a disposition at this moment in that part of it beyond the mountains. I consider Rumsey’s discovery for working boats against stream, by mechanical powers (principally), as not only a very fortunate invention for these States in general, but as one of those circumstances, which have combined to render the present epocha favorable above all others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail ourselves of them, a large portion of the trade of the western country in the bosom of this State irrevocably.

TO JACOB READ.2

Long as this letter is, I intended to have written a fuller and more digested one, upon this important subject; but have met with so many interruptions since my return home, as almost to have precluded my writing at all. What I now give is crude; but if you are in sentiment with me, I have said enough; if there is not an accordance of opinion, I have said too much; and all I pray in the latter case is, that you will do me the justice to believe my motives are pure, however erroneous my judgment may be in this matter, and that I am, with the most perfect esteem and friendship,

Mount Vernon, 11 August, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Dear Sir, yours, &c.1

I return the letter you were so obliging as to send me, and thank you for the perusal of it. No copy has been taken; nor will any part of its contents transpire from me.

TO JACOB READ.

Mount Vernon, 3 November, 1784.

Sir

* * * What may be the result of the Indian treaty I know not; equally unacquainted am I with the instructions or powers given to the Commissioners:— but if a large cession of territory is expected from them, a disappointment I think will ensue; for the Indians, I have been told, will not yield to the proposal. Nor can I see wherein lies the advantages of it, if they would at a first purchase, unless a number of States, tho’ thinly inhabited would be more than a counterpoize in the political scale, for progressive and compact settlements. Such is the rage for speculating in, and forestalling of lands on the No. West of the Ohio, that scarce a valuable spot, within any tolerable distance of it, is left without a claimant. Men in these times talk with as much facility of fifty, an hundred, and even 500,000 Acres, as a gentleman formerly would do of 1,000. In defiance of the proclamation of Congress, they roam over the country on the Indian side of the Ohio—mark out Lands, survey and even settle on them. This gives great discontent to the Indians, and will, unless measures are taken in time to prevent it, inevitably produce a war with the western tribes. To avoid which there appears to me to be only these ways. Purchase if possible as much land of them immediately back of us, as would make one or two States, according to the extent Congress design, or would wish to have them of, and which may be fully adequate to all our present purposes—fix such a price upon the lands so purchased, as would not be too exorbitant and burthensome for real occupiers; but high enough to discourage monopolizers. Declare all steps heretofore taken to procure land on the northwest side of the Ohio, contrary to the prohibition of Congress, to be null and void—and that any person thereafter, who shall presume to mark, survey, or settle on lands beyond the limit of the new States, or purchased lands, shall not only be considered as outlaws, but fit subjects for Indian vengeance.

If these or similar measures are adopted, I have no doubt of Congress’s deriving a very considerable revenue from the western territory. But lands, like other commodities rise or fall in proportion to the quantity at market; consequently, a higher price may be obtained by the acre, for as much as will constitute one or two States, than can be had if ten States were offered for sale at the same time—besides extending the benefits, and deriving all the advantages of law and government from them at once, neither of which can be done in sparse settlements, where nothing is thought of but scrambling for land, which may involve confusion and bloodshed.

TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.

It is much to be regretted, that the slow determinations of Congress involve many evils—’tis much easier to avoid mischiefs than to apply remedies when they have happened. Had Congress paid an earlier attention to, or decided sooner on Indian affairs, matters would have been in a more favorable train than they now are; and if they are longer delayed, they will grow worse. Twelve months ago the Indians would have listened to propositions of any kind with more readiness than they will do now:—the terms of the peace frightened them, and they were disgusted with G. B. for making such. Bribery, and every address which British art could dictate have been practised since to soothe them, to estrange them from us, and to secure their trade. To what other causes can be ascribed their holding our western posts so long after the ratifications of the treaty, contrary to the spirit, tho’ they do it under the letter of it. To remove their garrison and stores cannot be the work of a week; for if report is true, they have only to shift them to the opposite side of the line. But it is now more than twelve months since I foretold what has happened, and I shall not be surprized if they leave us no Posts to occupy; for if they mean to surrender them at all, they may fix upon a season, or appoint a short day perhaps for the evacuation when no relief can be had. And Congress having repeatedly called for an evacuation, will hardly know how to act, especially as they will be in no condition to take possession of the posts:—for to do it properly requires time; as ordnance, stores, provisions and other articles, as well as garrisons are not to be established in a moment, even where boats and other conveniences, of which I question much whether you have any, are at hand. This being the case, there will be an interregnum during which the works will be left without guards; and being obnoxious to our late enemy, now no doubt staunch friends with Indian prejudices in aid, will be the cause of accidental fires, or Indian drunkenness, in which the whole will end in conflagration, or, I shall be mistaken. * * *

Mount Vernon, 20 August, 1784.

My dear Count,

TO GEORGE CLINTON, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

Mount Vernon, 25 November, 1784.

My dear Sir,

A few days ago I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 12th instant. Although I felt pain from your silence, I should have imputed that silence to any cause, rather than a diminution of friendship. I feel this passion for you too strongly implanted in my own breast, to harbor a suspicion of it in yours, where I flatter myself it is reciprocal, unless I had done something to deserve it, of which I am not conscious.

It gives me great pleasure to learn from yourself, that the State over which you preside is tranquil. Would to God it may ever remain so, and that all others may follow the example. Internal dissensions, and jarring with our neighbors, are not only productive of mischievous consequences as it respects ourselves, but have a tendency to lessen our national character and importance in the eyes of European powers. If any thing can, this will, expose us to their intriguing politics, and may shake the Union.

CERTIFICATE TO MR. JAMES RUMSEY.1

It has been my avowed and uniform opinion, ever since the interview between Baron de Steuben and General Haldimand last year, that, whilst a pretext could be found, the western posts would be withheld from us; and I do not think I should hazard a false prediction, were I to add, that they never will come into our hands in the condition they now are. When pretexts can no longer put on the garb of decency, a season may be named for the surrender, in which it would be impracticable for us to avail ourselves; and the Indians during the interregnum by innuendos may reduce them to ashes. I wish it may be otherwise, but these are my opinions.

It gave pain to Mrs. Washington and myself to hear of Mrs. Clinton’s indisposition, and the sickness and accidents with which your little flock have been afflicted. Our best and sincere wishes are offered for them, and we hope shortly to hear of their perfect restoration, as we have a most affectionate regard for them all, and feel ourselves interested in every thing which concerns them.

Given under my hand at the town of Bath, County of Berkeley in the State of Virga. this 7th day of September, 1784.

I am sorry we have been disappointed in our expectation of the mineral spring at Saratoga; and of the purchase of that part of the Oriskany tract, on which Fort Schuyler stands; but very glad you have succeeded upon such advantageous terms in the purchase of six thousand acres adjoining; for you certainly have obtained it amazingly cheap. Be so good, my dear Sir, along with the other information you have kindly promised me, to signify whether you have any prospect of borrowing, on interest, money for the payment of my moiety, as was talked of between us, or whether I am to provide it in any other manner, that I may take measures accordingly. The time is also come for the payment of interest due on the old score, and I shall do it with as little delay as possible.

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

Give me leave now, my dear Sir, to thank you for your recollection of and attention to the small articles, which I prayed you to provide for me. Whenever you conceive the season is proper, and an opportunity offers, I shall hope to receive the balsam trees, or any others, which you may think curious and exotics with us, as I am endeavoring to improve the grounds about my house in this way. If perchance the sloop Pilgrim is not yet sailed from your port, you would add to the favor you mean to confer on me, by causing a number of grape vines, sent to me by an uncle of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, brought over by Captain Williams, and deposited by him in the garden of Mr. Beekman near the city of New York, to be forwarded by that vessel. They consist of a variety of the most valuable eating grapes in France. A list of the kinds, and the distinctions of them, no doubt accompanied them. I pray you to take some of each sort for your own use, and offer some to Mr. Beekman.

Mount Vernon, 10 October, 1784.2

Dear Sir,

I thank you for the interest you take in the welfare of my nephew, and for his letter, which you were so obliging as to send me. Poor fellow! his pursuit after health is, I fear, altogether fruitless. Ever since the month of May he has been traversing the seas from island to island, but hitherto to very little effect. When he last wrote, he was about to sail for Charleston, where he proposed to spend the winter, and, if no salutary effects should be derived from it, to come hither in the spring and resign himself to his fate.1

Mrs. Washington unites in affectionate regards for you, Mrs. Clinton, and family; and with every sentiment of friendship and respect, I am, &c.

P. S. Tell Walker, that Mrs. Washington and I join in congratulating with him on his matrimonial connexion, and hope he will enjoy all the comforts and pleasures, which are to be derived from a good wife.1

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.2

Mount Vernon, 14 December, 1784.

Dear Sir,

The letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 20th of last month, only came to my hands by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, you will please to accept my thanks. These people have given, I think, all that the United States could reasonably have required of them; more, perhaps, than the State of New York conceives ought to have been asked from them, by any other than their own legislature.

I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States opposing the measures of the United States, encroaching upon the territory of each other, and setting up old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies, and is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Six Nations have been, and will cede a competent district of country northwest of the Ohio to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me; for it was apprehended, that they should agree to the latter reluctantly if at all; but the example of the Northern Indians, who, (if they have not relinquished their claim,) have pretensions to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the commissioners, who have proceeded to Cayahoga.1

It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that a sufficient number of States had assembled to form a Congress, and that you were chosen to preside in it.1 On this event, permit me to offer my compliments of congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavorable aspect; contributes to lessen, already too low, the dignity and importance of the federal government, and is hurtful to our national character in the eyes of Europe.

It is said (I do not know how founded), that our Assembly have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If this be true, and the State of New York has not acted repugnantly to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; but I shall be mistaken if they do not entrench themselves behind some other expedient to effect it, or will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves; the probable consequence of which will be the destruction of the works.1

The Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have now under consideration the extension of the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, and opening a communication between them and the western waters. They seem fully impressed with the political as well as the commercial advantages, which would result from the accomplishment of these great objects, and I hope will embrace the present moment to put them in train for speedy execution. Would it not, at the same time, be worthy of the wisdom and attention of Congress to have the western waters well explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained, accurately laid down, and a complete and perfect map made of the country; at least as far westwardly as the Miamies, running into the Ohio and Lake Erie, and to see how the waters of them communicate with the River St. Joseph, which empties into the Lake Michigan, and with the Wabash. I cannot forbear observing here that the Miami village, in Hutchins’s map, if it and the waters here mentioned are laid down with any degree of accuracy, points to a very important post for the Union. The expense attending the undertaking could not be great, the advantages would be unbounded; for sure I am, nature has made such a display of her bounties in those regions, that the more the country is explored, the more it will rise in estimation, consequently the greater will the revenue be to the Union.

Would there be any impropriety, do you think, Sir, in reserving for special sale all mines, minerals, and salt springs, in the general grants of land belonging to the United States? The public, instead of the few knowing ones, might in this case receive the benefits, which would result from the sale of them, without infringing any rule of justice that occurs to me, or their own laws; but, on the contrary, inflict a just punishment upon those, who in defiance of the latter have dared to create enemies & to disturb the public tranquillity, by roaming over the country, marking and surveying the valuable spots in it, to the great disquiet of the western tribes of Indians, who have viewed these transactions with jealous indignation. To hit upon a happy medium price for the western lands, for the prevention of monopoly on one hand, and not discouraging useful settlers on the other, will, no doubt, require consideration; but should not employ too much time before it is announced. The spirit for emigration is great. People have got impatient, and, though you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way; a little while, and you will not be able to do either. It is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil. I shall be very happy in the continuation of your correspondence; and, with sentiments of great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

[1 ]Washington arrived at Mount Vernon on the day before Christmas.

[2 ]An address of Governor Trumbull to the Assembly of Connecticut, in October, 1783, declining a re-election. He was then in the seventy-third year of his age, and had been governor of Connecticut fourteen years.

[1 ]Some parts of Governor Trumbull’s address had not been acceptable to the majority of the legislature. He had spoken of the necessity of enlarging the powers of Congress, and of strengthening the arm of government. The following is a paragraph of the reply reported by a committee of the General Assembly, which was rejected by the lower house:

“That the secretary request of his Excellency a copy of his address, that it may be published, which this Assembly are especially desirous of, as they consider those important principles of justice, benevolence, and subordination to law, therein inculcated, as constituting the only solid basis upon which social happiness can be established, and therefore deserving the serious attention of the good people of the State.”

Upon this paragraph Mr. Trumbull remarked in his letter to General Washington: “It was rejected, lest, by adopting it, they should seem to convey to the people an idea of their concurring with the political sentiments contained in the address; so exceedingly jealous is the spirit of this State at present respecting the powers and the engagements of Congress, arising principally from their aversion to the half-pay and commutation granted to the army; principally I say arising from this cause. It is but too true, that some few are wicked enough to hope, that, by means of this clamor, they may be able to rid themselves of the whole public debt, by introducing so much confusion into public measures, as shall eventually produce a general abolition of the whole.”—MS. Letter, November 15, 1783.

[1 ]The instructions of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania to the delegates in Congress from that State contained the following clause:

“Though his Excellency General Washington proposes in a short time to retire, yet his illustrious actions and virtues render his character so splendid and venerable, that, it is highly probable, the admiration and esteem of the world may make his life in a very considerable degree public, as numbers will be desirous of seeing the great and good man, who has so eminently contributed to the happiness of a nation. His very services to his country may therefore subject him to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude to interpose.

“We are perfectly acquainted with the disinterestedness and generosity of his soul. He thinks himself amply rewarded for all his labors and cares, by the love and prosperity of his fellow citizens. It is true, no rewards they can bestow can be equal to his merits. But they ought not to suffer those merits to be burthensome to him. We are convinced that the people of Pennsylvania would regret such a consequence.

“We are aware of the delicacy, with which this subject must be treated. But relying upon the good sense of Congress, we wish it may engage their early attention.”—December 16, 1783.

As one of the delegates of Pennsylvania, President Mifflin forwarded this paper to General Washington. The brief reply in the above letter prevented its being laid before Congress. That reply, indeed, was accordant with his principles and determination, made known when he received his commission in the army. It was then his fixed purpose to receive no compensation from his country for his services. To his resolution he rigidly adhered, never exhibiting any other claims, than the simple amount of his expenses while he held his commission and was in actual employment.—Sparks.

[1 ]Washington had no sooner reached Mount Vernon than he was overwhelmed by applications from many sources for his aid and countenance. The manner in which the army had been disbanded appealed to his sympathies, and he was ever ready to listen to the application of those who had served under him, and with whose services and wants he was acquainted. In this much tact and discrimination were necessary. He was now a private citizen, without call upon either Congress, or the States, and ostensibly of no weight in determining public questions or urging private claims. Yet he would have had no time for other occupation had he attempted to do what was asked of him. In addition to his friendly correspondence—a heavy tax on his time and strength, he was asked to write endorsements and recommendations, stand sponsor to books on every topic, subscribe money to all manner of undertakings, and loan it to the needy. I could fill two volumes with his replies, but have been compelled to omit many that Mr. Sparks printed in his collection, for the form, always in good taste and discretion, was somewhat stereotyped; and I thought, with so many other letters of interest, I could best sacrifice many of this description.

[1 ]Surveyor of Augusta.

[1 ]Captain John Roots.

[1 ]This particular spot had been claimed by Charles Smith, Dr. Briscoe, and also by Michael Cresap, of Maryland, “who appears to have had pretensions of some kind or another to every good spot in the country.”

“Having mentioned the name of Cresap, it reminds me of another matter which I must also request the favor of you to give me information upon. It is, whether, if he has had any surveys returned to the Land Office of this State, there is one for about five or six hundred acres for a tract which is well known and distinguished by the name of the Round bottom on the Ohio, opposite to Pipe Creek, and a little above a creek called Capteening? He has, I find, arrested my survey of it for 587 acres, made under all the legal forms, and upon proper warrants, for no better reason that I could ever learn, than because it was a good bottom, and convenient for him to possess it, and had it in his power to do it with impunity.”—Washington to John Harvie, 10 February, 1784.

[1 ]In December, 1890, a package of seventy-nine pieces of Virginia paper money, of various denominations, was sold at auction in Philadelphia, with a wrapper bearing an endorsement in Washington’s writing, “Given in by Gilb. Simpson, 19 June, 1784, to G. Washington.”

[2 ]John Lewis.

[1 ]Known also as Miller’s Run. It was part of 3,000 acres purchased by Washington of Posey, and was surveyed 23 March, 1771.

[1 ]That is, the most southern State from which delegates would go to attend the meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati.

[1 ]Upon further consideration Washington decided against granting the application, and on March 8th, wrote to John Witherspoon: “From the cursory manner in which you expressed the wish of Mr. Bowie to write the memoirs of my life, I was not, at the moment of your application and my assent to it, struck with the consequences to which it tended; but, when I came to reflect upon the matter afterwards, and had some conversation with Mr. Bowie on the subject, I found that this must be a very futile work (if under any circumstances it could be made interesting), unless he could be furnished with the incidents of my life, either from my papers or my recollection, and digesting of past transactions into some sort of form and order with respect to times and circumstances. I knew, also, that many of the former, relative to the part I had acted in the war between France and Great Britain, from the year 1754 until the peace of Paris, and which contained some of the most interesting occurrences of my life, were lost, and that my memory is too treacherous to be relied on to supply this defect; and, admitting both were more perfect, that submitting such a publication to the world, whilst I continue on the theatre, might be ascribed, (however involuntarily I was led into it,) to vain motives.

“These considerations prompted me to tell Mr. Bowie, when I saw him at Philadelphia in May last, that I could have no agency towards the publication of any memoirs respecting myself whilst living; but as I had given my assent to you (when asked) to have them written, and as he had been the first to propose it, he was welcome, if he thought his time would not be unprofitably spent, to take extracts from such documents as yet remained in my possession, and to avail himself of any other information I could give, provided the publication should be suspended until I quitted the stage of human action. I then intended, as I informed him, to devote the present expiring winter to arranging my papers, which I had left at home, and which I found a mere mass of confusion, (occasioned by frequently shifting them into trunks, and suddenly removing them from the reach of the enemy); but, however strange it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that, what with company, references of old matters with which I ought not to be troubled, applications for certificates and copies of orders, in addition to the routine of letters, which have multiplied greatly upon me, I have not been able to touch a single paper, or transact any business of my own in the way of accounts, during the whole course of the winter; or, in a word, since my retirement from public life.”

[1 ]The failure of Maryland to co-operate with Virginia in the undertaking, and the outbreak of the Revolution, led to the abandonment of this early attempt to open the navigation of the River. In her first constitution (1776) Virginia, in substance, ceded to Maryland the entire jurisdiction over the River Potomac, reserving only the right of navigation,—a surrender the more extraordinary, as the patents of the N[orthern] Neck place the whole river Potomac within the Government of Virginia; so that we were armed with a title both of prior and posterior date to that of Maryland. (Madison.) To determine the points in controversy Virginia proposed the appointment by each State interested, of commissioners, “for the general purpose of preserving a harmony and efficacy in the regulations on both sides.” This proposition was accepted by Maryland; and Col. George Mason, Edmund Randolph, Alexander Henderson, and James Madison, Jr., were named by Virginia, to meet Thomas Johnson, Thomas Stone, Samuel Chase, and Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, on the part of Maryland. Through a series of blunders, only Mason and Henderson met Chase and Jenifer at Alexandria in March, 1785, and on the 25th, they proceeded to Mount Vernon, having been joined by Stone. Here their business was completed, and recommendations drawn for their respective legislatures, to provide for the establishment of a concurrent jurisdiction on the Potomac and Chesapeake, and for the appointment annually of commissioners to discuss the commercial regulations proposed by each State. This led to results more important than the conference could have foreseen. For Maryland extended an invitation to Pennsylvania and Delaware to join the annual meeting, and Madison thought a general meeting “naturally grew out” of this proposition. The Annapolis Convention of September, 1786, was the fulfilment of Madison’s thought.

[1 ]Jefferson appears to have proposed a cession of a certain tract of the Western country lying between the Kanawha and the Ohio, to be incorporated into the Union. Madison rightly answered that three parties must be consulted—Virginia, Congress, and the inhabitants of the ceded territory. “I have no reason,” he said, “to believe there will be any repugnance on the part of Virginia.”

[1 ]The children of her son, John Parke Custis.

[1 ]A pamphlet had been published, entitled Considerations on the Society, or Order, of Cincinnati, which, although anonymous, was known to have been written by Judge Ædanus Burke of South Carolina. It was the author’s chief purpose to show, that the society created a nobility, or what he called a class of “hereditary patricians”; and he predicted very direful consequences to the liberty and happiness of the people, if the institution were allowed to gain strength upon the plan of its original establishment. He recommended legislative interference to put a stop to a political combination of military commanders, fraught with principles so dangerous, and portending to the republic evils so alarming. The pamphlet was a local political attack, directed against the Carolina leaders who were members of the Society. Jefferson’s reply to Washington is printed in his Works, i., 333.

[2 ]“The choice of your delegates to the general meeting of the Society of Cincinnati gave me pleasure. I wish very sincerely you would all attend. Let me impress this upon you, with a request that you would impress it upon your brothers of the delegation.

“This meeting, considering the prejudices and jealousies which have arisen, should not only be respectable in numbers, but respectable in abilities. Our measures should be deliberate and wise. If we cannot convince the people, that their fears are ill founded, we should at least in a degree yield to them, and not suffer that, which was intended for the best of purposes, to produce a bad one; which will be the consequence of divisions, proceeding from an opposition to the current opinion, if this be the fact in the eastern States, as some say it is. Independent of this, there are other matters, which call for attention at the ensuing meeting.

“You will oblige me by having the enclosed advertisement inserted (twice) in a gazette of your State. The one, which is most diffusive among that class of people, whose views it is most likely to meet, will answer my purposes best.”—Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., 4 April, 1784.

The Society held a general meeting at Philadelpia, and Washington reduced to writing his ideas on the alterations to be made in the constitution.

“Strike out every word, sentence and clause, which has a political tendency.

“Discontinue the hereditary part in all its connections, absolutely, without any substitution, which can be construed into concealment, or a change of ground only; for this would, in my opinion, increase, rather then allay suspicions.

“Admit no more honorary members into the society.

“Reject subscriptions or donations from every person, who is not a citizen of the United States.

“Place the funds upon such a footing, as to remove the jealousies, which are entertained on that score.

“Respecting the funds, it would be magnanimous to place them, in the first instance, in the hand of the legislatures for the express purposes for which they were intended. This would show a generous confidence in our country, which might be productive of favorable sentiments and returns. . . .

“Abolish the general meetings altogether as unnecessary. The constitution being firm, a continuation of them would be expensive, and very probably, from a diversity of sentiment and tenacity of opinion, might be productive of more dissension than harmony; for it has been much observed, ‘that nothing loosens the bands of private friendship more, than for friends to put themselves against each other in public debate where every one is free to speak and to act.’ District meetings might also be discontinued, as of very little use, but attractive of much speculation.

“No alterations, short of what are here enumerated, will, in my opinion, reconcile the society to the community. Whether these will do it, is questionable. Without being possessed of the reasons which induce many gentlemen to retain their order or badge of the society, it will be conceived by the public, that the order (which except in its perpetuity still appears in the same terrific array as at first) is a feather we cannot consent to pluck from ourselves, though we have taken it from our descendants. If we assign the reasons, we might, I presume, as well discontinue the orders.”

Many of these suggested alterations were made and a circular letter to the State Societies, dated 15 May, 1784, was prepared by John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, Col. Henry Lee, of Virginia, and Col. David Humphreys, of New York, setting forth the changes. It was signed by Washington as President.

“The elections for this year have proved the readiness of the citizens to incorporate the military with the civil. I have heard of the success of some military candidates in different counties, and of the rejection of one only. This repudiation was effected by Burk’s pamphlet against the Cincinnati; which had circulated very widely through the southern parts of Virginia and particularly Mecklenberg. Perhaps the indisposition of the people towards the society in general was much heightened when applied to Col. Hopkins, the candidate who miscarried, by a report that he was deputy to the convention shortly to be holden in Philadelphia. How far General W[ashington] patronizes the association, is, as yet, an impenetrable secret. It has, however, been said for him, that in his opinion, neither Burk, nor the author who answered him, understood the principles of the institution.”—Randolph to Jefferson, 24 April, 1784.

“I am perfectly convinced, that, if the first institution of this Society had not been parted with, ere this we should have had the country in an uproar, and a line of separation drawn between this Society and their fellow-citizens. The alterations, which took place at the last general meeting, have quieted the clamors, which in many of the States were rising to a great height; but I have not heard yet of the incorporation of any Society by the State to which it belongs, which is an evidence, in my mind, that the jealousies of the people are rather asleep than removed on this occasion.”—Washington to St. Clair, 31 August, 1785.

[1 ]It was Washington’s wish to go from Philadelphia to the Falls of Niagara, and into Canada. “Two causes prevent it. My private concerns are of such a nature, that it is morally impossible for me to be absent long from home at this juncture. . . . The other is, that I am not disposed to be indebted for my passport to Niagara to the courtesy of the British, who are still I believe possessed of our western posts.”—Washington to Schuyler, 15 May, 1784.

[1 ]Similar letters were written to Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee. The subject was brought before the legislature of Virginia, and it was proposed to give Mr. Paine a moiety of a tract of land on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay.

“The easy reception it found, induced the friends of the measure to add the other moiety to the proposition, which would have raised the market value of the donation to about four thousand pounds, or upwards, though it would not probably have commanded a rent of more than one hundred pounds per annum. In this form the bill passed through two readings. The third reading proved, that the tide had suddenly changed, for the bill was thrown out by a large majority. An attempt was next made to sell the land in question, and apply two thousand pounds of the money to the purchase of a farm for Mr. Paine. This was lost by a single voice. Whether a greater disposition to reward patriotic and distinguished exertions of genius will be found on any succeeding occasion, is not for me to predetermine. Should it finally appear, that the merits of the man, whose writings have so much contributed to enforce and foster the spirit of independence in the people of America, are unable to inspire them with a just beneficence, the world, it is to be feared, will give us as little credit for our policy as for our gratitude in this particular.”—Madison’s Letter, July 2d.

Mr. Lee wrote that he was not present when the proposition was brought forward. “I have been told,” said he, “that it miscarried from its being observed, that he had shown enmity to this State by having written a pamphlet injurious to our claim of western territory. It has ever appeared to me, that this pamphlet was the consequence of Mr. Paine’s being himself imposed upon, and that it was rather the fault of the place than the man.”—July 22d. Arthur Lee was most responsible for the failure of the measure, for he was active in cultivating a prejudice against Paine. This was somewhat ungracious, as Paine had befriended Lee in his controversy with Deane.

The pamphlet here alluded to was entitled, Public Good; being an Examination into the Claim of Virginia to the vacant Western Territory, and of the Right of the United States to the same; 1780.

In the order of dates we may here introduce the following resolution, passed by the legislature of Virginia on the 22d of June.

“Resolved, that the Executive be requested to take measures for procuring a statue of General Washington to be of the finest marble, and best workmanship, with the following inscription on its pedestal:

“ ‘The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia have caused this statue to be erected as a Monument of Affection and Gratitude to George Washington, who, uniting to the Endowments of the Hero the Virtues of the Patriot, and exerting both in establishing the Liberties of his Country, has rendered his Name dear to his Fellow Citizens, and given the World an immortal Example of true Glory.’ ”

This statue was executed by Houdon, who was employed by Mr. Jefferson, at the request of the governor of Virginia, and who came to America in the summer of 1785 for the express purpose of taking an exact cast of General Washington’s features and person. He returned to Paris and finished his work in that place. The statue has always been considered as exhibiting a remarkable resemblance of the original. It is placed in the State-House at Richmond.—Sparks.

[1 ]The General Assembly of Virginia, on the 22d of June, voted an address to General Washington. A joint committee, appointed for the purpose by the two Houses, waited on him a few days afterwards at Mount Vernon, and presented to him the address in behalf of the Assembly to which, on the 15th of July, he made the following reply:

“With feelings, which are more easy to be conceived than expressed, I meet and reciprocate the congratulations of the representatives of this commonwealth on the final establishment of peace.

“Nothing can add more to the pleasure, which arises from a conscious discharge of public trust, than the approbation of one’s country. To have been so happy, under a vicissitude of fortune, amidst the difficult and trying scenes of an arduous conflict, as to meet this, is, in my mind, to have attained the highest honor; and the consideration of it, in my present peaceful retirement, will heighten all my domestic joys, and constitute my greatest felicity.

“I should have been truly wanting in duty, and must have frustrated the great and important object for which we resorted to arms, if, seduced by a temporary regard for fame, I had suffered the paltry love of it to interfere with my country’s welfare; the interest of which was the only inducement, which carried me into the field, or permitted the sacred rights of civil authority, though but for a moment, to be violated and infringed by a power, meant originally to rescue and confirm them.

“For those rewards and blessings, which you have invoked for me in this world, and for the fruition of that happiness, which you pray for in that which is to come, you have, Gentlemen, all my thanks and all my gratitude. I wish I could ensure them to you, and the State you represent, a hundred fold.”

[1 ]This William was “Billy,” purchased by Washington of Mary Lee in 1768, for £68 15s. He was the servant mentioned in the preface to the forged letters of 1776.

[2 ]A delegate in Congress from South Carolina.

[1 ]Lafayette arrived at New York on the 4th of August, after a passage of thirty-four days from France. He remained a short time in New York, to receive the congratulations of the citizens, and also in Philadelphia, and then hastened forward to Mount Vernon, which place he reached on the 17th.

[1 ]The King of Sweden had declined permitting the officers in the French army, who were his subjects, and who had been in America, to wear the order of the Cincinnati, on the ground that the institution had a republican tendency not suited to his government.

[2 ]General Washington left Mount Vernon on the 1st of September, on his tour to the western country, and was absent till the 4th of October, when he again reached home. The results of his observations during his tour will be found in his letter to Governor Harrison, which follows in the text.

It was his original purpose to go down the Ohio as far as the Great Kanawha, but he changed his design after arriving at the Monongahela, where he was informed of the disquietude of the Indians.

This tour was performed on horseback, and the whole distance travelled was six hundred and eighty miles. He crossed the mountains by the usual route of Braddock’s Road, but returned through the wild and unsettled country, which is watered by the different branches of the Cheat River, and came into the Shenandoah Valley near Staunton. He kept a journal, in which were minutely recorded his conversations with every intelligent person whom he met, respecting the facilities for internal navigation afforded by the rivers which have their sources among the Alleghany Mountains, and flow thence either to the east or the west.

[1 ]Rumsey was at this time associated with Robert Throckmorton in keeping “a very commodious boarding-house at the sign of the Liberty Pole and Flag,” Berkeley Springs.—Maryland Gazette, 13 June, 1784.

[2 ]Washington wrote letters to George Plater, of Maryland (25 October), and Jacob Read, of South Carolina (3 November), upon the same subject, and in much the same language. I have noted a few variations and additions of interest, and printed in the proper place the views expressed to Read on other matters.

“My tour to the westward was less extensive than I intended. The Indians, from accounts, were in too dissatisfied a mood for me to expose myself to their insults, as I had no object in contemplation, which could warrant any risk. My property in that country having previously undergone every kind of attack and diminution, which the nature of it could admit, to see the condition of my lands, which were nearest and settled, and to dispose of those, which were more remote and unsettled, was all I had in view. The first I accomplished; the other I could not; and I returned three weeks sooner than I expected.”—From his letter to Jacob Read.

[1 ]“To describe the usefulness of water transportation would be a mere waste of time; every man who has considered the difference of expence between it and land transportation, and the prodigious saving in the article of draft cattle, requires no argument in proof of it. And to point out the advantages which the back inhabitants of Virginia and Maryland would derive from an extension of the inland navigation of the river Potomack, even supposing our views did not extend beyond the Appalachian mountains, would be equally nugatory.”—From his letter to Plater.

[2 ]“As the Lakes are as open to our traders as theirs, and the way easier.” From his letter to Plater.

[1 ]“Any more than they will of the difficulty of diverting trade after connections are once formed, and it has followed for any length of time in one channel, to that of another. I am not for discouraging the exertion of any State to draw the commerce of the western country to its sea ports. The more communications are opened to it, the closer we bind that rising world (for indeed it may be so called) to our interests, and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. Those to whom nature affords the best communication will, if they are wise and politic, enjoy the greatest share of the trade. All I would be understood to mean, therefore, is that the gifts of Providence may not be neglected or slighted.”—From his letter to Plater.

[1 ]In May, 1782, one Yoder floated down the Mississippi, sold his goods, and returned to the Falls of Ohio by way of Havanna, Philadelphia, and Pittsburg.—Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II., 212.

Lafayette, upon the eve of embarking, wrote to Madison: “I have much conferred with the General upon the Potomac system. Many people think the navigation of the Mississippi is not an advantage, but it may be the excess of a very good thing, viz: the opening of your rivers. I fancy it has not changed your opinion, but beg you will write me on the subject; in the meanwhile I hope Congress will act coolly and prudently by Spain, who is such a fool that allowances should be made.” Madison could “not believe that many minds are tainted with so illiberal and short sighted a policy,” and replied at length on March 20th, 1785.—Writings of Madison, 136.

[1 ]Governor Harrison replied: “I was in great hopes of seeing you here before this, that I might acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 10th of last month in person, and tell you how much I approve of your plan for opening the navigation of the western waters. The letter was so much more explicit than I could be, that I took the liberty to lay it before the Assembly, who appear so impressed with the utility of the measure, that I dare say they will order the survey you propose immediately, and will at their next sitting proceed to carry the plan into execution.”—Richmond, November 13th.

When Washington went to Richmond to meet the Marquis de Lafayette, 15 November, 1784, he conferred with some members of the Assembly on the subject, and then accompanied the Marquis to Annapolis. To Madison and Joseph Jones he wrote from Mount Vernon on the 28th: “In one word, it should seem to me, that if the public cannot take it up with efficient funds, and without those delays which might be involved by a limping conduct, it had better be placed in the hands of a corporate company.”

Madison has fully recorded the subsequent steps, in a letter to Jefferson, dated 9 January, 1785:

“Shortly after his [Washington’s] departure, a joint memorial from a number of Citizens of Virginia and Maryland, interested in the Potomac, was presented to the Assembly, stating the practicability and importance of the work, and praying for an act of incorporation, and grant of perpetual toll to the undertaking of it. A bill had been prepared at the same meeting which produced the memorial, and was transmitted to Richmond at the same time. A like memorial and bill went to Annapolis, where the Legislature of Maryland was sitting.

“The Assembly here lent a ready ear to the project; but a difficulty arose from the height of the tolls proposed, the danger of destroying the uniformity essential in the proceedings of the two States by altering them, and the scarcity of time for negociating with Maryland a bill satisfactory to both States. Short as the time was, however, the attempt was decided on, and the negociation committed to General Washington himself. General Gates, who happened to be in the way, and Col. Blackburn, were associated with him. The latter did not act; the two former pushed immediately to Annapolis, where the sickness of General Gates threw the whole agency on General Washington. By his exertions, in concert with Committees of the two branches of the Legislature, an amendment of the plan was digested in a few days, passed through both houses in one day, with nine dissenting voices only, and dispatched for Richmond, where it arrrived just in time for the close of the Session. A corresponding act was immediately introduced, and passed without opposition.

“The scheme declares that the subscribers shall be an incorporated body; that there shall be 500 shares, amounting to about 220,000 dollars, of which the States of Virginia and Maryland are each to take 50 shares; that the tolls shall be collected in three portions, at the three principal falls, and with the works vest as real estate in the members of the Company; and that the works shall be begun within one year and finished within ten years, under the penalty of entire forfeiture.

“Previous to the receipt of the act from Annapolis, a bill on a different plan had been brought in and proceeded on for clearing James River. It proposed that the subscriptions should be taken by Trustees, and, under their management, solemnly appropriated to the object in view; that they should be regarded as a loan to the State, should bear an interest of 10 per cent and should entitle the subscriber to the double of the principal remaining undischarged at the end of a moderate period; and that the tolls to be collected shall stand inviolably pledged for both principal and interest. It was thought better for the public to present this exuberant harvest to the subscribers than to grant them a perpetuity in the tolls. In the case of the Potomac, which depended on another authority as well as our own, we were less at liberty to consider what would be best in itself. Exuberant, however, as the harvest appeared, it was pronounced by good judges an inadequate bait for subscriptions, even from those otherwise interested in the work, and on the arrival and acceptance of the Potomac plan, it was found advisable to pass a similar one in favor of James River. The circumstantial variations in the latter are: 1. The sum to be aimed at in the first instance is 100,000 Dollars only. 2. The shares, which are the same in number with those of Potomac, are reduced to 200 Dollars each, and the number of public shares raised to 100. 3. The tolls are reduced to half of the aggregate of the Potomac tolls. 4. In case the falls at this place, where alone tolls are to be paid, shall be first opened, the Company are permitted to receive the tolls immediately, and continue to do so till the lapse of ten years, within which the whole river is to be made navigable. 5. A right of pre-emption is reserved to the public on all transfers of shares. These acts are very lengthy, and having passed in all the precipitancy which marks the concluding stages of a session, abound, I fear, with inaccuracies.

“In addition to these acts, joint resolutions have passed the Legislatures of Maryland and Virginia for clearing a road from the head of the Potomac navigation to Cheat river, or if necessary to Monongalia, and 3,333⅓ dollars are voted for the work by each State. Pennsylvania is also to be applied to by the Governors of the two States for leave to clear a road through her jurisdiction, if it should be found necessary, from Potomac to Yohogania; to which the Assembly here have added a proposition to unite with Maryland in representing to Pennsylvania the advantages which will accrue on a part of her citizens from opening the proposed communication with the Sea, and the reasonableness of her securing to those who are to be at the expense the use of her waters as a thoroughfare to and from the Country beyond her limits, free from all imposts and restrictions whatever, and as a channel of trade with her citizens, free from greater imposts than may be levied on any other channel of importation. This resolution did not pass till it was too late to refer it to General Washington’s negociations with Maryland. It now makes a part of the task alloted to the Commissioners who are to settle with Maryland the jurisdiction and navigation of Potomac, below tide water. By another Resolution of this State, persons are to be forthwith appointed by the Executive to survey the upper parts of James River, the country through which a road must pass to the navigable waters of New River, and these waters down to the Ohio. I am told by a member of the Assembly, who seems to be well acquainted both with the intermediate ground and with the western waters in question, that a road of 25 or 30 miles in length will link these waters with James River, and will strike a branch of the former which yields a fine navigation, and falls into the main stream of the Kenhawa below the only obstructions lying in this river down to the Ohio. If these be facts James River will have a great superiority over Potomac, the road from which to Cheat river is, indeed, computed by General Washington at 20 miles only, but he thinks the expence of making the latter navigable will require a continuation of the road to Monongalia, which will lengthen it to forty miles. The road to Yohogania is computed by the General at 30 miles.

“By another resolution, commissioners are to be appointed to survey the ground for a canal between the waters of Elizabeth river and those of North Carolina, and in case the best course for such a canal shall require the concurrence of that State, to concert a joint plan and report the same to the next session of Assembly. Besides the trade which will flow through this channel from North Carolina to Norfolk, the large district of Virginia watered by the Roanoake will be doubled in its value by it.

“The Treasurer is by this act directed to subscribe 50 shares in the Potomac and 100 shares in the James River companies, which shall vest in General Washington and his heirs. This mode of adding some substantial to the many rewards bestowed on him was deemed least injurious to his delicacy, as well as least dangerous as a precedent. It was submittedin in place of a direct pension, urged on the House by the indiscreet zeal of some of his friends. Though it will not be an equivalent succor in all respects, it will save the General from subscriptions which would have oppressed his finances; and if the schemes be executed within the period fixed, may yield a revenue for some years before the term of his. At all events, it will demonstrate the grateful wishes of his Country, and will promote the object which he has so much at heart. The earnestness with which he espouses the undertaking is hardly to be described, and shews that a mind like his, capable of great views, and which has long been occupied with them, cannot bear a vacancy; and surely he could not have chosen an occupation more worthy of succeeding to that of establishing the political rights of his Country than the patronage of works for the extensive and lasting improvement of its natural advantages; works which will be double the value of half the lands within the Commonwealth, will extend its commerce, link with its interests those of the Western States, and lessen the emigration of its citizens by enhancing the profitableness of situations which they now desert in search of better.”

[1 ]George Augustine Washington.

[1 ]The next morning the House of Assembly passed the following resolution:

“Resolved, nemine contradicente, that, as a mark of their reverence for his character, and affection for his person, a committee of five members be appointed to wait upon him with the respectful regards of this House; to express to him the satisfaction they feel in the opportunity afforded by his presence, of offering this tribute to his merit; and to assure him, that, as they not only retain the most lasting impressions of the transcendent services rendered in his late public character, but have since his return to private life experienced proofs, that no change of situation can turn his thoughts from the welfare of his country, so his happiness can never cease to be an object of their most devout wishes and fervent supplications.

“Mr. Henry, Mr. Madison, Mr. Jones, Mr. C. H. Harrison, and Mr. Carrington are appointed a committee.”

To the committee of five members, who were the bearers of this resolve, and of whom Patrick Henry was chairman, General Washington replied:

“My sensibility is deeply affected by this distinguished mark of the affectionate regard of your honorable House. I lament, on this occasion, the want of those powers which would enable me to do justice to my feelings, and shall rely upon your indulgent report to supply the defect; at the same time I pray you to present, for me, the strongest assurances of unalterable affection and gratitude, for this last pleasing and flattering attention of my country.”

[2 ]Mr. Lee had been chosen President of Congress on the 30th of November.

[1 ]Washington arrived at Mount Vernon on the day before Christmas.

[1 ]The commissioners, Wolcott, Lee, and Butler, came to Fort Stanwix and found Lafayette already there. On a suggestion, and after some bickering, the Marquis made a speech to the Indians, and was, during his stay, of more importance to them than the commissioners, which gave umbrage to Arthur Lee. Madison, who was also present, details the matter, and hints that the commissioners were embarrassed by their instructions, “which left them no space for negotiation or concession.” They were also impeded by the independent negotiations of New York with the Indians. “The Governor of this State not only attempted to hold a treaty before and separate from that of the U. S., but has absolutely done all in his power to frustrate ours.”—Arthur Lee toJacob Read, 29 October, 1784. In one of Washington’s letters, it is hinted, that the negotiations were fruitless, as the deputies on the part of the Indians were not properly authorized to treat—an error, perhaps, for deputies of Congress. For it led him to add: “Certain it is in my opinion that there is a kind of fatality attending all our public measures. Inconceivable delays, particular states counteracting the plans of the United States when submitted to them, opposing each other upon all occasions, torn by internal disputes, or supinely negligent and inattentive to every thing which is not local and self-interesting, and very often short sighted in these,—make up our system of conduct. Would to God our own countrymen, who are entrusted with the management of the political machine, could view things by that large and extensive scale upon which it is measured by foreigners, and by the statesmen of Europe, who see what we might be and predict what we shall come to. In fact, our federal government is a name without substance. No state is longer bound by its edicts than it suits present purposes, without looking to the Consequences. How then can we fail in a little time becoming the sport of European politics, and the victims of our own policy.”—To Knox, 5 November, 1784.

[1 ]Although Congress was to have assembled October 30th, it was not organized until November 30th.

[1 ]In December, 1783, the Virginia Assembly revived two acts passed during the war, which suspended all voluntary and fraudulent assignments of debt, and as to others, allowed real and personal property to be tendered in discharge of executions. Joseph Jones, deeming speedy payment of the debts due to British creditors impracticable, wished to make periodical payments of the principal, though, with Jefferson, of the opinion that the treaty subjected debtors to the payment of interest also.—Jones to Jefferson, 28 February, 1784. In June, 1784, the courts were to be opened to British suits only when reparation should have been made for negroes carried off by the British. The minority of the State Senate protested against this measure, and it was admitted that a large majority of the people condemned it, either from a sense of justice or national faith.—Madison to Jefferson, 3 July and 20 August, 1784. In November the proposition of Mr. Jones passed in committee by a large majority, disallowing the interest, and it was to this bill, as yet not a law, that Washington referred. After discussing the terms of payment, the measure went to the Senate, where some discriminations were inserted; it was, in a committee of conference, made acceptable to both Houses, but its final acceptance was prevented by the adjournment of the Assembly.—Madison to Jefferson, 9 January, 1785.

In March, 1783, New York passed an act declaring that in any action by the proprietor of a house or tenement against the occupant, no military order should be a justification. It was on this law that the case of Rutgers vs. Waddington was tried. In May, 1784, a law was passed confirming in express terms all confiscations before made, notwithstanding errors in the proceedings, and taking away the writ of error upon any judgment previously rendered. This act, passed when the feeling was strongly aroused over the British retention of the posts, was, in Hamilton’s opinion, a new confiscation, and involved an infraction of the treaty.—Hamilton’s Works (Lodge), iv., 408. It may be noted that Hamilton believed that “it was not till about May, 1784, that we can charge upon Great Britain a delinquency as to the surrender of the posts.”

[1 ]Surveyor of Augusta.

[1 ]Captain John Roots.

[2 ]John Lewis.

[1 ]Known also as Miller’s Run. It was part of 3,000 acres purchased by Washington of Posey, and was surveyed 23 March, 1771.

[1 ]That is, the most southern State from which delegates would go to attend the meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati.

[1 ]The children of her son, John Parke Custis.

[1 ]This William was “Billy,” purchased by Washington of Mary Lee in 1768, for £68 15s. He was the servant mentioned in the preface to the forged letters of 1776.

[2 ]A delegate in Congress from South Carolina.

[2 ]“As the Lakes are as open to our traders as theirs, and the way easier.” From his letter to Plater.

[1 ]George Augustine Washington.

[2 ]Mr. Lee had been chosen President of Congress on the 30th of November.

[1 ]Although Congress was to have assembled October 30th, it was not organized until November 30th.

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1784. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

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1784.

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL, JUNIOR.

Dear Trumbull,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

My dear Sir,

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

TO THOMAS LEWIS.1

Sir,

1784.

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL, JUNIOR.

TO GILBERT SIMPSON.

Dear Trumbull,

Mr. Simpson,

MEMORANDUM TO JOHN LEWIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

My dear Sir,

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

TO DOLPHIN DREW.

Sir,

TO THOMAS LEWIS.1

Sir,

TO CAPTAIN FIELDING LEWIS.

Dear Fieldg.,

TO JOHN WITHERSPOON.

Reverend Sir,

TO GILBERT SIMPSON.

Mr. Simpson,

MEMORANDUM TO JOHN LEWIS.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Dear Sir,

TO DOLPHIN DREW.

Sir,

TO CAPTAIN FIELDING LEWIS.

Dear Fieldg.,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

TO JOHN WITHERSPOON.

Reverend Sir,

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

Dear Sir,

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.

Dear Sir,

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, IN CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Dear Sir,

TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

My dear Sir,

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

TO THE MARCHIONESS DE LAFAYETTE.

Dear Sir,

Madam,

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.