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The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Author: George Washington
Editor: Worthington Chauncey Ford

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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1783.

For myself (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice), a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience I have experienced from you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an army I have so long had the honor to command, oblige me to declare in this public and solemn manner, that, in the attainment of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe to my country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

While I give you these assurances and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in your favor, let me entreat you, Gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures, which, in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in their resolutions, which were published to you two days ago, and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man, who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood.

Newburg, 8 January, 1783.

Dear Sir,

By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice; you will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, “Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection, to which human nature is capable of attaining.”

The last Post brought me your favor of the 26th ulto., covering Doctor Smith’s Draft of the 23d for Fifty Guineas. I am obliged to you for paying the money, and charging it to the account mentioned; altho’ I was provided for the demand and should have paid the Bill at Sight.

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

I have lately purchased a piece of Land near Alexandria at the price of £2000 Virginia Curry. with a view to exchange it for a small Tract in the centre of the one in which my Seat is—a tract I have been twenty years endeavoring to obtain with little or no prospect of success before. To enable me to pay for it, I have borrowed the money in this State (of the Governor), and expected to have answered the Bills at this place; till by yesterday’s Post I was informed by my Agent Mr. Lund Washington, that the money was to be paid in Philadelphia; and that Mr. Robert Adam & Co. of Alexandria (who have the Bills upon me,) were to set out in a few days to receive the money. Under these circumstances, permit me to ask, if you can make it convenient, in the course of business, to pay the sum of Eighteen hundred and Eighty pounds Virga. Curry. in Specie dollars at Six Shillings, in Philadelphia and receive the like sum in specie (which I have by me) here? If you can, the Inclosed Letter to Mr. Robt. Adam may be delivered. If you cannot, be so good as to return or destroy it. I beg leave to suggest that the specie I have is unclipped, consequently if I could pay it here by weight I should be no looser; but, rather than disappoint those who expect to receive the money in Philadelphia I would pay it to your order if you answer the Bills upon me at that place—by tale & abide the loss.

Newburg, 12 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The distresses to which I know you have been driven from the numerous calls upon you, for money without adequate funds to answer them, have ever been a restraint upon my applications for the most necessary purposes. Perhaps I may have carried it to a criminal length with respect to secret Services; because, rather than add to your embarrassments by my demands, I have submitted to grope in the dark without those certain and precise informations which every man at the head of an army ought, and the public Interest requires he should have, and this maugre the aid of my private purse and other funds which were not applicable to this essentially necessary purpose. Having given you this information I shall only add that, if it is in your power to afford me assistance it will come very opportunely. If it is not,—I am where I am.

I have received your letter of the 27th ulto, and thank you for your information and the freedom of your communications. My official Letter to Congress of this date will inform you of what has happened in this Quarter; in addition to which, it may be necessary it should be known to you, and to such others you may think proper, that the temper of the army, though very irritable on acct. of their long protracted sufferings, have been apparently extremely quiet while their business was depending before Congress, until four days past. In the mean time, it should seem, reports have been propagated in Philadelphia, that dangerous combinations were forming in the army; and this at a time, when there was not a syllable of the kind in agitation in camp.1

I shall be obliged to you (the Secretary at War having passed this place before the plan which you and he had determined upon for the Issues for the present year arrived) to inform me why and upon what principle the regulation respecting the Sixteenth Ration for the women of the Army was made?

It also appears, that, upon the arrival of a certain Gentleman from Phila. in camp, whose name2 at present I do not incline to mention, such sentiments as these were immediately and industriously circulated; that it was universally expected the army would not disband until they had obtained justice; that the public creditors looked up to them for redress of their Grievances, would afford them every aid, and even join them in the Field if necessary; that some members of Congress wished the measure might take effect, in order to compel the Public, particularly the delinquent States, to do justice; with many other suggestions of a similar nature. From whence, and a variety of other considerations, it is generally believed, that the scheme was not only planned but also digested and matured in Philadelphia,3 and that some people have been playing a double game, spreading at the camp and in Philadelphia Reports, and raising jealousies, equally void of foundation, until called into being by their vile artifices; for, as soon as the minds of the officers were thought to be prepared for the transaction, anonymous invitations were circulated, requesting a general meeting of the officers next day. At the same instant many copies of the address to the officers of the army was scattered in every State line of it.

I have no doubt of a perfect agreement between the Army and the present Contractors; nor of the advantages which will flow from the consequent harmony. Sure I am, the Army will ask no more of the Contractors than their indubitable rights; and I am persuaded there is too much liberality and good sense in the latter to descend to the low dirty tricks which were practiced in the time of Comfort Sands, whose want of liberality—I will go further, and say lack of common honesty—defeated his favorite scheme of making money, which appears to be the only object he had in view.

So soon as I obtained knowledge of these things, I issued the order of the 11th, transmitted to Congress, in order to rescue the foot, that stood wavering on the precipice of despair, from taking those steps, which would have led to the abyss of misery, while the passions were inflamed and the mind tremblingly alive with the recollection of past sufferings, and their present feelings. I did this upon the principle, that it is easier to divert from a wrong to a right path, than it is to recall the hasty and fatal steps, that have been already taken.

It is unnecessary for me I hope to add, in answer to your favor of the 19th ulto., that every support in my power towards carrying your schemes of economy into effect shall be rendered most chearfully—as will any assistance I can give towards promoting your plan of revenue. Altho’ I am sorry to observe there does not appear to be the best disposition in some States to second your views.

It is commonly supposed, that, if the officers had met agreeably to the anonymous summons, resolutions might have been formed, the consequences of which may be more easily conceived than expressed. Now they will have leisure to view the matter more calmly and seriously. It is to be hoped that they will be induced to adopt more rational measures, and wait a while longer for the settlemt. of their accts; the postponing of which gives more uneasiness in the army than any other thing. There is not a man in it, who will not acknowledge that Congress have not the means of payment; but why not, say they one and all, liquidate the accts. and certifie our dues? Are we to be disbanded and sent home without this? Are we afterwards to make individual applications for such settlements at Philadelphia, or any auditing office in our respective States; to be shifted perhaps from one board to another, dancing attendance at all, and finally perhaps, be postponed till we lose the substance in pursuit of ye shadow? While they are agitated by these considerations, there are not wanting insidious characters, who tell them it is neither the wish nor the intention of the public to settle their accounts; but to delay this business under one pretext or another, until Peace, wch: we are upon the verge of, and a separation of the army takes place; when, it is well known it will be difficult if not impracticable; a general settlement never can be effected, and that individual loss in this instance becomes public gain.

Mrs. Washington joins me in respectful & affectionate compliments to Mrs. Morris and yourself, and best wishes for the return of many happy New Years. The advanced Season and prospect of bad weather induced her to take the most direct Road to this place; otherwise she would have had the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Morris in Philadelphia.

However derogatory these ideas are with the dignity, honor, and justice of government, yet a matter so interesting to the army, and at the same time so easy to be effected by the Public, as that of liquidating the accounts, is delayed without any apparent or obvious necessity, they will have their place in a mind that is soured and irritated. Let me entreat you, therefore, my good Sir, to push this matter to an issue; and, if there are Delegates among you, who are really opposed to doing justice to the army, scruple not to tell them, if matters should come to extremity, that they must be answerable for all the ineffable horrors, which may be occasioned thereby. I am most sincerely and affectionately yours.

With great truth, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
18 March, 1783.

Sir,

Newburg, 10 January, 1783.

My dear Sir,

The result of the proceedings of the grand Convention of Officers, which I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious Proof of Patriotism, which could have been given by men, who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army, and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the gratitude, of their country.1

I have been favored with your letters of the 22d & 24th of last month from Philadelphia; and thank you for the trouble you have had with my small commissions.—I have sent Mr. Rittenhouse the glass of such spectacles as suit my eyes, that he may know how to grind his Christals.

Having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those, who have so long, so patiently, and so chearfully suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having from motives of justice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights; and having been requested to write to your Excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of Congress upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that Honble. Body; it now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the Sovereign Power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the confidence the army have reposed in the justice of their country.

Neither Duportail nor Gouvion are arrived at this place.—To the latter, I am refered by the Marqs. la Fayette for some matters which he did not chuse to commit to writing.1 —The sentim’nt however which he has delivered (with respect to the negociations for Peace) accord precisely with the ideas I have entertained of this business ever since the secession of Mr. Fox, viz—that no peace would be concluded before the meeting of the British parliament.—And that, if it did not take place within a month afterwards, we might lay our acc’t for one more Campaign—at least.

And here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary, (while I am pleading the cause of an army, which has done and suffered more than any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of human nature,) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious Services; because they are perfectly known to whole World, and because, altho’ the topics are inexhaustible, enough has already been said on the subject.

The obstinacy of the King, and his unwillingness to acknowledge the Independence of the Country, I have ever considered as the greatest obstacles in the way of a Peace. Lord Shelburne, who is not only at the head of the Administration, but has been introducing others of similar sentiments to his own, has declared, that nothing but dire necessity should ever force the measure. Of this necessity, men will entertain different opinions. Mr. Fox, it seems, thought the period had arrived some time ago; and yet the Peace is not made—nor will it, I conceive, if the influence of the Crown can draw forth fresh supplies from the Nation, for the purpose of carrying on the War. By the meeting of Parliament, Lord Shelburne would have been able to ascertain two things—first, the best terms on which G. Britain could obtain Peace.—Secondly, the ground on which he himself stood.—If he found it slippery, and that the voice of the people was for pacific measures; he would then, have informed the Parliament that, after many months spent in negociation,—such were the best terms he could obtain;—and that the alternative of accepting them,—or preparing vigorously for the prosecution of the War, was submitted to their consideration (being an extraordinary case) and decision. A little time therefore, if I have formed a just opinion of the matter, will disclose the result of it. Consequently, we shall either soon have Peace, or not the most agreeable prospect of War, before us—as it appears evident to me, that the States generally, are sunk into the most profound lethargy, while some of them are running quite retrograde.

To prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I appeal to the Archives of Congress, and call on those sacred deposits to witness for me; and, in order that my observations and arguments in favor of a future adequate provision for the officers of the army may be brought to remembrance again, and considered in a single point of view, without giving Congress the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg leave to transmit herewith an Extract from a representation made by me to a committee of Congress, so long ago as the 29th of January, 1778, and also the transcript of a letter to the President of Congress, dated near Passaic Falls, October 11th, 1780.1 That, in the critical and perilous moment when the last mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the army would take place, unless measures similar to these recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the resolution, granting half-pay for life, has been attended with all the happy consequences I had foretold, so far as respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of the army at this instant, and at the former period, determine; and that the establishment of funds and security, of the payment of all the just demands of the army, will be the most certain means of preserving the national faith, and the future tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion.

The King of G. B. by his letters Patent, (which I have seen) has authorized Mr. Oswald to treat with any Commissioner or Com’rs from the United States of America, who shall appear with proper powers. This, certainly, is a capital point gained. It is at least breaking ground on their part, and I dare say proved a bitter pill to Royalty; that, it was indispensably necessary to answer one of the points above mentioned, as the American Commissioners would enter in no business with Mr. Oswald till his Powers were made to suit their purposes. Upon the whole, I am fixed in an opinion that Peace, or a pretty long continuance of the War, will have been determined before the adjournment for the Hollidays; and as it will be the middle or last of February before we shall know the result, time will pass heavily on in this dreary mansion—where we are, at present fast locked in frost and snow.—1

By the preceding remarks it will readily be imagined, that, instead of retracting and reprehending, from farther experience and reflection, the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the Enclosures, I am more and more confirmed in the Sentiment; and, if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself with the grateful delusion. For if, besides the simple payment of their Wages, a farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not in the event perform every thing, which has been requested in the late Memorial to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope, that has been excited, void of foundation. And “if” (as has been suggested, for the purpose of inflaming their passions,) “the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this resolution; if, retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt; if they are to wade thro’ the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor;” then shall I have learned what ingratitude is, then shall I have realized a tale, which will embitter every moment of my future life. But I am under no such apprehensions. A country, rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.

Nothing new has happened in this quarter since you left it, except the abuse of me in a New York Paper for having given false information to the Count de Vergennes, which (says the writer) was the occasion of the insinuation in his Letter to me of a want of British Justice. I have not seen the Paper but am told the author of the piece is quite in a passion at my want of ingenuity, and ascribes the release of Captn. Asgill to a peremptory order from the Court of France (in whose service he places me,) notwithstanding the soft and complaisant language of the French Minister’s Letter.

Should any intemperate or improper warmth have mingled itself amongst the foregoing observations, I must entreat your Excellency and Congress, it may be attributed to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my apology; and I hope I need not, on this momentous occasion, make any new protestations of personal disinterestedness, having ever renounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of my Country, will be a sufficient recompense for my services. I have the honor to be, with perfect respect, &c.1

Mrs. Washington has received the Shoes you ordered for her, and thanks you for your attention to her request—I receive with great sensibility and pleasure your assurances of affection and regard. It would be but a renewal of what I have often repeated to you, that there are few men in the world to whom I am more attached by inclination than I am to you. With the Cause, I hope—most devoutly hope—there will soon be an end to my Military Services, when, as our places of residence will not be far apart, I shall never be more happy than in your Company at Mt. Vernon. I shall always be glad to hear from, and keep up a corrispondence with you.—

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

Mrs. Washington joins me in every wish that can tend to your happiness—Humphreys and Walker, who are the only Gentlemen of the Family that are with me at present—will speak for themselves.—If this finds you at Baltimore, I pray my respects to Mr. Carroll and Family.—With the greatest esteem and regard, I am, &c.

Newburg, 18 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.1

The storm, which seemed to be gathering with unfavorable prognostics when I wrote to you last, is dispersed, and we are again in a state of tranquillity. But do not, my dear Sir, suffer this appearance of tranquillity to relax your endeavors to bring the requests of the army to an issue. Believe me, the officers are too much pressed by their present wants, and rendered too sore by the recollection of their past sufferings, to be touched much longer upon the string of forbearance, in matters wherein they can see no cause for delay; nor would I have further reliance placed upon any influence of mine to dispel other clouds, if any should arise from the causes of the last.

Newburg, 15 January, 1783.

Dear Bushrod,

By my official Letter to Congress, and the Papers enclosed in it, you will have a full view of my assurances to, and the expectations of, the army; and I persuade myself, that the well-wishers to both and of their Country will exert themselves to the utmost to eradicate the Seeds of distrust, and give every satisfaction that justice requires, and the means which Congress possess will enable them to do.

You will be surprised, perhaps, at receiving a letter from me; but if the end is answered for which it is written, I shall not think my time misspent. Your father, who seems to entertain a very favorable opinion of your prudence, and I hope you merit it, in one or two of his letters to me speaks of the difficulty he is under to make you remittances. Whether this arises from the scantiness of his funds, or the extensiveness of your demands, is matter of conjecture with me. I hope it is not the latter; because common prudence, and every other consideration, which ought to have weight in a reflecting mind, is opposed to your requiring more than his conveniency, and a regard to his other children will enable him to pay; and because he holds up no idea in his Letter, which would support me in the conclusion. Yet when I take a view of the inexperience of youth, the temptations in and vices of cities, and the distresses to which our Virginia gentlemen are driven by an accumulation of Taxes and the want of a market, I am almost inclined to ascribe it in part to both. Therefore, as a friend, I give you the following advice.

In a former letter I observed to you, that a liquidation of accts., in order that the ballances might be ascertained, is the great object of the army; and certainly nothing can be more reasonable. To have these ballances discharged at this or in any short time, however desirable, they know is impracticable, and do not expect it; although in the mean time they must labor under the pressure of these sufferings, which is felt more sensibly by a comparison of circumstances.

Let the object, which carried you to Philadelphia, be always before your Eyes. Remember, that it is not the mere study of the Law, but to become eminent in the profession of it, which is to yield honor and profit. The first was your choice; let the second be your ambition, and that dissipation is incompatible with both; that the Company, in which you will improve most, will be least expensive to you; and yet I am not such a Stoic as to suppose that you will, or to think it right that you should, always be in Company with senators and philosophers; but of the young and juvenile kind let me advise you to be choice. It is easy to make acquaintances, but very difficult to shake them off, however irksome and unprofitable they are found, after we have once committed ourselves to them. The indiscretions and scrapes, which very often they involuntarily lead one into, prove equally distressing and disgraceful.

The situation of these Gentlemen merits the attention of every thinking and grateful mind. As officers, they have been obliged to dress and appear in character, to effect which they have been obliged to anticipate their pay, or participate their Estates. By the former, debts have been contracted; by the latter, their patrimony is injured. To disband men, therefore, under these circumstances, before their accts. are liquidated and the ballances ascertained, would be to set open the doors of the Goals, and then to shut them upon seven years of faithful and painful services. Under any circumstances, which the nature of the case will admit, they must be considerable sufferers; because necessity will compel them to part with their certificates for whatever they will fetch, to avoid the evil I have mentioned above; and how much this will place them in the hands of unfeeling, avaracious speculators, a recurrence to past experience will sufficiently prove.

Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence. True friendship is a plant of slow growth, and must undergo and withstand the shocks of adversity before it is entitled to the appellation.

It may be said by those, who have no disposition to compensate the Services of the army, that the officers have too much penetration to place dependence (in any alternative), upon the strength of their own arm. I will readily concede to these gentlemen, that no good could result from such an attempt; but I hope they will be equally candid in acknowledging, that much mischief may flow from it; and that nothing is too extravagant to expect from men, who conceive they are ungratefully and unjustly dealt by; especially too, if they can suppose that characters are not wanting to foment every passion, which leads to discord, and that there are—but time shall reveal the rest.

Let your heart feel for the afflictions and distresses of every one, and let your hand give in proportion to your purse; remembering always the estimation of the widow’s mite, but, that it is not every one who asketh that deserveth charity; all, however, are worthy of the inquiry, or the deserving may suffer.

Let it suffice, that the very attempt wd. imply a want of justice, and fix an indelible stain upon our national character; as the whole world, as well from the enemy’s publications (without any intention to serve us), as our own, must be strongly impressed with the sufferings of this army from hunger, cold, and nakedness, in almost every stage of the war. Very sincerely and affectionately, I am, &c.

Do not conceive that fine clothes make fine men any more than fine feathers make fine Birds. A plain genteel dress is more admired, and obtains more credit than lace and embroidery, in the Eyes of the judicious and sensible.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The last thing, which I shall mention, is first in importance; and that is, to avoid Gaming. This is a vice which is productive of every possible evil; equally injurious to the morals and health of its votaries. It is the child of avarice, the brother of iniquity, and father of mischief. It has been the ruin of many worthy familys, the loss of many a man’s honor, and the cause of Suicide. To all those who enter the lists, it is equally fascinating. The successful gamester pushes his good fortune, till it is overtaken by a reverse. The losing gamester, in hopes of retrieving past misfortunes, goes on from bad to worse, till grown desperate he pushes at everything and loses his all. In a word, few gain by this abominable practice, (the profit if any being diffused) while thousands are injured.

Head-Quarters, 19 March, 1783.

Sir,

Perhaps you will say, “My conduct has anticipated the advice,” and “Not one of these cases applies to me.” I shall be heartily glad of it. It will add not a little to my happiness, to find those to whom I am nearly connected pursuing the right walk of life. It will be the sure road to my favor, and to those honors and places of profit, which their Country can bestow; as merit rarely goes unrewarded. I am, dear Bushrod, your affectionate uncle.

I have the honor to acknowledge your Excellency’s favor of the 12th instant, and to thank you most sincerely for the intelligence you were pleased to communicate.1 The articles of treaty between America and Great Britain are as full and satisfactory as we have reason to expect; but, from the connexion in which they stand with a general pacification, they are very inconclusive and contingent. From this circumstance, compared with such other intelligence as I have been able to collect, I must confess, I have my fears that we shall be obliged to worry through another campaign before we arrive at that happy period, which is to crown all our toils.

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON,

Any intelligence from your Excellency will at all times be very agreeable to me. But, should it be in your power to announce a general peace, you could not make me more happy than in the communication of such an event. I have the honor to be, &c.

Newburgh, 16 January, 1783.

My dear Brother,

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Since the letter which Bushrod delivered to me in Philadelphia, I have received your favors of the 24th of July from Westmoreland, and 12th of Novr. from Berkley.

Newburg, 19 March, 1783.

Dear Lund,

The latter gave me extreme pain. In God’s name, how did my brother Samuel contrive to get himself so enormously in debt? Was it by making purchases? By misfortunes? or sheer indolence and inattention to business? From whatever cause it proceeded, the matter is now the same, and curiosity only prompts me to the enquiry, as it does to know what will be saved, and how it is disposed of. In the list of his debts, did it appear that I had a claim upon him for the purchase money of the land I sold to Pendleton on Bullskin? I have never received a farthing for it yet, and think I have been informed by him, that he was to pay it.

I did not write to you by the last post. I was too much engaged at the time, in counteracting a most insidious attempt to disturb the repose of the army, and sow the seeds of discord between the civil and military powers of the continent, to attend to small matters. The author of this attempt, whoever he may be, is yet behind the curtain; and as conjectures might be wrong, I shall be silent at present. The good sense, the virtue and patient forbearance of the army on this, as upon every other trying occasion which has happened to call them into action, has again triumphed; and appeared with more lustre than ever. But if the States will not furnish the supplies required by Congress, thereby enabling the Superintendant of Finance to feed, clothe, and pay the army, if they suppose the war can be carried on without money, or that money can be borrowed without permanent funds to pay the interest of it; if they have no regard to justice, because it is attended with expence; if gratitude to men, who have rescued them from the jaws of danger and brought them to the haven of Independence and Peace, is to subside, as danger is removed; if the sufferings of the army, who have borne and forborne more than any other class of men in the United States, expending their health, and many of them their all, in an unremitted service of near eight years in the field; encountering hunger, cold and nakedness, are to be forgotten; if it is presumed there is no bounds to the patience of the army; or that when peace takes place, their claims for pay due, and rewards promised may die with the military non-existence of its member—if such, I say, should be the sentiments of the States, and that their conduct, or the conduct of some, does but too well warrant the conclusion, well may another anonymous addresser step forward, and with more effect than the last did, say with him, “You have arms in your hands; do justice to yourselves, and never sheath the sword, till you have obtained it.” How far men who labor under the pressure of accumulated distress, and are irritated by a belief that they are treated with neglect, ingratitude and injustice in the extreme might be worked upon by designing men, is worthy of very serious consideration. But justice, policy, yea common sense must tell every man that the creditors of the continent cannot receive payments unless funds are provided for it, and that our national character, if these are much longer neglected, must be stamped with indelible infamy in every nation of the world where the fact is known.

I have heard a favorable account of Bushrod, and doubt not but his prudence will direct him to a proper line of conduct; I have given him my sentiments on this head, and persuade myself that with the advice of Mr. Wilson, to whose friendship, as well as instruction in his profession, I recommended him; and the admonition of others: he will stand as good a chance as most youth of his age, to avoid the vices of large cities, which have their advantages and disadvantages in fitting a man for the great theater of public life.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

I have lately received a letter from my mother, in which she complains much of the knavery of the overseer at the Little Falls quarter. She says she can get nothing from him. It is pretty evident, I believe, that I get nothing from thence, while I have the annual rent of between eighty and an hundred pounds to pay. The whole profit of the plantation, according to her account, is applied to his own use; which is hard upon me, as I had no earthly inducement to meddle with it, but to comply with her wish and to free her from care. This, like every other matter of private concern to me, has been totally neglected; but it is too much, while I am suffering in every other way (and hardly able to keep my own estate from sale) to be saddled with all the expence of hers, and not be able to derive the smallest return from it. She has requested that I should get somebody to attend to it: I must therefore ask the favor of you, to take it under your care. I know of none in whose hands it can be better placed; none to whom it will be less inconvenient; and who is more interested in the good management of the land. For as it lies directly in your rout to Berkley, and in the neighborhood of our friends, where you must always make a halt, it will give you very little additional trouble to provide an overseer; call upon him as you pass and repass, and settle annual accounts with him, by which means I shall have some knowledge of his transactions, and a certainty that whatever is made will go towards payment of the rent. I shall by this post inform my mother of this application to you, hoping you will find no difficulty in the undertaking.

19 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

While I am talking of my mother and her concerns, I am impelled to mention some things which have given, and still continue to give me pain. About two years ago, a gentleman of my acquaintance1 informed me, that it was in contemplation, to move for a pension for her in the Virginia Assembly; that he did not suppose I knew of the measure proposed; and that he did not believe it would be very agreeable to me to have it done; but wished, however, to know my sentiments thereon. I instantly wrote him, that it was new and astonishing to me, and begged that he would prevent the motion if possible; or oppose it, if made; for I was sure she had not a child that would not be hurt at the idea of her becoming a pensioner—or in other words, receiving charity from the public. Since then I have heard nothing of that matter; but learn from very good authority, that she is, upon all occasions and in all companies, complaining of the hardness of the times, of her wants and difficulties; and if not in direct terms, at least by strong innuendoes, endeavors to excite a belief that times are much altered, &c., &c., which not only makes her appear in an unfavorable point of view, but those also who are connected with her. That she can have no real wants, that may not easily be supplied, I am sure of. Imaginary wants are indefinite; and oftentimes insatiable; because they sometimes are boundless, and always changing. The reason of my mentioning these matters, is that you may enquire into her real wants, and see what is necessary to make her comfortable. If the rent is insufficient to do this, while I have anything, I will part with it to make her so; and wish you to take measures in my behalf accordingly. At the same time, I wish you to represent to her in delicate terms, the impropriety of her complaints, and acceptance of favors, even where they are voluntarily offered, from any but relations. It will not do to touch upon this subject in a letter to her, and therefore I have avoided it.

I am much obliged to you for your letter of the 12th and for the enclosures—the early communication of such important occurrances rendered the favor doubly acceptable. Would to God the articles for a general pacification were as well advanced as those, between America and Great Britain; but I am not without fears that that event is at a greater distance than the sanguine ones imagine.

I do not believe that Sir Guy Carleton gives countenance to those dirty picaroons that infest your rivers. If they are encouraged at all, it must be by the Admiral, in whose element they are; but I am rather inclined to think that they are navigated by a lawless banditti, who would rob both sides with equal facility, if they could do it with equal impunity.

The policy of G. Britain now, if I have formed a right judgment, is to sooth America as much as possible, in order to weaken the bond and make her uneasy under the Alliance, if the policy, or situation of France with respect to the other Beligerent powers renders it necessary to continue the war another Campaign. This, or some manœuvre, which may be performed with safety during the equipment of the Fleet at Cadiz must, undoubtedly, be the cause of the present procrastination of the negociations at Paris. What the final issue may be Heaven knows— Such an avidity appears among our People to make money, and so feeble the Reins of Government (where there is an attempt to use them) to restrain the illicit and pernicious intercourse of Trade with the enemy at New York, that the fence between them and us is entirely broken down, and nothing but an Army quite sufficient to form a close investiture of that place can repair it. Five such armies as I have would be incompetent, employed in any other way. The boats which have been Commissioned to obstruct this trade, are instrumental in carrying it on, and have been caught in the act as many other Trading parties also have been by the Guards and patroles I keep for this purpose. But it avails nothing. By Hook or by Crook they are certain of acquittal. In truth I am quite discouraged, and have scarce any thing left but lamentation for the want [of] virtue and depravity of my Countrymen. * * *

With respect to Peace, we are held in a very disagreeable state of suspence, and shall remain in it, I expect, ’till some time in February. My opinion of it, however, has been uniformly the same since the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, and succession of Mr. Fox. It is, that nothing would be concluded ’till the meeting of the British Parliament in November, and if the influence of the Crown could prevent it, that it would not take place even then, if the independence of this country is to be a consequence of it. That previous to the session, the negotiation from the Court of Britain would be employed in intriguing, in an investigation of powers, hearing propositions, and probing the intentions and expectations of the belligerent powers, to the bottom. The latter being accomplished, Lord Shelburne, if he found himself standing upon slippery ground, or that the voice of the people was loud for peace, would say to Parliament: that after many months spent in negotiation, here are the best terms we can obtain; and, as they involve consequences of great national concern, and have been the subject of seven years war and debate, it is fitting that Parliament should decide on them, and either accept them, or prepare vigorously for the prosecution of the war. This would put the matter upon a broad basis, remove responsibility from his door, and blunt the edge of opposition, which otherwise I am persuaded will be found to be very keen. The King having by his letters patent (which I have seen) authorised Mr. Oswald to treat with any commissioner or commissioners from the United States of America, vested with proper powers, is certainly a great point gained; but it was unavoidable on their part, and our commissioners refused to enter upon any business with Mr. Oswald without. And the minister dared not to meet the Parliament without having attempted something under the Peace Bill which passed the session before. Upon the whole, I am of opinion that the terms of Peace were agreed upon before the adjournment for the Christmas holidays, or that we shall have at least another campaign. How well the States have provided for the continuance of the war, let their acts and their policy answer. The army as usual is without pay, and a great part of the soldiery without shirts; and tho’ the patience of them is equally threadbare, it seems to be a matter of small concern to those at a distance. In truth, if one was to hazard an opinion for them on this subject, it would be, that the army having contracted a habit of encountering distress and difficulties, and of living without money, it would be injurious to it, to introduce other customs. We have, however, (but this depended upon ourselves) built the most comfortable barracks in the vicinity of this place (wch. is near Wt. Point) that the troops have ever yet been in.

TO GOVERNOR BENJAMIN HARRISON.

I was very sorry to find that my sister was in bad health. I suppose you are to be congratulated on your gouty fit. My love, in which Mrs. Washington joins, is offered to you both and the rest of the family. Compliments to all friends.

Newburg, 19 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

TO SAMUEL OGDEN.

About the first of this month I wrote you a long letter. I touched upon the state of the army, the situation of public creditors, and wished to know from you as a friend, what causes had induced the Assembly of Virginia to withdraw their assent to the Impost Law, and how the Continental creditors (without adequate funds) were to come at or obtain security for their money. I little expected at the time of writing that letter, that we were on the eve of an important crisis to this army, when the touchstone of discord was to be applied, and the virtue of its members to undergo the severest trial.

Newburg, 19 January, 1783.

Sir,

You have not been altogether unacquainted, I dare say, with the fears, the hopes, the apprehensions, and the expectations of the army, relatively to the provision, which is to be made for them hereafter. Altho’ a firm reliance on the integrity of Congress, and a belief that the Public would finally do justice to all its Servants and give an indisputable security for the payment of the half-pay of the officers, had kept them amidst a variety of sufferings tolerably quiet and contented for two or three years past; yet the total want of pay, the little prospect of receiving any from the unpromising state of the public finances, and the absolute aversion of the States to establish any Continental funds for the payment of the Debt due to the army, did at the close of the last Campaign excite greater discontents, and threaten more serious and alarming consequences, than it is easy for me to describe or you to conceive. Happily for us, the officers of highest rank and greatest consideration interposed; and it was determined to address Congress in an humble, pathetic, and explicit manner.

In every conversation which I have had with you, on the subject of your letters of the 31st of last month, and 15th inst., I was pointed, because I meant to deal candidly, in assuring you, it was not my intention to interest myself in behalf of any particular characters, that my motives were altogether public, and that if I could not take the business up upon the broadest basis, and while a defection on the part of the refugees would be productive of advantages to the American cause, I would have no concern with it.

While the Sovereign Power appeared perfectly well disposed to do justice, it was discovered that the States would enable them to do nothing; and in this state of affairs, and after some time spent on the business in Philadelphia, a Report was made by the Delegates of the army, giving a detail of the proceedings. Before this could be communicated to the Troops, while the minds of all were in a peculiar state of inquietude and irritation, an anonymous writer, who tho’ he did not boldly step forth and give his name to the world, sent into circulation an address to the officers of the army, which, in point of composition, in elegance and force of expression, has rarely been equalled in the English Language, and in which the dreadful alternative was proposed, of relinquishing the Service in a body, in case the war continued, or retaining their arms in case of peace, until Congress should comply with all their demands. At the same time, seizing the moment when the minds were inflamed by the most pathetic representations, a General meeting of the officers was summoned by another anonymous production.

I am sorry to observe to you, that there appears to me to be a delay on the part of the refugees or loyalists, which is to be ascribed more to design than to necessity. It seems as if the object with them was to get at the ultimatum of Great Britain, before any decided steps should be taken with the country they have abandoned. This, sir, you will do me the justice to acknowledge, is not only incompatible with my ideas, but to my express declaration to you:—for the foundation on which I meant to build, and the only one upon which I could attempt to include and recommend obnoxious characters, was their decision and influence; and the consequent advantages, while the intention of the enemy should be suspended and unknown.

It is impossible to say what would have been the consequence, had the author succeeded in his first plans. But, measures having been taken to postpone the meeting, so as to give time for cool reflection and counteraction, the good sense of the officers has terminated this affair in a manner, which reflects the greatest glory on themselves, and demands the highest expressions of gratitude from their Country.

The matter has already been near three months in agitation, and for aught that has come to my knowledge, is yet in statu quo. One month, perhaps, a few days now, will unfold the designs of the British cabinet, or rather those of the Parliament. Let me ask then, if these be to prosecute the war vigorously, will the gentlemen of that class, in whose behalf you particularly interest yourself (after their address to the king of Great Britain, which I have lately seen) give any aid to this country? If the determination is in favor of peace, and peace takes place on the terms which are expected, will not their inveterate obstinacy and procrastination, put it out of the power of any man, to adduce an argument in their favor?

The Proceedings have been reported to Congress, and will probably be published for the satisfaction of the good people of these United States. In the mean time I thought it necessary to give you these particulars, principally with a design to communicate to you without reserve my opinion on this interesting subject. For, notwithstanding the storm has now passed over, notwithstanding the officers have in despite of their accumulated sufferings given the most unequivocal and exalted proofs of Patriotism, yet I believe, unless justice shall be done, and funds effectually provided for the payment of the Debt, the most deplorable and ruinous consequences may be apprehended. Justice, honor, gratitude, policy, every thing is opposed to the conduct of driving men to despair of obtaining their just rights, after serving Seven years a painful life in the Field. I say in the Field, because they have not during that period had any thing to shelter them from the inclemency of the seasons but Tents and such Houses as they could build for themselves.

I confess to you, Sir, their policy strikes me in so unfavorable a point of view, that I no longer find an inclination to have any further agency in the business; for I am convinced from their address, and other circumstances, that they will never turn their faces towards this country until the back of Great Britain is turn’d upon them. And that their delay proceeds from no other cause than an intention to await the event of their application in another quarter.

Convinced of this, and actuated as I am, not by private and Interested motives, but by a sense of duty, a love of justice, and all the feelings of gratitude towards a body of men, who have merited infinitely well of their Country, I can never conceal or suppress my Sentiments. I cannot cease to exert all the abilities I am possessed of, to show the evil tendency of procrastinated justice, for I will not suppose it is intended ultimately to withhold it, nor fail to urge the Establishment of such adequate and permanent funds, as will enable Congress to secure the payment of the public Debt, on such principles as will preserve the national faith, give satisfaction to the army and tranquillity to the Public. With great esteem and regard, I am, &c.

I have only to add that I am the more confirmed in this opinion, upon observing that there is no idea held up in the copy of your brother’s letter of the 3d of December (the original of which never came to my hands,) or in any of the subsequent ones, which gives the smallest insight into the business; or that will support me in any deduction favorable to it; the former of which is expressly contrary to the information I received from you at our last interview, as the letter from your brother to you (which was to pass through my hands) was to be couched in such terms, as I should understand, tho’ unintelligible to others, who should be unacquainted with the business. Your own letter of the 31st, committed to the care of Mr. Morris, was brought here a few days ago only, by a common soldier, who delivered it at the office and retired before I had read, and could enquire how he came by it, nor do I know at this hour. Upon the maturest consideration, Sir, I have so fully made up my judgment on this subject, that I could wish never to hear any thing farther upon it. I am, sir, &c.

P. S. The author of the Anonymous Address is yet behind the curtain; and, as conjecture may be grounded on error, I will not announce mine at present.

TO MAJOR THOMAS LANSDALE.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Newburg, 25 January, 1783.

Sir:

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
23 March, 1783.

My Dear Marquis,

I was hurt yesterday at the appearance of the Detachment under your Command, as I conceive you must have been, if you viewed and drew a comparison between it and the Regiment on your Left. The Clothes of the latter have been upon the Soldiers backs almost, if not quite, twelve months,—while it is scarce Six since any part of yours has been issued.

I have to acknowledge the honor of your favors of the 14th & 24th of October and 4th of Decr.;—to thank you for the warm and affectionate expression of them;—and to congratulate you and Madame La Fayette on the birth of a daughter. Virginia, I am persuaded, will be pleased with the compliment of the name; and I pray as a member of it she may live to be a blessing to her Parents.

Dirt and Trash too, of every denomination was so liberally strewed, even upon your parade, and immediately before the doors of your Hutts, that it was difficult to avoid the Filth.

It would seem that, none of my Letters (except one by Colonel Gimat) had reached you when you last wrote. I do not know how to account for this. My last letter to you went by the Chevr. Chastellux, which could not have arrived; the others were committed to the care either of ye Chevr. de la Luzerne, or our Secretary of Foreign Affairs at Philadelphia, to be forwarded by such conveyances as might offer.

The true distinction, Sir, between what is called a fine Regiment, and an indifferent one will ever, upon investigation, be found to originate in, and depend upon the care, or the inattention, of the Officers belonging to them.—That Regiment whose Officers are watchful of their men, and attentive to their wants, who will see that proper use is made, and a proper account taken, of whatever is drawn for them; and that Regimental and Company Inspections are frequent in order to examine into the state of their Arms, ammunition, Clothing, and other necessaries, to prevent loss or embezzlement;—who will see that the Soldiers Clothes are well made, kept whole, and clean; that their Hutts are swept and purified; that the Trash, and all kinds of Offal is either burnt or buried; that Vaults or proper necessaries are erected and every person punished who shall on those occasions go elsewhere in the Camp; that their Provision is in good order well cooked and eat at proper hours;—those Officers, I say, who attend to these things—and their duty strictly enjoins it on them—give health, comfort, and a Military pride to their Men, which fires and fits them for every thing great and noble. It is by this means the character of a Regiment is exalted while sloth, inattention, and neglect produce the reverse of these in every particular and must infallibly lessen the reputation of the Corps.

I am fully persuaded, my dear Marquis, of your zeal in the American Cause. I am sure you adopted the plan you are now in the execution of as the most likely, tho’ a little circuitous, to serve it—and I shall express to Congress, who I know have an exalted opinion of your zeal, abilities, and faithful Services, my entire approbation of your conduct, and the purity of the motives which gave rise to it. Your pursuit after honor and glory will be accompanied by my warmest wishes, and you have my sincerest congratulations in your promotion, and command in the French Army.

I observed with concern that none of your officers had espontoons; that some of them were even without side arms; and of those that had, some were so remiss in their duty as not to know they were to salute with them. From these considerations I am led to point you to the Genl. Orders of the 9th of August and 1st of September, and to recommend in pointed terms to your Officers the necessity and advantage of making themselves perfectly masters of the Printed “Regulations for the Order and Discipline of the Troops of the United States.” Ignorance of them cannot, nor will it be any excuse, while it may bring disgrace on the Corps they belong to and produce much confusion in the army if they should form and manœuvre with it.—

As it is your wish, I have given Colo. Gouvion my consent to meet you at the rendezvous appointed him. He sets out with all the alacrity of a friend to attend it. You must receive him as a precious loan, because I esteem and value him and because it is to you only I would part with him. I should be happy, if I could speak decidedly upon any plan of operation on the American theatre in which the Naval and Land forces of His Most Christian Majesty could be combined. But such is the State of our finances, such the backwardness of the States to Establish funds, and such the distress of the Army for want of them, that I dare give no pointed assurances of effectual co-operation lest I should, unintentionally, be guilty of deception—especially as my estimates and sentiments respecting the ensuing Campaign, are now pending before Congress for decision.

As it is the first time I have seen them under Arms, and some allowance is to be made for the rawness of the Corps, I will substitute admonition in place of reprehension—but it is my desire that you should inform the officers I shall expect to see a very great alteration in the police of the Corps and appearance of the Men before the next Inspection.

Last year, while I had the prospect of a vigorous campaign before me (founded on the hope of succors from your Court) I took a comprehensive view of the Enemy’s situation, and our own, arranged the whole under different heads, and digested plans of attack applicable to each. This I have put into the hands of Colo. Gouvion to copy for you; and with the alterations occasioned by the change of circumstances, and such other information as you will receive from this Letter, and from him, will enable you to judge as fully as I can do (in my present state of incertitude) what can be attempted with such a force as you can bring at either of the places mentioned therein.

The Soldiers of your detachment, with a few exceptions, would look very well in the line of the Army if their Clothes were in good order, well fitted, and the Men made to appear neat and clean. I am, &c.

No requisitions by Congress, have yet been made of the States for men. Whether this proceeds from the present state of the public funds, and little prospect of bettering them, or the hope of Peace; or partly from both, does not lye with me to decide. But so the fact is. So far indeed were they from requiring men to recruit the Battalions of last year, that several of them have been reduced, and the non-commissioned officers and privates incorporated in their respective State lines. This however has no otherwise reduced our efficient force than by the diminution of Commissioned officers; but all Corps, that are not fed with recruits, must dwindle, from the deaths, desertions, and discharges incident to them—the last of which you well know, operates more powerfully in our army than most others. Our present force, tho small in numbers, is excellent in composition, and may be depended upon as far as the first are competent. About June the total of this Army exclusive of Commissioned officers, may be computed at 9,000, and by October it will have deceased near 1,000 men, by the discharge of so many whose term of service will have expired.

TO ELIAS BOUDINOT, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.1

I am impressed with a belief that no Militia could be drawn out previous to the arrival of a French fleet, and Land force on the Coast. I am not sanguine that many could be had afterwards, but certain it is, there would be great difficulty in subsisting and providing for them, if it should be found necessary to call for their aid. Hence it appears, that little or no dependence is to be placed on any other Troops than the Continentals of this army. These would require very little previous notice for an operation against New York, which is the only Post of importance the enemy have within the United States, and indeed the only one against which they could move for want of transportation, or the means to obtain it.

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
30 January, 1783.

Sir,

Penobscot is a secondary object unassailable but by means of a Naval Superiority, with which the place might soon be carried without the aid of American Troops; to call for which would spread the alarm and waste time for an unnecessary purpose.

I should not have undertaken at this time to address myself through Your Excellency to Congress, on the present state of our Military and Political affairs, (which are so blended as scarcely to admit of seperation in the discussion,) did I not apprehend that my silence might perhaps be construed into remissness in my official duties or inattention to the public interests, and that some inconveniences might be experienced by the neglect or delay. Influenced by these motives, and an ardent desire to carry the wishes of Congress into effect, I shall hope to be excused, after suggesting a few things, for entreating to be made acquainted, so far as may be deemed expedient, with their sentiments and expectations relative to our Future Operations.

Motives, my dear Marquis, of friendship and candor have given birth to the freedom of this communication, on my part; good sense and prudence will point it to proper objects, on yours; and on your honor and discretion I can firmly rely. It only remains for me to add, for your farther information, that since May last (when my thoughts on the plan of Campaign for 1782 were digested as they are now sent to you,) Charles Town and Savanna having been evacuated, and Troops (Recruits principally) having arrived from Europe; the Enemies Posts have been strengthened: New York, agreeably to the Estimates of General Greene and Major Burnett which I enclose, by 3,000 men; Hallifax and Canada from European and other accounts by the like number; and Penobscot by 3 or 400 more. These being the only changes which have happened since my statement of the Enemys force in May last, you will be able to bring the whole into one view and determine accordingly. It is reported that a number (some say seven) British Regiments are about to Embark for the West Indies; by other accounts the whole are said to be going thither; but there is not, I believe, any orders for either yet come to hand in this mem.—every thing with them is suspended.

It scarcely needs be remarked here, as it is a fact of great notoriety, that the tranquillity, leisure, and inactivity of Winter-Quarters have ever been considered by all well informed warlike nations, when in a state of Hostility, as the only proper Season for taking into contemplation the probable operations of the ensuing Campaign, and for making the best arrangements in their power for carrying such projects as were finally determined upon into execution. It was not simply in conformity with this practice, but upon a perfect conviction of the propriety and expediency of it, that at the close of all my former campaigns I have thought myself not only warranted, but impelled by the strongest dictates of reason and duty, to exert all my influence and abilities in endeavoring to augment our force, and to make the greatest possible provision in every Department for enabling us to act with vigor at the opening of the next Campaign; and, in thus attempting to perform my duty, I derived no small share of satisfaction from a consciousness, that I should meet with the approbation and assistance of my Country; being at the same time so fully acquainted with the designs of the Enemy on the one hand, and with the inclinations of Congress on the other, that I could not hesitate a moment in my own mind to decide what general system of measures was proper to be adopted. But, as the complexion of our Political and Military Affairs is now entirely changed by the Negotiations for Peace, which are carrying on in Europe; as Congress have determined by the reduction which has lately taken place, that the number of men engaged on the present Establishment are adequate to the Services before us; and as that Honble. Body have much better opportunities, than any Individual can have, for collecting and comparing the intelligence necessary to judge, with a degree of certainty, whether Peace will be concluded in the course of the Winter, so as to supersede the necessity of any further military preparations; I could not think myself at liberty, without having recourse to their sentiments, to take the same measures and give the same orders, that I had on all former occasions deemed myself competent to do. On the contrary, I feared to delay any longer to express my apprehensions, that very fair opportunities might be lost, and that very great, if not irreparable injuries might be experienced (if the war should be continued, especially if it should begin to rage again), in case we should not also on our part be in a state of preparation for such an event.

Your polite and friendly offer to my nephew, claims my grateful acknowledgements;—I wish he was in a condition to avail himself of it.—He has been in a declining state of health near 12 months—but was something better the last time I heard from him. McHenry has left the Military and embraced a Civil walk of life; by which Act he has disqualified himself from answering your purposes. The Vessel you gave us room to expect, is not arrived; but Gouvion will go to Philadelphia and seek a passage from thence.—He can tell you more forcibly than I can express it how much we all love and wish to embrace you. When, how, or where this will happen you best can tell. For myself particularly, I hope it is unnecessary to repeat to you that whether during the continuance of the war, or after the olive branch shall have extended itself over this land (for which I most devoutly pray) I shall be happy to see you on Columbia’s shore.—The Inhabitants of my humble Cottage will salute you with the richest marks of grateful friendship wch. to a mind susceptible as yours is will be a greater feast than the luxuries of the East, the elegancies of Europe, or the ceremonies of a Court, can afford. Adieu—believe me always

In addition to every other consideration of a Foreign, a Military, or Political nature, the embarrassed state of our Finances, the necessity of using the strictest œconomy and preventing every unnecessary expenditure of public money in conducting our Military affairs, have in an especial manner prompted me to make this representation, that the Sovereign power may determine, what is the proper line of conduct to be pursued under our present circumstances; whether any and what preparations ought to be made during the Winter; and what our situation will be at the period proper for opening the Campaign (supposing the war should continue and require any offensive operations on our part), unless many of the essential articles which are wanting, particularly in the Quarter Master’s Department, should in the mean time be effectually and fully supplied. Amongst the most indispensable and yet most expensive of which, I must beg leave to mention the means of Transportation, Horses for Artillery, and Teams and Wheel-Carriages for Ordnance, Stores, and Baggage; without which, it is well known, an army becomes totally harmless and totally helpless; for, so far from being able to annoy and operate against its Enemy, it is neither able to take the Field, nor to advance or retire a single step, let the occasions or prospects be of a nature ever so pressing and important.

My dear Marquis
Yrs. &c.

Notwithstanding any of the foregoing observations, I hope it will be clearly understood, that it is very far from being my wish or desire, that our Military preparations should be increased in the smallest degree beyond what the exigence of the Circumstances may appear to demand. But, while I candidly confess, that I believe there is no man, who more earnestly wishes a speedy period may be put to the contest than myself, I must take the liberty to suggest, whether, (in case a peace should not take place in consequence of the present negotiations,) it would not be far more eligible in point of national policy and œconomy to attempt, by one great and decisive effort, to expel the Enemy from the remaining part of their possessions in the United States, than to suffer them with their enfeebled force to hold a Post and protract the war, until the accumulating expenses of our languid and defensive measures only shall amount to such an aggregate sum, as would have furnished the means of attempting the Siege of New York with a prospect of success?

TO THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE.

In order that your Excellency and Congress may have as comprehensive and compleat view of our efficient force, our military apparatus, and the principal articles, which would be required for a vigorous Campaign, I have thought it expedient to forward the Enclosed Returns and estimates (the Estimate of the Engineer being omitted, because the articles in his department will be principally provided by the labors of the army); and I flatter myself it will be found, that the troops under my orders are at this moment as much collected and as well appointed, as could possibly be expected under our circumstances; and that all the means, which have been afforded, so far as depended on military arrangements, have been œconomized in the most prudent manner. I wait with great solicitude to hear the sentiments, expectations, and final pleasure of Congress, on the several points contained in this letter; and, in the mean time,

Head-Quarters, 29 March, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to be, &c.1

P. S.

I have directed the Troops of Pensyla., Delaware, Maryland & Virginia except the Legionary Corps to be comprehended in the Qr. Master’s Estimate, as they would undoubtedly be employed with this Army in case of any serious operation.

The news of a general peace, which your Excellency has been so good as to announce to me, has filled my mind with inexpressible satisfaction; and permit me to add, that the joy I feel on this great event is doubly enhanced by the very obliging manner in which you have been pleased to express your congratulations to me and to the army on this happy occasion.1

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

The part your Excellency has acted in the cause of America, and the great and benevolent share you have taken in the establishment of her independence, are deeply impressed in my mind, and will not be effaced from my remembrance, or that of the citizens of America. You will accept, Sir, my warmest acknowledgments and congratulations, with assurances that I shall always participate, with the highest pleasure, in every event, which contributes to your happiness and satisfaction.

Newburg, 6 February, 1783.

My dear Sir,

The articles of the general treaty do not appear so favorable to France, in point of territorial acquisitions, as they do to the other powers. But the magnanimous and disinterested scale of action, which that great nation has exhibited to the world during this war, and at the conclusion of peace, will insure to the King and nation that reputation, which will be of more consequence to them than every other consideration.

I have the pleasure to inform you that your Packet for Govr. Greene which came enclosed to me (in your private Letter of the 12th of December) was forwarded in an hour after it came to my hands by a Gentleman returning to Rhode Island (Welcome Arnold, Esq.); there can be no doubt therefore of its having got safe to the Governor.

Mrs. Washington begs your Excellency to accept her sincerest thanks for the joy you have communicated to her, and to receive a return of her congratulations on this most happy of all events.

It is with a pleasure, which friendship only is susceptible of, I congratulate you on the glorious end you have put to hostilities in the Southern States. The honor and advantages of it, I hope and trust you will long live to enjoy. When this hemisphere will be equally free, is yet in the womb of time to discover. A little while, ’t is presumed, will disclose the determinations of the British senate with respect to Peace or War, as it seems to be agreed on all hands, that the present Premier, (especially if he should find the opposition powerful,) intends to submit the decision of these matters to Parliament. The Speech, the addresses, and Debates, for which we are looking in every direction, will give a data, from which the bright rays of the one, or gloomy prospect of the other, may be discovered.

I have the honor to be, &c.1

If historiographers should be hardy enough to fill the page of History with the advantages, that have been gained with unequal numbers, (on the part of America) in the course of this contest, and attempt to relate the distressing circumstances under which they have been obtained, it is more than probable, that Posterity will bestow on their labors the epithet and marks of fiction; for it will not be believed, that such a force as Great Britain has employed for eight years in this country could be baffled in their plan of subjugating it, by numbers infinitely less, composed of men oftentimes half starved, always in Rags, without pay, and experiencing at times every species of distress, which human nature is capable of undergoing.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

I intended to have wrote you a long letter on sundry matters; but Major Burnet popped in unexpectedly at a time, when I was preparing for the celebration of the day, and was just going to a review of the troops, previous to the feu de joie.1 As he is impatient, from an apprehension that the sleighing failing, and as he can give you the occurrences of this quarter more in detail than I have time to do, I will refer you to him. I cannot omit informing you, however, that I let no opportunity slip to inquire after your son George at Princeton, and that it is with pleasure I hear he enjoys good health and is a fine promising boy. Mrs. Washington joins me in most affectionate regard and best wishes for Mrs. Greene and yourself. With great truth and sincerity, and every sentiment of friendship, I am, &c.1

Head Quarters, 29 March, 1783.

My dear Sir,

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

Your obliging Letter of the 24 was delivered me the day before Yesterday, and accompanied the account of a General Peace having been concluded in Europe on the 20 of January last—Most sincerely do I accept your Congratulations on the happy event which has already diffused a General Joy thro’ every class of People and to none more than to the Army—It will now be our own faults if we do not enjoy that happiness which we have flattered ourselves this Event would bring. To see such Measures taken as will ensure this, is all that remains for me to wish—I shall then enjoy in the bosom of my family a felicity that will amply repay every care.

Newburg, 11 February, 1783.

Dear Sir,

In a letter I received by the Cutter from the Marqs. De la Fayette dated Cadiz, Feby. 5th, is this passage:

“Independent of my public letter to Mr. Livingston, there is a private one which he will also communicate.—Amongst the many favors I have received, I would take it as a most flattering circumstance in my life to be sent to England with the ratification of the American Treaty—you know it is but an honorary Commission, that would require the attendance of a few weeks, and if any Sedentary Minister is sent, I should have the pleasure of introducing him—this my dear General is entirely confidential.”

I am about to write you a Letter on a subject equally important and delicate, which may be extensive in its consequences and serious in its nature. I shall confine myself to the recital of what I believe to be facts, and leave it with you to make deductions.

From hence I suppose it is necessary for Congress to ratifie the treaty of Peace entered into by their Commissioners at Paris, to give it the form and solemnity which is essential to such a work, and that the Marqs. wishes for the honor of putting the last hand to this business by being the bearer of the Ratification. How far it is consistent with our National honor, how far motives of policy make for or against sending a foreigner with it, or how far such a measure might disappoint the expectation of others, I pretend not to determine, but if there is no impropriety, or injustice in it, I should hope that Congress would feel a pleasure in gratifying the wishes of a man who has been such a zealous laborer in the cause of this Country. Whether the above paragraph was only meant to bring me acquainted with what he had done, or that I might second his views, I know not,—therefore notwithstanding the injunction I have given these sentiments.1 * * * I am, &c.

The printed remonstrance of Mr. Chittenden and his Council, addressed to the president of Congress and founded upon the resolves of the 5th of December last, contains a favorable recital in their own behalf, of what I suppose to be facts; but, if my memory serves me, it is an uncandid performance, inasmuch as it keeps out of view an important transaction of theirs, which was consequent of those resolves.1 Be this as it may, matters seem to be approaching too fast to a disagreeable Issue, for the quiet of my mind. The resolves on one hand, and the remonstrance on the other, (unless it should be annulled by the Legislature at their next meeting, which I do not expect,) seems to leave little room for an amicable decision.

TO COLONEL BLAND.

Matters being thus situated, permit me to ask how far, and by what means, coercion is to be extended? The army, I presume, will be the answer to the latter. Circumstances (for no determination whatever after blood is once drawn) alone can prescribe bounds to the former. It has been said, but of this you can judge better than I, that the delegates from the New England States in Congress, or a majority of them, are willing to admit these People into the Federal Union, as an Independent and Sovereign State. Be this as it may, two things I am sure of, viz: that they have a powerful interest in those States, and pursued very politic measures to strengthen and increase it, long before I had any knowledge of the matter, and before the tendency of it was seen into or suspected, by granting upon very advantageous terms large Tracts of Land, in which, I am sorry to find, the army in some degree have participated.

Head Quarters, 31st March, 1783.

Sir,

Let me next ask, by whom is that district of country principally settled? And of whom is your present army (I do not confine the question to this part of it, but will extend it to the whole) composed? The answers are evident,—New England men. It has been the opinion of some, that the appearance of force would awe these People into submission. If the General Assembly ratifie and confirm what Mr. Chittenden and his Council have done, I shall be of a very different sentiment; and, moreover, that it is not a trifling force that will subdue them, even supposing they do derive no aid from the enemy in Canada; and that it will be a very arduous task indeed, if they should, to say nothing of a diversion, which may and doubtless would be made in their favor from New York, if the war with Great Britain should continue.

The Article in the provisional Treaty respecting Negroes, which you mention to Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped my Notice, but upon a recurrence to the Treaty, I find it as you have stated. I have therefore tho’t it may not be amiss to send in your Letter to Sir Guy, and have accordingly done it.

The Country is very mountainous, full of Defiles, and extremely strong. The Inhabitants, for the most part, are a hardy race, composed of that kind of People, who are best calculated for soldiers; in truth, who are soldiers; for many, many hundreds of them are Deserters from this army, who, having acquired property there, would be desperate in the defence of it, well knowing that they were fighting with Halters about their necks.

Altho I have several Servants in like predicament with yours, I have not yet made any attempt for their recovery.

It may be asked, if I am acquainted with the sentiments of the army on the subject of this dispute. I readily answer, No, not intimately. It is a matter of too delicate a nature to agitate for the purpose of information. But I have heard many officers of rank and discernment, and have learnt by indirect inquiries that others, express the utmost horror at the very idea of shedding blood in an affair of this sort; comparing it in its consequences, tho’ not in its principles, to the quarrel with Great Britain, who thought it was only to hold up the rod and all would be hush! I cannot at this time undertake to say, that there would be any difficulty with the army, if it was to be ordered upon this Service, but I should be exceedingly unhappy to see the experiment made. For, besides the reasons before suggested, I believe there would be a great and general unwillingness in it to embrue their hands in the blood of their Brethren. I have to add, that almost at the same instant a number of the printed copies of the remonstrance were disseminated through every part of the army. What effect it will have, I know not. The design is obvious.

Sir Guy Carleton’s reply to you will decide upon the propriety or expediency of any pursuit to obtain them. If that reply should not be transmitted thro my Hands, I will thank you for a Communication of it.

I promised in the beginning of this letter, that I should content myself with a simple relation of facts. I shall only lament, therefore, that Congress did not in the commencement of this dispute act decidedly. This matter, as you well know, was much agitated last winter, and a Committee of Congress, with whom I had the honor to be in conference, and of wch. I believe you were one, saw Mr. Chittenden’s letter to me and approved of my writing him an answer to the effect it was given.1 With great regard, (and in much haste, as Col. Pickering is waiting) I am, &c.

With much Regard, I am, &c.

P. S. Altho’ there can be no doubt of Congress having received the remonstrance alluded to in this letter, I send, nevertheless, one of the printed copies.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Newburg, 31 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Newburg, 12 February, 1783.

Dear Lund,

I have duly received your favors of the 17th and 24th ultimo. I rejoice most exceedingly that there is an end to our warfare, and that such a field is opening to our view, as will, with wisdom to direct the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable, and happy people; but it must be improved by other means than State politics, and unreasonable jealousies and prejudices, or (it requires not the second sight to see that) we shall be instruments in the hands of our enemies, and those European powers, who may be jealous of our greatness in union, to dissolve the confederation. But, to obtain this, although the way seems extremely plain, is not so easy.

Your letter of the 29th of Jany. came by the last Post,—You do not seem to have considered the force and tendency of the words of yr. letter when you talk of the probability only of sending me “the long promised account.” “The irregularity of them” is not, you add, “for want of knowledge in keeping them, but neglect, your aversion to writing,” &c. &c. These are but other words for saying, “as I am not fond of writing, and it is quite immaterial whether you have any knowledge or information of your private concerns or whether the accts. are kept properly or no, I have delayed, and do not know how much longer I may continue to delay bringing you acquainted with these accts., irregular as they are.”

My wish to see the union of these States established upon liberal and permanent principles, and inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the present constitution, are equally great. All my private letters have teemed with these sentiments, and, whenever this topic has been the subject of conversation, I have endeavored to diffuse and enforce them; but how far any further essay by me might be productive of the wished-for end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinions, and the temper and dispositions of the people, that it is not easy to decide. I shall be obliged to you, however, for the thoughts, which you promised me on this subject, and as soon as you can make it convenient.

Delicacy hitherto, and a hope that you long ago would have seen into the propriety of the measure without a hint of it from me, has restrained me from telling you, that annual accounts of my Crops, together with the receipts and expenditure of my Money, State of my stocks, &c., ought to have been sent to me as regularly as the year came about. It is not to be supposed, that all the avocations of my public duties, great and laborious as they have been, could render me totally insensible to the only means by which myself and family, and the character I am to maintain in life hereafter, is to be supported; or that a precise account of these matters would not have been exceedingly satisfactory to me. Instead of this, except the accounts rendered at Valley Forge in the year 1778, I have received none since I left home; and not till after two or 3 applications in the course of last year, could I get any accounts of the Crop of the preceding one; and then only of the Corn, by the Post on Sunday last.

No man in the United States is or can be more deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in our present confederation than myself. No man perhaps has felt the bad effects of it more sensibly; for to the defects thereof, and want of powers in Congress, may justly be ascribed the prolongation of the war, and consequently the expenses occasioned by it. More than half the perplexities I have experienced in the course of my command, and almost the whole of the difficulties and distress of the army, have their origin here. But still, the prejudices of some, the designs of others, and the mere machinery of the majority, make address and management necessary to give weight to opinions, which are to combat the doctrines of those different classes of men in the field of politics.

I have often told you, and I repeat it with much truth, that the entire confidence which I placed in your integrity made me easy, and I was always happy at thinking that my affairs were in your hands—which I could not have been if they had been under the care of a common manager. But this did not exempt me from the desires which all men have, of knowing the exact state of them. I have now to beg that you will not only send me the account of your receipts and expenditures of specie, but of every other kind of money subsequent to the account exhibited at Valley Forge, which ended some time in April, 1778. I want to know before I come home (as I shall come home with empty pockets, whenever Peace shall take place) how affairs stand with me, and what my dependence is. I wish to know also what I have to expect from the wheat of 1781 and ’82, as you say the two crops are so blended that they cannot be rendered seperately; how are settlements to be made with and justice done to the several Parties Interested under these Circumstances?

I would have been more full on this subject, but the bearer (in the clothing department) is waiting. I wish you may understand what I have written. I am, etc.1

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

* * * * * *

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
26 February, 1783.

Sir,

TO THEODORICK BLAND.

I am sorry to have to acquaint your Excellency, for the information of Congress, that a project, which I had formed for attacking the enemy’s post at Oswego, so soon as the sleighing should be good and the ice of the Oneida Lake should have acquired sufficient thickness to admit the passage of the detachment, has miscarried. The report of Colonel Willett, to whom I had entrusted the command of the party (consisting of a part of the Rhode Island regiment, and the State troops of New York, in all about five hundred men), will assign reasons for the disappointment.

Newburg, 4 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Although the expedition has not been attended with success, the officers and soldiers employed on it are entitled to great credit for the spirit, activity, and patience exhibited by them in the course of the attempt; and, I am certain, nothing that depended upon Colonel Willett to give efficacy to it was wanting.1

On Sunday last the Baron de Steuben handed me your obliging favor of the 22d of March. Permit me to offer you my unfeigned thanks for the clear and candid opinions which you have given me of European politics. Your reasonings upon the conduct of the different Powers at War would have appeared conclusive, had not the happy event which has been since announced to us, and on which I most sincerely congratulate you, proved how well they were founded. Peace has given rest to speculative opinions respecting the time and terms of it. The first has come as soon as we could well have expected it under the disadvantages which we labored; and the latter is abundantly satisfactory.

Major Tallmadge, whom I had placed on the Sound, with the infantry of Sheldon’s legion, for the purpose of interrupting as much as possible on that side the trade with New York, has been more successful, as will appear by his report, a copy of which is likewise enclosed. The zeal and activity of Major Tallmadge, and the promptness and bravery of the party acting under his orders on this occasion, have merited and received my thanks.2 The detachments also belonging to the command of Brigadier-General Hazen, which are occasionally advanced to Bergen, Newark, and Elizabethtown, to intercept the illicit commerce in that quarter, appear to have been very alert, and they have succeeded in several instances. I flatter myself Congress will be persuaded, nothing on my part has been omitted to carry fully into execution the resolution of the 30th of October last.1 But at the same time I am under the necessity to declare, in my own vindication, that, unless the civil powers of the different States will adopt the most energetic measures, and make the greatest exertions to carry them into effect, it will be impossible to put a stop to an evil, which has increased to an alarming height, and which, (notwithstanding all our efforts,) is still increasing, and, I am informed, prevails nowhere in such an uncontrolled manner as on the seacoast of Connecticut. I have the honor to be, &c.2

It is now the bounden duty of every one to make the blessings thereof as diffusive as possible. Nothing would so effectually bring this to pass as the removal of those local prejudices which intrude upon and embarass that great line of policy which alone can make us a free, happy and powerful People. Unless our Union can be fixed upon such a basis as to accomplish these, certain I am we have toiled, bled and spent our treasure to very little purpose.

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.

We have now a National character to establish, and it is of the utmost importance to stamp favorable impressions upon it; let justice be then one of its characteristics, and gratitude another. Public creditors of every denomination will be comprehended in the first; the Army in a particular manner will have a claim to the latter; to say that no distinction can be made between the claims of public creditors is to declare that there is no difference in circumstances; or that the services of all men are equally alike. This Army is of near eight years’ standing, six of which they have spent in the Field without any other shelter from the inclemency of the seasons than Tents, or such Houses as they could build for themselves without expence to the public. They have encountered hunger, cold and nakedness. They have fought many Battles and bled freely. They have lived without pay, and in consequence of it, officers as well as men have subsisted upon their Rations.

Newburg, 4 March, 1783.

They have often, very often, been reduced to the necessity of Eating Salt Porke, or Beef not for a day, or a week only but months together without Vegetables or money to buy them; or a cloth to wipe on.

* * * * * *

Many of them to do better, and to dress as Officers have contracted heavy debts or spent their patrimonies. The first see the Doors of Goals open to receive them—whilst those of the latter are shut against them. Is there no discrimination then—no extra exertion to be made in favor of men in these peculiar circumstances, in the event of their military dissolution? Or, if no worse cometh of it, are they to be turned adrift soured and discontented, complaining of the ingratitude of their Country, and under the influence of these passions, to become fit subjects for unfavorable impressions, and unhappy dissentions? For permit me to add, tho every man in the Army feels his distress—it is not every one that will reason to the cause of it.

What, my dear Sir, could induce the State of Virginia to rescind their assent to the Impost Law? How are the numerous creditors in Civil as well as Military life to be paid unless there are regular & certain funds established to discharge the Interest of Monies which must be borrowed for these purposes? and what Tax can be more just, or better calculated to this end than an Impost?—

I would not from the observations here made, be understood to mean that Congress should (because I know they cannot, nor does the army expect it) pay the full arrearages due to them till Continental or State funds are established for the purpose. They would, from what I can learn, go home contented—nay—thankful to receive what I have mentioned in a more public letter of this date, and in the manner there expressed. And surely this may be effected with proper exertions. Or what possibility was there of keeping the army together, if the war had continued, when the victualling, clothing, and other expenses of it were to have been added? Another thing Sir, (as I mean to be frank and free in my communications on this subject) I will not conceal from you—it is the dissimilarity in the payments to men in Civil and Military life. The first receive everything—the other get nothing but bare subsistence—they ask what this is owing to? and reasons have been assigned which, say they, amount to this—that men in Civil life have stronger passions and better pretensions to indulge them, or less virtue and regard for their Country than us,—otherwise, as we are all contending for the same prize and equally interested in the attainment of it, why do we not bear the burthen equally?

The Alarm Bell which has been rung with such tremendous sound of the danger of entrusting Congress with the money is too selfish & futile to require a serious answer—Who are Congress, but the People?—do they not return to them at certain short periods?—Are they not amenable at all times to them for their Conduct—& subject to recall?—What interest therefore can a man have under these circumstances distinct from his Constituents?—Can it be supposed, that with design, he would form a junto—or dangerous Aristocracy that would operate against himself in less than a Month perhaps after it should be established?—I can have no conception of it.

But from the observations I have made in the course of this war—and my intercourse with the States both in their united and seperate capacities have afforded ample opportunities of judging—I am decidedly of opinion that if the Powers of Congress are not enlarged, and made competent to all general purposes that the blood that has been spilt—the Expences which have been incurred—and the distresses which we have undergone will avail us nothing—and that the band which at present holds us together, by a very feeble thread, will soon be broken when anarchy & confusion must ensue.

These and other comparisons which are unnecessary to enumerate give a keener edge to their feelings and contribute not a little to sour their tempers. As it is the first wish of my Soul to see the War happily & speedily terminated; and those who are now in arms, returned to Citizenship with good dispositions, I think it a duty which I owe to candor and to friendship, to point you to such things as my opportunities have given me reason to believe will have a tendency to harmony and bring them to pass. I shall only add that with much esteem and regard, I am, &c.

You will excuse the freedom of these sentiments—they proceed from an honest heart Altho’ they should be found to be the result of erroneous thinking—they will at least prove the sincerity of my friendship, as they are totally undisguised.

TO THEODORICK BLAND.

With great esteem &c.

Head-Quarters, 4 April, 1783.

Sir,

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.1

The subject of your private letter is so important and involving so many considerations, that I could not hazard my own opinion only for a Reply. I have therefore communicated its contents to some of the most intelligent, well-informed, and confidential officers, whose judgment I have compelled, and endeavored to collect from them, what is the general Line and Expectation of the Army at large respectg. the points you mention—and as this is meant to be equally private and confidential as yours, I shall communicate my sentiments to you without reserve, and with the most entire Freedom.

Newburg, 4 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The idea of the officers in keeping the Army together until Settlement of their accounts is effected, and Funds established for their Security, is perhaps not so extensive as the words of their Resolution seem to intimate. When that Idea was first expressed, our prospects of Peace were Distant, and it was supposed that Settlement and Funds might both be effected before a Dissolution of the Army would probably take place. They wished therefore to have both done at once. But since the Expectation of Peace is bro’t so near, however desirable it would be to the officers, to have their Ballances secured to them upon sufficient Funds, as well as their Settlement ascertained, yet it is not in Idea, that the Army should be held together for the sole Purpose of enforcing either. Nor do they suppose that, by such Means, they could operate on the Fears of the civil power, or of the people at large—the impracticability as well as ill policy of such a mode of Conduct is easily discoverable by every sensible Intelligent officer.—The Tho’t is reprobated as ridiculous and inadmissible.

I have received your favor of February [7th], and thank you for the information and observations it has conveyed to me. I shall always think myself obliged by a free communication of Sentiments, and have often thought, (but suppose I thought wrong, as it did not accord with the practice of Congress,) that the public interest might be benefited if the Commander-in-Chief of the Army were let more into the political and pecuniary state of our affairs than he is. Enterprises, and the adoption of military and other arrangements, that might be exceedingly proper in some circumstances, would be altogether improper in others. It follows, then, by fair deduction, that, where there is a want of information, there must be a chance-medley; and a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is aware of his danger, when a little foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it. But this by the by.

Tho’ these are their Ideas on the particular Point you have mentioned, yet they have their Expectations and they are of a very serious Nature and will require all the Attention and consideration of Congress to gratify them. These I will endeavor to explain with freedom and candor.

The hint contained in your Letter, and the knowledge I have derived from the public Gazettes, respecting the non-payment of Taxes, contains all the information which I have received of the danger, that stares us in the face on acct. of our funds; and, so far was I from conceiving, that our Finances was in so deplorable a state at this time, that I had imbibed ideas from some source of information or another, that, with the prospect of a loan from Holland, we should be able to rub along yet a little further.

In the first place, I fix it as an indispensible Measure, that previous to the Disbanding of the Army, all their accounts, should be compleatly liquidated and settled—and that every person shall be ascertained of the Ballance due to him; and it is equally essential, in my opinion, that this Settlement should be effected, with the Army in its collected Body, without any dispersion of the different Lines to their respective States—for in this way the Accounts will be drawn into one view, properly digested upon one general system, and compared with a variety of circumstances, which will require References upon a much easier plan to be dispersed over all the States. The Settlements will be effected with greater ease, in less Time, and with much more œconomy in this, than in a scattered situation. At the same Time jealousies will be removed, the minds of the Army will be impressed with greater Ease and Quiet, and they better prepared, with good opinions and proper Dispositions to fall back into the great Mass of Citizens—

To you, who have seen the danger, to which the army has been exposed, to a political dissolution for want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licentiousness, which it imbibed by becoming in one or two instances its own proveditors, no observations are necessary to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be productive of civil commotions and end in blood. Unhappy situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.

But after Settlement is formed, there remains another Circumstance of more importance still, and without which, it will be of little consequence to have the sums due them ascertained; that is, the Payment of some part of the Ballance. The Distresses of Officers and Soldiers, are now driven to the extreme, and without this provision will not be lessened by the prospect of Dissolution. It is therefore universally expected that three months’ pay at least, must be given them before they are disbanded—this Sum it is confidently imagined may be procured and is absolutely indispensable.

The predicament, in which I stand as Citizen and soldier, is as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has been the subject of many contemplative hours. The suffering of a complaining army on one hand, and the inability of Congress and tardiness of the States on the other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive of events, which are more to be deprecated than prevented. But I am not without hope, if there is such a disposition shown, as prudence and policy will dictate, to do justice, that your apprehensions in case of Peace are greater than there is cause for. In this, however, I may be mistaken, if those ideas, which you have been informed are propagating in the army, should be extensive; the source of which may be easily traced, as the old leaven it is said, for I have no proof of it, is again beginning to work under a mask of the most perfect dissimulation and apparent cordiality.

They are the rather confirmed in a Belief of the practicability of obtaining it—as the pay of the Army, has formed great part of the Sum in the Estimates which have been made for the Expences of the War—and altho’ this has been obliged to give way to more necessary Claims, yet when those Demands cease, as many will upon the Disbanding the Army—the Pay will then come into view, and have its equal claim to Notice.

Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same steady line of conduct, which has governed me hitherto; fully convinced, that the sensible and discerning part of the army cannot be unacquainted, (altho’ I never took pains to inform them), with the services I have rendered it on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the suggestions in your letter, which I am happy to find coincides with my practice for several months past (which has turned the business of the army into the Channel it now is), leaves me under no great apprehension of its exceeding the bounds of reason and moderation, notwithstanding the prevailing sentiment there is, that the prospect of compensation for past services will terminate with the war.

They will not however be unreasonable in this Expectation. If the whole cannot be obtained before they are dispersed, the Receipt of one month in Hand, with an absolute assurance of having the other two months in a short Time, will be satisfactory—Should Mr. Morris not be able to assure them the two last Months from the Treasury, it is suggested that it may be obtained in the States, by Drafts from him upon their several Continental Receivers, to be collected by the Individual Officers and Soldiers, out of the last year’s Arrears due from the several States apportionments, and for which Taxes have long since been assessed by the Legislatures—This mode, tho’ troublesome to the officer, and perhaps inconvenient for the financier, yet from the Necessity of circumstances may be adopted, and might be a means of collecting more Taxes from the people than would in any other way be done. This is only hinted as an Expedient. The Financier will take his own measures. But I repeat it, as an indispensable point, that this Sum at least, must by some means be procured.—Without this provision, it will be absolutely impossible for many to get from Camp, or to return to their friends—and driven to such necessities it is impossible to foresee what may be the consequences of their not obtaining it. But the worst is to be apprehended.—A Credit, built by their Friends & such others as have been good eno’ to supply their wants upon the Expectation of being refunded at the close of the War, out of the large Sums which by their Toils in the course of many Years hard Service, have become due to them from the public, has supported the greatest Number of them to the present Time—and that Debt now remains upon them. But to be disbanded at last, without this little pittance (which is necessary to quit Quarters) like a Sett of Beggars, Needy, distressed and without Prospect, will not only blast the Expectations of their Creditors, and expose the officers to the utmost Indignity and the worst of consequences;—but will drive every man of Honor and Sensibility to the extremest Horrors of Despair. On the other Hand to give them this Sum, however small in comparison of their Dues, yet, by fulfiling their Expectations, will sweeten their Tempers, cheer their hopes of the future—enable them to submit themselves ’till they can cast about for some future means of Business—it will gratify their pressing Creditors, and will throw the officer back with Ease and Confidence into the Bosom of this Country, and enable him to mix with cordiality and affection among the mass of useful, happy and contented Citizens—an object of the most desirable importance. I cannot at this point of Distance, know the arrangements of the financier, what have been his anticipations, or what his prospects—but the necessity of fulfilling this Expectation of the Army affects me so exceeding forcibly, that I can not help dwelling upon it, nor is there in my present apprehensions a point of greater consequence or that requires more serious attention. Under this Impression I have thought, if a spirited, pointed, and well adapted Address was framed by Congress, and sent to the States on this Occasion, that Gratitude, Justice, Honor, National Pride, and every Consideration, would operate upon them to strain every Nerve, and exert every endeavor to throw into the Public Treasury, a Sum equal to this Requisition—It cannot be denied, especially when they reflect, how small the Expectation is, compared with the large sum of arrears which is due—and tho’ I know that Distinctions are commonly odious, and are looked upon with a jealous and envious Eye—yet it is impossible, that in this case, it can have this operation; for whatever the feelings of Individuals at large may be in contemplating on their own Demands—yet upon a candid Comparison, every man, even the most interested, will be forced to yield to the superior merit and sufferings of the Soldier, who for a course of Years, has contributed his Services in the field, not only at the Expence of his fortune and former Employment, but at the Risque of Ease, domestic happiness, comfort and even Life. After all these Considerations, how must he be struck with the mediocrity of his demand, when, instead of the Pay due him for four, five, perhaps six years hard earned Toil and Distress, he is content for the present with receiving three months, only—and is willing to risque the Remainder upon the same Basis of Security, with the general mass of other public Creditors.—

The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be hoped will have their weight with every sensible legislature in the United States, if Congress point to their demands, and show, if the case is so, the reasonableness of them, and the impracticability of complying with them without their aid. In any other point of view, it would in my opinion be impolitic to introduce the army on the Tapis, lest it should excite jealousy and bring on its concomitants. The States cannot surely be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, and common policy, as to refuse their aid on a full, clear, and candid representation of facts from Congress; more especially if these should be enforced by members of their own body, who might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences of failure will lead to.

Another Expectation seems to have possessed the minds of the officers. That, as the objects above mentioned are not the only ones which must occupy the attention of Congress, in Connexion with the Army, it may probably be tho’t advisable that Congress should send to the Army, a respectable, well-chosen, and well instructed Committee, of their own Body; with liberal Power, to confer with the Army, to know their Sentiments, their Expectations, their Distresses, their Necessities, and the Impossibility of their falling back from the Soldier to Citizenship without some gratification to their most reasonable Demands. This would be considered as a compliment. And to add still greater satisfaction and advantage, it is tho’t very advisable, that the Secretary at War, and the Financier should be of this Delegation. Previous to a Dissolution of the Army, many arrangements will doubtless be necessary in both those Departments, to procure a happy and honorable close to the War, and to introduce Peace, with a prospect of National Glory, Stability, and Benefit. It is not for me to dictate, but I should suppose some Peace Establishment will be necessary; some posts will be kept up and garrisoned; Arsenals for the Deposit of Ordnance and Military Stores, will be determined on, and the Stores collected and deposited; arrangements will be necessary for the Discharge of the Army; at what periods and under what circumstances. The Terms of the Soldiers Service are on different Grounds;—those for the War will suppose and they have a right to do so, their periods of Service to expire at the Close of War, and Proclamation of Peace. What period shall be fixed for these? The Levy men may be retained while the British force remain in our Country if it shall be judged advisable. If I am not consulted in these matters, it will be necessary for me to have an early Knowledge of the Intentions of Congress on these and many other points. But I can think of no mode so effectual as the one suggested of a Committee accompanied by the Financier and Secretary at War. Plans which to us appear feasible and practicable, may be attended with insurmountable difficulties. On the other hand measures may be adopted at Philadelphia which cannot be carried into execution. But here in the manner proposed something might be hit upon which would accommodate itself to the Ideas of both, with greater Ease and Satisfaction, than may now be expected, and which could not be effected by writing Quires of paper, and spending a Length of Time.—

In my opinion it is a matter worthy of consideration, how far an adjournment of Congress for a few months is advisable. The Delegates in that case, if they are in unison themselves respecting the great defects of our constitution, may represent them fully and boldly to their constituents. To me, who know nothing of the business which is before Congress, nor of the arcanum, it appears that such a measure would tend to promote the public weal; for it is clearly my opinion, unless Congress have powers competent to all general purposes, that the distresses we have encountered, the Expense we have incurred, and the blood we have spilt in the course of an eight years war, will avail us nothing.

Upon the whole, you will be able to collect from the foregoing Sentiments what are the Expectations of the Army—that they will involve compleat Settlement and partial payment previous to any Dispersion. (This they suppose may be done within the Time that they must necessarily remain together.) Upon the fulfillment of these two, they will readily retire, in full assurance that ample Security at the earliest period, and on the best ground it can be had will be obtained for the Remainder of their Ballances.

The contents of your letter is known only to myself. Your prudence will be at no loss to know what use to make of these sentiments. I have the honor to be, &c.1

If the Idea of a Committee to right the Army should not be adopted,—and you find it necessary to pass any further Resolutions, you will easily collect from the foregoing Sentiments what will be satisfactory—without my troubling you any further—I pray you to communicate the Contents of this Letter to Colo. Hamilton, from whom I received a request similar to yours. I have &c.1

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Head Quarters, 8 March, 1783.

Sir:

Newburg, 4 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Very painfull Sensations are excited in my mind by your Letter of the 27th of Febry.1 It is impossible for me to express to you the Regret with which I received the Information it contains.

* * * I read your private letter of the 25th with pain, and contemplated the picture it had drawn with astonishment and horror. But I will yet hope for the best. The idea of redress by force is too chimerical to have had a place in the imagination of any serious mind in this army; but there is no telling what unhappy disturbances may result from distress, and distrust of justice, and as far as the fears and jealousies of the army are alive, I hope no resolution will be come to for disbanding or separating the lines till the accts. are liquidated. You may rely upon it, Sir, that unhappy consequences would follow the attempt. The suspicions of the officers are afloat, notwithstanding the resolutions which have passed on both sides. Any act, therefore, which can be construed with an attempt to separate them before the accts. are settled will convey the most unfavorable ideas of the rectitude of Congress—whether well or ill founded, the consequences will be the same.

I have often reflected, with much solicitude upon the disagreeableness of your Situation and the Negligence of the Several States, in not enabling you to do that Justice to the public Creditors, which their Demands require. I wish the step you have taken may sound the Alarm to their inmost Souls, and rouse them to a just Sense of their own Interest, honor, and Credit. But I must confess to you, that I have my fears. For as danger becomes further removed from them, their feelings seem to be more callous to those noble Sentiments, with which I could wish to see them inspired. Mutual Jealousies, local prejudices, and misapprehensions have taken such deep Root, as will not easily be removed.

I will now, in strict confidence, mention a matter which may be useful for you to be informed of. It is that some men (and leading ones too) in this army, are beginning to entertain suspicions that Congress, or some members of it, regardless of the past sufferings and present distress, maugre the justice which is due to them, and the returns which a grateful people should make to men who certainly have contributed more than any other class to the establishment of Independency, are to be made use of as mere puppets to establish continental funds, and that rather than not succeed in this measure, or weaken their ground, they would make a sacrifice of the army and all its interests.

Notwithstanding the Embarrassments which you have experienced, I was in hopes that you would have continued your Efforts to the close of the War, at least; but if your Resolutions are absolutely fixed, I assure you I consider the Event as one of the most unfortunate that could have fallen upon the States, and most sincerely deprecate the sad consequences which I fear will follow. The Army, I am sure, at the same Time that they entertain the highest sense of your Exertions will lament the step you are obliged to take, as a most unfortunate Circumstance to them. I am &c.

I have two reasons for mentioning this matter to you. The one is, that the army (considering the irritable state it is in, its sufferings and composition) is a dangerous instrument to play with; the other, that every possible means consistent with their own views (which certainly are moderate) should be essayed, to get it disbanded without delay. I might add a third: it is, that the Financier is suspected to be at the bottom of this scheme. If sentiments of this sort should become general, their operation will be opposed to this plan; at the same time that it would increase the present discontents. Upon the whole, disband the army as soon as possible, but consult the wishes of it, which really are moderate in the mode, and perfectly compatible with the honor, dignity and justice which is due from the country to it. I am, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Head-Quarters, 12 March, 1783.

Sir,

Head-Qrs.,Newburg, 5 April, 1783.

My dear Marqs.,

It is with inexpressible concern I make the following report to your Excellency. Two days ago, anonymous papers were circulated in the army, requesting a general meeting of the officers on the next day. A copy of one of these papers is enclosed, No. 1. About the same time, another anonymous paper, purporting to be an address to the officers of the army, was handed about in a clandestine manner. A copy of this is marked No. 2. To prevent any precipitate and dangerous resolutions from being taken at this perilous moment, while the passions were all inflamed, as soon as these things had come to my knowledge the next morning, I issued the enclosed order, No. 3. In this situation the matter now rests.

It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to express, the sensibility of my heart at the communications in your letter of the 5th of Feb. from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are indebted for the only accts. yet recd. of a general Pacification. My mind, upon the receipt of this news, was instantly assailed by a thousand ideas, all of them contending for preëminence; but, believe me, my dear friend, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate that gratitude, which has arisen from a lively sense of the conduct of your nation, and from my obligations to many of the illustrious characters of it, among whom, (I do not mean to flatter, when I place you at the head,) and from my admiration of the Virtues of your August Sovereign, who, at the same time that he stands confessed the Father of his own people, and defender of American rights, has given the most exalted example of moderation in treating with his Enemies.

As all opinion must be suspended until after the meeting on Saturday, I have nothing further to add, except a wish that the measure I have taken to dissipate a storm, which had gathered so suddenly and unexpectedly, may be acceptable to Congress; and to assure them that, in every vicissitude of circumstances, still actuated with the greatest zeal in their service, I shall continue my utmost exertions to promote the welfare of my country, under the most lively expectation, that Congress have the best intention of doing ample justice to the army as soon as circumstances will possibly admit.

We stand, now, an Independent People, and have yet to learn political Tactics. We are placed among the nations of the Earth, and have a character to establish; but how we shall acquit ourselves, time must discover. The probability (at least I fear it), is that local or State politics will interfere too much with the more liberal and extensive plan of government, which wisdom and foresight, freed from the mist of prejudice, would dictate; and that we shall be guilty of many blunders in treading this boundless theatre, before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this art; in a word, that the experience, which is purchased at the price of difficulties and distress, will alone convince us that the honor, power, and true Interest of this Country must be measured by a Continental scale, and that every departure therefrom weakens the Union, and may ultimately break the band which holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a Constitution, that will give consistency, stability, and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the great Council of the nation for general purposes, is a duty which is incumbent upon every man, who wishes well to his Country, and will meet with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the private walks of life: for hence forward my mind shall be unbent and I will endeavor to glide gently down the stream of life till I come to that abyss from whence no traveller is permitted to return.

I have the honor to be, &c.

P. S. Since writing the foregoing, another anonymous paper is put in circulation, a copy of which is enclosed, No. 4.1

The armament, wch. was preparing at Cadiz, and in which you were to have acted a distinguished part, would have carried such conviction with it, that it is not to be wondered at, that Great Britain should have been impressed with the force of such reasoning. To this cause, I am persuaded, the Peace is to be ascribed. Your going to Madrid from thence, instead of coming immediately to this Country, is another instance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the American Cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of her Sons, who will at all times receive you with open arms.1 As no official despatches are yet received, either at Phila. or New York, of the completion of the treaty, nor any measures taken for the reduction of the army, my detention there-with is quite uncertain. To say then (at this time) where I may be, at the epoch for your intended visit to this continent, is too vague even for conjecture; but nothing can be more true, than that the pleasure, with which I shall receive you, will be equal to your wishes. I shall be better able to determine then, than now, on the practicability of accompanying you to France, a Country to which I shall ever feel a warm affection; and, if I do not pay it that tribute of respect, which is to be derived from a visit it may be ascribed with more justice to any other cause, than a want of inclination, or the pleasure of going there under the auspices of your friendship.

ADDRESS TO THE OFFICERS.1

I have already observed, that the determinations of Congress, if they have come to any, respecting the army, is yet unknown to me. But, as you wish to be informed of every thing that concerns it, I do, for your satisfaction, transmit authentic documents of some very interesting occurrences, which have happened within the last Six months. But I ought first to have premised, that, from accumulated sufferings and little or no prospect of relief, the discontents of the officers last Fall put on the threatening appearance of a total resignation, till the business was diverted into the channel, which produced the Address and Petition to Congress, which stand first on the file herewith enclosed. I shall make no comment on these proceedings. To one so well acquainted with the sufferings of the American army as you are, it is unnecessary. It will be sufficient to observe, that the more the Virtue and forbearance of it are tried, the more resplendent it appears. My hope is, that the military exit of this valuable class of the community will exhibit such a proof of amor patriæ, as will do them honor in the page of history.

Gentlemen,

These papers, with my last letter, (which was intended to go by Colo. Gouvion, containing extensive details of military Plans,) will convey to you every information I can give in the present uncertainty worthy of attention. If you should get sleepy and tired of reading them, recollect, for my exculpation, that it is in compliance with your request I have run into such prolixity. I made a proper use of the confidential part of your Letter of the 5th of Feby.

By an anonymous summons an attempt has been made to convene you together. How inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all good order and discipline, let the good sense of the army decide.

The scheme, my dear Marqs., which you propose as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people of this Country from that state of Bondage in wch. they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy to join you in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business, till I have the pleasure of seeing you.

In the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation; addressed more to the feelings and passions, than to the reason and judgment of the army. The author of the piece is entitled to such credit for the goodness of his pen, and I could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see through different optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the mind to use different means to obtain the same end, the author of the address should have had more charity, than to mark for suspicion the man, who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance, or in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country, have no part; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion, to effect the blackest designs.

Lord Stirling is no more. He died at Albany in Jany. last, very much regretted. Colo. Barber was snatched from us about the same time, in a way equally unexpected, sudden, and distressing; leaving many friends to bemoan his fate.1

That the address is drawn with great art, and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes, that it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the United States, and rouse all those resentments, which must unavoidably flow from such a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof than a reference to the proceeding.

Tilghman is on the point of matrimony with a namesake and cousin, sister to Mrs. Carroll of Baltimore. It only remains for me now, my dear Marqs., to make a tender of my respectful compliments, in which Mrs. Washington unites, to Madame Lafayette, and to wish you, her, and your little offspring, all the happiness this life can afford. I will extend my compliments to the gentlemen with whom I have the honor of an acquaintance in your circle. I need not add how happy I shall be to see you in America, and more particularly at Mount Vernon, or with what truth and warmth of affection I am, &c.

Thus much, Gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty meeting, which was proposed to be held on Tuesday last, and not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity, consistent with your own honor and the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you, that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But, as I was among the first, who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits; as I have ever considered my own military reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy, when I have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen, when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it; it can scarcely be supposed, at this late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its interests. But how are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says the anonymous addresser; if war continues, remove into the unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself. But whom are they to defend? Our wives, our children, our farms and other property, which we leave behind us? Or, in the state of hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be removed) to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness? If peace takes place, neither sheath your swords, says he, until you have obtained full and ample justice. This dreadful alternative, of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of distress, or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless Congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it, that humility revolts at the idea. My God! What can this writer have in view by recommending such measures. Can he be a friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is he not an insidious foe? Some emissary, perhaps from New York, plotting the ruin of both by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military powers of the continent? And what a compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature?

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

But here, Gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. A moment’s reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution.

Head-Quarters, 9 April, 1783.

Sir,

There might, Gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production; but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that writing. With respect to the advice given by the author to suspect the man, who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as every man who regards that liberty, and reveres that justice, for which we contend, undoubtedly must. For, if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter, which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences, that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us; the freedom of speech may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may be led away like sheep to the slaughter.

I feel great satisfaction from your Excellency’s despatches by Captain Stapleton, conveying to me the joyful annunciation of your having received official accounts of the conclusion of hostilities. Without official authority from Congress, but perfectly relying on your communication, I can at this time only issue my orders to the American out-posts, to suspend all acts of hostilities until further orders. This shall be instantly done; and I shall be happy in the momentary expectation of having it in my power to publish to the American army a general cessation of all hostilities between Great Britain and America.1

I cannot, in justice to my own belief, and what I have great reason to conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude this address without giving it as my decided opinion, that that honorable body entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice. That their endeavors to discover, and establish funds for this purpose have been unwearied, and will not cease, till they have succeeded, I have no doubt; but, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of different interests to reconcile, their deliberations are slow. Why then should we distrust them; and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures, which may cast a shade over that glory, which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army, which is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? And for what is this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No! Most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance.

To your observations respecting particular articles of the peace I am obliged to reply, that it rests with Congress to direct measures for the observance of all the articles contained in the provisional treaty. You may be assured, that, as soon as I receive my instructions from the sovereign power of the United States I shall rejoice in giving every facility in my power to carry into complete execution that article of the treaty, which respects the restitution of all prisoners of war, being perfectly disposed to contribute to diffusing, as much as possible, the happy effects of this great event.

I thank your Excellency for the assurances you are pleased to express, of your readiness to cultivate that spirit of perfect good will and conciliation, which you wish would take place between the King of Great Britain and the United States, and the citizens and subjects of both countries; and I beg, Sir, that you will please to accept a tender from me of reciprocal good will and attention, accompanied with sincere congratulations on this joyful restoration of peace and general tranquillity, with an earnest wish, that, resting on the firm basis of mutual interest and good will, it may prove as lasting as it is happy.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

Newburg, 16 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Newburg, 12 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

My last letter to you was written in a hurry, when I was fatigued by the more public yet confidential letter, which, with several others, accompanied it. Possibly I did not on that occasion express myself, in what I intended as a hint, with so much perspicuity as I ought. Possibly, too, what I then dropped might have conveyed more than I intended, for I do not now recollect ye force of my expression.

My meaning, however, was only to inform you, that there were different sentiments in the army, as well as in Congress, respecting Continental and State Funds, some wishing to be thrown upon their respective States, rather than the Continent at large, for payment; and that, if an idea should generally prevail, that Congress, or part of its members or ministers, bent upon the latter, should delay doing them justice, or hazard it in pursuit of their favorite object, it might create such divisions in the army, as would weaken rather than strengthen the hands of those, who were disposed to support Continental measures, and might tend to defeat the end they themselves had in view, by endeavoring to interest the army.

For these reasons I said, or meant to say, the army was a dangerous Engine to work with, as it might be made to cut both ways; and, considering the sufferings of it, wld. more than probably throw its weight into that scale, which seemed most likely to preponderate towards its immediate relief, without looking, (under the pressure of necessity,) to future consequences with the eyes of Politicians. In this light, also, I meant to apply my observation to Mr. Morris, to whom, or rather to Mr. G. M., is ascribed in a great degree the groundwork of the superstructure, which was intended to be raised in the army by the anonymous addresser.1

That no man can be more opposed to State funds or local prejudices than myself, the whole tenor of my conduct has been one continual evidence of. No man, perhaps, has had better opportunities to see and feel the pernicious tendency of the latter than I have; and I endeavor (I hope not altogether ineffectually) to inculcate this upon the officers of the army, upon all proper occasions; but their feelings are to be attended to and soothed, and they must be assured, that, if Continental funds cannot be established, they will be recommended to their respective States for payment. Justice must be done them.

I should do injustice to report and what I believe to be the opinion of the army, were I not to inform you, that they consider you as a friend, zealous to serve them, and one who has espoused their interests in Congress upon every proper occasion. It is to be wished, as I observed in my letter to Colo. Bland, that Congress would send a Comee. to the Army with plenipo. powers. The matters requested of me in your letter of the [9th] as Chairman of a Committee, and many other things, might then be brought to a close with more despatch and in a happier manner, than it is likely they will be by an intercourse of Letters at the distance of 150 miles, which takes our Expresses a week at least to go and return. At this moment, being without any instructions from Congress, I am under great embarrassment with respect to the Soldiers for the war, and shall be obliged more than probably, from the necessity of the case, to exercise my own judgment, without waiting for orders as to the discharge of them. If I should adopt measures, which events will approve, all will be well; if otherwise, “Why, and by what authority, did you do so?”

How far a strong recommendation from Congress to observe all the articles of peace as well as the1NA may imply a suspicion of good faith in the People of this Country, I pretend not to judge; but I am much mistaken if something of the kind will not be found wanting, as I already perceive a disposition to carp at and to elude such parts of the treaty, as affect different Interests, altho’ you do not find a man, who, when pushed, will not agree, that, upon the whole, it is a more advantageous Peace than we could possibly have expected. I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
18 March, 1783.

Sir,

Head-Quarters, 18 April, 1783.

Sir,

I find it a duty incumbent on me to communicate to your Excellency the present disposition and temper of part of the army. The accounts of peace, which have been received at different times, have raised an expectation in the minds of the men engaged for the war, that a speedy discharge must be the consequence. This idea has been so deeply impressed, that it has become difficult to hold them under that sense of discipline, which is necessary to bind together the subjects of an army. The slow and dillatory manner, in which the intelligence of peace has arrived to us, has served to heighten this idea, and has led those men to some suspicion, that official despatches and official declarations of peace have been postponed through design, that they might be held beyond the term of their engagements; by which means they have in some instances scarcely been restrained from acts of excess. To such a composition of men as the army is formed of, this idea is perhaps not an unnatural one.

In this situation the proclamation of Congress for a cessation of hostilities found us on its arrival yesterday. This act, being unaccompanied with any instructions for my conduct respecting the discharge of this part of the army if it should be found necessary, or any intimations of Congress on that head, has thrown me into a most disagreeable circumstance. Knowing the temper of the war-men, to suppress the publication of this proclamation would increase their suspicions; and knowing their expectations, to publish it to men, who have not learnt to distinguish between a proclamation for a cessation of hostilities and a definite declaration of peace, when they have authentic information that peace has actually taken place, would serve to increase their expectations of immediate discharge, and stamp any claim to their further services with an appearance of injustice. Under this dilemma, and being totally ignorant of the designs of the enemy in New York, who, from all I can collect, are making no show of an early evacuation of that city, I found it difficult to decide on the line of my duty. I therefore called a full consultation of the general officers of this army on the occasion. It was their unanimous judgment, that it would be equally impracticable and impolitic to attempt to suppress the proclamation, and that it should be issued in this day’s orders. At the same time, the general officers are deeply impressed with an idea of the little remaining hold, which, after this publication, we may expect to have upon the men engaged for the war, and of the necessity there is, that Congress should come to some speedy determination upon this interesting point, as to what is to be the period of these men’s service, and that they should give the earliest communication to me of their decision for my instruction.

Towards effecting this important object, it has been seriously motioned to me, that I should hint to Congress the propriety and expediency of their appointing a committee of their own body, with plenary powers, who may immediately repair to camp, and who may decide on the necessary arrangements for this important period. For my own part, I am fully in sentiment with this opinion, as such a measure would not only tend to help over the difficulty of the moment, but would expedite the execution of many other arrangements, which will be found necessarily, preparatory to our disbanding the present army. It might also serve to facilitate any negotiations, which it may be found expedient to enter into with Sir Guy Carleton, for his speedy evacuation of New York, an object which at present seems at too great a distance for our circumstances. Many other matters will undoubtedly present themselves which we cannot foresee, and which will require frequent references to Congress; and, as much time is lost in communications between the army and the sovereign body, a committee on the spot, who might give an immediate decision, would be of great importance, and perhaps suppress many disagreeable consequences which might arise merely from delay. One circumstance has already occurred, as Congress will perceive by the enclosed petition from the troops of the New Jersey line; another I have this day heard of in the Connecticut line, extending to a claim of half-pay or commutation for the non-commissioned officers of that line. How far their ideas, if not suppressed by some lucky expedient, may proceed, it is beyond my power to divine.

Notwithstanding the length of this letter, I must beg the liberty to suggest to Congress an idea, which has been hinted to me, and which has affected my mind very forcibly. That is, that, at the discharge of the men engaged for the war, Congress should suffer those men, non-commissioned officers and soldiers, to take with them as their own property, and as a gratuity, the arms and accoutrements they now hold. This act would raise pleasing sensations in the minds of those worthy and faithful men, who, from their early engaging in the war at moderate bounties, and from their patient continuance under innumerable distresses, have not only deserved nobly of their country, but have obtained an honorable distinction over those, who, with shorter times, have gained large pecuniary rewards. This act, at a comparative small expense, would be deemed an honorable testimonial from Congress of the regard they bear to those distinguished worthies, and the sense they have had of their suffering virtues and services, which have been so happily instrumental towards the security and establishment of the rights, liberties, and independence of this rising empire. These constant companions of their toils and dangers, preserved with sacred care, would be handed down from the present possessors to their children, as honorable badges of bravery and military merit; and would probably be brought forth, on some future occasion, with pride and exultation, to be improved with the same military ardor and emulation in the hands of posterity, as they have been used by their forefathers in the present establishment and foundation of our national independence and glory.1

Congress will suffer me to repeat my most earnest wish, that they will be pleased, either by themselves at large, or by their committee, to pay their earliest attention to the matters now referred to their consideration; for I must add, that, unless the most speedy arrangements for the war men are adopted, I contemplate with anxiety the disagreeable consequences, which, I fear, will be the result of much longer delay.

I have the honor to be, &c.1

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Newburg, 18 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Head-Quarters, 21 April, 1783.

Sir,

I have the satisfaction of enclosing to your Excellency a proclamation, which I have received from the sovereign power of the United States, ordering a general cessation of hostilities, as well by sea as land, with directions that the same should be published to all their subjects under my command. In compliance with these instructions, the same was made public in the American camp on the 19th, with my orders that it should be made known at all the out-posts of the American army as soon as possible.1

In consequence of this declaration, and in conformity to the articles of the treaty, Congress have been pleased to pass their resolutions of the 15th instant, directing arrangements to be formed for the liberation of all prisoners, and other purposes, which your Excellency will collect from the enclosed copy, which I transmit for your observation.

In a conference, which I had yesterday with the minister at war, agreeably to the terms of the above-mentioned resolutions, it has been agreed between us, that the land prisoners should be liberated as soon as possible, and that orders should be immediately given for commencing their march towards New York. But as their situation, by being removed to the interior of the country, is far distant from New York, which will make their march disagreeable and long, we have agreed to submit it to your option, whether to have them marched the whole distance through the country or to have them delivered at the nearest water, where it may be convenient for your ships to receive them. Should you choose the latter, the following arrangement has been determined. The prisoners, who are lodged at Fredericktown and Winchester, in the States of Virginia and Maryland, in number about fifteen hundred, including women and children, will begin their march on the route towards Baltimore, where they may arrive on the 10th of May; at which time, should your ships be ready to receive them there, they may be embarked, and proceed to New York. If ships are not directed to receive them at the time mentioned at Baltimore, they will proceed by land to the Delaware. The remainder of the prisoners, being in Pennsylvania, amounting to about four thousand five hundred, may all (except those at Reading, between three and four hundred,) be embarked at Philadelphia, and also those from Fredericktown and Winchester, should they not be received at Baltimore, provided your ships are there by the 5th of May at farthest. Should ships not be ordered by your Excellency to take them by water, they will be marched in convenient detachments of about five hundred each, through the country to Elizabethtown, with all convenient expedition. In any case, those from Reading, being in the upper part of Pennsylvania, will march directly to Elizabethtown.

It is also submitted to your option to send or not, as you shall think proper, an additional number of officers to attend the march of the prisoners through the country, and to prevent any irregularities that disorderly persons may be disposed to commit.

In either alternative respecting the receipt of the prisoners, you will be pleased to give the earliest information, to the minister at war in Philadelphia, of your determinations, that he may be able to make the necessary and timely dispositions to pay all proper attention to your choice. To expedite this purpose, and for the convenience of transportation, I enclose a passport for such officers as you shall think proper to charge with your despatches on this occasion.

Respecting the other subjects contained in the enclosed resolution of Congress, as they may be discussed with more precision and despatch by a personal interview between your Excellency and myself, at some convenient time and intermediate place, such as may be agreed upon between your Excellency and Colonel Humphreys, my aid-de-camp, who will have the honor to deliver this letter, I would only suggest, that, in point of time, the earliest day you can name will be most agreeable to me. Should an interview be consented to on your part, the governor of this State, being particularly interested in any arrangements, which respect the restitution of the post of New York, will attend me on this occasion. I am, &c.1

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Head-Quarters, 19 March, 1783.

Sir,

Newburg, 22 April, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I did not receive your letter of the 15th till after my return from Ringwood, where I had a meeting with the secretary at war for the purpose of making arrangements for the release of our prisoners, agreeably to the resolve of Congress of the 15th Inst.

Finding a diversity of opinion respecting the treaty, and the line of conduct we ought to observe with the prisoners, I requested, in precise terms to know from Gene. Lincoln (before I entered on the business) whether we were to exercise our own judgment with respect to the time, as well as mode of releasing them, or was to be confined to the latter. Being informed that we had no option in the first, Congress wishing to be eased of the expence as soon as possible, I acted solely on that ground.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

At the same time I scruple not to confess to you, that if this measure was not dictated by necessity, it is, in my opinion an impolitic one; as we place ourselves in the power of the British, before the treaty is definitive. The manner in which peace was first announced, & the subsequent declarations of it, have led the country & army into a belief that it was final. The ratification of the preliminary articles on the 3d of February, so far confirmed this, that one consequence resulting from it is, the soldiers for the war conceive the term of their services has actually expired; and I believe it is not in the power of Congress or their officers, to hold them much, if any, longer; for we are obliged at this moment to increase our guards to prevent rioting; and the insults which the officers meet with in attempting to hold them to their duty. The proportion of these men amount to seven-elevenths of the army. These we shall loose at the moment the British army receive, by their prisoners, an augmentation of five or 6000 men.

Newburg, 19 March, 1783.

Dear Lund,

It is not for me to investigate the causes which induced this measure; nor the policy of those letters (from authority) which gave the tone to the present sentiment. But since they have been adopted, we ought, in my opinion, to put a good face upon matters; and by a liberal conduct throughout on our part (freed from appearances of distrust) try if we cannot excite similar dispositions on theirs. Indeed circumstanced as things now are, I wish most fervently that all the troops which are not retained for a peace establishment were to be discharged immediately, or such of them, at least, as do not incline to await the settlement of their accts. If they continue here, their claims, I can plainly perceive, will increase, and our perplexities multiply. A petition is this moment handed to me from the non-comd. officers of the Connecticut line soliciting half pay. It is well drawn, I am told, but I did not read it. I sent it back without appearing to understand the contents, because it did not come through the channel of their officers. This may be followed by others and I mention it to show the necessity, the absolute necessity, of discharging the warsmen as soon as possible.

I have taken much pains to support Mr. Morris’s administration in the army, and in proportion to its numbers I believe he had not more friends anywhere. But if he will neither adopt the mode which has been suggested, point out any other, nor show cause why the first is either impracticable or impolitic (I have heard he objects to it) they will certainly attribute their disappointment to a lukewarmness in him, or some design incompatible with their interests. And here, my dear Colo. Hamilton, let me assure you that it would not be more difficult to still the raging billows in a tempestuous gale, than to convince the officers of this army of the justice or policy of paying men in civil offices full wages, when they cannot obtain a sixtieth part of their dues. I am not unapprised of the arguments which are made use of upon this occasion, to discriminate the cases; but they really are futile; and may be summed up in this: that tho’ both are contending for the same rights & expect equal benefits, yet, both cannot submit to the same inconveniences to obtain them; otherwise, to adopt the language of simplicity and plainness, a ration of salt pork, with or without pease, as the case often is, would support the one as well as the other, & in such a struggle as ours would, in my opinion, be alike honorable in both.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

My anxiety to get home increases with the prospect of it, but when is it to happen? I have not heard that Congress have yet had under consideration the lands and other gratuities, which at different periods of the war have been promised to the army. Does not these things evince the necessity of a committee’s repairing to camp, in order to arrange & adjust matters without spending time in a tedious exchange of letters. Unless something of this kind is adopted, business will be delayed & expences accumulated, or the army will break up in disorder, go home enraged, complaining of injustice & committing enormities on the innocent inhabitants in every direction.

19 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I write to you unreservedly. If, therefore, contrary to my apprehension all these matters are in a proper train, & Mr. Morris has devised means to give the army three months’ pay, you will, I am persuaded, excuse my precipitancy and sollicitude, by ascribing it to an earnest wish to see the war happily & honorably terminated; to my anxious desire of enjoying some repose, & the necessity of my paying a little attention to my private concerns, which have suffered considerably in eight years’ absence. * * *

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

Newburg, 24 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

TO GOVERNOR BENJAMIN HARRISON.

I receiv’d with much pleasure the kind congratulations contained in your letter of the 25th ulto. from Phila. on the honble. termination of the War.—No man, indeed, can relish the approaching Peace with more heartfelt, and grateful satisfaction than myself. A mind always upon the stretch, and tortured with a deversity of perplexing circumstances, needed a respite; and I anticipate the pleasure of a little repose. It has been happy for me, always, to have Gentlemen about me willing to share my troubles, and help me out of difficulties—to none of these can I attribute a greater share of merit than to you.

Newburg, 19 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I can scarce form an idea at this moment, when I shall be able to leave this place. The distresses of the Army for want of money; the embarrassments of Congress, and the consequent delays, and disappointments on all sides, encompass me with difficulties; and produce every day some fresh source of uneasiness. But as I now see the port opening to which I have been steering, I shall persevere till I have gained the entrance of it. I will then leave the States to improve their present Constitution, so as to make that Peace and Independency, which we have fought for and obtained, a blessing to the millions yet unborn. But to do this, liberallity must supply the place of prejudice, and unreasonable jealousies must yield to that confidence which ought to be placed in the Sovereign power of these States. In a word, the Constitution of Congress must be competent to the general purposes of Government, and of such a nature as to bind us together. Otherwise we shall be like a rope of Sand, and as easily broken; and may in a short time, become the sport of European Politics even if we should be disposed to Peace among ourselves.

From the intimation in your Letter, and what I have heard from others, I presume this Letter will find you in a state of Wedlock.—On this happy event I pray you, and your Lady, to accept of my best wishes, and sincerest congratulations in which Mrs. Washington joins hers most cordially. With &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters, 3 May, 1783.

Sir,

I take the liberty to mention to your Excellency, that, in attending to the resolutions of Congress of the 15th of April, respecting the posts in the United States occupied by the British troops, I find it necessary to apply for a more particular explanation of the intentions of Congress than is there expressed.1

Taking it for granted, that the northern and western posts are included within the ideas of Congress, as well as New York, arrangements for receiving possession of those posts are to be made with General Haldimand, who commands in the district of Canada. As the communication with him is distant and will take much time, previous to commencing this correspondence it will be requisite that I should be as fully instructed as circumstances will admit, of the intentions of Congress respecting these frontier posts; particularly what footing they are to be placed upon, and what number of men shall be sent to maintain them upon the peace establishment. Congress will also be impressed with the necessity of adopting the earliest measures possible for procuring the men, for garrisoning those posts. Whether this shall be effected by detaching the three years’ men of the present army, or furnishing them in some other manner, will be also to determine.

The posts should certainly be occupied by the United States troops the moment they are evacuated by the British. Should this be neglected, I have my fears, that they may be burned or destroyed by the Indians, or some other evil-minded persons, whose disaffection to the government of the United States may lead them to such enormities.

P. S. The author of the Anonymous Address is yet behind the curtain; and, as conjecture may be grounded on error, I will not announce mine at present.

Arrangements for transporting the necessary artillery, stores, ammunition, and provisions, will require time, and need immediate attention. The season for doing this work is now at hand; and if suffered to pass off, it will be exceedingly difficult if not impracticable to effect their transportation, particularly through the small water communications, which in the present season will be found very convenient, but which the summer heats will render so low, as to become almost impassable.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Persuaded that Congress will view these subjects in the same important light that I do, I promise myself that I shall be favored with their instructions at the earliest moment possible. I am, &c.1

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
23 March, 1783.

My Dear Marquis,

SUBSTANCE OF THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN GEN. WASHINGTON AND SIR GUY CARLETON, AT AN INTERVIEW AT ORANGETOWN, 6TH MAY, 1783.

General Washington opened the Conference by observing that he heretofore had transmitted to Sir Guy Carleton the resolutions of Congress of the 15th ulto, that he conceived a personal Conference would be the most speedy & satisfactory mode of discussing and settling the Business; and that therefore he had requested the Interview—That the resolutions of Congress related to three distinct matters, namely, the setting at Liberty the prisoners, the receiving possession of the posts occupied by the British Troops, and the obtaing. the Delivery of all Negroes & other property of the Inhabitants of these States in the possession of the Forces or subjects of, or adherents to his Britannic Majesty.—That with respect to the Liberation of the prisoners, he had, as far as the Business rested with him, put it in Train, by meetg. & conferring with the Secretary at War, & concertg. with him the proper measures for collecting the prisoners & forwarding them to N. York, and that it was to be optional with Sir Guy, whether the prisoners should march by land, or whether he would send Transports to convey them by Water—and that the Secty. at War was to communicate with Sir Guy Carleton on the subject & obtain his Determination.

With respect to the other two Matters which were the Objects of the Resolutions, General Washington requested the Sentiments of General Carleton.

Sir Guy then observed that his Expectations of a peace had been such that he had anticipated the Event by very early commencing his preparations to withdraw the British Troops from this Country—and that every preparation which his situation & circumstances would permit was still continued—That an additional Number of Transports, and which were expected, were necessary to remove the Troops & Stores—and as it was impossible to ascertain the Time when the Transports would arrive, their passages depending on the casualties of the Seas, he was therefore unable to fix a determinate period within which the British forces would be withdrawn from the City of New York—But that it was his desire to exceed even our own Wishes in this Respect, & That he was using every means in his power to effect with all possible despatch an Evacuation of that & every other post within the United States, occupied by the British Troops, under his Direction—That he considered as included in the preparations for the final Departure of the B. Troops, the previously sending away those persons, who supposed that, from the part they had taken in the present War, it would be most eligible for them to leave the Country—and that upwards of 6,000 persons of this Character had embarked & sailed—and that in this Embarkation a Number of Negroes were comprised—General Washington therefore expressed his Surprize, that after what appeared to him an express Stipulation to the contrary in the Treaty, Negroes the property of the Inhabitants of these States should be sent off.

To which Sir Guy Carleton replied, that he wished to be considered as giving no construction of the Treaty—That by Property in the Treaty might only be intended Property at the Time, the Negroes were sent off—That there was a difference in the Mode of Expression in the Treaty; Archives, Papers, &c., &c., were to be restored—Negroes & other property were only not to be destroyed or carried away. But he principally insisted that he conceived it could not have been the Intention of the B. Government by the Treaty of Peace, to reduce themselves to the necessity of violating their faith to the Negroes who came into the British Lines under the proclamation of his Predecessors in Command—That he forebore to express his sentiments on the propriety of those proclamations, but that delivering up the Negroes to their former Masters would be delivering them up some possibly to Execution, and others to severe punishments, which in his Opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public Faith, pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations—That if the sending off the Negroes should hereafter be declared an Infraction of the Treaty, Compensation must be made by the Crown of G. Britain to the Owners—that he had taken measures to provide for this, by directing a Register to be kept of all the Negroes who were sent off, specifying the Name, Age & Occupation of the person, and the Name, & Place of Residence of his former Master. Genl. Washington again observed that he conceived this Conduct on the part of Genl. Carleton, a Departure from both the Letter and the Spirit of the Articles of Peace;—and particularly mentioned a difficulty that would arise in compensating the proprietors of Negroes, admitting this infraction of the Treaty can be satisfied by such compensation as Sir Guy had alluded to, as it was impossible to ascertain the Value of the Slaves from any Fact or Circumstance which may appear in the Register,—the Value of a Slave consisting chiefly in his Industry and Sobriety—& Genl. Washington mentioned a further Difficulty which would attend Identifying the Slave, supposing him to have changed his own and to have given in a wrong Name of his Master.—In answer to which Sir Guy Carleton said, that as the Negroe was free & secured against his Master, he could have no inducement to conceal his own true Name or that of his Master—Sir Guy Carleton then observed that by the Treaty he was not held to deliver up any property but was only restricted from carrying it away—and therefore admitting the interpretation of the Treaty as given by Genl. Washington to be just, he was notwithstanding pursuing a Measure which would operate most for the security of the proprietors. For if the Negroes were left to themselves without Care or Controul from him, numbers of them would very probably go off, and not return to the parts of the Country from whence they came, or clandestinely get on Board the Transports in such a manner as would not be in his Power to prevent—in either of which Cases an inevitable Loss would ensue to the proprietors—But as the Business was now conducted they had at least a Chance for Compensation—Sir Guy concluded the Conversation on this subject by saying that he Imagined that the mode of Compensating as well as the Amount and other points with respect to which there was no provision made in the Treaty, must be adjusted by Commissioners to be hereafter appointed by the two Nations—

The subject of withdrawing the British Troops from the Territories of the United States was again resumed, and Sir Guy Carleton declared his willingness, at a short day to be agreed on between him & Genl. Washington, to evacuate all his Posts in West Chester County, and to issue his Orders that the British Troops should not on any pretence, pass the river, which separates that County from the Island of N. York—but with respect to a relinquishment of any part of Long Island, he was apprehensive it would be attended with Difficulties & Inconveniences—particularly he was fearfull it would tend to favor Desertions from the British Army, and therefore he would give no determinate answer, but he was disposed immediately to abandon Penobscot if General Washington should choose it, tho’ he said that would necessarily retard the Evacuation of N. York, as there were not a competent Number of Transports to convey the Troops & Stores from both places at the same Time.

The Conference lasted some Hours but as much passed which both Generals expressed their wishes might be considered as desultory Conversation, it is not recapitulated in the above Narative which contains only the substance of the Conference as far as it related to the points intended to be discussed & settled at the Interview.

We having been present at the Conference do certify the above to be true.

George Clinton

Egbert Benson

Jno. M. Scott.

Jona. Trumbull, Jur.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Orangetown, 6 May, 1783.

Sir,

My dear Marquis
Yrs. &c.

In my letter of the 21st of April, I enclosed to your Excellency a copy of a resolution of Congress of the 15th, instructing me in three points, which appeared necessary for carrying into effect the terms of the treaty between Great Britain and the United States of America; and I informed you, that such part as rested upon my decision, and which regarded the release of prisoners, had been determined, and was then ordered to be carried into execution. Upon the other two points, as they respected the receiving possession of the posts in occupation of the British troops, and the carrying away any negroes or other property of the American inhabitants, and both being within your control, I had the honor to propose a personal interview with your Excellency, that the subject might be freely discussed, and that measures might be agreed upon, for carrying into execution those points of the seventh article of the treaty, agreeably to their true intent and spirit.

TO THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE.

Having been favored this day with a personal conference, I have now, to prevent misapprehension or misconstruction, and that I may be enabled to fulfil my instructions with fidelity and with candor, the honor to propose, agreeably to our conversation, that your Excellency will be pleased to give me in writing information as to what measures are adopting, on your part, for carrying into execution that point of the treaty, which regards the evacuation of the posts now in possession of the British troops and under your Excellency’s command; and also at what time it is probable those posts, or any of them, may be relinquished, and the fleets and armies of his Britannic Majesty withdrawn.1

Head-Quarters, 29 March, 1783.

Sir,

Respecting the other point of discussion, in addition to what I mentioned in my communication of the 21st ultimo, I took occasion in our conference to inform your Excellency, that, in consequence of your letter of the 14th of April to Robert R. Livingston, Esquire, Congress had been pleased to make a further reference to me of that letter, and had directed me to take such measures as should be found necessary for carrying into effect the several matters mentioned by you therein.1 In the course of our conversation on this point, I was surprised to hear you mention, that an embarkation had already taken place, in which a large number of negroes had been carried away. Whether this conduct is consonant to, or how far it may be deemed an infraction of the treaty, is not for me to decide. I cannot, however, conceal from you, that my private opinion is, that the measure is totally different from the letter and spirit of the treaty. But, waving the discussion of the point, and leaving its decision to our respective sovereigns, I find it my duty to signify my readiness, in conjunction with your Excellency, to enter into any agreement, or to take any measures, which may be deemed expedient, to prevent the future carrying away of any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants. I beg the favor of your Excellency’s reply, and have the honor to be, &c.1

TO MAJOR-GENERAL PUTNAM.

Head-Quarters, 2 June, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 20th of May I received with much pleasure; for I can assure you, that, among the many worthy and meritorious officers, with whom I have had the happiness to be connected in service through the course of this war, and from whose cheerful assistance and advice I have received much support and confidence, in the various and trying vicissitudes of a complicated contest, the name of a Putnam is not forgotten; nor will it be but with that stroke of time, which shall obliterate from my mind the remembrance of all those toils and fatigues, through which we have struggled for the preservation and establishment of the rights, liberties, and independence of our country.

Mrs. Washington begs your Excellency to accept her sincerest thanks for the joy you have communicated to her, and to receive a return of her congratulations on this most happy of all events.

Your congratulations on the happy prospects of peace and independent security, with their attendant blessings to the United States, I receive with great satisfaction; and beg that you will accept a return of my gratulations to you on this auspicious event; an event, in which, great as it is in itself, and glorious as it will probably be in its consequences, you have a right to participate largely, from the distinguished part you have contributed towards its attainment.

I have the honor to be, &c.1

But while I contemplate the greatness of the object for which we have contended, and felicitate you on the happy issue of our toils and labors, which have terminated with such general satisfaction, I lament that you should feel the ungrateful returns of a country, in whose service you have exhausted your bodily health, and expended the vigor of a youthful constitution. I wish, however, that your expectations of returning sentiments of liberality may be verified. I have a hope, they may; but, should they not, your case will not be a singular one. Ingratitude has been experienced in all ages, and republics in particular have ever been famed for the exercise of that unnatural and sordid vice.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The secretary at war, who is now here, informs me that you have ever been considered as entituled to full pay since your absence from the field; and that you will be still considered in that light till the close of the war, at which period you will be equally entituled to the same emolument of half-pay or commutation as other officers of your rank. The same opinion is also given by the paymaster-general, who is now with the army, empowered by Mr. Morris for the settlement of all their accounts, and who will attend to yours whenever you shall think proper to send on for the purpose; which it will probably be best for you to do in a short time.

Head Quarters, 29 March, 1783.

My dear Sir,

I anticipate with pleasure the day, and that I trust not far off, when I shall quit the busy scenes of a military employment, and retire to the more tranquil walks of domestic life. In that, or whatever other situation Providence may dispose my future days, the remembrance of the many friendships and connexions I have had the happiness to contract with the gentlemen of the army will be one of my most grateful reflections. Under this contemplation, and impressed with the sentiments of benevolence and regard, I commend you, my dear Sir, my other friends, and with them the interests and happiness of our dear country, to the keeping and protection of Almighty God.

I have the honor to be, &c.1

In a letter I received by the Cutter from the Marqs. De la Fayette dated Cadiz, Feby. 5th, is this passage:

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Head Quarters,Newburg,
3 June, 1783.

Dear Sir,

TO COLONEL BLAND.

Your favor of the 29th ulto has been duly received.

Head Quarters, 31st March, 1783.

Sir,

We are now preparing to carry into execution the Resolution of Congress of the 26 of May and I am making out the furloughs accordingly—but I am extremely apprehensive that insuperable difficulties and the worst of consequences may be expected, unless the Notes you mention shall be paid to the Officers and men before their departure from this Cantonment—it is for the sole purpose of bringing them forward to the Pay Mastr. with the greatest expedition, that I send the Messenger who is the bearer of this—pray do not delay him a single instant, but if all the Notes should not be ready forward the remainder by the earliest possible opportunity, & be so good as to inform us when they may be expected—

I write in haste & with earnestness because some circumstances which have just come to my knowledge make it necessary not a moment’s time should be lost.1

Altho I have several Servants in like predicament with yours, I have not yet made any attempt for their recovery.

Tho’ it is much to be lamented that at least a Month’s Pay could not have been given to the Troops in money before they left this place; yet, I am in hopes your Notes will in some measure remedy the Evils which might have been expected from their disappointment. Nothing else can now avert the most alarming consequences or distresses of the most cruel nature, particularly to the Officers.

Before I retire from public life, I shall with the greatest freedom give my sentiments to the States on several political subjects, amongst those will be comprehended the particular object you recommend to my attention. With great regard, &c.

With much Regard, I am, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL HEATH.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters, 6 June, 1783.

Sir,

Newburg, 31 March, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Before I make a reply to the subject of the address1 of the generals and officers, commanding the regiments and corps of this army, presented by yourself yesterday, I entreat that those gentlemen will accept my warmest acknowledgment for the confidence they have been pleased to repose in me. They may be assured it shall never be abused; and I beg they will be persuaded, that, as no man can possibly be better acquainted than I am with the past merits and services of the army, so no one can possibly be more strongly impressed with their present ineligible situation, feel a keener sensibility at their distresses, or more ardently desire to alleviate or remove them. But it would be unnecessary, perhaps, to enter into a detail of what I have done, and what I am still attempting to do, in order to assist in the accomplishment of this interesting purpose. Let it be sufficient to observe, I do not yet despair of success; for I am perfectly convinced that the States cannot, without involving themselves in national bankruptcy and ruin, refuse to comply with the requisitions of Congress; who, it must be acknowledged, have done every thing in their power to obtain ample and complete justice for the army; and whose great object in the present measure undoubtedly was, by a reduction of expense, to enable the financier to make the three months’ payment to the army, which on all hands has been agreed to be absolutely and indispensably necessary. To explain this matter, I beg leave to insert an extract of a letter from the superintendent of finance, dated the 29th ultimo.

“It is now above a month since the committee conferred with me on that subject, and I then told them no payment could be made to the army, but by means of a paper anticipation; and, unless our expenditures were immediately and considerably reduced, even that could not be done. Our expenditures have nevertheless been continued, and our revenues lessen, the States growing daily more and more remiss in their collections. The consequence is, that I cannot make payment in the manner first intended. The notes issued for this purpose would have been payable at two, four, and six months from the date, but at present they will be at six months, and even that will soon become impracticable, unless our expenses be immediately curtailed.

“I shall cause such notes to be issued for three months’ pay to the army; and I must entreat, Sir, that every influence be used with the States to absorb them, together with my other engagements, by taxation.”

Three days ago, a messenger was despatched by me to urge the necessity of forwarding these notes with the greatest possible expedition. Under this state of circumstances, I need scarcely add, that the expense of every day, in feeding the whole army, will increase very considerably the inability of the public to discharge the debts already incurred, at least for a considerable time to come. Although the officers of the army very well know my official situation, that I am only a servant of the public, and that it is not for me to dispense with orders, which it is my duty to carry into execution; yet, as furloughs in all services are considered as a matter of indulgence, and not of compulsion; as Congress, I am persuaded, entertain the best disposition towards the army; and as I apprehend in a very short time the two principal articles of complaint will be removed, until the further pleasure of Congress can be known, I shall not hesitate to comply with the wishes of the army, under these reservations only, that officers sufficient to conduct the men, who choose to receive furloughs, will attend them, either on furlough or by detachment. The propriety and necessity of this measure must be obvious to all; it need not, therefore, be enforced; and, with regard to the non-commissioned officers and privates, such, as from a peculiarity of circumstances wish not to receive furloughs at this time, will give in their names by twelve o’clock to-morrow to the commanding officers of their regiments, that, on a report to the adjutant-general, an equal number of men, engaged for three years, may be furloughed, which will make the saving of expenses exactly the same to the public.

I cannot but hope the notes will soon arrive, and that the settlement of accounts may be completed, by the assistance of the paymasters, in a very few days. In the mean time, I shall have the honor of laying the sentiments of the generals and officers, commanding regiments and corps, before Congress; they are expressed in such a decent, candid, and affecting manner, that I am certain every mark of attention will be paid to them. I have the honor to be, &c.

CIRCULAR LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE GOVERNORS OF ALL THE STATES ON DISBANDING THE ARMY.

I would have been more full on this subject, but the bearer (in the clothing department) is waiting. I wish you may understand what I have written. I am, etc.1

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
8 June, 1783.

Sir,

* * * * * *

The great object, for which I had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country, being accomplished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hands of Congress, and to return to that domestic retirement, which, it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh, through a long and painful absence, and in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose. But before I carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my last official communication; to congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor; to offer my sentiments respecting some important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquillity of the United States; to take my leave of your Excellency as a public character; and to give my final blessing to that country, in whose service I have spent the prime of my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own.

TO THEODORICK BLAND.

Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subjects of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as the source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light.

Newburg, 4 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency. They are, from this period, to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing, which can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment; but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a fairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favored with. Nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly, than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under which our republic assumed its rank among the nations. The foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and superstition; but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period. The researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge, acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious period, the United States came into existence as a nation; and, if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.

Such is our situation, and such are our prospects; but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own; yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America, that it is in their choice, and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable, as a nation. This is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment to establish or ruin their national character for ever; this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution, or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse; a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your Excellency the language of freedom and of sincerity without disguise. I am aware, however, that those who differ from me in political sentiment, may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest intention. But the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life; the determination I have formed, of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, I flatter myself, sooner or latter convince my countrymen, that I could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little reserve, the opinions contained in this address.

There are four things, which, I humbly conceive, are essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States, as an independent power.

First. An indissoluble union of the States under one federal head.

Secondly. A sacred regard to public justice.

Thirdly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment; and,

Fourthly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions, which are requisite to the general prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.

TO THEODORICK BLAND.

These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be supported. Liberty is the basis; and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country.

Head-Quarters, 4 April, 1783.

Sir,

On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned.

Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me, in this place, to enter into a particular disquisition on the principles of the Union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of power to Congress, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon, the following positions. That, unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion. That it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged somewhere a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the Union cannot be of long duration. That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance, on the part of every State, with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue. That whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and independency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly. And lastly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of the States, to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose, that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain.

Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that, without an entire conformity to the spirit of the Union, we cannot exist as an independent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported, among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers with the United States of America will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny, and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty, abused to licentiousness.

As to the second article, which respects the performance of public justice, Congress have, in their late address to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the States are under, to render complete justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honor of independency of America can hesitate a single moment, respecting the propriety of complying with the just and honorable measures proposed. If their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence: especially when we recollect, that the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it shall not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place, before any different plan can possibly be proposed and adopted. So pressing are the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the States.

The ability of the country to discharge the debts, which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; an inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts, which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the hands of government, and be happy under its protection; every one will reap the fruit of his labors, every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation and without danger.

In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interest of society, and insure the protection of government? Who does not remember the frequent declarations, at the commencement of the war, that we should be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own person and property to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and gratitude? In what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? And were it possible, that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the States; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the Union; if there should be a refusal to comply with the requisition for funds to discharge the annual interest of the public debts; and if that refusal should revive again all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now happily removed, Congress, who have, in all their transactions, shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and man; and the State alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious counsels, will be responsible for all the consequences.1

For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a servant of the public, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army, that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice; and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to transmit to your Excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half-pay and commutation granted by Congress to the officers of the army. From these communications, my decided sentiments will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure, in the most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of Congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors, which may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to observe, that the resolutions of Congress, now alluded to, are undoubtedly as absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation.

As to the idea, which, I am informed, has in some instances prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded for ever. That provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to the officers of the army for services then to be performed. It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. It was a part of their hire. I may be allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your independency; it is therefore more than a common debt, it is a debt of honor; it can never be considered as a pension or gratuity, nor be cancelled until it is fairly discharged.

With regard to a distinction between officers and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world, combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aids the public derives from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers have perhaps generally had as ample a compensation for their services, by the large bounties which have been paid to them, as their officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if, besides the donation of lands, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon the same footing), we take into the estimate the douceurs many of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year’s full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circumstance being duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers. Should a further reward, however, be judged equitable, I will venture to assert, no one will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, on seeing an exemption from taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some instances,) or any other adequate immunity or compensation granted to the brave defenders of their country’s cause; but neither the adoption or rejection of this proposition will in any manner affect, much less militate against, the act of Congress, by which they have offered five years’ full pay, in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army.

Before I conclude the subject of public justice, I cannot omit to mention the obligations this country is under to that meritorious class of veteran non-commissioned officers and privates, who have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of Congress of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits, and claims to that provision, need only be known, to interest all the feelings of humanity in their behalf. Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance can rescue them from the most complicated misery; and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those, who have shed their blood or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the necessaries or comforts of life, compelled to beg their daily bread from door to door. Suffer me to recommend those of this description, belonging to your State, to the warmest patronage of your Excellency and your legislature.

It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the republic; as there can be little doubt but Congress will recommend a proper peace establishment for the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the Union upon a regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, I would beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms. The militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform, and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the United States. No one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of this address, the importance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. It is, however, neither my wish or expectation, that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immutable rules of justice, calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to public business. Here I might speak with the more confidence, from my actual observations; and, if it would not swell this letter (already too prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed to myself, I could demonstrate to every mind open to conviction, that in less time, and with much less expense, than has been incurred, the war might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent could have been properly drawn forth; that the distresses and disappointments, which have very often occurred, have, in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the Continental government, than a deficiency of means in the particular States; that the inefficacy of measures arising from the want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the requisitions of Congress in some of the States, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while it tended to damp the zeal of those, which were more willing to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than that which I have had the honor to command. But, while I mention these things, which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it may be understood, that, as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the assistance and support I have derived from every class of citizens, so shall I always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual States on many interesting occasions.

Newburg, 4 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known, before I surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. The task is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your Excellency as the chief magistrate of your State, at the same time I bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all the employments of public life.

It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your Excellency will communicate these sentiments to your legislature at their next meeting, and that they may be considered as the legacy of one, who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the Divine benediction upon it.

I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the State over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow citizens of the United States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field; and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion, and without an humble imitation of whose example in these things, we can never hope to be a happy nation.

I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, Sir, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant.1

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

[EXTRACT.]

Head-Qrs.,Newburg, 5 April, 1783.

My dear Marqs.,

11 June, 1783.

I do not blame you for the wages which you gave Evans; I have no doubt of your having engaged him upon as good terms as you could, and as it was my wish to have the work forwarded, this was all I had a right to expect.

In one of your letters (speaking of the difficulty of getting workmen) you recommend it to me to engage some of the enemy who were prisoners with us—many of whom, you say, are good workmen. Why, let me ask, when they hired themselves by the authority of Congress, and comparatively speaking were in your neighborhood, would you not do this for me? None of them were within 300 miles of me, and most of them within 55 to 80 miles of you. But you seem to have had an unconquerable aversion to going from home; one consequence of which is, I expect I shall lose all my rents; for in a letter I have lately received from my brother John, in Berkeley, are these words: “I fear you are suffering greatly in your rents, as I am informed many of the tenants are going into the Western country, and understand there are many years’ arrears of rent due to you.” In divers letters, at divers times in the course of the three or four last years, have I mentioned this fact to you, and the necessity of visiting them; but cannot find by any of your letters, that you have ever been amongst them more than once, and then I believe only partially. I expect also that all the money I have expended on the mill at Yohoghaney, and all the property which has been put into the hands of Gilbert Simpson, will be sunk for want of proper endeavors to bring him to account. But if your own wages, since the charge of them in the account rendered at Valley Forge, has not been received by you in the specific articles of the crop, which does not appear by the accounts you have lately rendered to me, I shall be more hurt than at any thing else, to think that an estate, which I have drawn nothing from for eight years, and which always enabled me to make any purchase I had in view, should not have been able for the last five years, to pay the manager: and that, worse than going home to enjoy coffers, and expensive living, I shall be encumbered with debt. It is disagreeable to me, because I dare say it will be so to you, to make these observations; but as my public business is now drawing to a close, I cannot avoid looking towards my private concerns, which do not wear the most smiling countenance.

I am sorry that Barry’s land has at last slipped through my fingers. If the purchaser made it with a view to rent it to me, he shall be disappointed; nor shall any tenant, or himself, if he proposes to live on it, reap the smallest benefit from my fencing and other improvements, without which the place is of no value to any but me. This the purchaser must have known, and as his aim must have been to take advantage of my wishes to add this small piece of land (surrounded as it is) to my tract, let him abide the consequence of his interference, especially as it was well known, I wanted to take no advantage of Barry, having offered to leave the price to three disinterested men, of his own choosing, to fix.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head Quarters,Newburg,
17 June, 1783.

Sir:

I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency for the consideration of Congress, a Petition from a large number of Officers of the Army in behalf of themselves, and such other Officers and Soldiers of the Continental Army as are entitled to rewards in lands, and may choose to avail themselves of any Priviledges and Grants which shall be obtained in consequence of the present solicitation—I enclose also the Copy of a Letter from Brigr. General Putnam in which the sentiments and expectations of the Petitioners are more fully explained; and in which the ideas of occupying the Posts in the Western Country will be found to correspond very nearly with those I have some time since communicated to a Committee of Congress, in treating of the subject of a Peace Establishment.—I will beg leave to make a few more observations on the general benefits of the Location and Settlement now proposed; and then submit the justice & policy of the measure to the wisdom of Congress.

Altho’ I pretend not myself to determine how far the district of unsettled Country which is described in the Petition is free from the claim of every State, or how far this disposal of it may interfere with the views of Congress, yet it appears to me this is the Tract which from its local position and peculiar advantages ought to be first settled in preference to any other whatever, and I am perfectly convinced that it cannot be so advantageously settled by any other class of men as by the disbanded Officers and Soldiers of the Army—to whom the faith of Government hath long since been pledged, that lands should be granted at the expiration of the War, in certain proportions agreeably to their respective grades.

I am induced to give my sentiments thus freely on the advantages to be expected from this plan of Colonization—because it would connect our Governments with the frontiers, extend our settlements progressively—and plant a brave, a hardy, & respectable Race of People as our advanced —, who would be always ready & willing (in case of hostility) to combat the Savages, and check their incursions—A Settlement formed of such Men would give security to our frontiers—the very name of it would awe the Indians—and more than probably prevent the murder of many innocent Families, which frequently in the usual mode of extending our Settlements & Encroachments on the hunting grounds of the Natives, fall the hapless Victims to savage barbarity—Besides the emoluments which might be derived from the Peltry Trade at our Factories, if such should be established; the appearance of so formidable a Settlement in the vicinity of their towns (to say nothing of the barrier it would form against our other Neighbors) would be the most likely means to enable us to purchase upon equitable terms of the Aborigines their right of preoccupancy; and to induce them to relinquish our Territories, and to remove into the illimitable regions of the West.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Much more might be said of the public utility of such a Location, as well as of the private felicity it would afford to the Individuals concerned in it—I will venture to say—it is the most rational & practicable Scheme which can be adopted by a great proportion of the Officers & Soldiers of our Army, and promises them more happiness than they can expect in any other way.

Head-Quarters, 9 April, 1783.

Sir,

The Settlers being in the prime of life, inured to hardship & taught by experience to accommodate themselves in every situation—going in a considerable body, and under the patronage of Government, would enjoy in the first instance advantages in procuring subsistence and all the necessaries for a comfortable beginning, superior to any common class of Emigrants & quite unknown to those who have heretofore extended themselves beyond the Apalachian Mountains. They may expect after a little perseverance, Competence & Independence for themselves, a pleasant retreat in old age—and the fairest prospects for their children. I have &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head Quarters,Newburg,
Evening, 24 June, 1783.

Sir,

It was not until three o’clock this afternoon, that I had the first intimation of the infamous and outrageous mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania troops. It was then I received your Excellency’s Letter of the 21st by express, and, agreeable to your request contained in it, I instantly ordered three complete regiments of infantry and a detachment of artillery to be put in motion as soon as possible. This corps, (which, you will observe by the return, is a large proportion of our whole force,) will consist of upwards of fifteen hundred effectives. As all the troops, who composed this gallant little army, as well those who are furloughed, as those who remain in service, are men of tried fidelity, I could not have occasion to make any choice of corps; and I have only to regret, that there existed a necessity, they should be employed on so disagreeable a service. I dare say, however, they will on this and all other occasions perform their duty, as brave and faithful soldiers.1

I have the honor to be, &c.

While I suffer the most poignant distress, in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of service (if the veteran troops from the southward have not been seduced by their example), and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace themselves as the Pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the sovereign authority of the United States and that of their own, I feel an inexpressible satisfaction, that even this behavior cannot stain the name of the American soldiery. It cannot be imputable to, or reflect dishonor on, the army at large; but on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the most advantageous point of light. Upon taking all the circumstances into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express my surprise and indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers; nor can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery, and the patriotism, which must for ever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our army. For, when we consider, that these Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we at the same time recollect, that those soldiers, who have lately been furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold, who have suffered and bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in their pockets; we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the latter, as we are struck with horror and detestation at the proceedings of the former; and every candid mind, without indulging ill-grounded prejudices, will undoubtedly make the proper discrimination.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.

I intended only to wait until the troops were collected, and had occupied their new camp, in order to make a full report to Congress of the measures, which have been taken in consequence of the resolution of the 26th of May. Notwithstanding the option, which was given in my answer to the address of the generals and officers commanding regiments and corps, which has already been sent to your Excellency, no soldiers, except a very few, whose homes are within the enemy’s lines, and a very small number of officers, have thought proper to avail themselves of it, by remaining with the army. A list of those who remain is herewith transmitted. The men engaged to serve three years were then formed into regiments and corps in the following manner; namely, the troops of Massachusetts composed four regiments; Connecticut, one regiment; New Hampshire, five companies; Rhode Island, two companies; Massachusetts artillery, three companies; and New York artillery, two companies. The total strength will be seen by the weekly state, which is also forwarded.

Newburg, 16 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The army being thus reduced to merely a competent garrison for West Point, that being the only object of importance in this quarter, and it being necessary to employ a considerable part of the men in building an arsenal and magazines at that post, agreeably to the directions given by the secretary at war, the troops accordingly broke up the cantonment yesterday, and removed to that garrison, where Major-General Knox still retains the command. The detachment, which marches for Philadelphia, will be under the orders of Major-General Howe, Major-General Heath having, at his own particular request, retired from the field. The brigadiers now remaining with the army are Patterson, Huntington, and Greaton, besides the adjutant-general. Thus have I given the present state of our military affairs, and I hope the arrangements will be satisfactory to Congress. I have the honor to be, &c.

P. S. Should any thing turn up, which may prevent the necessity of the troops proceeding to Philadelphia, I am to request your Excellency will send the earliest intimation to the commanding officer, that the detachment may return immediately. The route will be by Ringwood, Pompton, Morristown, Princeton, and Trenton, on which your express may meet the corps.1

TO DR. WILLIAM GORDON.

Head Quarters,Newburg,
8 July, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 19th of June came to my hand on Sunday last by the Southern Mail. From this circumstance and the date of it, I conclude it has been to Philadelphia—A mistake not very unusual for the Postmaster at Fishkil to commit.

I delayed not a moment to forward the letters which came to me under your cover of the 26th of Feby. to New York. I did not answer the letter which accompanied them in due Season—not so much from the hurry of business, as because my Sentiments on the essential part of it, had been communicated to you before; and because the Annunciation of Peace, which came close upon the heels of it, put an end to all speculative opinions with respect to the time and terms of it.

I now thank you for your kind congratulations on this event. I feel sensibly the flattering expressions, and fervent wishes with which you have accompanied them and make a tender of mine, with much cordiality, in return.—It now rests with the Confederated Powers, by the line of conduct they mean to adopt, to make this Country great, happy, and respectable; or to sink it into littleness—worse perhaps—into Anarchy and confusion; for certain I am, that unless adequate Powers are given to Congress for the general purposes of the Federal Union, that we shall soon moulder into dust and become contemptible in the eyes of Europe, if we are not made the sport of their Politicks. To suppose that the general concerns of this Country can be directed by thirteen heads, or one head without competent powers, is a solecism, the bad effects of which every man who has had the practical knowledge to judge from, that I have, is fully convinced of; tho’ none perhaps has felt them in so forcible and distressing a degree. The People at large, and at a distance from the theatre of action, who only know that the machine was kept in motion, and that they are at last arrived at the first object of their wishes, are satisfied with the event, without investigating the causes of the slow progress to it, or of the expences which have accrued, and which they have been unwilling to pay—great part of which has arisen from that want of energy in the Federal Constitution, which I am complaining of, and which I wish to see given to it by a Convention of the People, instead of hearing it remarked that, as we have worked through an arduous contest with the powers Congress already have (but which, by the by, have been gradually diminishing,) why should they be invested with more?

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

To say nothing of the invisible workings of Providence, which has conducted us through difficulties where no human foresight could point the way; it will appear evident to a close examiner, that there has been a concatenation of causes to produce this event; which in all probability, at no time, or under any other circumstances, will combine again—We deceive ourselves therefore by the mode of reasoning, and, what would be much worse, we may bring ruin upon ourselves by attempting to carry it into practice.

Head-Quarters, 18 April, 1783.

Sir,

We are known by no other character among nations than as the United States—Massachusetts or Virginia is no better defined, nor any more thought of by Foreign Powers than the County of Worcester in Massachusetts is by Virginia, or Gloucester County in Virginia is by Massachusetts, (respectable as they are); and yet these counties with as much propriety might oppose themselves to the Laws of the State in which they are, as an Individual State can oppose itself to the Federal Government, by which it is, or ought to be bound. Each of these counties has, no doubt, its local polity and Interests. These should be attended to, and brought before their respective legislatures with all the force their importance merits; but when they come in contact with the general Interest of the State, when superior considerations preponderate in favor of the whole, their voices should be heard no more. So should it be with individual States when compared to the Union, otherwise I think it may properly be asked for what purpose do we farcically pretend to be United? Why do Congress spend months together in deliberating upon, debating, and digesting plans, which are made as palatable, and as wholesome to the Constitution of this country as the nature of things will admit of, when some States will pay no attention to them, and others regard them but partially; by which means all those evils which proceed from delay, are felt by the whole; while the compliant States are not only suffering by these neglects, but in many instances are injured most capitally by their own exertions; which are wasted for want of the united effort. A hundred thousand men, coming one after another, cannot move a Ton weight; but the united strength of 50 would transport it with ease. So has it been with great part of the expence which has been incurred this War. In a word, I think the blood and treasure, which has been spent in it, has been lavished to little purpose, unless we can be better cemented; and that is not to be effected while so little attention is paid to the recommendations of the Sovereign Power.

To me it would seem not more absurd, to hear a traveller, who was setting out on a long journey, declare he would take no money in his pocket to defray the Expences of it, but rather depend upon Chance and Charity, lest he should misapply it—than are the expressions of so much fear of the powers and means of Congress.

For Heaven’s sake, who are Congress? are they not the creatures of the People, amenable to them for their conduct, and dependent from day to day on their breath? Where then can be the danger of giving them such Powers as are adequate to the great ends of Government, and to all the general purposes of the Confederation (I repeat the word general, because I am no advocate for their having to do with the particular policy of any state, further than it concerns the Union at large)? What may be the consequences if they have not these Powers, I am at no loss to guess; and deprecate the worst; for sure I am, we shall, in a little time become as contemptible in the great scale of Politicks, as we now have it in our power to be respectable. And that, when the band of Union gets once broken, every thing ruinous to our future prospects is to be apprehended. The best that can come of it, in my humble opinion is, that we shall sink into obscurity, unless our Civil broils should keep us in remembrance and fill the page of history with the direful consequences of them.

You say that, Congress loose time by pressing a mode that does not accord with the genius of the People, and will thereby, endanger the Union, and that it is the quantum they want. Permit me to ask if the quantum has not already been demanded? Whether it has been obtained? and whence proceeds the accumulated evils, and poignant distresses of many of the public Creditors—particularly in the Army? For my own part I hesitate not a moment to confess, that I see nothing wherein the Union is endangered by the late requisition of that body, but a prospect of much good, justice, and prosperity from the compliance with it. I know of no tax more convenient, none so agreeable, as that which every man may pay,—or let it alone, as his convenience, abilities, or Inclination shall prompt. I am therefore a warm friend to the impost.

I can only repeat to you, that whenever Congress shall think proper to open the door of their Archives to you (which can be best known, and with more propriety discovered through the Delegates of your own State), all my Records and Papers shall be unfolded to your View, and I shall be happy in your Company at Mt. Vernon while you are taking such Extracts from them, as you may find convenient. It is a piece of respect which I think is due to the Sovereign Power to let it take the lead in this business (without any interference of mine); and another reason why I choose to withhold mine to this epoch is, that I am positive no history of the Revolution can be perfect if the Historiographer has not free access to that fund of Information. Mrs. Washington joins me in compliments to Mrs. Gordon—and I am &c.

TO M. MARBOIS.

I have the honor to be, &c.1

H. Q.,Newburgh, 9 July, 1787.

Sir,

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

The last Post brought me the honor of your favor of the first Instt. inclosing an Extract from the Letter of Monsr. de Malesherbes to you.

Head-Quarters, 21 April, 1783.

Sir,

I hardly know how, sufficiently to express my gratitude and thanks to that Gentleman for his intended favors, and the polite and flattering manner in which he seems disposed to confer them. Nor can I sufficiently express my concern for the trouble he has had from my improper explanation to the misconception of, my good and amiable friend the Marqs. de la Fayette.

To cultivate Exotics for the purpose of making Wine, or for my amusement, was never contemplated by me. The spontaneous growth of the Vine in all parts of this country, the different qualities of them and periods for maturation, led me to conclude, that by a happy choice of the species I might succeed better than those who had attempted the foreign vine. Accordingly, a year or two before hostilities commenced, I selected about two thousand cuttings of a kind which does not ripen with us (in Virginia) till repeated frosts in the Autumn meliorate the Grape and deprive the Vines of their leaves. It is then, and not before, the grape (which is never very pallitable) can be Eaten.

Several little Essays have been made by Gentlemen of my acquaintance to cultivate the foreign grape, for Wine; but none had well succeeded; owing either to an improper kind, or the want of skill in the management. For the most part, their Wine soon contracted an acidity, which rendered it unfit for use; one cause of which I ascribed to the ripening of their grape in our Summer or Autumnal heats, and to the too great fermentation occasioned thereby. This consideration led me to try the wild grape of the Country, and to fix upon the species which I have already described, and which in the Eight years I have been absent from my Estate has been little attended to. Had I remained at home, I should ere this, have perfected the experiment which was all I had in view.

Thus, my good Sir, have I given you the history of my proposed cultivation of the Vine—and all I ever had in contemplation to attempt. I feel unhappy therefore at being the innocent cause of so much trouble to Monsr. de Malesherbes whose politeness, and goodness upon this occasion seems to have no bounds and fills me with gratitude and acknowledgement which I beg the favor of you to convey to him in such terms as I know you are master of, and which will do more justice to my feelings than any expressions of my own.

If, notwithstanding my former plans, Monsr. de Malesherbes will honor me with a few sets, or cuttings of any one kind (and the choice is left altogether to himself,) I will cultivate them with the utmost care. I will always think of him when I go into my little Vineyard, and the first fruits of it shall be dedicated to him as the Author of it.

If to these he would add a few sets of the several kinds of Eating Grape for my Gardens, it would add much to the obligation he seems so well disposed to confer on me.

For the trouble you have had, and I am about to give you in this business, you will please to accept my thanks, and the assurances of that esteem and regard with which I have &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Newburg, 22 April, 1783.

Dear Sir:

State ofNew York,
10 July, 1783.

My dear Sir,

With very sincere pleasure I receiv’d your favor of the 26th March. It came to hand a few days ago, and gave me the satisfaction of learning that you enjoyed good health, and yt. Mrs. Fairfax had improved in hers. There was nothing wanting in this Letter to give compleat satisfaction to Mrs. Washington and myself, but some expression to induce us to believe you would once more become our neighbors. Your house at Belvoir I am sorry to add is no more, but mine (which is enlarged since you saw it,) is most sincerely and heartily at your service till you could rebuild it.

As the path, after being closed by a long, arduous, and painful contest, is to use an Indian metaphor, now opened and made smooth, I shall please myself with the hope of hearing from you frequently; and till you forbid me to endulge the wish, I shall not despair of seeing you and Mrs. Fairfax once more the inhabitants of Belvoir, and greeting you both there the intimate companions of our old age, as you have been of our younger years. I cannot sufficiently express my sensibility for your kind congratulations on the favorable termination of the War, and for the flattering manner in which you are pleased to speak of my instrumentality in effecting a revolution, which I can truly aver, was not in the beginning premeditated; but the result of dire necessity brought about by the persecuting spirit of the British Government. This no man can speak to with more certainty, or assert upon better grounds than myself—as I was a member of Congress in the Councils of America till the affair at Bunker Hill, and was an attentive observer and witness to those interesting and painful struggles for accomodation, and redress of grievances in a Constitutional way, which all the world saw and must have approved, except the ignorant, deluded and designing.

I unite my prayers most fervently with yours for wisdom to these U. States, and have no doubt, after a little while all errors in the present form of their Government will be corrected, and a happy temper be diffused through the whole; but, like young heirs come a little prematurely perhaps to a large inheritance, it is more than probable they will riot for a while—but this, if it should happen, tho’ it is a circumstance which is to be lamented (as I would have the national character of America be pure and immaculate,) will work its own cure, as there is virtue at the bottom.

You speak of having written many Letters to me during the War; but few, very few indeed have ever reached me. Early, and repeatedly, did I advise you of the impracticability, while I continued to direct the military operations of the Country, of my paying the smallest attention to your Interest in Virginia, and pressed you to name some other friend to superintend your business. Upon your suggestion of Mr. Nicholas, I wrote to him on the subject without obtaining an answer; and wrote and wrote again to him months after he was dead, so little acquainted was I with the private occurrences of our own State. Nor to this moment have I got an answer from any one on the subject, and know as little—perhaps less than you do of the situation of your affairs in Virginia—I have been in the State but once since the 4th of May, 1775, and that was at the Siege of York. In going thither I spent one day at my own House, and in returning I took 3 or 4, without attempting to transact a particle of private business, even for myself. I do not conceive that it would be any consolation to you to hear that your neighbors were equal sufferers with yourself, or you might thank God—as an overseer in the service of your Father-in-law did, when he was rendering an account to his employer in the time of a calamitous and [illegible] the miserable prospect before him and the probability of their starving—that his neighbors were as bad off as himself.

The amiable Mr. Custis was taken sick at the Siege of York, and died at Colo. Bassett’s the [5th] of Novr.—he has left four lovely children; three girls and a boy (which the latter is the youngest) who were all very well and promising when we heard last from them1 —His widow is yet single, and lives where he did, at the place formerly Robt. Alexander’s (above Alexandria) which he bought and handsomely approved before his death. Mrs. Washington enjoys an incompetent share of health; Billious Fevers and Cholics attack her very often, and reduce her low. At this moment she is but barely recovering from one of them. At the same time that she thanks Mrs. Fairfax and you for your kind suggestion of Doctr. Jones’s Annatiptic Pills, she begs you both to accept her most affectionate regards—she would have conveyed these in a letter of her own with grateful acknowledgements of Mrs. Fairfax’s kind remembrance by Mr. Lee, if her health would have allowed it.

I wait with great impatience the arrival of the Definitive Treaty—that I may quit my military employment, and bid adieu to public life—and in the shades of retirement seek that repose and tranquillity to which I have been an intire stranger for more than Eight years. I wish for it too because it will afford me some leisure to attend to an impaired fortune and recover as it were from a state of torpidity or suspension—except in the instances of having money paid to me at the depreciated value—My private concerns, my warmest and best affections attend Mrs. Fairfax and yourself—and I am &c.1

TO BARON STEUBEN.

INSTRUCTIONS.

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

In consequence of powers in me invested for that purpose, I do hereby authorize and desire you to proceed, with such despatch as you shall find convenient, into Canada, and there concert with General Haldimand, or other British commander-in-chief in that province, upon all such measures as you shall find necessary for receiving possession of the posts now under his command within the territory ceded to the United States, and at present occupied by the troops of his Britannic Majesty, and from which his said Majesty’s troops are to be withdrawn, agreeably to the seventh article of the provisional treaty between his said Majesty and the United States of America.

Newburg, 24 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,

In accomplishing this negotiation, you will obtain, if possible, from General Haldimand his assurances and orders for the immediate possession, by the United States, of the posts in question, or at least a cession of them at an early day. But if this cannot be done, you will endeavor to procure from him positive and definitive assurances, that he will, as soon as possible, give information of the time which shall be fixed on for the evacuation of those posts, and that the troops of his Britannic Majesty shall not be drawn therefrom, until sufficient previous notice shall be given of that event, that the troops of the United States may be ready to occupy the fortresses the moment they shall be abandoned by those of his Britannic Majesty

You will propose to General Haldimand, an exchange of such artillery and stores now in the posts as you shall think proper, and which you shall judge will be of benefit to the United States, agreeing with the British commander-in-chief, that an equal number of cannon, and an equal quantity and kind of stores, as he shall consent to exchange, shall be replaced to his Britannic Majesty by the United States, at such time and place as shall be fixed on by you for the purpose.

Having formed your arrangements with General Haldimand, you will be pleased to proceed, in such manner as you shall think best, to visit the several posts and fortresses on the frontier territory of the United States as far as Detroit. View their different situation, strength, and circumstances; and, forming your judgment of their relative position, and probable advantage to the United States, you will report the same to me, with your opinion of such of them as you shall think most expedient for the United States to retain and occupy. In passing the Lake Champlain you will critically observe the width of the waters at the northern extremity, and the nature of the ground adjoining; with a view to determine whether there is any spot south of the 45th degree of north latitude, and near our extreme boundary, on which it will be convenient, (should Congress judge it expedient,) to erect fortifications, which would command the entrance from Canada into that lake.

At Detroit you will find a very considerable settlement, consisting mostly of French people from Canada. To these you will please to intimate the fullest sentiment of the good disposition of Congress and the inhabitants of the United States for their welfare and protection; expressing at the same time to them our expectations of finding the like disposition in them towards us, and the post which we may establish there, and any future settlement which may be formed in their neighborhood by the subjects of the United States. As the advanced season, or other unforeseen accidents, may render it difficult to get a detachment of American troops to that place before it may be convenient for the British garrison to be withdrawn from that post, you will do well to engage, in this case, some one or more of the respectable and well disposed inhabitants of the district to provide a company of militia (if there be any) or others, at the expense of the United States, to take charge of the works, buildings &c. of the fortress, assuring them such reasonable pay as shall be deemed adequate to their service, or which you may condition for. You will also make particular inquiry, whether the farmers or merchants at Detroit are able or willing to supply an American garrison at that post with provisions and other necessaries, and upon what terms.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

You will please to keep me informed as fully as you can, and as often as opportunity will permit, of the progress you shall make in executing the business committed to your conduct.

Head-Quarters, 3 May, 1783.

Sir,

Confiding perfectly in your general knowledge, good sense, judgment, and discretion, in the fulfilment of this commission, I forbear any further detail of instructions but wish you success in your negotiations, with pleasure and security in the prosecution of your tour. Given at Head-Quarters, Newburg, this 12th day of July, 1783.1

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters, 16 July, 1783.

Sir,

Your Excellency’s letters of the 3d and 8th are received. The Judge Advocate was gone on by my Directions before the hint you gave me in that of the 3d.

It would seem there has been some capital neglect or miscarriage in the transmission of the Act of Congress of the 12th of May. I never had the least intimation of it until the 7th instant, when I received it from the War Office.

Persuaded that Congress will view these subjects in the same important light that I do, I promise myself that I shall be favored with their instructions at the earliest moment possible. I am, &c.1

Baron Steuben is furnished with my letters and instructions and will depart on his mission as soon as possible.

SUBSTANCE OF THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN GEN. WASHINGTON AND SIR GUY CARLETON, AT AN INTERVIEW AT ORANGETOWN, 6TH MAY, 1783.

The enclosed memorial was handed to me from some officers of Hazen’s regiment, refugees from Canada. Anxious for their relief from the most distressing situation, and finding myself without the means or the power of doing it, I beg leave to refer their circumstances to the particular attention and regard of Congress. These, with many others, are the men, who as they will say have left their country, their friends, their substance, their all, in support of the liberties of America; and have followed our fortunes through the various scenes of a distressing contest, until they find it to have terminated in the happiest manner for all but themselves. Some provision is certainly due to those people, who now are exiled from their native country and habitations, without any mention made of them in the treaty, any stipulation for their return, or any means for their subsistence, in a country which their arms have contributed to secure and establish. When Congress recollect the encouragements, the promises, and assurances, which were published by them and their orders in Canada in the years 1775 and 1776, I am persuaded they will take into their most serious consideration the case of those unhappy persons, who placed confidence in those proclamations, and make ample amends by some effectual provision for their sufferings, patience, and perseverance.

I would not presume to dictate; but, if Congress cannot procure funds for their compensation and subsistence from the ample confiscations, which are making within the different States, I should think a grant could be made to them from the unlocated lands in the interior parts of our territory, and some means advanced to place them on such a tract. This perhaps might prove satisfactory, and would enable them to form a settlement, which may be beneficial to themselves, and useful to the United States. I will say no more, but repeat my recommendation of their case to the grateful remembrance of Congress, and beg, that a speedy attention may be given to the application, which I have advised them to make without delay.

With respect to the other two Matters which were the Objects of the Resolutions, General Washington requested the Sentiments of General Carleton.

Finding myself in most disagreeable circumstances here, and like to be so, so long as Congress are pleased to continue me in this awkward situation, anxiously expecting the definitive treaty; without command, and with little else to do, than to be teased with troublesome applications and fruitless demands, which I have neither the means or the power of satisfying; in this distressing tedium I have resolved to wear away a little time, in performing a tour to the northward, as far as Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and perhaps as far up the Mohawk River as Fort Schuyler. I shall leave this place on Friday next, and shall probably be gone about two weeks, unless my tour should be interrupted by some special recall. One gentleman of my family will be left here to receive any letters or commands, and to forward to me any thing that shall be necessary. With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.1

Head-Quarters, 6 August, 1783.

Sir,

Your Excellency’s several favors of the 17th, 24th, and 31st of July, were received at head-quarters during my absence, and have been presented to me on my return last evening, which I effected by water from Albany.

My tour having been extended as far northward as Crown Point, and westward to Fort Schuyler and its district, and my movements having been pretty rapid, my horses, which are not yet arrived, will be so much fatigued, that they will need some days to recruit. This circumstance, with some arrangements that will be necessary previous to my leaving this place, will prevent my complying with the pleasure of Congress, intimated in yours of the 31st, so soon perhaps as may be expected. In the mean time, your Excellency will have an opportunity of transmitting to me the resolution mentioned, that I may be acquainted with the objects Congress have in view, by my attendance at Princeton, and that I may prepare myself to fulfil their expectations to the utmost of my power.

We having been present at the Conference do certify the above to be true.

[Another Letter of the same date.]—I was the more particularly induced by two considerations to make the tour, which, in my letter of the 16th ultimo, I informed Congress I had in contemplation, and from which I returned last evening. The one was an inclination of seeing the northern and western posts of this State, with those places which have been the theatre of important military transactions; the other, a desire to facilitate, (as far as is in my power,) the operations, which will be necessary for occupying the posts which are ceded by the treaty of peace as soon as they shall be evacuated by the British troops.

George Clinton

Egbert Benson

Jno. M. Scott.

Jona. Trumbull, Jur.

Aware of the difficulties we should have to encounter in accomplishing the last mentioned object, on account of the advanced season, and the want of money to give vigor to our movements, I inserted a clause in the instructions of Baron Steuben, (a copy of which I have the honor to enclose,) authorizing him, in case those difficulties should be insurmountable, or in case the arrival of the definitive treaty should be delayed beyond expectation, to agree with some of the respectable and well affected inhabitants of Detroit to preserve the fortifications and public buildings at that place, until such time as a garrison could be sent with provisions and stores sufficient to take and hold possession of them. The propriety of this measure has appeared in a more forcible point of view, since I have been up the Mohawk River, and taken a view of the situation of things in that quarter; for, upon a careful inquiry, I find it is the opinion of those, who are best acquainted with the distances and communications, that nothing short of the greatest exertion, and a sum adequate to the transportation, can even at this season furnish us with boats, and enable us to forward provisions and stores sufficient for a garrison to be supported at Detroit during the ensuing winter; and, without an immediate supply of money, it would be in vain to make the attempt.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Influenced by this information, believing there was not a moment to be lost, and apprehending the Baron Steuben might be retarded in his progress by some unforeseen event, I engaged at Fort Rensselaer a gentleman, whose name is Cassaty, formerly a resident at Detroit, and who is well recommended, to proceed without loss of time, find out the disposition of the inhabitants, and make every previous inquiry, which might be necessary for the information of the Baron on his arrival, that he should be able to make such final arrangements, as the circumstances might appear to justify. This seemed to be the best alternative on failure of furnishing a garrison of our own troops; which, for many reasons, would be infinitely the most eligible mode, if the season and your means would possibly admit.

Orangetown, 6 May, 1783.

Sir,

I have at the same time endeavored to take the best preparatory steps in my power for supplying all the garrisons on the western waters by the provision contract. I can only form my magazine at Fort Herkimer, on the German Flats, which is thirty-two miles by land and almost fifty by water from the carrying-place between the Mohawk River and Wood Creek. The route by the former is impracticable in the present state for carriages; and by the other extremely difficult for batteaux, as the river is very much obstructed with fallen and floating trees, from the long disuse of the navigation. That nothing, however, which depends upon me, might be left undone, I have directed ten months’ provision for five hundred men to be laid up at Fort Herkimer, and have ordered Colonel Willett, (an active and good officer commanding the troops of this State,) to repair the roads, remove the obstructions in the river, and, as far as can be effected by the labors of the soldiers, build houses for the reception of the provision and stores at the carrying-place, in order that the whole may be in perfect readiness to move forward, so soon as the arrangements shall be made with General Haldimand. I shall give instructions to Major-General Knox, to have such ordnance and stores forwarded to Albany, as in the present view of matters may be judged necessary for the western posts; and I will also write to the quartermaster-general, by this conveyance, on the subject of batteaux and the other articles, which may be required from his department. However, without money to provide some boats, and to pay the expense of transportation, it will be next to impossible to get these things even to Niagara. I have the honor to be, &c.1

TO ROBERT STEWART.

State ofNew York, 10 August, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I received with much pleasure by the last mail from Philadelphia, your favor of the 19th of April from London.—For the affectionate and flattering expressions contained therein you will please to accept my warmest and most grateful acknowledgements.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL PUTNAM.

This Letter removed an apprehension I had long labored under, of your having taken your departure for the Land of Spirits. How else could I account for a Silence of full 15 years; for I think it must be at least that much since I have heard from you, and not less than 9 or 10 since I could hear a little of you: altho’ when I had opportunities, I made it a point to enquire.

Head-Quarters, 2 June, 1783.

Dear Sir,

You may be assured, Sir, that I should ever feel pleasure in rendering you any service in my power; but I will not be so uncandid as to flatter your expectations or give you any hope of my doing it in the way you seem to expect. In a contest,—long, arduous and painful; which has brought forth the abilities of men in Military and Civil life, and exposed them with Halters about their necks, not only to imminent danger, but many of them to the verge of poverty and the very brink of ruin, justice requires and a grateful government certainly will bestow those places of honor and profit, which necessity must create, upon those who have risked life, fortune and Home to support its cause. But independent of these considerations, I have never interfered in any Civil appointments, and I only wait (and with anxious impatience) the arrival of the definitive treaty, that I may take leave of my Military Employments and by bidding adieu to Public life, forever enjoy in the shades of retirement that ease and tranquillity to which, for more than eight years, I have been an entire stranger, and for which, a mind which has been constantly on the stretch during that period, and perplexed with a thousand embarrassing circumstances, often times without a ray of light to guide it, stands much in need.

Gratitude to a nation to whom I think America owes much and an ardent desire to see the country and customs of the French People, are strong inducements to make a visit to France; but a consideration more powerful than these will, I dare say, be an insuperable Bar to such a tour. An impaired fortune (much injured by this contest,) must turn me into those walks of retirement, where perhaps, the consciousness of having discharged to the best of my abilities the great trust reposed in me and the duty I owed my country must supply the place of other gratifications, and may perhaps afford as rational and substantial entertainment as the gayer scenes of a more enlarged theatre.

I shall always be happy to see you at Mt. Vernon. Mrs. Washington, who enjoys but a very moderate share of health, unites in best wishes for your health and prosperity. With, Dr. Sir, &c.1

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters, 14 August, 1783.

Sir,

By the last post I was honored with your Excellency’s favor of the 1st instant, enclosing the resolve of Congress directing my attendance at Princeton.

I have the honor to be, &c.1

Notwithstanding my horses had arrived but a day or two before, and were much fatigued, I should have set out immediately, had it not been for the indisposition of Mrs. Washington, who, during my absence, had been seized with a fever, had a return of it since, and is now in a very weak and low state. This circumstance, together with a desire of packing my papers and making arrangements for a final remove, (being uncertain of the objects Congress have in view, by my attendance, or how long I may be detained at Princeton,) will, I hope, avail as an excuse for my delay.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

I propose to set out on Monday next, provided Mrs. Washington’s health will admit, or I should not have any thing from Congress in the mean time, to prevent the execution of my intentions. I am, &c.1

Head Quarters,Newburg,
3 June, 1783.

Dear Sir,

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.1

Your favor of the 29th ulto has been duly received.

Princeton, 26 August, 1783.

Mr. President,

I am too sensible of the honorable reception I have now experienced, not to be penetrated with the deepest feelings of gratitude.

I write in haste & with earnestness because some circumstances which have just come to my knowledge make it necessary not a moment’s time should be lost.1

Notwithstanding Congress appear to estimate the value of my life beyond any services I have been able to render the United States, yet I must be permitted to consider the wisdom, and unanimity of our national councils, the firmness of our citizens, and the patience and bravery of our troops, which have produced so happy a termination of the war, as the most conspicuous effect of the Divine interposition, and the surest presage of our future happiness.

Highly gratified by the favorable sentiments, which Congress are pleased to express of my past conduct, and amply rewarded by the confidence and affection of my fellow citizens, I cannot hesitate to contribute my best endeavors towards the establishment of the national security, in whatever manner the sovereign power may think proper to direct, until the ratification of the definitive treaty of peace, or the final evacuation of our country by the British forces; after either of which events, I shall ask permission to retire to the peaceful shades of private life.

Perhaps, Sir, no occasion may offer more suitable than the present, to express my humble thanks to God, and my grateful acknowledgments to my country, for the great and uniform support I have received in every vicissitude of fortune, and for the many distinguished honors, which Congress have been pleased to confer upon me in the course of the war.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL HEATH.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILLIAM S. SMITH.

Head-Quarters, 6 June, 1783.

Sir,

Rocky Hill, 31 August, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I received your favor of the 26th, and am much obliged by your attention in procuring the articles I had requested. I am also glad to find there is at length a prospect, that the British will in reality soon take their departure from the United States.

Whatever my private sentiments as an individual may be respecting the violent policy, which seems in some instances to be adopted, it is not for us, as military characters, to dictate a different line of conduct. But I should suppose the encouragement you have given to those British and foreign soldiers, who have been discharged, that they would be permitted to remain in the country, was very unexceptionable and proper. The same indulgence, however, cannot be extended to such natives of the country as have served in their new corps, without the particular interference of the States to which they belong. And I thing if necessary you should be advised, that granting passports to citizens, of any description, for the purpose of giving protection in coming from New York into the country, may not only be considered as an assumption beyond the limits of any commission, which has been derived from Congress, but will probably be productive of altercations with the civil powers, and at the same time involve us in very disagreeable consequences in many other respects. I am, dear sir, with very great esteem yours, &c.1

TO MRS. RICHARD STOCKTON.2

CIRCULAR LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE GOVERNORS OF ALL THE STATES ON DISBANDING THE ARMY.

Rocky Hill, 2 September, 1783.

Head-Quarters,Newburg,
8 June, 1783.

Sir,

You apply to me, my dear Madam, for absolution as tho’ I was your father Confessor; and as tho’ you had committed a crime, great in itself, yet of the venial class. You have reason good—for I find myself strangely disposed to be a very indulgent ghostly adviser on this occasion; and, notwithstanding “you are the most offending Soul alive” (that is, if it is a crime to write elegant Poetry,) yet if you will come and dine with me on Thursday, and go thro’ the proper course of penitence which shall be prescribed, I will strive hard to assist you in expiating these poetical trespasses on this side of purgatory. Nay more, if it rests with me to direct your future lucubrations, I shall certainly urge you to a repetition of the same conduct, on purpose to shew what an admirable knack you have at confession and reformation; and so without more hesitation, I shall venture to command the muse, not to be restrained by ill-grounded timidity, but to go on and prosper.—You see, Madam, when once the woman has tempted us, and we have tasted the forbidden fruit, there is no such thing as checking our appetites, whatever the consequences may be. You will, I dare say, recognize our being the genuine Descendents of those who are reputed to be our great Progenitors.

Before I come to the more serious conclusion of my Letter—I must beg leave to say a word or two about these fine things you have seen telling in such harmonious and beautiful numbers. Fiction is to be sure the very life and Soul of Poetry—all Poets and Poetesses have been indulged in the free and indisputable use of it, time out of mind. And to oblige you to make such an excellent Poem on such a subject, without any materials but those of simple reality, would be as cruel as the Edict of Pharoah which compelled the children of Israel to manufacture Bricks without the necessary Ingredients.

Thus are you sheltered under the authority of prescription, and I will not dare to charge you with an intentional breach of the Rules of the decalogue in giving so bright a coloring to the services I have been enabled to render my Country; tho’ I am not conscious of deserving any thing more at your hands, than what the purest and most disinterested friendship has a right to claim; actuated by which, you will permit me, to thank you in the most affectionate manner for the kind wishes you have so happily expressed for me and the partner of all my Domestic enjoyments—Be assured we can never forget our friend at Merven; and that I am, my dear Madam, with every sentiment &c.

TO JAMES DUANE, IN CONGRESS.

Rocky Hill, 7 September, 1783.

Sir,

I have carefully perused the papers, which you put into my hands, relative to Indian affairs. My Sentiments, with respect to the proper line of conduct to be observed towards these people, coincide precisely with those delivered by Genl. Schuyler, so far as he has gone, in his Letter of the 29th July to Congress (which, with the other Papers, is herewith returned), and for the reasons he has there assigned; a repetition of them therefore by me would be unnecessary. But, independent of the arguments made use of by him, the following considerations have no small weight in my mind.

There are four things, which, I humbly conceive, are essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States, as an independent power.

To suffer a wide-extended Country to be overrun with Land Jobbers, speculators, and monopolizers, or even with scattered settlers, is in my opinion inconsistent with that wisdom and policy, which our true interest dictates, or that an enlightened people ought to adopt; and, besides, is pregnant of disputes both with the Savages and among ourselves, the evils of which are easier to be conceived than described. And for what, but to aggrandize a few avaricious men, to the prejudice of many and the embarrassment of Government? For the People engaged in these pursuits, without contributing in the smallest degree to the support of Government, or considering themselves as amenable to its Laws, will involve it, by their unrestrained conduct, in inextricable perplexities, and more than probably in a great deal of bloodshed.

First. An indissoluble union of the States under one federal head.

My ideas, therefore, of the line of conduct proper to be observed, not only towards the Indians, but for the government of the Citizens of America, in their Settlement of the Western Country, (which is intimately connected therewith,) are simply these.

Secondly. A sacred regard to public justice.

First, and as a preliminary, that all prisoners, of whatever age or sex, among the Indians, shall be delivered up.

Thirdly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment; and,

That the Indians should be informed, that after a Contest of eight years for the Sovereignty of this Country, Great Britain has ceded all the lands to the United States within the limits described by the—article of the provisional treaty.

That as they (the Indians), maugre all the advice and admonition which could be given them at the commencement and during the prosecution of the war, could not be restrained from acts of hostility, but were determined to join their arms to those of G. Britain and to share their fortunes, so consequently, with a less generous people than Americans, they would be made to share the same fate, and be compelled to retire along with them beyond the Lakes. But, as we prefer Peace to a state of Warfare; as we consider them as a deluded People; as we persuade ourselves that they are convinced, from experience, of their error in taking up the Hatchet against us, and that their true Interest and safety must now depend upon our friendship; as the Country is large enough to contain us all; and as we are disposed to be kind to them and to partake of their Trade, we will, from these considerations and from motives of compassion, draw a veil over what is past, and establish a boundary line between them and us, beyond which we will endeavor to restrain our People from Hunting or Settling, and within which they shall not come but for the purposes of Trading, Treating, or other business unexceptionable in its nature.

In establishing this line, in the first instance, care should be taken neither to yield nor to grasp at too much; but to endeavor to impress the Indians with an idea of the generosity of our disposition to accommodate them, and with the necessity we are under, of providing for our warriors, our Young People who are growing up, and strangers who are coming from other Countries to live among us, and if they should make a point of it, or appear dissatisfied with the line we may find it necessary to establish, compensation should be made them for their claims within it.

On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned.

It is needless for me to express more explicitly, because the tendency of my observns. evinces it is my opinion, that, if the legislature of the State of New York should insist upon expelling the Six Nations from all the Country they Inhabited previous to the war, within their Territory, (as General Schuyler seems to be apprehensive of,) it will end in another Indian war. I have every reason to believe from my inquiries, and the information I have received, that they will not suffer their Country (if it were our policy to take it before we could settle it) to be wrested from them without another struggle. That they would compromise for a part of it, I have very little doubt; and that it would be the cheapest way of coming at it, I have no doubt at all. The same observations, I am persuaded, will hold good with respect to Virginia, or any other State, which has powerful tribes of Indians on their Frontiers; and the reason of my mentioning New York is because General Schuyler has expressed his opinion of the temper of its Legislature, and because I have been more in the way of learning the sentimts. of the Six Nations than of any other Tribes of Indians on this Subject.

The limits being sufficiently extensive, in the new ctry., to comply with all the engagements of government, and to admit such emigrations as may be supposed to happen within a given time, not only from the several States of the Union but from Foreign Countries, and, moreover, of such magnitude as to form a distinct and proper government; a Proclamation, in my opinion, should issue, making it Felony (if there is power for the purpose, if not, imposing some very heavy restraint) for any person to Survey or Settle beyond the Line; and the Officers commanding the Frontier Garrisons should have pointed and peremptory orders to see that the Proclamation is carried into effect.

Measures of this sort would not only obtain Peace from the Indians, but would, in my opinion, be the means of preserving it. It would dispose of the Land to the best advantage, People the Country progressively, and check land jobbing and monopolizing, which are now going forward with great avidity, while the door would be open and terms known for every one to obtain what is reasonable and proper for himself, upon legal and constitutional ground.

Every advantage, that could be expected or even wished for, would result from such a mode of procedure. Our settlements would be compact, government well established, and our barrier formidable, not only for ourselves but against our neighs.; and the Indians, as has been observed in Genl. Schuyler’s letter, will ever retreat as our settlements advance upon them, and they will be as ready to sell, as we are to buy. That it is the cheapest, as well as the least distressing way of dealing with them, none, who is acquainted with the nature of an Indian warfare, and has ever been at the trouble of estimating the expense of one, and comparing it with the cost of purchasing their Lands, will hesitate to acknowledge.

Unless some such measures, as I have here taken the liberty of suggesting, are speedily adopted, one of two capital evils, in my opinion, will inevitably result, and is near at hand; either that the settling, or rather overspreading, of the western Country will take place by a parcel of Banditti, who will bid defiance to all authority, while they are skimming and disposing of the Cream of the Country at the expense of many suffering officers and soldiers, who have fought and bled to obtain it, and are now waiting the decision of Congress to point them to the promised reward of their past dangers and toils; or a renewal of Hostilities with the Indians, brought about more than probably by this very means.

How far agents for Indian affrs. are indispensably necessary, I shall not take upon me to decide; but, if any should be appointed, their powers should be circumscribed, accurately defined, and themselves rigidly punished for every infraction of them. A recurrence to the conduct of these people, under the British administration of Indian affairs, will manifest the propriety of this caution, as it will be there found that self-Interest was the principle by which their agents was actuated; and to promote this by accumulating Lands and passing large quantities of goods thro’ their hands, the Indians were made to speak any language they pleased by their representation, and were pacific or hostile as their purposes were most likely to be promoted by the one or the other. No purchase under any pretence whatever should be made by any other authority than that of the sovereign power, or the Legislature of the State in which such Lands may happen to be; nor should the agents be permitted directly or indirectly to trade, but to have a fixed and ample Salary allowed them, as a full compensation for their trouble,

Whether in practice the measure may answer as well as it appears in theory to me, I will not undertake to say; but I think, if the Indian Trade was carried on, on government acct. and with no greater advance than what would be necessary to defray the expense and risk, and bring in a small profit, that it would supply the Indians upon much easier terms than they usually are, engross their Trade, and fix them strongly in our Interest, and would be a much better mode of treating them, than that of giving presents, where a few only are benefited by them. I confess there is a difficulty in getting a man, or set of men, in whose abilities and integrity there can be a perfect reliance, without which the scheme is liable to such abuse as to defeat the salutary ends, which are proposed from it. At any rate, no person should be suffered to Trade with the Indians without first obtaining a license, and giving security to conform to such Rules and Regulations as shall be prescribed, as was the case before the war.

In giving my sentiments in the month of May last (at the request of a Committee of Congress) on a Peace Establishmt., I took the liberty of suggesting the propriety, which in my opinion there appeared, of paying particular attention to the French and other settlers at Detroit and other parts within the limits of the western Country. The perusal of a late pamphlet, entitled “Observations on the Commerce of the American States with Europe and the West Indies,” impresses the necessity of it more forcibly then ever on my mind. The author of that Piece strongly recommends a liberal change in the government of Canada; and, tho’ he is too sanguine in his expectations of the benefits arising from it, there can be no doubt of the good policy of the measure. It behoves us, therefore, to counteract them by anticipation. These People have a disposition towards us susceptible of favorable impressions; but, as no arts will be left unattempted by the B. to withdraw them from our Interest, the prest. moment should be employed by us to fix them in it, or we may lose them for ever, and with them the advantages or disadvantages consequent of the choice they may make. From the best information and maps of that Country it would appear, that the territory from the mouth of the Great Miami River, wch. empties into the Ohio, to its confluence with the Mad River, thence by a Line to the Miami fort and Village on the other Miami River, wch. empties into Lake Erie, and Thence by a Line to include the Settlement of Detroit, would, with Lake Erie to the noward, Pensa. to the Eastwd., and the Ohio to the soward, form a governmt. sufficiently extensive to fulfil all the public engagements, and to receive moreover a large population by Emigrants; and to confine the Settlement of the new State within these bounds would, in my opinion, be infinitely better, even supposing no disputes were to happen with the Indians, and that it was not necessary to guard against these other evils which have been enumerated, than to suffer the same number of People to roam over a Country of at least 500,000 Square miles, contributing nothing to the support, but much perhaps to the embarrassment, of the Federal Government.

Was it not for the purpose of comprehending the Settlement of Detroit within the Jurisdn. of the new Governmt., a more compact and better shaped district for a State would be, for the line to proceed from the Miami Fort and Village along the River of that name to Lake Erie; leaving in that case the settlement of Detroit, and all the Territory no. of the Rivers Miami and St. Joseph’s between the Lakes Erie, St. Clair, Huron, and Michigan, to form hereafter another State equally large, compact, and water-bounded.

At first view it may seem a little extraneous, when I am called upon to give an opinion upon the terms of a Peace proper to be made with the Indians, that I should go into the formation of New States. But the Settlemt. of the Western Country, and making a Peace with the Indians, are so analogous, that there can be no definition of the one, without involving considerations of the other; for, I repeat it again, and I am clear in my opinion, that policy and œconomy point very strongly to the expediency of being upon good terms with the Indians, and the propriety of purchasing their Lands in preference to attempting to drive them by force of arms out of their Country; which, as we have already experienced, is like driving the wild Beasts of ye forest, which will return as soon as the pursuit is at an end, and fall perhaps upon those that are left there; when the gradual extension of our settlements will as certainly cause the savage, as the wolf, to retire; both being beasts of prey, tho’ they differ in shape. In a word, there is nothing to be obtained by an Indian war, but the soil they live on, and this can be had by purchase at less expense, and without that bloodshed and those distresses, which helpless women and children are made partakers of in all kinds of disputes with them.

If there is any thing in these thoughts, (which I have fully and freely communicated,) worthy of attention, I shall be happy, and am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

P. S. A formal Address and Memorial from the Oneita Indians when I was on the Mohawk River, setting forth their Grievances and distresses and praying relief, induced me to order a pound of Powder and 3 pounds of Lead to be issued to each man from the Military Magazines in the care of Colo. Willett—This I presume was unknown to Genl. Schuyler at the time he recommended the like measure in his Letter to Congress.

OBSERVATIONS UPON A PEACE ESTABLISHMENT.

Rocky Hill, 8 September, 1783.

Upon a careful examination of the Report delivered to Congress the 17th of June, by the Committee on the Peace Arrangement, the following remarks have occurred.

I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, Sir, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant.1

Notwithstanding there may not be any very essential difference between the proposed Plan for a standing Force now under consideration, and the Sketches which were given in my Memorial of the 1st of May; yet it is my wish to make known the Motives which induced me to offer my former opinions, together with the reasons which now lead me to differ in judgment from the Committee in some instances respecting the Peace Arrangement, and to alter my sentiments on other points in consequence of new informations which have been produced by further discussion.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

[EXTRACT.]

The principal reasons for my proposing that the Pay and Subsistence of the Officers should remain the same as they now are (except in the instances specified) were, because, that compensation had generally been deemed adequate and not too high;—and because we had found by experience after many changes and alterations, the present allowance to be better proportioned to the different grades, more satisfactory to the Officers and less inconvenient to the Public than any System which had been attempted. Nor can I agree with the Committee that the Establishment reported by them is more œconomical than either of the Plans which have been proposed, since the number of Men in their Establishment actually to be raised, exceeds that suggested in my Memorial by upwards of four hundred. And the encrease of Pay in consequence of an additional number of Superior Officers in the Corps of Engineers will more than Counterbalance the saving which will be made by the proposed diminution of the Pay of the regimental Staff, & Subalterns. And yet I know not whether this encrease of Expence may not be expedient and necessary—At least I should not make any objection to the augmentation of the number of Men in the Infantry Comp’ys as the various and dispersed services, to which they will be destined, may probably require more than I had taken into my calculation. And the blending the Engineers and Artillerists of the Army in one Corps may make it requisite to add the number of Officers proposed by the Committee; which will under those circumstances justify a departure from the present Artillery Establishment on which my Estimate was founded. And here I will take the liberty to suggest the expediency of restraining all officers stationed in the Indian Country from carrying on, directly or indirectly any Commerce or Traffic whatever with the Nations,—it would be better to make a pecuniary compensation for any extra trouble of the Commanding Officer, in giving passes, and regulating these things than to suffer so pernicious a custom to take place.

11 June, 1783.

Perhaps it is rather unimportant in what manner some little alterations shall be decided, as for instance, whether the third Officer of a Company shall be called a Lieutenant or an Ensign, provided the duties and emoluments are perfectly defined; but I highly approve the Scheme of having Supernumeraries appointed to fill the Staff-Officers, without depriving the Companys of their full proportion of Officers.

The same reason which makes it proper to have two Sergeant-Majors, &c. in each Regiment of Infantry, will also make it equally necessary to have two Surgeon’s mates.

It appears to me in case the Pay of the Privates shall be established at two Dollars per Month, that a considerable Bounty will be required to inlist them; or that the States after having their quotas apportioned to them must be obliged to keep their Complement constantly in Service. I am also of opinion that to the annual allowance of Clothing per Man One Blanket, two pair Woolen Hose, and one or two Shirts should be added; also 8 or 10 match Coats, per Company.

The rule of promotion proposed seems unexceptionable; but the perpetual confusion which must ensue from promotions being made in a Corps composed of Officers and Men of different States, by the Authority of each of those different States, will totally destroy all regularity in our Military System—it would indeed be much to be preferred that the States could be induced to transfer this right to Congress. And possibly, upon condition of confining the appointment and proportion of Officers in equal proportions to the particular States whose Troops form a Regiment the right might be yielded. For example, if New Hampshire gives two Companys and Masstts. Six, the Officers then to be appointed and kept in service from those two States to be in as nearly the Ratio of 2 to 6 as possible; the same, if another Regiment should be formed by the States of R. Island, Connect., New York, and New Jersey, &c., &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

On the Committee’s Report respecting Fortifications, Arsenals and Magazines, Military Academies, Founderies and Manufactories, General Staff, and General Hospital, no observations are necessary—except that if it is the opinion of the Committee, the establishment of five instead of three Magazines, is necessary, I shall not make any hesitation in yielding to their sentiment. I wish not to be too tenacious tho’ the division of the Continent into three districts had been suggested, in addition to the reasons I formerly mentioned, by a similar distribution which Congress had made in the Article of promotion. But I must beg leave to remark that the general outlines for the establishment of the National Militia do not seem to me to be so well calculated to answer the object in view as could be wished. Altho’ unacquainted as I am with the Militia Laws of the several States, I cannot undertake to say what particular regulation should be adopted for classing, or forming the great Body of Citizens, who must be borne on the Rolls of the Militia, and for obliging them to march for the public defence in a manner least inconvenient and most effectual; Yet I cannot but think some more eligible Plan could be devised. And I am fully persuaded that the Fensibles, Fusiliers,—or Train Bands formed of the Inhabitants of Cities and Incorporated Towns will not afford that prompt and efficacious resistance to an Enemy, which might be expected from regularly established Light Infantry Companies, or a general selection of the ablest Men from every Regiment or Brigade of Militia in either of the modes I had formerly the honor to propose; because such an Establishment would, in my opinion, be more agreeable to the genius of our Countrymen; because it would distribute military knowledge and ambition more equally and extensively; because it would on these accounts prevent Jealousies, and afford the same kind of protection to every part of the Union, which the Companys designated by the name of Minute Men did at the Commencement of the late war; and because, the number being fixed to any proportion from ⅛ to 1/60 of the whole Militia; that number of disciplined effective men may always be relied on in case of a war as an effectual Barrier to stop the torrent of Hostility; until a regular and permanent force could be levied,—And in order to make this Corps the more respectable, I should heartily concur in giving them a superiority of rank, immunities or emoluments over the rest of the Militia.

Head Quarters,Newburg,
17 June, 1783.

Sir:

TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.

Rocky Hill, 11 September, 1783.

My dear Sir,

It was with great concern I heard of your indisposition. Later accounts say you were on the recovery, and nothing would give me more pleasure, than the confirmation of it, from under your own hand.

I am not able to give you any information on the point you requested at our parting. Congress have come to no determination yet, respecting a Peace Establishment, nor am I able to say when they will. I have lately had a conference with a committee on this subject, and have reiterated my former opinions, but it appears to me, that there is not a sufficient representation to discuss Great National points; nor do I believe there will be, while that Honble. Body continue their Sessions at this place. The want of accommodation, added to a disinclination in the Southern Delegates to be further removed than they formerly were from the Centre of the Empire, and an aversion in the others to give up what they conceive to be a point gained by the late retreat to this place, keeps matters in an awkward situation, to the very great interruption of national concerns. Seven States, it seems, (by the articles of Confederation,) must agree, before any place can be fixed upon for the seat of the Federal Governmt., and Seven States, it is said, never will agree; consequently, as Congress came here, here they are to remn. to the dissatisfaction of the majority and a great let to business, having none of the Public offices about them, nor no places to accommodate them, if they were brought up; and the members, from this or some other causes, are eternally absent. Mrs. Washington has had a severe return of the Colic since she came to this place but is now as well as usual. She joins me very cordially in best wishes for your perfect recovery and in affectionate Compliments to Messrs. Clinton, Huntington, Gerry & Duane. With the sincerest esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, &c.1

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Rocky Hill, 20 September, 1783.

Dear Lund,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Mrs. Custis has never suggested in any of her letters to Mrs. Washington (unless ardent wishes for her return, that she might then disclose it to her, can be so construed) the most distant attachment to D[avid] S[tuart]; but, if this should be the case, and she wants advice upon it, a father and mother, who are at hand and competent to give it, are at the same time the most proper to be consulted on so interesting an event. For my own part, I never did, nor do I believe I ever shall, give advice to a woman, who is setting out on a matrimonial voyage; first, because I never could advise one to marry without her own consent; and, secondly, because I know it is to no purpose to advise her to refrain, when she has obtained it. A woman very rarely asks an opinion or requires advice on such an occasion, till her resolution is formed; and then it is with the hope and expectation of obtaining a sanction, not that she means to be governed by your disapprobation, that she applies. In a word, the plain English of the application may be summed up in these words; “I wish you to think as I do; but, if unhappily you differ from me in opinion, my heart, I must confess, is fixed, and I have gone too far now to retract.”

Head Quarters,Newburg,
Evening, 24 June, 1783.

Sir,

If Mrs. Custis should ever suggest any thing of this kind to me, I will give her my opinion of the measure, not of the man, with candor, and to the following effect. “I never expected you would spend the residue of your days in widowhood; but in a matter so important, and so interesing to yourself, children, and connexions, I wish you would make a prudent choice. To do which, many considerations are necessary; such as the family and connexions of the man, his fortune (which is not the most essential in my eye), the line of conduct he has observed, and disposition and frame of his mind. You should consider what prospect there is of his proving kind and affectionate to you; just, generous, and attentive to your children; and how far his connexions will be agreeable to you; for when they are once formed, agreeable or not, the die being cast, your fate is fixed.” Thus far, and no farther, I shall go in my opinions. I am, dear Lund, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Rocky Hill, 23 September, 1783.

My dear Sir,

The favorable Sentiments expressed in your private letter of the 17th Inst., and which you say are felt by the Officers in general on the late honor conferred upon me by Congress, cannot fail of adding greatly to my sensibility on the occasion. It always has, and I trust ever will be, the most pleasing reflection of my life that in a contest so important, so long, and so arduous,—accompanied by such a variety of distressing and perplexing circumstances to all who have been engaged in it but more especially to the Officers of the Army, that I have been able, under all these disadvantages, to point my course in such a manner as to have receiv’d many flattering testimonies of regard from the latter, and proofs of general esteem from my Country at large.

I have left no opportunity unimproved to bring the Officers’ Petition to an Issue.—I have not heard an uplifted voice against it since I came to this place; and if I am to form a judgment from what I have seen & heard, Congress is sincerely disposed to serve them—but there was a difficulty in the way of which I had no knowledge ’till I came here, and it is not absolutely got over yet.

That district of Country located by the Petitioners is part of the Land claimed by Virginia—Virginia, with certain reservations, and upon condition that the United States should Guarantee the remainder of her Territory, ceded all the Lands Northwest of the Ohio—To these terms Congress would not agree—Thus matters had stood for more than two years—and thus I found them when I came here.—I have labored since, and I hope not unsuccessfully, to convince the Members of Congress that while the United States and the State of Virginia are disputing about the right, or the terms of the Cession, Land jobbers and a lawless Banditti, who would bid defiance to the authority of either, and more than probably involve this Country in an Indian War, would spread themselves over the whole of it, to the great injury to the Officers, &c., of the Army, who are patiently waiting the decision of Congress to settle in a legal manner and under a proper form of Government.

TO DR. WILLIAM GORDON.

Within these few days, Congress have accepted the Virginia Cession with some exceptions which the Delegates from that State think will be yielded to by the Assembly at its next meeting in October—In the meantime, if it can be done with propriety, I will endeavor to have preparatory arrangements made that no delay may happen when the present difficulties shall be removed.

Head Quarters,Newburg,
8 July, 1783.

Dear Sir,

As I have never heard it suggested by any Member of Congress that General Lincoln either had offered, or proposed to offer his resignation upon the arrival of the Definitive Treaty (tho’ I have understood as much from himself) I have no ground, as yet, to work upon; but whenever the occasion shall offer, I will not forget your wishes, nor shall I want inclination to promote them.—

If you can learn by indirect means which of, or whether all the Engineers now at West point—(if you could extend it to others thro’ that channel so much the better)—are inclined to remain in the American Service upon a Peace establishment I would thank you for the information.

I shall be obliged to you for pointing out, in precise terms, what is expected from the President of the Cincinnati previous to the general Meeting in May next—As I never was present at any of your Meetings, and have never seen the proceedings of the last, I may, from want of information of the part I am to act, neglect some essential duty; which might not only be injurious to the Society, but mortifying to myself, as it would discover a want of knowledge, or want of attention in the President.

Humphreys and Walker have each had an ill turn since they came to this place—the latter is getting about, but the other is still in his Bed of a fever that did not till yesterday quit him for 14 or 15 days.—The danger I hope is now past, and he has only his flesh to recover, part of which, or in other words of the weight he brought with him from the scales at West point he would readily compound for.—Mrs. Washington has also been very unwell, as most of my domesticks and Guard have been, and indeed now are—Mrs. Washington and myself are very glad to hear that Mrs. Knox and the children are well—she joins me very cordially in best wishes for them, and compliments to General and Mrs. Huntington and all our acquaintances with you.

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, CHAIRMAN.

Rocky Hill, 25 September, 1783.

Sir:

I have perused the report & Proclamation which you were pleased to put into my hands for consideration; and think an alteration in the first, and a consequent one in the other indispensably necessary;—Because, as the report now stands, it is not broad enough to comprehend the several cases which exist, for the troops of the Southern Army were forloughed by General Greene, whilst those, which lay in a manner between the two Armies were under the more immediate direction of the Secretary at War & acted upon by him.

It appears to me proper therefore to strike out the latter part of the report & after “during the War” in the third line, to insert.—“and who by the Resolutions of Congress of the—and of—were entitled to Furloughs be absolutely discharged from the said service, from and after the—day of—next.”

The Proclamation conforming thereto, Congress may, if they conceive there is a propriety in it [after the necessary recitals are made] offer their thanks to the Army, generally, for its long & faithful services; and then add—that the further services in the field of the officers who have been deranged and retired on furlough, in consequence of the aforesaid resolutions, can now be dispensed with—That they have the permission of Congress to retire from service;—and that they are no longer liable from their present engagements to be called into command again.

I can see no greater inconvenience resulting from this measure than is to be found in many other instances arising from not making the Peace Establishment, a primary, instead of a subsequent Act, to them; for had this taken place in Time, a system might have been formed, & every thing relative, to that system made to accord with it—whereas the longer it is delayed the more incongruous probably, it will be, as we are by this means forming the extremities, before we have moulded the body. Consequently the body must be made to comform and grow to the limbs, not the limbs to the body, which may be found as difficult in the Political as Natural formation of things, and like unto the attempt more than probably will produce a Monster.

TO M. MARBOIS.

A Proclamation couched in some such terms as is here suggested, would I think, reduce all the General as well as other Officers except those who were retained with the three years’ men and such as are immediately imployed in the Staff, wch. I think consists of only Baron de Steuben and G. Duport[ail] and would moreover I think, leave out all the Engineers for the future decision of Congress, I have, &c.

H. Q.,Newburgh, 9 July, 1787.

Sir,

TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHASTELLUX.

The last Post brought me the honor of your favor of the first Instt. inclosing an Extract from the Letter of Monsr. de Malesherbes to you.

Princeton, 12 October, 1783.

My dear Chevalier,

I have not had the honor of a line from you since the 4th of March last; but I will ascribe my disappointment to any cause, rather than to a decay of your friendship.

Having the appearance, and indeed the enjoyment of peace, without a final declaration of it, I, who am only waiting for the ceremonials, or till the British forces shall have taken leave of New York, am placed in an awkward and disagreeable situation, it being my anxious desire to quit the walks of public life, and under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig free to seek those enjoyments and that relaxation, which a mind, that has been constantly upon the stretch for more than eight years, stands so much in need of.

I have fixed this epoch to the arrival of the definitive treaty, or to the evacuation of my country by our newly acquired friends. In the mean while, at the request of Congress I spend my time with them at this place, where they came in consequence of the riots at Philadelpia, of which you have doubtless (for it is not a very recent transaction) been fully apprized. They have lately determined to make choice of some convenient spot near the Falls of the Delaware for the permanent residence of the sovereign power of these United States; but where they will hold their sessions till they can be properly established at that place, is yet undecided.

I have lately made a tour through the Lakes George and Champlain, as far as Crown Point. Then returning to Schenectady, I proceeded up the Mohawk River to Fort Schuyler (formerly Fort Stanwix), and crossed over to the Wood Creek, which empties into the Oneida Lake, and affords the water communication with Ontario. I then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and viewed the Lake Otsego, and the portage between that Lake and the Mohawk River at Canajoharie. Prompted by these actual observations, I could not help taking a more contemplative and extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these United States, from maps and the information of others; and could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and importance of it, and with the goodness of that Providence, which has dealt her favors to us with so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough to improve them. I shall not rest contented, till I have explored the western country, and traversed those lines, or great part of them, which have given bounds to a new empire.1 But when it may, if it ever shall, happen, I dare not say, as my first attention must be given to the deranged situation of my private concerns, which are not a little injured by almost nine years’ absence and total disregard of them. With every wish for your health and happiness, and with the most sincere and affectionate regard, I am, my dear Chevalier, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

If to these he would add a few sets of the several kinds of Eating Grape for my Gardens, it would add much to the obligation he seems so well disposed to confer on me.

Rocky Hill, 16 October, 1783.

Dear Sir,

For the trouble you have had, and I am about to give you in this business, you will please to accept my thanks, and the assurances of that esteem and regard with which I have &c.

Major Shaw not returning so soon as I imagined, and the subject of your Letter of the 28 September not admitting much delay, I take the opportunity of the Post to reply to it.

TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

On referring to the Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati I find that the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the Sieur Gérard, the Counts D’Estaing, Barras and De Grasse, the Chevalier Destouches and the Count de Rochambeau with the Generals and Colonels of his Army are to be presented with the Order of the Society.

State ofNew York,
10 July, 1783.

My dear Sir,

As it is however proper that these Gentlemen should be made acquainted with the nature of the Society, I propose to write to each of those above named (except the Chevalier de la Luzerne who was written to in first instance) and inclose them a copy of the Institution, at the same time informing them that Major L’Enfant is charged with the execution of the Order, and has directions to furnish them from the first that are finished.

I propose also to inclose a Copy to the Marquis de la Fayette, and request him to take the signatures of such of the French officers in our service who are entitled and wish to become members—to receive their month’s pay and deliver them the Orders on their paying for them.

These Letters Major L’Enfant will carry with him and deliver to each of those Gentlemen and must be directed to deliver them the Orders so soon as they are compleat—delivering to Count Rochambeau, for the Officers of his Command who will receive them of him—and to the Marquis de la Fayette, sufficient for the French Officers in our Service who become Members.

I enclose to you the permission for Major L’Enfant to go to France, and a Certificate of his being a Member of the Society. However, before he sets off, I think it should be well explained and understood by him, that the Voyage is not undertaken for the Society but that their business is committted to him only in consequence of his going there on his own affairs, and consequently he is not to be paid any Expence of the Voyage or his stay—but only such extra Expence as might be incurred by any person residing in France who transacted the same business for the society—These are my sentiments—if they accord with yours and the rest of the Gentlemen, and he accepts these conditions I think the sooner he sets out the better.

I will be obliged to you to make out his instructions comprehending the objects I have mentioned above and such other as you may think necessary—and to make the necessary arrangements with him respecting the funds to be furnished. I am told subscriptions have been paid in by those who wish to have Orders—I propose taking seven, for which the Money is ready at any time—and it may not be amiss in this place to inform you that it has always been my intention to present the Society with 500 Dollars—if any part of this is necessary and can be applied with propriety in this business—I have no objection.

Maj. L’Enfant might also be directed to receive from the Marquis the Month’s pay of the french Officers in our service who become Members.

I must request you to procure Six or seven Copies of the Institution to be made out neatly, to transmit to the Gentlemen above mentioned. Major L’Enfant can bring them on with him.1

TO BARON STEUBEN.

INSTRUCTIONS.

I intend immediately to write to the Commanding Officer of each of the State Lines, who have not yet made known their intentions respecting the formation of their State Societies pressing them to a determination, for as I wish to adapt the place of the General Meeting to the convenience of all ’till I know which of the States form the Society I cannot fix it.

With great regard—

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Rocky Hill, 23d Octr., 1783.

Dear Sir,

The arrival of the Definitive Treaty and the evacuation of New York—have been so long delayed as to interfere very materially with our arrangements for the Celebration of Peace; at this Season no use can be made of the Bower, the only possible means of accommodation, besides, the dissolution of the Army at so short a period totally defeats the object in view, for if we were even determined not to wait the events on which the Celebration has hitherto depended, it would now be impossible either to make the necessary preparations or to give timely notice to the Officers, before the Army would be dissolved. I think therefore that it will be best to defer it until the British leave the City, and then to have it at that place, where all who chuse to attend can find accommodation.

Sir Guy Carleton some time since informed me, thro’ Mr. Parker, that he should leave New York in all next Month, probably by the 20th, and that when the Transports which were gone to Nova Scotia returned, he should be able to fix the day;—this notice may be short, and as it is best to be prepared, I wish you to confer on the subject with Governor Clinton, and have every necessary Arrangement made for taking possession of the city immediately on their leaving it; you will please to report to me the arrangements you may agree on.

You will please to keep me informed as fully as you can, and as often as opportunity will permit, of the progress you shall make in executing the business committed to your conduct.

Inclosed I transmit you Copy of a Proclamation of Congress for the dissolution of the Army, you will please to publish it to the Troops under your Orders. * * *

P. S. Since I wrote the foregoing I have reced. a Letter from Governor Clinton in which he mentions his wish that the Troops who move down, may be put under his direction, which I think very proper so long as they remain in or near the city.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

FAREWELL ORDERS TO THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

Head-Quarters, 16 July, 1783.

Sir,

Rocky Hill,near Princeton,
[Sunday] 2 November 1783.

Your Excellency’s letters of the 3d and 8th are received. The Judge Advocate was gone on by my Directions before the hint you gave me in that of the 3d.

The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most honorable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their country for their long, eminent and faithful services, having thought proper, by their proclamation bearing date the 18th day of October last, to discharge such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service from and after to-morrow; which proclamation having been communicated in the public papers for the information and government of all concerned, it only remains for the Commander-in-chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the United States (however widely dispersed the individuals who compose them may be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell.

But before the Commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past. He will then take the liberty of exploring with his military friends their future prospects, of advising the general line of conduct, which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued; and he will conclude the address by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced from them, in the performance of an arduous office.

Baron Steuben is furnished with my letters and instructions and will depart on his mission as soon as possible.

A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier than could have been expected) of the object, for which we contended against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble condition were such, as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the armies of the United States, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle.

It is not the meaning nor within the compass of this address, to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to describe the distresses, which in several instances have resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors of an inclement season; nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every American officer and soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances, which may have occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness; events which have seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage of human action; nor can they probably ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined army formed at once from such raw materials? Who, that was not a witness, could imagine, that the most violent local prejudices would cease so soon; and that men, who came from the different parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one patriotic band of brothers? Or who, that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?

It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceeds the power of description. And shall not the brave men, who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings, which have been obtained? In such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors? In such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers, who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal independence. Nor is it possible to conceive, that any one of the United States will prefer a national bankruptcy, and a dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with the requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its just debts; so that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance, in recommencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to them from the public, which must and will most inevitably be paid.

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the prejudices, which may have taken posession of the minds of any of the good people of the States, it is earnestly recommended to all the troops, that, with strong attachments to the Union, they should carry with them into civil society the most conciliating dispositions, and that they should prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens, than they have been persevering and victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some envious individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit; yet let such unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance of intemperate conduct. Let it be remembered, that the unbiassed voice of the free citizens of the United States has promised the just reward and given the merited applause. Let it be known and remembered, that the reputation of the federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence; and let a consciousness of their achievements and fame still incite the men, who composed them, to honorable actions; under the persuasion that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enterprise were in the field. Every one may rest assured, that much, very much, of the future happiness of the officers and men, will depend upon the wise and manly conduct, which shall be adopted by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community. And, although the General has so frequently given it as his opinion in the most public and explicit manner, that, unless the principles of the Federal Government were properly supported, and the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost forever; yet he cannot help repeating, on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every officer and every soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow citizens towards effecting these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.1

The Commander-in-chief conceives little is now wanting, to enable the soldier, to change the military character into that of the citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavior, which has generally distinguished, not only the army under his immediate command, but the different detachments and separate armies, through the course of the war. From their good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest consequences; and, while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion, which renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under for the assistance he has received from every class and in every instance. He presents his thanks in the most serious and affectionate manner to the general officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions, as for their ardor in promoting the success of the plans he had adopted; to the commandants of regiments and corps, and to the other officers, for their great zeal and attention in carrying his orders promptly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and exactness in performing the duties of their several departments; and to the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers, for their extraordinary patience and suffering, as well as their invincible fortitude in action. To the various branches of the army, the General takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare professions were in his power; that he were really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him has been done.

Head-Quarters, 6 August, 1783.

Sir,

And being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommemdations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven’s favors, both here and hereafter, attend those, who, under the Divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others. With these wishes and this benediction, the Commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed for ever.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

West Point, 18 November, 1783.

Sir,

I have at length the pleasure to inform your Excellency and Congress, that Sir Guy Carleton has fixed upon the time at which he proposes to evacuate the city of New York. The particulars are more fully explained in his letter of the 12th instant,1 a copy of which, together with my answer, is enclosed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Haerlem, 22 November, 1783.

Sir,

TO ROBERT STEWART.

I have been honored with your Excellency’s letter of the 19th instant; and for a reply to the proposition contained in it, I must beg leave to refer you to his Excellency Governor Clinton, who will inform you by this conveyance, that the council instituted for the temporary government of the State So. District have acceded to your reservations, in full confidence that the embarkation will be expedited as much as the circumstances will admit.1

State ofNew York, 10 August, 1783.

Dear Sir,

With regard to the information, that a deliberate combination has been formed to plunder the city of New York, I have to observe, that the intelligence appears to me not to be well-founded; at least, no intimations of the kind had ever before come to my knowledge; and I can assure your Excellency, that such arrangements have been made, as will, in my opinion, not only utterly discountenance, but effectually prevent, any outrage or disorder, unless the evacuation should be delayed until a much larger number of people shall be collected from the country, than have been assembled as yet for the purpose of going into town on its being relinquished by your troops; in which case the difficulty of establishing civil government and maintaining good order may be greatly increased.

Lieutenant-Colonel Walker will have the honor to deliver this letter to your Excellency, and to assure you of the respectful consideration with which

I am, Sir, &c.1

TO JAMES McHENRY.

Philadelphia, Dec. 10th, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I shall always be happy to see you at Mt. Vernon. Mrs. Washington, who enjoys but a very moderate share of health, unites in best wishes for your health and prosperity. With, Dr. Sir, &c.1

After seeing the backs of the British Forces turned upon us, and the Executive of the State of New York put into peaceable possession of their Capitol, I set out for this place. On Monday next I expect to leave the city, and by slow traveling arrive at Baltimore on Wednesday, where I will spend one day and then proceed to Annapolis and get translated into a private Citizen. I am your &c.2

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters, 14 August, 1783.

Sir,

Annapolis, 20 December, 1783.

Sir,

By the last post I was honored with your Excellency’s favor of the 1st instant, enclosing the resolve of Congress directing my attendance at Princeton.

I take the earliest opportunity to inform Congress of my arrival in this city, with the intention of asking leave to resign the commission I have the honor of holding in their service. It is essential for me to know their pleasure, and in what manner it will be most proper to offer my resignation, whether in writing, or at an audience. I shall therefore request to be honored with the necessary information, that, being apprized of the sentiments of Congress, I may regulate my conduct accordingly. I have the honor to be, &c.1

TO BARON STEUBEN.

Annapolis, 23 December, 1783.

My dear Baron,

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.1

Although I have taken frequent opportunities, both in public and private, of acknowledging your great zeal, attention, and abilities, in performing the duties of your office; yet I wish to make use of this last moment of my public life to signify, in the strongest terms, my entire approbation of your conduct, and to express my sense of the obligations the public is under to you, for your faithful and meritorious services.

Princeton, 26 August, 1783.

Mr. President,

I beg you will be convinced, my dear Sir, that I should rejoice if it could ever be in my power to serve you more essentially, than by expressions of regard and affection; but, in the mean time, I am persuaded you will not be displeased with this farewell token of my sincere friendship and esteem for you.

I am too sensible of the honorable reception I have now experienced, not to be penetrated with the deepest feelings of gratitude.

This is the last letter I shall write, while I continue in the service of my country. The hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve to day; after which, I shall become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac, where I shall be glad to embrace you, and testify the great esteem and consideration with which I am, my dear Baron, &c.

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON RESIGNING HIS COMMISSION.1

Annapolis, 23 December, 1783.

Mr. President,

The great events, on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring1 from the Service of my Country.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILLIAM S. SMITH.

Happy in the confirmation of our Independence and Sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation,2 I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme Power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven.

Rocky Hill, 31 August, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my Countrymen, encreases with every review of the momentous contest.

While I repeat my obligations to the Army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the Gentlemen, who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible that the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to recommend in particular those, who have continued in Service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of Congress.

I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life, by commending the Interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence3 of them to his holy keeping.

TO MRS. RICHARD STOCKTON.2

Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding an affectionate4 farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my5 leave of all the employments of public life.6

Rocky Hill, 2 September, 1783.

TO JAMES DUANE, IN CONGRESS.

Rocky Hill, 7 September, 1783.

Sir,

First, and as a preliminary, that all prisoners, of whatever age or sex, among the Indians, shall be delivered up.

If there is any thing in these thoughts, (which I have fully and freely communicated,) worthy of attention, I shall be happy, and am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

OBSERVATIONS UPON A PEACE ESTABLISHMENT.

Rocky Hill, 8 September, 1783.

Upon a careful examination of the Report delivered to Congress the 17th of June, by the Committee on the Peace Arrangement, the following remarks have occurred.

The same reason which makes it proper to have two Sergeant-Majors, &c. in each Regiment of Infantry, will also make it equally necessary to have two Surgeon’s mates.

TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.

Rocky Hill, 11 September, 1783.

My dear Sir,

It was with great concern I heard of your indisposition. Later accounts say you were on the recovery, and nothing would give me more pleasure, than the confirmation of it, from under your own hand.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Rocky Hill, 20 September, 1783.

Dear Lund,

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Rocky Hill, 23 September, 1783.

My dear Sir,

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, CHAIRMAN.

Rocky Hill, 25 September, 1783.

Sir:

TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHASTELLUX.

Princeton, 12 October, 1783.

My dear Chevalier,

I have not had the honor of a line from you since the 4th of March last; but I will ascribe my disappointment to any cause, rather than to a decay of your friendship.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Rocky Hill, 16 October, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Major Shaw not returning so soon as I imagined, and the subject of your Letter of the 28 September not admitting much delay, I take the opportunity of the Post to reply to it.

Maj. L’Enfant might also be directed to receive from the Marquis the Month’s pay of the french Officers in our service who become Members.

I must request you to procure Six or seven Copies of the Institution to be made out neatly, to transmit to the Gentlemen above mentioned. Major L’Enfant can bring them on with him.1

With great regard—

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.

Rocky Hill, 23d Octr., 1783.

Dear Sir,

Inclosed I transmit you Copy of a Proclamation of Congress for the dissolution of the Army, you will please to publish it to the Troops under your Orders. * * *

FAREWELL ORDERS TO THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

Rocky Hill,near Princeton,
[Sunday] 2 November 1783.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

West Point, 18 November, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Haerlem, 22 November, 1783.

Sir,

Lieutenant-Colonel Walker will have the honor to deliver this letter to your Excellency, and to assure you of the respectful consideration with which

I am, Sir, &c.1

TO JAMES McHENRY.

Philadelphia, Dec. 10th, 1783.

Dear Sir:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Annapolis, 20 December, 1783.

Sir,

TO BARON STEUBEN.

Annapolis, 23 December, 1783.

My dear Baron,

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON RESIGNING HIS COMMISSION.1

Annapolis, 23 December, 1783.

Mr. President,

[1 ]In a letter to General Washington recently received from Mr. Jones, the latter had written: “Reports are freely circulated here, that there are dangerous combinations in the army; and within a few days past it has been said, that they are about to declare they will not disband until their demands are complied with.”—Philadelphia, February 27th.

[2 ]Col. Walter Stewart.

[3 ]In a letter to Hamilton of much the same tenor, Washington wrote it was believed by some that the scheme “is the illegitimate offspring of a person in camp,” but ran his pen through the words. On seeing the second address, he added a postscript: “The contents evidently prove that the author is in, or near the camp; and that the following words, erazed on the second page of this letter, ought not to have met with this treatment, vizt., &c.”

[1 ]“Yesterday there was a meeting of the officers. The Commander in Chief came among us, and made a most excellent address; he appeared sensibly agitated; as the writer advises to ‘suspect the man who should advise to more moderation and longer forbearance,’ this expression, together with a second anonymous letter, which I have not seen, gave reason to suppose that it was a plan laid against his Excellency, as every one who knows him must be sensible that he would recommend moderation. The general having finished his address, retired. Gen’l Gates took the chair; the business of the day was conducted with order, moderation, and decency.”—Major J. A. Wright to Major John Webb, West Point, 16 March, 1783.

[1 ]The two letters here alluded to were published, and are contained in the Remembrancer, vol. xvi., pp. 200, 202. See also a series of documents in the Journals of Congress, under the date of April 24th.

[1 ]Read in Congress, March 22d. Referred to Osgood, Bland, Hamilton, Wolcott, and Peters. “It was observable that the part which the General had found it necessary, and thought it his duty, to take, would give birth to events much more serious, if they should not be obviated by the establishment of such funds as the General, as well as the army, had declared to be necessary.”—Madison Papers, i., 404.

[1 ]The packet Washington, commanded by Captain Barney, which sailed from L’Orient on the 17th of January, arrived in Philadelphia on the morning of the 12th of March, and brought the news of the preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain and the United States having been signed by the commissioners at Paris on the 30th of November.—Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. x., p. 117.

[1 ]The first intelligence of the signing of a general treaty of peace at Paris, on the 20th of January, was brought to America by the Triumph, a French armed vessel, sent by Lafayette from Count d’Estaing’s squadron at Cadiz. It arrived in Philadelphia in the afternoon of the 23d of March. The following letter was received by the President of Congress from the Marquis de Lafayette:

“Cadiz, 5 February, 1783.

“Sir,

“Having been at some pains to engage a vessel to go to Philadelphia, I now find myself happily relieved by the kindness of Count d’Estaing. He is just now pleased to tell me, that he will despatch a French ship, and, by way of compliment on the occasion, he has made choice of the Triumph. So that I am not without hopes of giving Congress the first tidings of a general peace; and I am happy in the smallest opportunity of doing any thing, that may prove agreeable to America.

“I have the honor to be, &c.

“Lafayette.”

[1 ]“Your Excellency will permit me, with the most lively sensations of gratitude and pleasure, to return you my warmest thanks for the communication, which you have been pleased to make to me and to the army, of the glorious news of a general peace; an event, which cannot fail to diffuse a general joy throughout the United States, but to none of their citizens more than to the officers and soldiers, who now compose the army. It is impossible for me to express the joy, with which I beg your Excellency to accept a return of my sincerest congratulations on this happiest of events. The commutation of the half-pay, and the measures adopted for the liquidation of their accounts, will give great satisfaction to the army; and will prove an additional tie to strengthen their confidence in the justice and benevolent intentions of Congress towards them.”—Washington to the President of Congress, 30 March, 1783.

[1 ]Livingston raised some objection, and on the 16th of April Washington wrote that while there was no man upon earth he had a greater inclination to serve than Lafayette, he “had not a wish to do it in matters that interfere with, or are repugnant to, our national policy, dignity, or interest.”

[1 ]“You will give the highest credit to my sincerity when I beg you to accept my warmest congratulations on this glorious and happy event [peace]—an event which crowns all our labors, and will sweeten the toils which we have experienced in the course of eight years distressing war. The army here universally participate in the general joy which this event has diffused, and from this consideration, together with the late resolutions of Congress, for the commutation of the half pay, and for a liquidation of all their accounts, their minds are filled with the highest satisfaction. I am sure you will join with me in this additional occasion of joy.

“It remains only for the States to be wise, and to establish their independence on the basis of an inviolable, efficacious union, and a firm confederation, which may prevent their being made the sport of European policy. May heaven give them wisdom to adopt the measures still necessary for this important purpose.”—Washington to Major-General Greene, 31 March, 1783.

[1 ]Early in April, and some days before this letter reached Bland, Congress appointed a committee consisting of Madison, Osgood, Wilson, Ellsworth, and Hamilton, the last-named being chairman, to consider what arrangements it would be proper to adopt in the different departments with reference to a peace. On the 9th, Hamilton informed Washington of such a committee, and wished for his “sentiments at large on such institutions of every kind for the interior defence of these States as may be best adapted to their circumstances, and conciliate security with economy and with the principles of our government. In this they will be glad if you will take as great latitude as you may think necessary.” Washington asked for the opinion of all the principal officers in camp, and also of Governor Clinton. Several of them presented memoirs of considerable length, entering into comprehensive and detailed views of what was called a peace establishment. From these papers a letter was framed extending to twenty-five folio pages, which was forwarded by the Commander-in-chief to the committee of Congress.

[1 ]Although the Spanish government, by the signature of the treaty of general peace at Paris, had assented to the independence of the United States, yet the king was not inclined to receive a person from America in a public diplomatic character at his court. After the declaration of peace, Mr. Carmichael, who had been Secretary of Legation under Mr. Jay, was appointed Chargé d’Affaires from the United States to Spain. He was already in Madrid, having remained there after Mr. Jay’s departure. The Spanish court declined receiving him in his public capacity. He wrote to the Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at Cadiz, and requested his aid. The Marquis repaired to Madrid, had an interview with the king, and with the principal minister, Count de Florida Blanca, and succeeded in procuring a recognition of Mr. Carmichael’s powers as Chargé d’Affaires from the United States. The conduct of the Marquis de Lafayette on this occasion was highly approved by Congress. See Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. x., pp. 24-39.

[1 ]Colonel Francis Barber was accidentally killed, while riding near the camp, by a falling tree, which a soldier was cutting. He was buried at New Windsor, on the 13th of February, with every mark of respect from the Commander-in-chief and the army. He had served through the war, and acquired the reputation, not more of an intelligent and brave officer, than of a man of estimable private qualities, possessing the confidence and esteem of the superior officers, and the affectionate attachment of his associates. An intimacy and friendship had subsisted between him and Lafayette.—Sparks.

[1 ]“Official accounts of the happy conclusion of a Peace have been transmitted by Sir Guy Carleton to General Haldimand at Quebec by his officers who passed thro’ this place a few days since, but as a very considerable time must elapse before these Gentlemen can arrive at Quebec and the news be communicated from thence to the British posts in the upper country, and as humanity dictates that not a moment should be lost in endeavoring to prevent any further incursions of the Indians (who it is said have already struck at Wyoming), I have thought it proper to write to General McLean, commanding the British Force in that quarter, and to inclose to him the King of Great Britain’s Proclamation for the cessation of Hostilities, and this Letter I must direct you to forward to him at Niagara by some trusty Indian runner with all possible expedition—the expense attending this business shall be repaid on your informing me of it.

“You will at the same time, give orders to the troops and Indians under your command to forbear all Acts of Hostility against the troops of his Brittanic Majesty other than for their own immediate defence.”—Washington to Colonel Marinus Willet, 14 April, 1783.

[1 ]Gouverneur Morris was strongly opposed to the officers looking to the individual States for redress. He was in favor of Continental funds, and believed these could be obtained by the united efforts of the public creditors and the army.—Morris to Greene, 15 February, 1783.

[1 ]Referring probably to some particular article. The blank is not filled in the draft.

[1 ]“You mention in your letter that tho’ your business in France is of a mercantile nature, it is your intention to travel in regimentals. On this I cannot help remarking, that there may be an impropriety in your appearing in a military dress when the war shall have ceased and the United States shall no longer have an army existing, and besides, to those acquainted with the country you are going to, it is well known that the military and the mercantile character is there totally different and inconsistent with each other; and however respectable the latter may be here, in France it is even deemed disgraceful for an officer to engage in commerce of any kind.”—Washington to Colonel Matthias Ogden, 19 April, 1783.

[1 ]Read 21 April. This letter was referred to a committee, Osgood, Bland, Hamilton, Madison, and Peters, in conformity with whose report it was resolved, that, in the opinion of Congress, the time of service of the men engaged for the war did not expire till the ratification of the definitive articles of peace; that those continuing in the service till that time should be allowed their arms and accoutrements; but that, nevertheless, discretion should be left with the Commander-in-chief to grant furloughs, or discharges, to those men, as he should judge most expedient.—Journals, April 23d.

A committee of Congress, composed of Hamilton, Peters, and Gorham, presented on the 23d of May a report recommending the discharge of all the non-commissioned officers and soldiers enlisted for the war. Madison, supported by Carroll, sought to have the report re-committed, but failed; and Williamson, seconded by Carroll, proposed that furloughs be granted to the men by the commander-in-chief, to be followed by a final discharge on the conclusion of a definitive peace. The southern members were solidly opposed to granting a discharge, and their votes, with Pennsylvania and Rhode Island lost by division, defeated the committee’s proposition. Three days after, the resolution to grant furloughs was taken up and passed, being a compromise between those who wished to get rid of the expense of keeping the men in the field, and those who thought it impolitic to disband the army whilst the British remained in the United States. Morris, who had urged the disbanding of the army, plainly telling Congress that the means of paying it even in paper would soon be gone, issued notes payable in six months, asked the States to receive them in payment of taxes, and with these paid off the army.

It was then resolved, “That the Commander-in-chief be instructed to grant furloughs to the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the United States enlisted to serve during the war, who shall be discharged as soon as the definitive treaty of peace is concluded, together with a proportionable number of commissioned officers of the different grades; and that the secretary at war and the Commander-in-chief take the proper measures for conducting those troops to their respective homes, in such a manner as may be most convenient to themselves and to the States through which they may pass; and that the men thus furloughed be allowed to take their arms with them.”—May 26th.

[1 ]The proclamation for a cessation of hostilities was agreed upon and adopted in Congress on the 11th of April. It is observable, that it was published in camp precisely eight years from the date of the first act of hostility at Lexington. General Heath describes the ceremony as follows:

“April 19th. At noon the proclamation of Congress for a cessation of hostilities was proclaimed at the door of the New Building, followed by three huzzas; after which a prayer was made by the Reverend Mr. Ganno, and an anthem (Independence, from Billings,) was performed by vocal and instrumental music.”—Memoirs, p. 371.

[1 ]To the principal points in this letter, Sir Guy Carleton wrote in reply:

“Considering the quantity of tonnage necessary for the evacuation of this place, and that most part of what we have at hand is now actually employed in this business, and in the removing of incumbrances, which must be sent off previous to our departure, I am reduced to the necessity of adopting the march of those prisoners by land; and I shall accordingly avail myself of your Excellency’s passport, and acquaint the minister at war of the choice I am obliged to make, and the reasons of it. I cannot decline the personal interview proposed by your Excellency, and purpose being in a frigate as near Tappan as may be, where I understand you mean to lodge. If I hear nothing from you to occasion an alteration, I intend being up, on the 5th of May, accompanied by a smaller vessel or two, for the accommodation of Lieutenant-Governor Elliot, Chief Justice William Smith, and part of my family.”—New York, April 24th.

[1 ]By a resolve of the 15th of April, the Commander-in-chief was instructed to make arrangements with the British commander for receiving possession of the posts held by the British troops in the United States, and for obtaining the delivery of all negroes and other property, which by the treaty were to be given up. It was also resolved that the Secretary at War, in conjunction with the Commander-in-chief, should concert measures for liberating all the land prisoners. They had recently met at Ringwood for this purpose.

[1 ]Read in Congress, May 6th.

[1 ]“The civil jurisdiction of Westchester County, Sir Guy appeared very willing, in his conversation, to relinquish to the State, but what reply he will make to the Governor, when he comes to reduce it to writing, I don’t know. Long Island he seemed to think could not be so easily delivered up. It would be attended with many inconveniences, and mentioned particularly the facility it would give to desertions, and the necessity of holding it for the accommodation of those people who must eventually be obliged to leave the country. Staten Island was also necessary for his convenience.”—Washington to Robert R. Livingston, 13 May, 1783.

[1 ]In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested, that Congress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and assist such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty, and “that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction of the letter or spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered.”—Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. xi., p. 335. The commissioners appointed by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the 8th of May.

Soon after the commissioners arrived in New York, General Washington sent to Colonel Smith a list of the titles of books, which he had selected from a catalogue published by a bookseller in a gazette, and which he requested Colonel Smith to purchase for him. The reader may be curious to know the kind of works to which his thoughts were at this time directed. They were the following: Life of Charles the Twelfth; Life of Louis the Fifteenth; Life and Reign of Peter the Great; Robertson’s History of America; Voltaire’s Letters; Vertot’s Revolution of Rome, and Revolution of Portugal; Life of Gustavus Adolphus; Sully’s Memoirs; Goldsmith’s Natural History; Campaigns of Marshal Turenne; Chambaud’s French and English Dictionary; Locke on the Human Understanding; Robertson’s Charles the Fifth.

[1 ]“The breach of that [article] which stipulated a restoration of negroes, will be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to the British Court, with a demand of reparation; and in the meantime Genl: Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at New York.”—Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27 May, 1783.

“Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their description—their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give you. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much obliged by your securing them, so that I may obtain them again.”—Washington to Daniel Parker, 28 April, 1783.

[2 ]Col. Walter Stewart.

“Cadiz, 5 February, 1783.

“Sir,

“I have the honor to be, &c.

“Lafayette.”

[1 ]Referring probably to some particular article. The blank is not filled in the draft.

[1 ]Read in Congress, May 6th.

[1 ]Putnam had been absent from the army since December, 1779.

[1 ]“I have at times through the course of this winter had much anxiety from the disposition of the troops in this Department, but happily the prospects of peace have given me much relief, and we shall I hope be able to quit the field without any disgraceful excesses. The principal uneasiness now remaining, arises from an anxiety and impatience of the men for the war, who have their minds impressed with an idea that the war is at an end, and that they are entitled to their discharges. If the definitive treaty is not too long delayed, I have a hope that even this circumstance will pass over easier than has been feared.”—Washington to Major General Greene, 18 May, 1783.

[1 ]The address represented the distresses resulting from the measures incident to the resolution of Congress of May 26th. The two subjects of complaint were the delay in the three months’ payment, and the want of a settlement of accounts. To obviate them Washington gave assurances that Congress was attentive to the matter, and he wrote to the President, on the 7th: “While I consider it a tribute of justice on this occasion, to mention the temperate and orderly behavior of the whole army, and particularly the accommodating spirit of the officers in arranging themselves to the command of the battalions, which will be composed of the three years’ men, permit me to recall to mind all their former sufferings and merits, and to recommend their reasonable request to the early and favorable notice of Congress.” A committee, composed of Hamilton, Bland, and Madison, approved of what Washington had done, and sent his letter to the States, with a recommendation to “facilitate the punctual payment of the notes issued to the army.”—Journals of Congress, 19 June, 1783.

[1 ]“The arrival of Gen. Washington’s circular letter excited this hope [of a passage of the impost law] in the minds of the sanguine; but its effect is momentary; and perhaps it will hereafter be accepted by the assembly with disgust. For the murmur is free and general against what is called the unsolicited obtrusion of his advice.”—Randolph to Madison, 28 June, 1783.

[1 ]The legislatures that were sitting when this letter was received, passed resolves highly honorary to the Commander-in-chief; and the governors of the States wrote letters to him expressing thanks and gratitude for his long, devoted, and successful services in the cause of his country.

[1 ]In his instructions Major-General Howe was told the object of his command was “to suppress a mutiny, which has taken place amongst a part of the Pennsylvania troops; in the accomplishment of which you will be governed by your own discretion, until you can receive the orders of Congress. Should the tumult have subsided, you will meet directions from his Excellency, the President, countermanding your march. You will then return by easy movements.”—25 June, 1783.

[1 ]In consequence of the mutinous temper and menacing conduct of armed soldiers in Philadelphia, Congress resolved, “that the secretary at war be directed to communicate to the Commander-in-chief the state and disposition of the said troops, in order that he may take measures to despatch to this city such force as he may judge expedient for suppressing any disturbances that may ensue.”—Journals, June 21st. Congress adjourned the same day, and reassembled at Princeton, in New Jersey, on the 30th. The causes of this change of residence, and the particulars concerning the mutiny, are explained in a report of a committee entered in the Journals of Congress. Hamilton’s Works, viii., 124, and Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, xiii., 654.

[1 ]Elizabeth Parke, born 21 August, 1776; Martha Parke, born 31 December, 1777; Eleanor Parke, born 21 March, 1779; and George Washington Parke, born 30 April, 1781.

[1 ]“A report prevails here [in Va.], said to come from Philadelphia, that our worthy general has become so unpopular in his army, that no officer will dine with him. The report is so improbable that I give no credit to it, yet I am anxious to hear from you on the subject, and also to know in what state the definitive treaty is and what now obstructs the signing of it.”—Benjamin Harrison to the Virginia Delegates in Congress, 12 July, 1783. “We do not know,” they replied on July 27th, “any color of reason for the report you mention relative to our Commander-in-chief. On the contrary, we believe that his popularity, like his merit, has not suffered the smallest diminution.”

[1 ]In compliance with these instructions, Baron Steuben proceeded to Canada. He reached Chamblee on the 2d of August, and thence sent forward his aid-de-camp, Major North, to Quebec, with a message to General Haldimand announcing the object of his mission. General Haldimand was just on the eve of his departure for the upper country, and he met Baron Steuben at Sorel, on the 8th of August. In regard to the first point of the instructions, General Haldimand said that he had not received orders for making any arrangements to evacuate the posts, nor for any other object than a cessation of hostilities, with which he had strictly complied. A request for passports to visit the posts, on the part of Baron Steuben, was likewise refused by General Haldimand, upon the same ground of want of orders. In short, he did not feel himself authorized to enter into any negotiations whatever, respecting the objects for which Baron Steuben had come to Canada, and the latter returned from Sorel to the American army.

[1 ]Congress had passed a resolve requesting the attendance of General Washington as soon as should be convenient, after his return from the northward.—Journals, July 28th.

Washington wrote to McHenry to know the meaning of the resolution, saying:

“I am left ignorant of the particular objects Congress have in view, any further than can be collected from the expressions of his [the President of Congress] and your letters. So far then, as they may relate to a Peace establishment, my sentiments in the freest and fullest manner have been communicated to a committee, of which Colo. Hamilton was Chairman. If the principal object in view, by my attendance, respects Congress, I cannot hesitate a moment to make the earliest compliance in my power. But, if the resolution is calculated for my own convenience, I cannot say, that it will render my situation more eligible than the present, especially taking into consideration the inconvenience of a removal for so small a distance, and a new establishment of a household, which must be formed in consequence of breaking up the menial part of my family here.

“My principal intention, in my letter of the 16th ultimo, was to express the disagreeableness of my present situation, waiting as I am, with little business and less command, for the definitive treaty, when I have so anxious a desire of retiring from public business, and re-establishing myself in domestic life, where my private concerns call loudly for my presence.”—6 August, 1783.

On these points Mr. McHenry replied as follows:

“The first motive for bringing you here was to get you out of a disagreeable situation to one less disagreeable. The second was to get your assistance and advice in the arrangements for peace. It may be necessary, besides, to consult you respecting promotions, and on a variety of military subjects. I believe, on the whole, that your being near Congress will be a public good. I send you the address to be made to you from the chair, which will serve to explain the intentions of Congress.”—Princeton, August 11th.

A house, suitably furnished, was engaged by Congress for the use of General Washington, situated at Rocky Hill, between three and four miles from Princeton.

[1 ]Read in Congress, August 11th. On September 10th, referred to Duane, Peters, Carroll, Hawkins, and Arthur Lee.

While this letter was writing, the members of Congress had under consideration a mode of conferring new honors on the man who had rendered such distinguished services to his country; and the next day the following resolves were passed.

“Resolved unanimously, (ten States being present) that an equestrian statue of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence of Congress shall be established.

“Resolved, that the statue be of bronze; the General to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled with a laurel wreath; the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to be represented, in basso-rilievo, the following principal events of the war, in which General Washington commanded in person; namely, the evacuation of Boston; the capture of the Hessians at Trenton; the battle of Princeton; the action of Monmouth; and the surrender of York. On the upper part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows, ‘The United States, in Congress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord 1783, in honor of George Washington, the illustrious Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States of America, during the war, which vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty, and independence.’

“Resolved, that a statue conformable to the above plan be executed by the best artist in Europe, under the superintendence of the minister of the United States at the court of Versailles, and that money to defray the expense of the same be furnished from the treasury of the United States.

“Resolved, that the secretary of Congress transmit to the minister of the United States at the court of Versailles the best resemblance of General Washington, that can be procured, for the purpose of having the above statue erected, together with the fittest description of the events, which are to be the subject of the basso-rilievo.”—Journals, August 7th.—Sparks.

This statue, “the only mark of public gratitude,” wrote the French Minister to Luzerne “which Washington can accept, and the only one which the government in its poverty can offer,” has never been executed.

[1 ]Among others who took this opportunity of recalling themselves to Washington was a Major Ellis, an officer in the British army. Washington replied on July 10th: “You profess not to be a panegyrist, while you are bestowing the most exalted praise; but, compliments apart, I received your very polite letter of the 25th of March with much pleasure. It recalled to my remembrance some of the pleasing occurrences of my past life, and reminded me of the acquaintances I had formed in it; for whom, though separated by time, distance, and political sentiments, I retain the same friendship.

“I was opposed to the policy of Great Britain, and became an enemy to her measures; but I always distinguished between a cause and individuals; and, while the latter supported their opinions upon liberal and generous grounds, personally I never could be an enemy to them.”

[1 ]Read in Congress, August 22d.

From the Orderly Book.—“The Commander-in-chief, having been requested by Congress to give his attendance at Princeton, proposes to set out for that place to-morrow; but he expects to have the pleasure of seeing the army again before he retires to private life. During his absence, Major-General Knox will retain the command of the troops, and all reports are to be made to him accordingly.”—August 17th.

This is the last record entered in the Orderly Book. General Washington arrived at Princeton, and had a formal public audience of Congress on the 26th of August.

In a letter dated 17 August, 1783, Carleton informed the President of Congress of the late arrival of the June packet, bringing him private orders for the evacuation of New York, and that there should be no delay “as far as it depends upon me in fulfilling his Majesty’s commands.” He also expressed a wish that the violence shown against the loyalists might abate, as he would feel in honor bound to extend to them such protection as their loyalty demanded, notwithstanding his orders.

[1 ]When General Washington entered the hall of Congress, he was attended and introduced by two members, and the following Address (to which the above was a reply) was made to him by the President, Elias Boudinot:

“Congress feel a particular pleasure in seeing your Excellency, and in congratulating you on the success of a war, in which you have acted so conspicuous a part.

“It has been the particular happiness of the United States, that, during a war so long, so dangerous, and so important, Providence has been graciously pleased to preserve the life of a general, who has merited and possessed the uninterrupted confidence and affection of his fellow citizens. In other nations, many have performed eminent services, for which they have deserved the thanks of the public. But to you, Sir, peculiar praise is due. Your services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and independence of your country. They deserve the grateful acknowledgments of a free and independent nation. Those acknowledgments Congress have the satisfaction of expressing to your Excellency.

“Hostilities have now ceased; but your country still needs your services. She wishes to avail herself of your talents in forming the arrangements, that will be necessary for her security in the time of peace. For this reason your attendance at Congress has been requested. A committee is appointed to confer with your Excellency, and to receive your assistance in preparing and digesting plans relative to those important objects.”

[1 ]It was the opinion of Colonel Smith that there were not less than fifteen thousand persons in New York who wished to remain, and were not conscious of any other crime than that of residing within the British lines, but who would be driven from the country if rigid laws were put in execution against them; “in consequence of which,” said he, “upon the evacuation we shall find a city destitute of inhabitants, and settlements made on our frontiers by a people, who (their minds being soured by the severity of their treatment,) will prove troublesome neighbors, and perhaps lay the foundation of future contests, which I suppose it would be for the interest of our country to avoid.”

[2 ]Mrs. Stockton was Annis Boudinot, a sister of Elias Boudinot, and wife of Richard Stockton, of New Jersey. She was the writer of the stanzas sung by the ladies of Trenton when Washington passed through that place on his journey to New York, to be inaugurated President.

[1 ]“I have learnt since I came to this place that you are at Borden Town; whether for the sake of retirement or œconomy I know not, be it either—for both—or whatever it may, if you will come to this place and partake of my Board, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you at it. Your presence may remind Congress of your past services to this Country, and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best exertions with freedom, as they will be rendered chearfully by one who entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works.”—Washington to Thomas Paine, 10 September, 1783.

“Perhaps, among the multiplicity of public concerns, an attention to the situation of the troops on furlough, may have yielded to more urgent business; but this being also a matter of importance, I take the liberty of bringing it to view; as, on the footing they stand at present, a considerable expence without the prospect of an adequate benefit, is incurred; unless the impolicy of giving by public Proclamation, authenticity to the discharges while the British forces remain in New York, can be deemed such. I call them discharges, because it is in this light the Furloughs have all along been considered; and no call, I am persuaded, will ever bring the common soldiery back to their colors—the whole matter therefore lyes, in ballancing properly between the expence of delay, and the public annunciation at an epocha which may be premature.”—Washington to the President of Congress, 19 September, 1783.

[1 ]“I have it in contemplation to make a tour thro’ all the Eastern States, thence into Canada, thence up the St. Laurence and thro’ the lakes to Detroit, thence to Lake Michigan by land or water, thence through the Western Country, by the river Illinois to the river Mississippi, and down the same to New Orleans, thence into Georgia by the way of Pensacola, and then thro’ the two Carolinas home. A great tour this, you will say. Probably it may take place nowhere but in imagination, tho’ it is my wish to begin it in the latter end of April of next year.”—Washington to the Marquis de Lafayette, 12 October, 1783.

[1 ]“All the officers who chose to make use of Major L’Enfant’s agency to obtain the badge of the society, not only commissioned him to bring them from France, but furnished him with the means. I did this myself for six or eight. He brought many more, I have some reason to believe on a speculating scheme, and demanded so much for them as, if my memory serves me, to disgust many members of the society, and induce them to apply to an artist in Philadelphia, who, it was said, would not only execute them as well (and without the defect which was discovered in the French ones), but furnish them cheaper.”—Washington to Knox, 1 June, 1786.

[1 ]Since Carleton’s letter to Congress of August 17th nothing further was determined on the time when the city would be turned over to the Americans. November 6th Washington pointedly asked the British Commander when he expected to embark, and received a reply that the troops would be withdrawn before the end of the month. “At all events, I propose to relinquish the posts at Kingsbridge, and as far as McGowans Pass inclusive on this Island, on the 21st instant; to resign the possession of Herrick’s and Hamptead, with all to the eastward on Long Island, on the same day; and if possible, to give this city with Brooklyn, on the day following; and Paulus Hook, Dennis’s, and Staten Island, as soon after as may be practicable.”

Washington had a conference with Governor Clinton on the 14th, and the latter issued a proclamation, dated the 15th of November, giving notice of the day appointed by Sir Guy Carleton for evacuating the city, and summoning the several members of the council of New York to convene at East Chester, on the 21st, with a view of immediately establishing civil government in the districts of the State hitherto occupied by the British troops; and at the same time enjoining and requiring the inhabitants of such parts to yield due obedience to the laws of the State, and to be vigilant in preserving the public peace and good order.

[1 ]“If I have proper assurances that we shall retain a free and uninterrupted use of the ship yard and Hallett’s wharf in New York and the Brewery and Bake House on Long Island (which the admiral represents as indispensably necessary for the shipping and sick seamen), until we can be ready to take our final departure, I shall retire from this city and from Brooklyn on Tuesday next at noon, or as soon after as wind and weather may permit.”—Carleton to Washington, 19 November, 1783.

[1 ]The evacuation was postponed for two days by bad weather, but on the morning of the 25th of November, the troops, who had come down from West Point, marched from Haerlem to the Bowery, in the upper part of the city of New York. Here they remained till about one o’clock, when the British troops left the posts in that quarter, and the American troops immediately marched into the city. Washington and Clinton followed, escorted by the civil officers of the States and many citizens. In the evening the Governor gave a public dinner at Fraunces’ Tavern, at which Washington and his general officers were present. An account of the evacuation, with the addresses and replies, may be found in the Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York, 1870. On December 2d Washington sincerely wished Sir Guy and his troops a “safe and pleasant passage.”

An affecting account of the manner in which he took leave of the officers, who had so long been his associates in arms, is contained in Marshall’s Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 619. In all the principal towns through which he passed, on his way to Annapolis, where Congress was assembling, he was met with the congratulations of his fellow-citizens, and addresses were presented to him by many public bodies, including the legislatures of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland; the American Philosophical Society, and the University of Pennsylvania; the citizens of towns in their corporate capacity, religious societies, and various incorporated associations.

[2 ]Mr. J. W. M. Lee, of the Maryland Historical Society, gave me this from a printed copy, in a sale of autographs from the McHenry papers, at Baltimore, December, 1859, where the letter brought $21. It was printed in the HistoricalMagazine, xii., 361, and in the Magazine of American History, v., 129, but in the latter case it was not known to whom the letter was written.

[1 ]A committee, composed of Jefferson, Gerry, and McHenry, prepared the following report, which was adopted by Congress:

“Resolved That the order for the public audience of General Washington be as follows:

“1. The President and members are to be seated and covered and the Secy. to be standing by the side of the president.

“2. The arrival of the general is to be announced by the Messenger to the Secy.—who is thereupon to introduce the general attended by his Aids to the hall of Congress.

“3. The general being conducted to a chair by the Secy. is to be seated with an Aid on each side standing and the Secy. is to resume his place.

“4. After a proper time for the arrangement of spectators silence is to be ordered by the Secy.—if necessary and the president is to address the general in the following words:

“ ‘Sir, The United States in Congress assembled are prepared to receive your communications.’

“Where upon the general is to arise and address Congress, after which he is to deliver his Commission and a copy of his address to the president.

“5. The general having resumed his place the President is to deliver the answer of Congress which the general is to receive standing.

“6. The President having finished, the Secy. is to deliver the general a copy of the answer and the general is then to take his leave.

“When the general rises to make his address and also when he retires he is to bow to Congress, which they are to return by uncovering without bowing. 22 December, 1783.”

[1 ]The original of this address is in the Maryland Historical Society, as one of the McHenry MSS. Mr. Lee, the librarian, says it is all in Washington’s writing, and he has noted for me some alterations which are not without interest.

[1 ]“request permission to retire.”

[2 ]“as well as in the contemplation of our prospects of national happiness.”

[3 ]“direction.”

[4 ]“and final.”

[5 ]“ultimate leave.”

[6 ]“If my commission is not necessary for the files of Congress, I should be glad to have it deposited among my own papers. It may serve my grandchildren, some fifty or an hundred years hence, for a theme to ruminate upon, if they should be contemplatively disposed.”—Washington to Charles Thomson, 22 January, 1784.

From Mr. Thomson’s Reply.—“With respect to your commission, I have to inform you, that, previous to the receipt of your letter, it had been in agitation among the members to have an order passed for returning it to you in a gold box. A motion has accordingly been made to that effect, which was received with general approbation, and referred to a committee to be drawn up in proper terms. The committee have not yet reported. But I have not the least doubt of its being returned to you in a way, that will be satisfactory; and I heartily wish, that this sacred deposit may be preserved by your children and children’s children to the latest posterity, and may prove an incentive to them to emulate the virtues of their worthy and great progenitor.”—Annapolis, February 7th.

This intention it seems was never fulfilled. The original commission was retained, and is deposited in the Department of State of the United States.

[1 ]Putnam had been absent from the army since December, 1779.

[1 ]Elizabeth Parke, born 21 August, 1776; Martha Parke, born 31 December, 1777; Eleanor Parke, born 21 March, 1779; and George Washington Parke, born 30 April, 1781.

[1 ]“request permission to retire.”

[2 ]“as well as in the contemplation of our prospects of national happiness.”

[3 ]“direction.”

[4 ]“and final.”

[5 ]“ultimate leave.”

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1783. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

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1783.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Dear Sir,

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

With great truth, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

Sir,

My dear Sir,

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.1

Dear Bushrod,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON,

My dear Brother,

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Dear Lund,

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Dear Sir,

TO GOVERNOR BENJAMIN HARRISON.

Dear Sir,

TO SAMUEL OGDEN.

Sir,

TO MAJOR THOMAS LANSDALE.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Sir:

My Dear Marquis,

TO ELIAS BOUDINOT, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.1

Sir,

My dear Marquis Yrs. &c.

TO THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE.

Sir,

I have the honor to be, &c.1

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

My dear Sir,

I have the honor to be, &c.1

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

My dear Sir,

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.

Dear Sir,

TO COLONEL BLAND.

Sir,

With much Regard, I am, &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Dear Sir,

Dear Lund,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

TO THEODORICK BLAND.

Dear Sir,

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.

TO THEODORICK BLAND.

With great esteem &c.

Sir,

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.1

Dear Sir,

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Sir:

My dear Marquis
Yrs. &c.

My dear Marquis
Yrs. &c.