- To Major-general Greene.
- The Writings of George Washington.
- 1782.
- To Brigadier-general Hazen.
- To Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens.
- To Lieutenant-general James Robertson. 1
- To James Mchenry.
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Major-general Greene.
- Circular Letter to the States.
- To John P. Posey.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the Marquis De Vaudreuil.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To Robert Morris.
- To the Chevalier De Chastellux. [extract.]
- To the Secretary At War.
- To the Count De Rochambeau.
- To Colonel Lewis Nicola.
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Brigadier-general Hazen.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Colonel Elias Dayton.
- To Major-general Knox. Instructions.
- To Major-general Lincoln.
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Archibald Cary.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To Robert Morris.
- To James Mchenry.
- To Joseph Reed.
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Thomas Paine.
- To Robert R. Livingston.
- To John Dickinson, President of Delaware.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Lieutenant-colonel Tench Tilghman.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To the President of Congress.
- To James Duane, In Congress.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To the Secretary At War. 1
- To Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens.
- To James Mchenry.
- To James Mchenry.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To Governor Clinton.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To John P. Posey.
- To the Marquis De Vaudreuil.
- To Doctor William Gordon. 1
- To Captain Charles Asgill. 1
- To Lund Washington.
- To the Chevalier De Chastellux. [extract.]
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Lund Washington.
- To the Count De Rochambeau.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Major Benjamin Tallmadge.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Count De Rochambeau.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To Major-general Knox. Instructions.
- To Bartholomew Dandridge.
- To the Secretary At War.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To James Mchenry.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Joseph Reed.
- To Thomas Paine.
- To Tench Tilghman.
- To Robert R. Livingston.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Bushrod Washington. 1
- To Major-general Greene.
- To John Augustine Washington,
- To James Duane, In Congress.
- To the Secretary At War. 1
- To Samuel Ogden.
- To Major Thomas Lansdale.
- To James Mchenry.
- To Elias Boudinot, President of Congress. 1
- To Governor Clinton.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To Doctor William Gordon. 1
- To Captain Charles Asgill. 1
- To Lund Washington.
- To Lund Washington.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Lund Washington.
- To Benjamin Harrison.
- To Count De Vergennes.
- To Major Benjamin Tallmadge.
- To Alexander Hamilton, In Congress. 1
- To Count De Rochambeau.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Bartholomew Dandridge.
- To the President of Congress.
- Address to the Officers. 1
- To Major-general Greene.
- 1783.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Tench Tilghman.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To Bushrod Washington. 1
- To the President of Congress.
- To John Augustine Washington,
- To Lund Washington.
- To Robert R. Livingston.
- To Governor Benjamin Harrison.
- To Samuel Ogden.
- To Major Thomas Lansdale.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Elias Boudinot, President of Congress. 1
- To the Chevalier De La Luzerne.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To Robert R. Livingston.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To Colonel Bland.
- To Alexander Hamilton, In Congress.
- To Lund Washington.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Theodorick Bland.
- To Benjamin Harrison.
- To Theodorick Bland.
- To Alexander Hamilton, In Congress. 1
- To Robert Morris.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- Address to the Officers. 1
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To Alexander Hamilton, In Congress.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Joseph Jones, In Congress.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To Lund Washington.
- To Robert R. Livingston.
- To Tench Tilghman.
- To Governor Benjamin Harrison.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- Substance of the Conference Between Gen. Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, At an Interview At Orangetown, 6th May, 1783.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To the Chevalier De La Luzerne.
- To Major-general Putnam.
- To Robert R. Livingston.
- To Robert Morris.
- To Colonel Bland.
- To Major-general Heath.
- To Alexander Hamilton, In Congress.
- Circular Letter Addressed to the Governors of All the States On Disbanding the Army.
- To Theodorick Bland.
- To Theodorick Bland.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Lund Washington. [extract.]
- To the President of Congress.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Alexander Hamilton, In Congress.
- To Dr. William Gordon.
- To the President of Congress.
- To M. Marbois.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To Alexander Hamilton.
- To George William Fairfax.
- To Baron Steuben. Instructions.
- To Tench Tilghman.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- Substance of the Conference Between Gen. Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, At an Interview At Orangetown, 6th May, 1783.
- To the President of Congress. 1
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To Robert Stewart.
- To Major-general Putnam.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Robert Morris.
- Address to the President and Members of Congress. 1
- To Major-general Heath.
- To Lieutenant-colonel William S. Smith.
- To Mrs. Richard Stockton. 2
- Circular Letter Addressed to the Governors of All the States On Disbanding the Army.
- To James Duane, In Congress.
- Observations Upon a Peace Establishment.
- To Lund Washington. [extract.]
- To the President of Congress.
- To Governor Clinton.
- To Lund Washington.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Dr. William Gordon.
- To Samuel Huntington, Chairman.
- To M. Marbois.
- To the Chevalier De Chastellux.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To George William Fairfax.
- To Baron Steuben. Instructions.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To the President of Congress.
- Farewell Orders to the Armies of the United States.
- To the President of Congress. 1
- To the President of Congress.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To Robert Stewart.
- To James Mchenry.
- To the President of Congress.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Baron Steuben.
- Address to the President and Members of Congress. 1
- General Washington’s Address to Congress On Resigning His Commission. 1
- To Lieutenant-colonel William S. Smith.
- To Mrs. Richard Stockton. 2
- To James Duane, In Congress.
- Observations Upon a Peace Establishment.
- To Governor Clinton.
- To Lund Washington.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Samuel Huntington, Chairman.
- To the Chevalier De Chastellux.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Major-general Knox.
- Farewell Orders to the Armies of the United States.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Sir Guy Carleton.
- To James Mchenry.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Baron Steuben.
- General Washington’s Address to Congress On Resigning His Commission. 1
- 1784.
- To Jonathan Trumbull, Junior.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Thomas Lewis. 1
- To Jonathan Trumbull, Junior.
- To Gilbert Simpson.
- Memorandum to John Lewis.
- To the President of Congress.
- To Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Dolphin Drew.
- To Thomas Lewis. 1
- To Captain Fielding Lewis.
- To John Witherspoon.
- To Gilbert Simpson.
- Memorandum to John Lewis.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Dolphin Drew.
- To Captain Fielding Lewis.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To John Witherspoon.
- To Tench Tilghman.
- To Dr. James Craik.
- To Thomas Jefferson, In Congress.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Hugh Williamson, In Congress.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Tench Tilghman.
- To the Marchioness De Lafayette.
- To Dr. James Craik.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Thomas Jefferson, In Congress.
- To Governor Trumbull.
- To Rufus Putnam.
- To Hugh Williamson, In Congress.
- To James Madison.
- To Dr. James Craik.
- To Clement Biddle.
- To the Marchioness De Lafayette.
- To Jacob Read. 2
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To Count De Rochambeau.
- To Governor Trumbull.
- Certificate to Mr. James Rumsey. 1
- To Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia.
- To Rufus Putnam.
- To James Madison.
- To Dr. James Craik.
- To Clement Biddle.
- To Jacob Read. 2
- To Jacob Read.
- To Count De Rochambeau.
- To George Clinton, Governor of New York.
- Certificate to Mr. James Rumsey. 1
- To Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia.
- To Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress. 2
- 1785.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Jacob Read.
- To George Clinton, Governor of New York.
- To Benjamin Harrison.
- To Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress.
- To Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress. 2
- To Rev. William Gordon.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Hugh Williamson, In Congress.
- To Richard Henry Lee.
- To Benjamin Harrison.
- To James Duane.
- To Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress.
- To Francis Hopkinson.
- To Rev. William Gordon.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To Hugh Williamson, In Congress.
- To Burwell Bassett.
- To Richard Henry Lee.
- To William Minor.
- To James Duane.
- To Tench Tilghman. 1
- To William Goddard.
- To Francis Hopkinson.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To Major-general Greene.
- To William Grayson.
- To Burwell Bassett.
- To Richard Henry Lee.
- To William Minor.
- To George William Fairfax.
- To Tench Tilghman. 1
- To William Goddard.
- To Major-general Knox.
- To David Humphreys.
- To William Grayson.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To Richard Henry Lee.
- To George William Fairfax.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To David Humphreys.
- To Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress.
- To the Marquis De Lafayette.
- To James Mchenry, In Congress.
- To William Grayson, In Congress.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To John De Neufville.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To James Mchenry, In Congress.
- To George Mason.
- To William Grayson, In Congress.
- To John De Neufville.
- To Edmund Randolph.
- To Thomas Jefferson.
- To George Mason.
TO SIR GUY CARLETON.
Even supposing the best, that the Attempt should succeed and the object be gained, I am much in doubt, whether, without a superior naval force to be maintained on these Coasts we should be able to retain the post, as it would ever be subject to a renewed Attempt from the Enemy in Case we should keep up a Garrison there: or in Case of Evacuation, they might at any Time repossess the post, and continue the same Annoyance, that they now give up.
Head-Quarters, 10 May, 1782.
Sir,
Under these Considerations (without giving you any further Trouble) it is my Decided Opinion that the Object in contemplation is not of Importance, sufficient to justify the Hazzards and Risques which must probably be encountered in the Attempt to obtain it.
I had the honor last evening to receive your Excellency’s letter of the 7th, with the several papers enclosed. Ever since the commencement of this unnatural war, my conduct has borne invariable testimony against those inhuman excesses, which, in too many instances, have marked its various progress. With respect to a late transaction, to which I presume your Excellency alludes, I have already expressed my resolution, a resolution, formed on the most mature deliberation, and from which I shall not recede. I have to inform your Excellency, that your request of a passport for Mr. Morgann, to go to Philadelphia, shall be conveyed to Congress by the earliest opportunity; and I will embrace the first moment, that I shall have it in my power, to communicate to you their determination thereon.
While I offer you this Opinion, Sir, I beg you will esteem it as coming from a Heart not only candid in its Sentiments, but at the same Time penetrated with a Sense of the Highest Gratitude to you for the noble Offer of your Assistance, which, it is our misfortune, that under present Circumstances, we are not able to avail ourselves of.
Many inconveniences and disorders having arisen from an improper admission of flags at various posts of the two armies, which have given rise to complaints on both sides; to prevent abuses in future, and for the convenience of communication, I have concluded to receive all flags, from within your lines, at the post of Dobbs’s Ferry, and nowhere else, so long as the head-quarters of the two armies remain as at present.
After giving you the foregoing Opinion upon present Appearances, I have only to add that in Case Circumstances should turn up so differently to our present Ideas, that you should, with the Advice of Genl. de Choisy think the attempt practicable, I can only refer you to the State of Massa. for such aid in Men, Cannon, Mortars, & Stores, as you shall judge necessary, it being the only practicable mode in which I can coöperate with your designs—and this Recommendation shall be most cheerfully given.
I have the honor to be, &c.
The Chevalier de la Luzerne has requested me to establish a regular Chain of Communication between my Head Quarters and Boston, for the purpose of giving you the earliest Intelligence of every minute Circumstance that may occur respecting the Arrival or Operations of the British fleet at N. York, and for the purpose of free Intercourse with you on any other Circumstance that may turn up. You may depend, Sir, that this Establishment shall be immediately formed, and that every Service I can possibly render you in this or in any other Way in my power shall be most cheerfully afforded.
On the very day on which Congress received Washington’s letter, Madison could write that the request of Carleton “will certainly be refused, and General Washington directed to receive and forward any despatches which may be properly addressed to Congress,” and when an audience was given to the French minister, on the 13th, “it was deemed politic at this crisis to display every proper evidence of affectionate attachment to our ally.”
“Sir Guy Carleton attempted to commence a correspondence with Congress, but that assembly wholly declined his advances. He then wrote to some of the governors of the States, but their answers were equally pointed and repulsive. He next addressed himself to the people, not directly, but through the channel of the newspapers in New York; exhorting them to change their leaders and recall their present members of Congress, and speaking of the new disposition for reconciliation and peace on the part of the mother country; but all without effect. Another attempt is to humiliate Congress by representing them to be under the influence of France, and particularly of the French minister in the United States. But he has used another instrument more powerful than these. He treats all the Americans, who fall into his hands, with extreme kindness; exhorts them not to bear arms against Great Britain; admits freely into New York the wives of the captains of vessels, which have been taken and brought into that harbor, and at their solicitation releases their husbands. And he has even written to General Washington, that he will send back the captured Carolinians in the King’s ships and at the King’s expense; and that he would do all in his power to cause them to forget their past injuries.”—Luzerne to Vergennes, 14 June, 1782.
It was decided by Congress, that the Commander-in-chief should be directed to refuse a passport for Mr. Morgann to bring despatches to Philadelphia.—Journals, May 14th. The advances of Sir Guy Carleton bore so strong a similarity to those of the commissioners in 1778, which proved delusive and fruitless, that Congress deemed it advisable not to open any door for an intercourse through this channel, and more especially as the business of negotiating a peace was entrusted to the American commissioners in Europe.
Had the tenor of Sir Guy Carleton’s instructions been known in America, it is probable that a more conciliating temper would have been shown by Congress. The late change of ministry had produced a change in the determinations of the British Cabinet, and in the measures for prosecuting the war, wholly unexpected and as yet not even conjectured in the United States. This will appear by the following extracts from the directions of the new secretary at war to Sir Guy Carleton when he left England:
“The first object of your attention must be the withdrawing of the garrison, artillery, provisions, stores of all kinds, and every species of public property from New York and its dependencies to Halifax. The same steps are to be taken with reference to the garrisons of Charleston and Savannah. The garrison of St. Augustine you will determine upon according to circumstances on your arrival. The execution of the whole, both in point of mode and time, is left to your discretion. In case you should meet with obstructions by any attack supported by a formidable force, or from disappointments, so that it will not be in your power to effect the evacuation without great hazard of considerable loss, an early capitulation, which may secure the main object, is thought preferable to an obstinate defence of the place without hope of answering any national purpose by it.
“In the execution of his Majesty’s command you must always bear in recollection, that the removal and reservation of his Majesty’s troops for his service is the immediate object, to which all other considerations must give way. But you must likewise lose no time to avail yourself of the change of measures which has lately taken place, for the purpose of reconciling the minds and affections of his Majesty’s American subjects, by such open and generous conduct as may serve to captivate their hearts, and remove every suspicion of insincerity. With this view, it may be well worthy of your most serious consideration, whether, though you should not meet with the obstructions we have now too much reason to apprehend, it would not be best to take the part of communicating, immediately upon your arrival, the enclosed resolutions of the House of Commons, bearing as they do incontestable marks of the universal sense of the kingdom, and his Majesty’s resolution, in consequence, of withdrawing the troops. You may state every circumstance, if occasion offers, which has passed or is passing here, which can tend to revive old affections or extinguish late jealousies. You may observe, that the most liberal sentiments have taken root in the nation.”—MS. Instructions to Sir Guy Carleton, April 4th.
It is obvious from these instructions that Sir Guy Carleton had a very delicate and difficult task to perform, especially as in the present state of feeling in America it would have been impossible for him to make himself believed for a moment, if he had communicated the sentiments of the British ministry. Even the cautious course which he found it necessary to adopt excited suspicions of his sincerity, and an apprehension that some design was at bottom which required to be guarded against, as is manifest from Washington’s letters and all the proceedings of Congress. No one had dreamed that it was seriously the purpose of the British ministry at this time to evacuate all the maritime posts in the United States. The object of the ministry was a vigorous prosecution of the war in the West Indies against France and Spain, having already determined to concede the independence of the thirteen colonies.
The real intentions of the British cabinet, however, were early penetrated by Count de Vergennes. Within three weeks after the departure of Sir Guy Carleton from England, that minister wrote as follows to M. de la Luzerne.
“Every appearance indicates, that the British intend withdrawing their forces from the United States; or, at least, that the war will not be prosecuted there any more. They are probably preparing to continue the war in the Islands against the House of Bourbon. Attempts are made for a separate peace. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams will undoubtedly render an account of the proposals which have been offered to them. Their language has been firm, and in the true principles of the alliance. In this respect we cannot applaud them too highly, and you may testify to Congress our entire satisfaction. If the English continue hostilities on the continent, it will be interesting to see in what manner the Americans will endeavour to render themselves useful to an ally, who has served them so largely. I do not expect from them much effective aid; but I hope they will be sufficiently enlightened not to ascribe to the good-will of the new ministry that which cannot and ought not to be considered in any other light than as the effect of their weakness.”—MS. Letter from Vergennes to Luzerne, Versailles, May 2d.—Sparks.
On the very day on which Congress received Washington’s letter, Madison could write that the request of Carleton “will certainly be refused, and General Washington directed to receive and forward any despatches which may be properly addressed to Congress,” and when an audience was given to the French minister, on the 13th, “it was deemed politic at this crisis to display every proper evidence of affectionate attachment to our ally.”
“Sir Guy Carleton attempted to commence a correspondence with Congress, but that assembly wholly declined his advances. He then wrote to some of the governors of the States, but their answers were equally pointed and repulsive. He next addressed himself to the people, not directly, but through the channel of the newspapers in New York; exhorting them to change their leaders and recall their present members of Congress, and speaking of the new disposition for reconciliation and peace on the part of the mother country; but all without effect. Another attempt is to humiliate Congress by representing them to be under the influence of France, and particularly of the French minister in the United States. But he has used another instrument more powerful than these. He treats all the Americans, who fall into his hands, with extreme kindness; exhorts them not to bear arms against Great Britain; admits freely into New York the wives of the captains of vessels, which have been taken and brought into that harbor, and at their solicitation releases their husbands. And he has even written to General Washington, that he will send back the captured Carolinians in the King’s ships and at the King’s expense; and that he would do all in his power to cause them to forget their past injuries.”—Luzerne to Vergennes, 14 June, 1782.
It was decided by Congress, that the Commander-in-chief should be directed to refuse a passport for Mr. Morgann to bring despatches to Philadelphia.—Journals, May 14th. The advances of Sir Guy Carleton bore so strong a similarity to those of the commissioners in 1778, which proved delusive and fruitless, that Congress deemed it advisable not to open any door for an intercourse through this channel, and more especially as the business of negotiating a peace was entrusted to the American commissioners in Europe.
Had the tenor of Sir Guy Carleton’s instructions been known in America, it is probable that a more conciliating temper would have been shown by Congress. The late change of ministry had produced a change in the determinations of the British Cabinet, and in the measures for prosecuting the war, wholly unexpected and as yet not even conjectured in the United States. This will appear by the following extracts from the directions of the new secretary at war to Sir Guy Carleton when he left England:
“The first object of your attention must be the withdrawing of the garrison, artillery, provisions, stores of all kinds, and every species of public property from New York and its dependencies to Halifax. The same steps are to be taken with reference to the garrisons of Charleston and Savannah. The garrison of St. Augustine you will determine upon according to circumstances on your arrival. The execution of the whole, both in point of mode and time, is left to your discretion. In case you should meet with obstructions by any attack supported by a formidable force, or from disappointments, so that it will not be in your power to effect the evacuation without great hazard of considerable loss, an early capitulation, which may secure the main object, is thought preferable to an obstinate defence of the place without hope of answering any national purpose by it.
“In the execution of his Majesty’s command you must always bear in recollection, that the removal and reservation of his Majesty’s troops for his service is the immediate object, to which all other considerations must give way. But you must likewise lose no time to avail yourself of the change of measures which has lately taken place, for the purpose of reconciling the minds and affections of his Majesty’s American subjects, by such open and generous conduct as may serve to captivate their hearts, and remove every suspicion of insincerity. With this view, it may be well worthy of your most serious consideration, whether, though you should not meet with the obstructions we have now too much reason to apprehend, it would not be best to take the part of communicating, immediately upon your arrival, the enclosed resolutions of the House of Commons, bearing as they do incontestable marks of the universal sense of the kingdom, and his Majesty’s resolution, in consequence, of withdrawing the troops. You may state every circumstance, if occasion offers, which has passed or is passing here, which can tend to revive old affections or extinguish late jealousies. You may observe, that the most liberal sentiments have taken root in the nation.”—MS. Instructions to Sir Guy Carleton, April 4th.
It is obvious from these instructions that Sir Guy Carleton had a very delicate and difficult task to perform, especially as in the present state of feeling in America it would have been impossible for him to make himself believed for a moment, if he had communicated the sentiments of the British ministry. Even the cautious course which he found it necessary to adopt excited suspicions of his sincerity, and an apprehension that some design was at bottom which required to be guarded against, as is manifest from Washington’s letters and all the proceedings of Congress. No one had dreamed that it was seriously the purpose of the British ministry at this time to evacuate all the maritime posts in the United States. The object of the ministry was a vigorous prosecution of the war in the West Indies against France and Spain, having already determined to concede the independence of the thirteen colonies.
The real intentions of the British cabinet, however, were early penetrated by Count de Vergennes. Within three weeks after the departure of Sir Guy Carleton from England, that minister wrote as follows to M. de la Luzerne.
“Every appearance indicates, that the British intend withdrawing their forces from the United States; or, at least, that the war will not be prosecuted there any more. They are probably preparing to continue the war in the Islands against the House of Bourbon. Attempts are made for a separate peace. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams will undoubtedly render an account of the proposals which have been offered to them. Their language has been firm, and in the true principles of the alliance. In this respect we cannot applaud them too highly, and you may testify to Congress our entire satisfaction. If the English continue hostilities on the continent, it will be interesting to see in what manner the Americans will endeavour to render themselves useful to an ally, who has served them so largely. I do not expect from them much effective aid; but I hope they will be sufficiently enlightened not to ascribe to the good-will of the new ministry that which cannot and ought not to be considered in any other light than as the effect of their weakness.”—MS. Letter from Vergennes to Luzerne, Versailles, May 2d.—Sparks.