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Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE STATES. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. X (1782-1785) [1891]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. X (1782-1785).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE STATES.

Indeed, I hardly know what to think or believe of the disposition of the court of Britain. Certain it is, the new administration have made overtures of peace to the several nations at war, apparently with a design to detach some one or another of them from the general combination; but, not having succeeded in their efforts for a separate negotiation, how far the necessity of affairs may carry them in their wishes for a general pacification upon admissible terms, I cannot undertake to determine. From the former infatuation, duplicity, and perverse system of British policy, I confess I am induced to doubt every thing, to suspect every thing; otherwise I should suppose, from the subsequent extract of a letter from Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby to me, dated the 2d instant, that the prospects of, and negotiation for, a general peace would be very favorable.1

“We are acquainted, Sir, by authority, that negotiations for a general peace have already commenced at Paris, and that Mr. Grenville is invested with full powers to treat with all parties at war, and is now at Paris in the execution of his commission. And we are likewise, Sir, further made acquainted, that his Majesty, in order to remove all obstacles to that peace, which he so ardently wishes to restore, has commanded his ministers to direct Mr. Grenville, that the independency of the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him, in the first instance, instead of making it a condition, of a general treaty; however, not without the highest confidence, that the loyalists shall be restored to their possessions, or a full compensation made them for whatever confiscations may have taken place.”

Head-Quarters, 4 May, 1782.

Sir,

These communications, they say, had just arrived by a packet. They further add, that Mr. Laurens was enlarged from all engagements,1 and that transports were prepared for conveying all American prisoners to this country to be exchanged here. Whatever the real intention of the enemy may be, I think the strictest attention and exertion, which have ever been practised on our part, instead of being diminished, ought to be increased thereby. Jealousy and precaution, at least, can do no harm. Too much confidence and supineness may be pernicious in the extreme.

I find myself arrived at that period, at which I hoped to have seen the battalions of the several States completed to their establishment, in conformity to the requisitions of Congress of the 19th of December last.

There having been a vague report, that a small embarkation of cavalry and infantry was to take place at New York, to relieve part of the garrison of Charleston, I have made use of this occasion to desire the secretary at war to put Armand’s legion immediately in motion to join you, and have requested he will use his endeavors to have the means afforded to facilitate and expedite the movement.

The enclosed returns of recruits, which I have caused to be made up to the 1st instant, will show how totally short of my expectations the exertions of the States have fallen. From your State you will find that only NA recruits have joined the army in consequence of the above requisition.1

A mail has lately been intercepted by the enemy between Philadelphia and Trenton, in which, I am informed, there were letters from you to me. These by the time of their capture were probably of the same date as your despatches to Congress, wherein the correspondence between General Leslie and yourself was enclosed. I mention these circumstances, that you may forward duplicates in case you should judge it necessary.

All my accounts from Europe concur in declaring, that the British King and ministry are still determined to prosecute the war. It becomes, therefore, our decided duty to be prepared to meet these hostile intentions, in whatever way they are to be carried into execution; to do which, our utmost exertions are now called for. You will suffer me therefore to entreat, that, if your State has any expectation from the military operations of this season, not another moment may be lost in providing for and carrying into most effectual execution the full completion of their battalions. It is scarcely necessary to inform you, that on this expectation all our calculations must be formed, and on this event must rest the hopes of the ensuing campaign.

You will, I imagine, have heard, before this reaches you, of the arrival of M. Vaudreuil with a fleet of thirteen ships of the line on this coast. I can give you no particulars, as I have no official account of his arrival. The army of the Count de Rochambeau, having, as I advised you in my last, marched towards the northward, at our meeting in Philadelphia, (it was concluded) upon a consideration of all circumstances, that this corps should proceed to join the army on the Hudson. They were at Baltimore by the last intelligence from that quarter.

My intelligence of the actual aid we may expect from our allies is not yet so explicit as will lead me to decide absolutely on the mode of operations for this campaign; but were our expectations of support from that quarter ever so promising, yet, from the negligence and languor of the States, from whence our own exertions are to spring, I am not at this day enabled to give any assurance of our being prepared to coöperate with our allies in any great objects equal to their expectations of our own ability. I am sorry to acquaint your Excellency, that I have the best authority to assure you, that the court of France is much dissatisfied with this want of vigor and exertion in the States, and with that disposition, which appears willing at least, if not desirous, to cast all the burthen of the American War upon them. Waving the injustice and impolicy of such a temper, (which to me appear very conspicuous,) how humiliating is the idea, that our dependence for support should rest on others, beyond that point which absolute necessity dictates; how discouraging to our allies, and how dishonorable to ourselves must be our want of vigor and utmost exertion, at a time when, if we are not wanting to ourselves, our prospects are the fairest that our wishes could extend to.

Since the receipt of the letter from the commissioners, Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, I have seen a New York paper of the 3d instant, in which is a speech of General Conway, and some other articles, which appear to be designed to propose independence to America on certain conditions not admissible, namely, that the legislature of America should be totally independent of the Parliament of Great Britain, but that the King of England should have the same kind of supremacy here as in Ireland. I have not information sufficient to determine, whether this is the kind of independence alluded to in the letter of the commissioners, or not. I wish my suspicions, however, may be ill-founded. Wishing you all the success and happiness you can desire, I am, my dear Sir, with the highest sentiments of regard and esteem, &c.1

I find from the proceedings of the several States, that their calculation of deficiencies, formed on application to the several towns, who furnish the men, are greatly different from the returns sent from the army. I forbear mentioning many reasons, which might be assigned to produce this difference, and which in my opinion originate principally within the States, and will content myself with this one observation, that, should the States deceive themselves in this respect, and fail to furnish the expected force in the field, they will not only cast an essential injury upon the army, but the unhappy consequences of a failure in their expectations from a military operation will reverberate upon themselves, whilst recrimination can have no effect towards alleviating our protracted misfortunes and distress.

[1 ]The second paragraph in the letter is altered to Virginia and Maryland, and the following substituted, viz.:

“From the returns I have been able to obtain of recruits furnished by the several States, I am very sorry to observe that their exertions to this time have almost totally disappointed this expectation.”—Note by Washington.

[1 ]In sending the same extract to Doctor McHenry, Washington wrote:

“Here then, if these expressions are not Intrenched in General Conway’s speech (when he threw out an Idea of giving to America the same kind of Independency that they were about granting to Ireland) is a solid basis for our Commissioners to raise their superstructure upon; and things may, & probably soon will be brought to a speedy and happy Issue.—But, if the Ministry mean no more than Genl. Conway has hinted at, ’t is plain their only aim is to gain time, that they may become more formidable at Sea—form new Alliances, if possible—or disunite us.—Be their object what it may, we, if wise, should push our preparations with vigor; for nothing will hasten Peace, more, than to be in a Condition for War, and if the contest is to continue, ’t is indispensably necessary.

“One thing however is certain, but how it came to pass is not very well understood; and that is, that the Letter of Carleton & Digby to me, has been published in New York, and has spread universal consternation among all the Tribes of Refugees;—who, actuated by different Passions—or the same passion in different degrees & forms & are a mere medley of confused-enraged & dejected characters.—Some it is said are cursing—others crying—while far the greatest part of them are struck dumb, and do not know what to do.”—Washington to James McHenry, 15 August, 1782.

[1 ]Congress had directed Washington to “remand immediately Lieutenant-General Earl Cornwallis to the United States, unless the Honorable Henry Laurens be forthwith released from his captivity, and furnished with passports to any part of Europe or America, at his option, or be admitted to a general parole.” Sir Guy Carleton replied that Laurens had been for some time in perfect freedom, and had considered Cornwallis as exchanged.

[1 ]“As a result of this conference [at Philadelphia], I was sent on the 19th [of July] to York, in Virginia, on a mission then secret but no longer so; this was to embark, as soon as possible, our siege artillery, which we had left at West Point, 8 leagues above York on the same river, and move it up the Chesapeake Bay to Baltimore. . . . The army is to leave Baltimore the 15th, to pass here [Philadelphia] and to march to the North River.”—Fersen to his Father, 8 August, 1782. The army did not begin to move until the 20th.

[1 ]The second paragraph in the letter is altered to Virginia and Maryland, and the following substituted, viz.:

“From the returns I have been able to obtain of recruits furnished by the several States, I am very sorry to observe that their exertions to this time have almost totally disappointed this expectation.”—Note by Washington.

[1 ]In sending the same extract to Doctor McHenry, Washington wrote:

“Here then, if these expressions are not Intrenched in General Conway’s speech (when he threw out an Idea of giving to America the same kind of Independency that they were about granting to Ireland) is a solid basis for our Commissioners to raise their superstructure upon; and things may, & probably soon will be brought to a speedy and happy Issue.—But, if the Ministry mean no more than Genl. Conway has hinted at, ’t is plain their only aim is to gain time, that they may become more formidable at Sea—form new Alliances, if possible—or disunite us.—Be their object what it may, we, if wise, should push our preparations with vigor; for nothing will hasten Peace, more, than to be in a Condition for War, and if the contest is to continue, ’t is indispensably necessary.

“One thing however is certain, but how it came to pass is not very well understood; and that is, that the Letter of Carleton & Digby to me, has been published in New York, and has spread universal consternation among all the Tribes of Refugees;—who, actuated by different Passions—or the same passion in different degrees & forms & are a mere medley of confused-enraged & dejected characters.—Some it is said are cursing—others crying—while far the greatest part of them are struck dumb, and do not know what to do.”—Washington to James McHenry, 15 August, 1782.

[1 ]Congress had directed Washington to “remand immediately Lieutenant-General Earl Cornwallis to the United States, unless the Honorable Henry Laurens be forthwith released from his captivity, and furnished with passports to any part of Europe or America, at his option, or be admitted to a general parole.” Sir Guy Carleton replied that Laurens had been for some time in perfect freedom, and had considered Cornwallis as exchanged.

[1 ]“As a result of this conference [at Philadelphia], I was sent on the 19th [of July] to York, in Virginia, on a mission then secret but no longer so; this was to embark, as soon as possible, our siege artillery, which we had left at West Point, 8 leagues above York on the same river, and move it up the Chesapeake Bay to Baltimore. . . . The army is to leave Baltimore the 15th, to pass here [Philadelphia] and to march to the North River.”—Fersen to his Father, 8 August, 1782. The army did not begin to move until the 20th.