EconlibThe LibraryOther Sites |
Front Page  Titles (by Subject) TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - The Writings of George Washington, vol. VIII (1779-1780)
Return to Title Page for The Writings of George Washington, vol. VIII (1779-1780)The Online Library of LibertyA project of Liberty Fund, Inc.Search this Title:Also in the Library:
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. VIII (1779-1780) [1890]Edition used:The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. VIII (1779-1780).
Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.
About Liberty Fund:Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. Copyright information:The text is in the public domain. Fair use statement:This material is put online to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. Unless otherwise stated in the Copyright Information section above, this material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.Head-Qrs.,Passaic Falls, Sir,Three days since I received your Excellency’s letter of the 4th, with the enclosed resolutions, which, as the army was in motion to this post, I had it not in my power to answer before.1 I am much obliged to Congress for the honor they do me by the fresh mark of their attention and confidence, conferred upon me in the reference they have been pleased to make. My wish to concur in sentiment with them, and a conviction that there is no time to be lost in carrying the measures relative to the army into execution, make me reluctantly offer any objections to the plan, that has been adopted; but a sense of what I owe to Congress, and a regard to consistency, will not permit me to suppress the difference of opinion, which happens to exist upon the present occasion, on points that appear to me far from unessential. In expressing it, I can only repeat the ideas, which I have more than once taken the liberty to urge. That there are the most conclusive reasons for reducing the number of regiments, no person acquainted with the situation of our affairs and the state of the army will deny. A want of officers, independant of other considerations, were sufficient to compel us to it. But that the temper of the army, produced by its sufferings, requires great caution, in any reforms that are attempted, is a position not less evident than the former. In services the best established, where the hands of government are strengthened by the strongest interests of the army to submission, the reducing of its regiments and dismissing a great part of its officers is always a measure of delicacy and difficulty. In ours, where the officers are held by the feeblest ties, and are mouldering away by dayly resignations, it is peculiarly so. The last reduction occasioned many to quit the Service, besides those who were reformed, and left durable seeds of discontent among those who remained. The general topic of declamation was, that it was as hard as dishonorable for men, who had made every sacrafice to the Service, to be turned out of it at the pleasure of those in power, without an adequate compensation. In the maturity to which their uneasinesses have now risen, from a continuance in misery, they will be still more impatient under an attempt of a similar nature. How far these dispositions may be reasonable, I pretend not to decide, but in the extremity to which we are arrived, policy forbids us to add new irritations. Too many of the officers wish to get rid of their Commissions; but they are unwilling to be forced into it. It is not the intention of these remarks to discourage a reform; but to show the necessity of guarding against the ill effects by an ample provision, both for the officers who stay, and for those who are reduced. This should be the basis of the plan, and without it I apprehend the most mischievous consequences. This would obviate many scruples, that will otherwise be found prejudicial in the extreme. I am convinced Congress are not a little straitened in the means of a present provision, so ample as to give satisfaction; but this proves the expediency of a future one, and brings me to that, which I have so frequently recommended as the most economical, the most politic, and the most effectual, that could be devised, a half-pay for life. Supported by a prospect of a permanent independence, the officers would be tied to the Service, and would submit to many momentary privations, and to the inconveniences, which the situation of public affairs makes unavoidable. This is exemplified in the Pensylvania officers, who, being upon this establishment, are so much interested in the Service, that, in the course of five months there has been only one resignation in that line. If the objection, drawn from the principle of this measure being incompatible with the genius of our government, is thought insurmountable, I would propose a substitute less eligible in my opinion, but which may answer the purpose; it is to make the present half-pay for seven years, whole pay for the same period, to be advanced in two different payments, one half in a year after the conclusion of peace, the other half in two years subsequent to the first. It will be well to have it clearly understood, that the reduced officers are to have the depreciation of their pay made good, lest any doubt should arise on this head. No objection occurs to me to this measure, except it be thought too great an expense; but, in my judgment, whatever can give consistency to our military establishment will be ultimately favorable to economy. It is not easy to be conceived, except by those who are witnesses to it, what an additional waste and consumption of every thing, and consequently what an increase of expense, results from laxness of discipline in the army; and where the officers think they are doing the public a favor by holding their Commissions, and the men are continually fluctuating, it is impossible to maintain discipline. Nothing can be to me more obvious, than that a sound military establishment and the interests of economy are the same. How much more the purposes of the war will be promoted by it, in other respects, will not admit of an argument. In reasoning upon the measure of a future provision, I have heard Gentlemen object the want of it in some foreign armies, without adverting to the difference of circumstances. The Military profession holds the first rank in most of the Countries of Europe, and is the road to honor and emolument. The establishment is permanent, and whatever be an officer’s provision, it is for life, and he has a profession for life. He has future as well as present motives of military honor and preferment. He is attached to the Service by the spirit of the Government, by education, and in most cases by early habit. His present condition, if not splendid, is comfortable. Pensions, distinctions, and particular privileges, are commonly his rewards in retirement. In the case of the American officers, the military character has been suddenly taken up, and is to end with the war. The number of Regiments fixed upon by Congress is that, which I should have wished, but I think the aggregate number of men too small. Should the Regiments be completed, making the usual deductions for casualties, and not counting upon the three Regiments of South Carolina and Georgia, we should not have in the Infantry above 18,000 fighting men rank and file; from whom, when we have taken the garrison of West Point, and the different garrisons for the frontiers, there would remain a force not equal even to a vigorous defensive, entirely unequal to a decisive coöperation with our allies, should their efforts next campaign be directed this way, as we have reason to hope. I confess, too, that I do not expect the States will complete their regiments, at whatever point they may be placed. If they are any thing near being full, they will be apt to think the difference not material, without considering that what may be small in their quota, will be very considerable in the aggregate of deficiencies in a force originally calculated too low for our exigencies. The enemy’s whole embodied force of Infantry in these States (without speaking of the occasional aids of militia), on a moderate estimate, must amount to between eighteen and twenty thousand fighting men. We ought on no scale of reasoning to have less than an equal number in the field (exclusive of all garrisons,) for a vigorous defensive. Let us then state our armies in the field at eighteen thousand. West Point for complete security requires two thousand five hundred. Fort Schuyler, Fort Pitt, and other frontier posts require fifteen hundred. By this calculation twenty-two thousand fighting men appear to be necessary on a defensive plan. To have which, our total number must be thirty thousand rank and file. The wagoners, workmen at factories, waiters, men for other extra services, sick, &c., on an average make at least a fourth of the total numbers; which Congress may see by recurring to the returns of the army from time to time. Much less should we hesitate to exert ourselves to have this number, if we have any thoughts of recovering what we have lost. As to the abilities of the Country to maintain them, I am of opinion, they will be found adequate, and that they will be less strained than they have heretofore been, from the necessity we have been so frequently under of recurring to the aid of militia. It is my duty also to inform Congress, that in the late conference with the French general and admiral, though I could not give assurances, I was obliged to give an opinion of the force we might have the next campaign, and I stated the army in this quarter at fifteen thousand operative Continental troops; which will greatly exceed that which we should have by the proposed arrangement, for it would not give us above eleven. On this idea of fifteen thousand, a memorial with a plan for next campaign has been transmitted to the court of France. I would therefore beg leave to propose that each Regiment of Infantry should consist of one colonel, where the present colonels are continued, or one lieut.-colonel commandant, two majors, a first and second, nine captains, twenty-two subalterns, one surgeon, one mate, one sergeant-major, one qrmr.-sergeant, forty-five sergeants, one drum-major, one fife-major, ten drums, ten fifers, six hundred and twelve rank and file. Fifty regiments at six hundred and twelve rank and file each will amount to thirty thousand six hundred rank and file, the force I have stated to be requisite. The number of officers to a regiment by our present establishment has been found insufficient. It is not only inconvenient and productive of irregularities in our formation and manœuvres, but the number taken for the different offices of the staff leaves the regiments destitute of field-officers, and the companies so unprovided, that they are obliged to be entrusted to the care of sergeants and corporals, which soon ruins them. To obviate this, I ask three field-officers to a regiment, besides a captain and two subalterns to do the duties of each company, three supernumerary subalterns as paymaster, adjutant, and quartermaster, and one to reside in the State as a recruiting officer. Officers continually employed in this way, to improve every opportunity that offered, would engage men while those who were occasionally detached for a short space of time would do nothing. I ask one drum and fife extraordinary to attend this officer. The supernumeraries to rank and rise in the regiment with the other officers. Three field-officers will be thought necessary, when we consider the great proportion employed as adjutant-general, inspectors, brigade-majors, wagon-masters, superintendents of hospitals; in addition to whom I would also propose a field-officer to reside in each State, where the number of its regiments exceed two, and a captain where it does not, to direct the recruiting service, and transact business for the line to which he belongs with the State, which I think would be a very useful institution. Instead of regiments of cavalry, I would recommend legionary corps, which should consist of four troops of mounted dragoons of sixty each, making 240; and two corps of dismounted dragoons of sixty each, making one hundred and twenty; with the same number of comd. and non-comd. officers as at present. To make the regiments larger will be attended with an excessive expense, to purchase horses in the first instance and to subsist them afterwards; and I think the augmentation, though it would be useful, not essential. I prefer legionary corps, because the kind of service we have for horse almost constantly requires the aid of infantry. In quarters, as they are commonly obliged to be remote from the army for the benefit of forage, it is indispensable for their security; and to attach to them infantry drawn from the regiments has many inconveniences. Besides the four Regiments I cannot forbear recommending, that two partisan Corps may be kept up, commanded by Colo. Armand and Major Lee. Tho’ in general I dislike independant corps, I think a partisan corps with an army useful in many respects, Its name and destination stimulate to enterprise; and the two officers I have mentioned have the best claims to public attention. Colonel Armand is an officer of great merit, which, added to his being a foreigner, to his rank in life, and to the sacrafices of property he has made, renders it a point of delicacy as well as justice to continue to him the means of serving honorably. Major Lee has rendered such distinguished services, and possesses so many Talents for commanding a corps of this nature, he deserves so much credit for the perfection in which he has kept his corps, as well as for the handsome exploits he has performed, that it would be a loss to the service, and a discouragement to merit, to reduce him and I do not see how he can be introduced into one of the Regiments in a manner satisfactory to himself, and which will enable him to be equally useful, without giving too much disgust to the whole line of cavalry. The Partisan Corps may consist of three Troops of Mounted Dragoons and three of dismounted dragoons, of fifty each, making in all three hundred. I would only propose one alteration in the proposed arrangement of artillery, which is to have ten companies instead of nine. The numerous demands of the service have made the establishment of companies hitherto not too great; and it would be injurious to diminish them materially. Nine companies would be an irregular formation for a battalion of artillery, and eight would be much too few. This makes me wish they may be fixed at ten. The formation of nine Companies in the Infantry is with a view to one light company to act separately. I sincerely wish Congress had been pleased to make no alternative in the term of Service, but had confined it to the War, by inlistment, draft, or assessment, as might be found necessary. On the footing on which their requisition now stands, we shall be certain of getting very few men for the war, and must continue to feel all the evils of temporary engagements. In the present humor of the States, I should entertain the most flattering hopes, that they would enter upon vigorous measures to raise an army for the War, if Congress appeared decided upon the point; but, if they hold up a different idea as admissible, it will be again concluded, that they do not consider an army for the war as essential, and this will encourage the opposition of men of narrow, interested, and feeble tempers, and enable them to defeat the primary object of the resolution. Indeed, if the mode by inlistment is the only one made use of to procure the men, it must necessarily fail. In my letter of the 20th of August I say, “any period short of a year is inadmissible”; but all my observations tend to prove the pernicious operation of engaging men for any term short of the war, and the alternative is only on the supposition, that the other should on experiment be found impracticable. But I regard it as of the highest importance, that the experiment should first be fairly tried. The alternative, if absolutely necessary, can be substituted hereafter. The encouragement to the officer, and the bounty to the recruit, are both too small in the present state of things, unless the latter could be in specie, which it is probable would have a powerful influence. In case of recruits made in camp, no bounty is specified; it will be necessary here as well as in the country, with this additional reason, that a recruit obtained in the army will be more valuable than one obtained in the country. I must confess, also, it would have given me infinite pleasure, that Congress had thought proper to take the reduction and incorporation of the Regiments under their own direction. The mode of leaving it to the States is contrary to my sentiments, because it is an adherence to the State system, and because I fear it will be productive of great confusion and discontent; and it is requisite the business in contemplation should be conducted with the greatest circumspection. I fear, also, the professing to select the officers retained in Service will give disgust, both to those who go and to those who remain; the former will be sent away under the public stigma of inferior merit, and the latter will feel no pleasure in a present preference, when they reflect that at some future period they may experience a similar fate. I barely mention this, as I am persuaded Congress did not advert to the operation of the expressions made use of, and will readily alter them. I beg leave to remark, before I conclude, that, if Congress should be pleased to reconsider their resolutions, it will be of the greatest moment that the number of men, and the term for which they are to be raised, should be first determined, and the requisition transmitted to the several States. In this article time presses; the others may be examined more at leizure, though it is very necessary the whole should be put into execution as speedily as possible. To accelerate the business I have directed, agreeable to the tenor of the resolution, returns to be immediately made, which shall be without delay transmitted to the States, to show them at one view the force they have, and the deficiencies for which they will have to provide the moment they know the quotas respectively required of them. With the highest respect and esteem I have the honor to be, &c. * * *1 [1 ]See the above resolutions in the Journals of Congress, October 3d. They contain the plan of a new arrangement of the army. By a separate resolve they were referred to the Commander-in-chief for his opinion. [1 ]Read in Congress October 16th. Referred to the Committee on his letter of 20 August last, together with the plan of a new arrangement. |
