Front Page Titles (by Subject) TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - The Writings of George Washington, vol. VIII (1779-1780)
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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. VIII (1779-1780) 
The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. VIII (1779-1780).
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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
I now beg leave to inform Congress that since my Letter of the 4th I have attended to their despatches of the 25th Ulto. by General Lincoln.
At this time I do not think, that the circumstances of the Campaign would admit at any rate an inquiry to be gone into respecting the loss of Charles Town; but, if it were otherwise, I do not see that it could be made, so as to be completely satisfactory either to General Lincoln or to the Public, without some gentlemen could be present, who have been acting in that quarter.1 This, it seems, would be necessary on the occasion, and the more so, as I have not a single document or paper in my possession concerning the Department, by which the Court could be enabled to form a right conclusion in the case. Whenever the business can be undertaken, I should apprehend it will be requisite for the Court to have before them such papers as Congress may have respecting the Department, and a Copy of the Instructions and orders, they may have been pleased to give General Lincoln from time to time, and of their correspondence. And, besides the reasons against the inquiry at this time, General Lincoln being a prisoner of war, his situation it appears to me must preclude one supposing every other obstacle were out of the question, until he is exchanged. If Congress think proper, they will be pleased to transmit me such papers as they may have, which concern the matters of inquiry, that there may be no delay in proceeding in the business when other circumstances will permit.
With respect to an exchange of prisoners, I most earnestly wish that Congress, apprized of our affairs in the fullest manner, and of the prospects of the campaign, had been pleased to determine the point themselves. But as they have not done it, and they have thought proper to refer it to me, I cannot but observe, if motives of policy are ever to prevail over those of humanity, they seem to apply at present against a general exchange. As to officers, their Exchange either on the principle of equal rank, or of composition, where that will not apply, confining the exchange on that of composition for officers only, is favored both by policy and humanity, and therefore in every point of light it is to be desired; and there is now a negotiation on foot between us and the Enemy in consequence of a late proposition from them for the exchange of all their officers, who are prisoners of war, and for such of those of the Convention (Generals Phillips, Riedesel, and their families excepted), as are in New York on parole, for an equal number of ours of their rank and in order of their captivity; which, if carried into effect, will give relief to a few. But the exchange of privates, though strongly urged by humanity, would certainly be against us in a political view. It would throw into the Enemy’s hands a very respectable permanent augmentation to their present force, already great, while it would add but inconsiderably to ours, as no small proportion of the Men, we should receive, would not belong to the Army, and many who should at the time, would probably be soon released from it by the expiration of their Enlistments. This is one among the innumerable ill consequences that result from short enlistments. Indeed, if the case were otherwise, and the whole of the privates, the Enemy have to exchange, were enlisted for the war, the advantages derived from an Exchange would not be equal at this time. These would be on the side of the Enemy, on the supposition that offensive operations will be prosecuted on our part, as every Man given them would in such case be equal to two received by us on the lowest scale of calculation. These considerations seem to make the release of the privates ineligible for the present; but Congress will decide themselves with respect to the business. If they think that their exchange should be deferred, or if we should not be able to effect that of the officers, I should hope every exertion, which our circumstances will authorize, will be made to render their situation easy and comfortable. They have a claim to this, and nothing in our power should be omitted to effect it.1
General Lincoln informed me, when he arrived here, that, from some correspondence which had passed between him and Sir Henry Clinton, he hoped his exchange might be effected for one of the major-generals of the Convention; and for this purpose he wrote to him just before his departure for Boston with my approbation. The proposition falls within the principle of equality of rank, by which exchanges between us hitherto have been governed; and his release will not be injurious to the claims of any other officer of ours in captivity, and therefore it appeared to me not objectionable. I hope it will be considered in the same light by Congress. I have the honor to be, &c.
P. S. I forgot to mention above that one of the Enemy’s late propositions extends to an exchange of the Privates in New York—This I could not effect in the severe weather in the beginning of February but a change of circumstances has since disposed them to think it expedient and to make the offer. They affect to place it on the mere footing of humanity.1
[1 ]At General Lincoln’s request, Congress had passed a resolve, directing the Commander-in-chief to cause an inquiry to be made concerning the loss of Charleston, and the conduct of General Lincoln while commanding in the Southern Department.
[1 ]When this letter was considered in Congress, a resolve was passed, “That General Washington be authorized to effectuate an exchange of officers, either on the footing of equal rank, or on composition, or both, as the cases may respectively require, confining the exchange on that of composition to officers only, and having due regard to the order of captivity; such exchange to be rendered as extensive as possible in its execution, so as not only to include, on the part of the enemy, prisoners of war, but also the officers of the convention troops, now on parole at New York.”—Journals, August 7th.
[1 ]Read in Congress July 17th, Referred to Bee, Lovell, and Scott.