Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - The Writings of George Washington, vol. V (1776-1777)

Return to Title Page for The Writings of George Washington, vol. V (1776-1777)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. V (1776-1777) [1890]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890). Vol. V (1776-1777).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head-Quarters,Middlebrook, 3 June, 1777.

Sir,

I would take the liberty of addressing a few lines to Congress on a matter, which appears to me of importance, and which is considered in the same light by many of our officers, and others not in the military line. The subject I allude to is the condition of many persons now with the enemy, who, deluded by their arts and a misguided attachment to their measures, fled from the protection of the States, to find security with them, and who in many instances are in arms against us. It has been suggested through various channels, and the suggestion seems to be credited, especially as some have already escaped, that many of these unhappy people, convinced of their error and the wicked part they have taken, would embrace the earliest opportunity of leaving the enemy and returning among us, were they sure of being received into our friendship again, and of enjoying their property and the rights of citizens.

This subject, in the consideration of it, strikes me as important, interesting, and delicate, involving many consequences worthy of mature deliberation and attention. As such, and deeming myself incompetent to it, I think it my duty to submit it to Congress for their discussion, to take such measures therein as they shall esteem necessary and right. If these people, particularly those in arms, are ingenuous in what has been hinted, and it is their wish, or that of any considerable part of them, to return, I should suppose it would be expedient, and founded in sound policy, to give every suitable assurance to induce them to come. Such an event would be attended with salutary effects, would weaken the enemy, distress them greatly, and would probably have a most happy influence in preventing others from joining their arms. On the other hand, the indulgence may be liable to great abuse, supposing it not to be duly guarded; or, if the effects produced by it should be partial, they will not be adequate to the ends in view. Yet, as the enemy on their part are using every device they are capable of, to seduce both soldiers and citizens from our service into theirs, and have succeeded but too well, it is generally thought in the military line, that something should be attempted to counteract them. Whether Congress will be of the same sentiment, and, if they should, what and how extensive the mode and indulgence ought to be, is entirely with them.

There is one difficulty that occurs to me, supposing the measure to be adopted. What line of discrimination can be drawn upon such an occasion, though circumstances should differ and seem to require it? While the poor, deluded, ignorant, duped by artifices and a thousand causes to lead them wrong, have a claim to their country’s pardon and indulgence, there are many of well-informed understanding, who, from their early-avowed hostile dispositions and inveterate disregard of her rights, and those who have taken a double and triple part, cannot have the same pretensions; whose only view in returning may be to serve their own sordid purposes, and the better to promote those plans they have steadily pursued.

One thing more I would observe, which is, that if Congress judge an adoption of measures eligible on the subject of my letter, the sooner it is come into the better, for the most obvious reasons; and the time allowed for those to return, who wish the indulgence, should be fixed at a short period not longer in my opinion that till the—day of—next; otherwise they may avail themselves of the circumstance, and wait events to decide their choice. If any good consequences are produced, the means can be renewed and further extended. Congress will be pleased to excuse me for thus freely communicating my sentiments, especially when I assure them that they are dictated by what I esteem my duty. I have the honor to be, &c.

P. S. The more I consider the Subject of my Letter, the more important and interesting it appears, I am inclined to think, if the measure proposed should be deemed expedient, that it will be better, that the indulgencies and assurances for their return, should be communicated thro’ the medium of some Second, secret Hand, qualified to offer them, and negotiate the business, rather than by an Act of public Authority. Opportunities, I should suppose, may be found, by which they may obtain due information, in that way, and which will not hold out to the Enemy the same cause of Suspicion and of vigilance prevent their escaping. Whatever more shall be considered most advisable, should be immediately adopted. What time should be allowed in the first instance, I am at a loss to determine. If the continuance is too short, there may be danger of their not being apprized so as to get off. If ’t is too long, they’ll defer matters to the last and act then as circumstances of Interest dictate; to err in the form will be least injurious.1

[1 ]Read in Congress June 6th. Referred to the Board of War.

“Whereas General Howe has by offers of reward endeavored to induce the soldiers of the United States to desert and go over to him; Resolved, That General Washington be empowered to offer such rewards as he shall judge proper to deserters from the enemy, whether horse or foot, encouraging them by suitable offers to bring with them their arms and horses.”—Journals, 4 June, 1777.

“I have received Information that the Regiment under your command have refused to do duty, or come to camp for that purpose, and giving as their reason that they were set at Liberty on Parole and are therefore afraid of falling a second time into the Enemy’s hands—This I would willingly disbelieve—as I cannot be of opinion that any officer would suffer men to act or speak in that manner—as they must be sensible that men were not Enlisted merely to make use of the Public Money and provision and when called to real service, pretend to give any excuse for not complying with Orders—I should suppose there cannot be a great many of them under these circumstances, and if there are they must have known the conditions at the time of Enlistment.”—Washington to the Commanding Officer of Pennsylvania Regiment at New Town, 2 June, 1777.

“It is with infinite regret, I am again compelled to remonstrate against that spirit of wanton cruelty, that has in several instances influenced the conduct of your soldiery. A recent exercise of it towards an unhappy officer of ours Lieutenant Martin convinces me, that my former representations on this subject have been unavailing. That Gentleman by the fortune of war, on Saturday last was thrown into the hands of a party of your horse, and unnecessarily murdered with the most aggravated circumstances of barbarity. I wish not to wound your Lordship’s feelings, by commenting on this event; but I think it my duty to send his mangled body, to your lines as an undeniable testimony of the fact should it be doubted, and as the best appeal to your humanity for the justice of our complaint.”—Washington to Lord Cornwallis, 2 June, 1777.