The Online Library of Liberty

A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.

• The Writings of George Washington.
• 1776.
• 1 April: to Joseph Reed.
• To Brigadier-general Arnold, In Canada.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Richard Henry Lee.
• To Commodore Eseck Hopkins. 2
• To the President of Congress.
• To Joseph Reed.
• To the Committee of Safety of New York.
• To the President of Congress. 1
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the New York Committee of Safety.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Joseph Reed.
• To Samuel Tucker. 1
• To the President of Congress.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the Committee of Safety of New York.
• To Major-general Ward.
• To John Augustine Washington.
• To the President of Congress.
• 5 May: to the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Ward, At Boston.
• To Lund Washington, Mount Vernon.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To Richard Henry Lee.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To Major-general Putnam. 1 Instructions.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To Major-general Thomas, In Canada.
• To Major-general Putnam.
• To John Augustine Washington.
• 3 June: to Major-general Putnam.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To General Schuyler.
• To the President of Congress. 1
• Forged Letter. 1 to Lund Washington.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Brigadier-general Sullivan, In Canada.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Ward.
• To Brigadier-general Sullivan.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Committee of Essex County, New Jersey.
• To the Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania.
• Forged Letter. to John Parke Custis.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Gates. Instructions.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• Forged Letter. to Mrs. Washington.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• 3 July: to the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Brigadier-general William Livingston. 2
• To Brigadier-general William Livingston.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• Forged Letter. to Mr. Lund Washington.
• To Major-general Ward.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the General Court of Massachusetts Bay.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Secret Committee of the Convention of the State of New York. 2
• To the President of Congress.
• To Governor Cooke.
• Forged Letter. to Lund Washington.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• Forged Letter. to Lund Washington.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• To the Committee of the City of New York. 1
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Gates, Ticonderoga.
• To the President of Congress.
• Forged Letter. to Lund Washington.
• To John Augustine Washington.
• To John Parke Custis.
• To the President of Congress.
• To General George Clinton.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the Board of War.
• To Lieutenant-general Howe.
• To Major-general Schuyler.
• 2 August: to the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the New York Convention.
• To the Officers and Soldiers of the Pennsylvania Association. 1
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the New York Convention.
• To Major-general Gates.
• To the New York Convention.
• To the Right Honorable Lord Howe.
• To Lord Drummond. 1
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Heath.
• To the New York Convention.
• To Major-general Heath.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To Major-general Putnam. 3 Instructions.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• 1 September: to Major-general Heath.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Brigadier-general Mercer.
• To Colonel Fisher Gay.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Governor Cooke.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To John Augustine Washington.
• To Lieutenant-general Howe.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To the President of Congress. 1
• To Brigadier-general Mercer.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Lund Washington. 1
• 2 October: to the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Patrick Henry, Governor of Virginia.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To the President of Congress.
• To Major-general Heath.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To Governor Trumbull.
• To Mrs.philips of Philipsboro.
• To Major-general Schuyler.

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.

New York, 22 July, 1776.

Dear Brother,

Whether you wrote to me or I to you last, I cannot undertake to say; but as it is some time since a Letter has passed between us, and as I expect every hour to be engaged in too busy a Scene to allow time for writing private Letters, I will take an opportunity by this day’s post to address to you a few lines, giving a brief acct. of the situation of affairs in this Quarter.

To begin, then, we have a powerful Fleet within full view of us, distant about eight miles. We have General Howe’s present army, consisting, by good report, of abt eight or nine thousand men upon Staten Island, covered by their Ships. We have Lord Howe just arrived, (that is about 10 days ago) and we have ships now popping In, which we suppose but do not know, to be part of the Fleet with the expected Reinforcements. When this arrives, if the Report of Deserters, Prisoners, and Tories are to be depended upon, the Enemy’s numbers will amount at least to twenty-five thousand men; ours to about fifteen thousand. More, indeed, are expected, but there is no certainty of their arrival, as Harvest and a thousand other excuses are urged for the Reasons of delay. What kind of opposition we shall be able to make, time only can show. I can only say, that the men appear to be in good spirits, and, if they will stand by me, the place shall not be carried without some loss, notwithstanding we are not yet in such a posture of defence as I could wish.

Two ships, to wit: the Phœnix of forty-four Guns, and Rose of twenty, run by our Batteries on the 12th, exhibiting a proof of what I had long most religiously believed; and that is, that a Vessel, with a brisk wind and strong tide, cannot, unless by a chance shott, be stopped by a Battery, without you could place some obstruction in the Water to impede her motion within reach of your Guns.1 We do not know that these ships received any capital Injury. In their Rigging they were somewhat damaged, and several shot went through their Hulls; but few if any Lives were lost. They now, with three Tenders, which accompanied them, lye up the North or Hudson’s River, abt. forty miles above this place, and have totally cut off all communication, by water, between this city and Albany, and between this army and ours upon the Lakes. They may have had other motives inducing them to run up the River, such as supplying the Tories with arms, etc., etc., but such a vigilant watch has hitherto been kept upon them, that I fancy they have succeeded but indifferently in those respects, notwithstanding this country abounds in disaffected Persons of the most diabolical dispositions and Intentions, as you may have perceived by the several publications in the gazettes, relative to their designs of destroying this army by treachery and Bribery, which was providentially discovered.

It is the general report of Deserters and Prisoners, and a prevailing opinion here, that no attempt will be made by Genl Howe, till his reinforcement arrives, which, as I said before, is hourly expected. Our situation at present, both in regard to men and other matters, is such as not to make it advisable to attempt any thing against them, surrounded as they are by water and covered with Ships, least a miscarriage should be productive of unhappy and fatal consequences. It is provoking, nevertheless, to have them so near, without being able in their weakness [to give] them any disturbance. [Their ships] that passed us are also saf[ely moored] in a broad part of the river, out [of reach] of shott from either shore.1

[1 ]On July 21st (Sunday) Duer of the Provincial Congress consulted with Washington at White Plains concerning obstructions to be placed in the Hudson river opposite to Mount Washington. The General expressed himself “extremely anxious” about this, and “measures are daily used for executing that purpose.” “If we succeed” wrote Duer, doubtless echoing Washington’s opinion, “the Designs of the enemy in this campaign are effectually baffled—if we fail, we cannot be in a more lamentable situation than we are now.” The intention was to sink a chevaux-de-frise, and two ships, about seventy feet apart, with heavy logs between. The work was not seriously begun until late in September, and before it was completed its efficacy to prevent the enemy’s vessels from passing was tested, and proved to be of no account. The obstructions were removed by the British after they had obtained possession of Fort Washington. Ruttenber, Obstructions in the Hudson River, 33-57.

[1 ]Original mutilated, the words in brackets being supplied by Sparks.

“The orders Mr. Trumbull has given to the officers of their cruizers to stop provision vessels seem to be necessary. We have too much reason to believe that some have gone voluntarily to the enemy and that there are many persons who would contrive to furnish them with large supplies; and however upright the intentions of others may be, it will be a matter of the utmost difficulty if not an impossibility for any to escape falling into their hands now, as every part of the coast it is probable will swarm with their ships of war and tenders. . . . It appears absolutely necessary that the exportation of provisions should be stopped. Our army is large and otherwise may want. Nor can individuals be injured by it, as they have a ready money market for everything they have to dispose of in that way.”—Washington to Congress, 23 July, 1776.

“If it [the embargo] should be attended with inconvenience to individuals, yet necessity and public utility ought to be first considered and outweigh everything else; but it cannot. There is nothing but what they can readily dispose of for the use of the army and for ready cash, so that every ground of objection must be nugatory.”—Washington to Governor Trumbull, 24 July, 1776.

“I received your favor of yesterday and in Answer thereto I am to inform you, at the same Time that I commend the good Intentions which you profess induced your Countrymen to leave their Families and Homes, that I have done the only thing in my Power to favor their Views.

“On their first Arrival & Introduction to me I gave them a Letter to the Continental Congress to whom it was necessary to make known their wishes & from whom any appointments they expect must come,—This I am persuaded you are sensible of, & would wish you to communicate to them.—Their Pretensions will be duly considered, & if supported by proper Credentials I make no Doubt but Suitable Regard will be had to their Merits.

“Your and their good Sense will readily suggest the Propriety & Expediency of their furnishing some Testimonial and recommendation previous to any Appointment. These would have been proper at any Time but the late Instance of Treachery & Ingratitude in Monsr. — in deserting and taking the Command of a Party of the Enemy in Canada, after he had been promoted to office in the service of the United Colonies, makes them indispensably necessary. Tho’ I do not entertain the least Suspicion of the Honor and Integrity of the Gentlemen of whom you write, or mean to insinuate that a Conduct like Monsr. — would frequently happen.

“I might further add that the unacquaintance of our Soldiers with any Language but their own, makes them rather unwilling & impatient under the Command of Foreigners, unless they are men of high reputation. Nor will they consent thereto but on that Account, & where they possess great Military Knowledge. It therefore follows that any appointments these Gentlemen may obtain, will not be attended with any good Purposes or Satisfaction to themselves unless they are to a Corps of their own People, or those who understand their Language.’—Washington to Baron De Calbiac, 23 July, 1776.

“It is with great astonishment and surprise the General hears that Soldiers inlist from one Corps to another, and frequently receive a bounty; and that some officers have knowingly received such men; so glaring a fraud upon the public, and injury to the service, will be punished in the most exemplary manner; And the General most earnestly requests and expects of every good officer, who loves his Country, not only to oppose such practices, but to make the offenders known that they may be brought to justice.—Orderly Book, 23 July, 1776.