TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, July the 3d, 1776.
Sir,
Since I had the honor of addressing you and on the same day several ships more arrived within the Hook making the number that came in then, 110, and there remains no doubt of the whole of the Fleet from Hallifax being now here. Yesterday Evening 50 of ’em came into the Bay and anchored on the Staten Island side. Their views I cannot precisely determine but am extremely apprehensive as a part of ’em only came, that they mean to surround the Island and secure the whole stock upon it. I had consulted with a Committee of the Provincial Congress on the subject, and a person was appointed to superintend the business and to drive the stock off. I also wrote to Brigadier General Heard and directed him to the measure lest it might be neglected, but am fearfull it has not been effected.
Our reinforcements of militia are but small yet—their amount I can not ascertain, having not been able to procure a return. However I trust, if the Enemy make an Attack they will meet with a repulse, as I have the pleasure to inform you, that an agreeable spirit & willingness for Action seem to animate and pervade the whole of our Troops.
As it is difficult to determine what Objects the Enemy may have in contemplation, and whether they may not detach some part of their force to Amboy and to ravage that part of the Country, if not to extend their views farther, I submit it to Congress whether it may not be expedient for ’em to repeat and press home their requests to the different Governments that are to provide men for the flying Camp, to furnish their Quotas with all possible dispatch. It is a matter of great Importance and will be of serious consequence to the Camp established in case the Enemy should be able to possess themselves of this River, and cut off the supplies of Troops that might be necessary on certain Emergencies to be sent from hence.
I must entreat your Attention to an application I made some time agoe for Flints we are extremely deficient in this necessary article and shall be greatly distressed if we cannot obtain a supply— Of Lead we have a sufficient quantity for the whole Campaign, taken off the Houses here.
Esteeming it of infinite Importance to prevent the Enemy from getting fresh provisions and Horses for their Waggons, Artillery, &c., I gave orders to a party of our men on Staten Island and writing Genl. Heard to drive the stock off without waiting for the Assistance or direction of the Committee there, lest their slow mode of transacting business might produce too much delay and have sent this morning to know what they have done.—I am this minute Informed by a Gentleman that the Committee of Elizabeth Town, sent their Company of Light Horse on Monday to effect it and that some of their Militia was to give their aid yesterday. He adds he was credibly told last night by part of the Militia coming to this place that yesterday Evening they saw a good many Stock driving off the Island and crossing to the Jerseys—If the business is not executed ’ere now, it will be impossible to do it.
I have the Honor &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 4 July, 1776.
Sir,
When I had the honor to address you on the 30 Ulto. I transmitted a Copy of a Letter I had received from a Gentleman, a member of the Honorable the General Court of Massachusetts bay, suggesting the improbability of succors coming from thence in any seasonable time for the defence of this place, or to reinforce our Troops engaged in the Canada expedition—I am sorry to inform you that from a variety of Intelligence his apprehensions appear to be just and to be fully confirmed. Nor have I reason to expect but that the supplies from the other two Governmts, Connecticut and New Hampshire, will be extremely slow and greatly deficient in number—As it now seems beyond question and clear to demonstration that the Enemy mean to direct their operations and bend their most vigorous Efforts against this Colony and will attempt to unite their two Armies, that under Genl Burgoyne and the one arrived here, I cannot but think the expedient proposed by that Gentleman is exceedingly just, and that the Continental Regiments now in the Massachusetts Bay, should be immediately called from thence and be employed where there is the strongest reason to believe their aid will be indispensably necessary.
The expediency of the measures I shall Submit to the Consideration of Congress and will only observe as my Opinion that there is not the most distant prospect of an attempt being made where they now are by the Enemy, and if there should, that the Militia that can be assembled upon the shortest notice will be more than equal to repel it.—they are well armed, resolute and determined, and will Instantly oppose any Invasion that may be made in their own province.
I shall also take the liberty again to request Congress to Interest themselves in having the Militia raised and forwarded with all possible expedition as fast as any considerable number of ’em can be collected that are to compose the flying Camp.—This I mentioned in my Letter of Yesterday but thought proper to repeat it, being more and more convinced of the necessity. The Camp will be in the neighborhood of Amboy and I shall be glad [if] the Conventions or Committees of Safety of those Governments from whence they come, may be desired to give me previous notice of their Marching that I may form some plan and direct provision to be made for their reception.
The disaffection of the People at that place and others not far off, is exceedingly great, and unless it is checked and overawed, it may become more general and be very alarming. The arrival of the Enemy will encourage it. They or at least a part of ’em are already landed on Staten Island which is quite contiguous and about 4000 were marching about Yesterday, as I have been advised and are leaving no Arts unessayed to gain the Inhabitants to their side, who seem but too favorably disposed.—It is not unlikely that in a little time they may attempt to cross to the Jersey side, and induce many to join ’em, either from motives of Interest or fear, unless there is a force to oppose ’em.
As we are fully convinced that the Ministerial Army we shall have to oppose this campaign will be great and numerous and well know that the utmost Industry will be used as it already has been, to excite the savages and every body of people to Arms against us whom they can Influence, it certainly behoves us to strain every nerve to counteract their designs:—I would therefore submit it to Congress whether, especially as our scheme for employing the Western Indians does not seem to be attended with any great prospect of success from General Schuyler’s accounts, it may not be advisable to take measures to engage those of the Eastward, the St. Johns’ Nova Scotia, Penobscot &c, in our favor. I have been told that several might be got, perhaps five or six hundred or more, readily to join us if they can. I should immagine it ought to be done. It will prevent our Enemies from securing their friendship, and further they will be of infinite service in annoying and harrassing them should they ever attempt to penetrate the country. Congress will be pleased to consider the measure and if they determine to adopt it, I conceive it will be necessary to authorize and request the General Court of the Massachusetts bay to carry it into execution, their situation and advantages will enable them to negotiate a Treaty and an Alliance better than it can be done by any persons else.
I have been honored with your two favors of the 1st Instt. and agreable to the wishes of Congress shall put Monsieur Wiebert in the best place I can to prove his abilities in the Art he professes. I shall send him up immediately to the works erecting towards Kings Bridge under the direction of General Mifflin, whom I shall request to employ him.
I have this moment received a letter from General Greene, an extract from which I have enclosed. The intelligence it contains is of the most important nature, and evinces the necessity of the most spirited and vigorous exertions on our part. The expectation of the fleet under Admiral Howe is certainly the reason the army already come has not begun its hostile operations. When that arrives we may look for the most interesting events, and such as, in all probability, will have considerable weight in the present contest. It behoves us to be prepared in the best manner; and I submit it again to Congress, whether the accounts given by their prisoners do not show the propriety of calling the several Continental regiments from the Massachusetts government, raising the Flying Camp with all possible despatch, and engaging the eastern Indians.
July 5th.—General Mercer arrived here on Tuesday, and, the next morning, was ordered to Paulus Hook to make some arrangements of the militia as they came in, and the best disposition he could to prevent the enemy’s crossing from Staten Island if they should have any such views. The distressed situation of the inhabitants of Elisabethtown and Newark has since induced me, upon their application, to give up all the militia from the Jerseys, except those engaged for six months. I am hopeful they will be able to repel any incursions, that may be attempted. Generals Mercer and Livingston are concerting plans for that purpose. By a letter from the latter last night, I am informed the enemy are throwing up small works at all the passes on the north side of Staten Island, which it is probable they mean to secure.
None of the Connecticut militia is yet arrived; so that the reinforcement we have received is very inconsiderable. A letter from General Schuyler, with sundry enclosures, of which No. 1, 2, & 3 are exact copies, this moment came to hand, and will no doubt claim, as it ought to do, the immediate attention of Congress. The evils, which must inevitably follow a disputed command, are too obvious and alarming to admit a moment’s delay in your decision thereupon ; and, although I do not presume to advise in a matter now of this delicacy, yet as it appears evident, that the northern army has retreated to Crown Point, and mean to act upon the defensive only, I cannot help giving it as my opinion, that one of the major-generals in that quarter would be more usefully employed here, or in the Flying Camp, than there; for it becomes my duty to observe, if another experienced officer is taken from hence in order to command the Flying Camp, that your grand army will be entirely stripped of generals, who have seen service, being in a manner already destitute of such. My distress on this account, the appointment of General Whitcomb to the eastern regiments, a conviction in my own breast that no troops will be sent to Boston, and the certainty of a number coming to this place, occasioned my postponing, from time to time, the sending of any general officer from hence to the eastward heretofore; and now I shall wait the sentiments of Congress relative to the five regiments in Massachusetts Bay, before I do any thing in this matter.
The Commissary Genl. has been with me this morning concerning the other matter contained in Genl. Schuyler’s Letter respecting the business of that departure.
He has I believe in order to remove difficulties, recalled Mr. Avery but seems to think it necessary in that case that Mr. Livingston should be left to himself as he cannot be responsible for persons not of his own appointment—this matter should also be clearly defined by Congress.—I have already given my Opinion of the necessity of these in matters being under one Genl. direction in so full & clear a manner, that I shall not take up the time of Congress to repeat it in this place.
TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL WILLIAM LIVINGSTON.
Head Quarters, 5 July, 1776.
Sir:
Your Favor of the 4th came safely to hand—the Situation of New Jersey is such, and the apprehensions of the Inhabitants so justly excited that I have concluded to discharge the Militia from this Place, except those from Morris County, whose internal situation is such as to leave them nothing to fear from the Enemy. These I have posted in Bergen in Order to prevent any Communication and to give the Enemy Obstruction, in case they should attempt to land in that Quarter which, with the Assistance of the Continental Troops posted there, I hope they will be able effectually to do.
The Remainder of the Militia I have dismissed as I have reason to believe the Enemy is waiting for the European Fleet, and will not make a general attack untill it arrives,—but we have not yet one Man from Connecticut. You will observe I have dismissed the Militia from hence, but have not discharged them, as I am of Opinion a Part of them may be usefully employed in the immediate defence of the Province. In this view they fall properly under your Command, and I would suggest to you the propriety of stationing them in proper Places along the shore opposite to Staten Island, so as to relieve the inhabitants from the apprehensions they are under of being plundered, as well as preventing any communication with the Enemy. There are a Number of People in Amboy who will undoubtedly open a correspondence with them immediately, and endeavor to excite disaffection, thro’ the Province, now they feel themselves under some kind of Protection. If it is practicable in the present situation of things, I am of Opinion those Officers of Government and the notoriously disaffected, there should be removed with all Expedition to less dangerous Places; that the cattle and Sheep and Horses on the shores contiguous to Staten Island should be immediately drove back; the Ferries carefully attended to, and all Boats watched that pass or attempt so to do. The number of Men necessary for these services you will be able to ascertain better than I can, but in such Emergency it is better to exceed than fall short. As to Provision for the Men, I presume while the Militia are employed in the immediate Defence of the Province the Expence at least in the first Instance will fall upon the Colony. How far the Continent will reimburse the Province I cannot determine; but the necessity of some supplies being collected is so evident that I make no doubt the Convention will immediately go into it. In the mean time I should think no person could run any Risque in doing what is immediately necessary under your appointment.
I have been the more induced to dismiss the Militia that the new Levies (or 6 months men) may be forwarded as soon as possible, and I must request your exertions for this purpose, as it is my intention to have them here without a moments delay. Since this Letter was begun, another of your favors came to my hands, informing me that the Enemy have thrown up two small Breast works on the Cause way from the Point.
You also request some experienced Officers to be sent over, which I would gladly comply with, if in my Power, but I have few of that character, and those are so necessarily engaged here that for the present I must refer you to General Mercer, whose Judgment and Experience may be depended on. I have wrote him that I should endeavor to send over an Engineer as soon as possible. From all Accounts we receive I cannot think they have any serious intentions at present beyond making themselves masters of Staten Island, guarding against any Attack from us, and collecting what stock they can. But at the same time it is highly prudent for you to be in the best posture of Defence you can. I am, &c.
TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL WILLIAM LIVINGSTON.
Head-Quarters,New York, 6 July, 5 o’clock P.M., 1776.
Sir,
Your favor of this date, enclosing Major Duyckinck’s letter, was this moment received. The known disaffection of the people of Amboy, and the treachery of those of Staten Island, who, after the fairest professions, have shown themselves our most inveterate enemies, induced me to give directions, that all persons of known enmity or doubtful character should be removed from places, where they might enter into a correspondence with the enemy, and aid them in their schemes. In this end, General Heard had directions to apprehend such persons, as from their conduct have shown themselves inimical, or whose situations, connexions, or offices gave just cause of suspicion.
I have no knowledge of the persons apprehended; but suppose General Heard had good reason for taking hold of them. However, if there are any, whom, from your personal knowledge and opinion, you think may be permitted to return, I have no objection, and sending the others to Provincial Congress for their disposal. But, as to the former, I would suggest to you, that my tenderness has been often abused, and I have had reason to repent the indulgence shown to them. I would show them all possible humanity and kindness, consistent with our own safety; but matters are now too far advanced to sacrifice any thing to punctilios. I have given direction to forward you a Supply of Ammunition but must beg you to inculcate the utmost frugality & care of it as we have no superfluity. This supply of Cartridges, some loose powder, & Lead—If you have any occasion for Ammunition for Field pieces which the latter will not supply, I will endeavor to assist you, but I would wish you to make no more drafts than are absolutely necessary.
General Mercer has just set off for Jersey. In his experience and judgment you may repose great confidence. He will proceed to Amboy after conferring with you. You will please to keep me constantly informed of the proceedings of the enemy, and be assured of every assistance and attention. I am, &c.
TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL.
New York, 7 July, 1776.
Sir,
I have been honored with your favors of the 3d and 4th Instant and return you my sincere thanks for your kind intention to afford me every Assistance in your power at this Truly Critical and Alarming period—The situation of our Affairs calls aloud for the most Vigorous Exertions and nothing else will be sufficient to avert the Impending blow. From four prisoners taken the other day we are Informed that Genl Howe has already about ten Thousand men, being joined by the Regiment from the West Indies and some of the Highland Troops in his passage hither, that he is in daily Expectation of the Arrival of Admiral Howe and that nothing would be attempted till he came, having come from Halifax in Consequence of Advices received a few days before from England, that the Admiral was ready to sail with a fleet of one Hundred and fifty Ships with a large Reinforcement to Join him here. These Armies when United you will readily Conceive will be Extreamly Formidable and such as will Require a large and Numerous one on our part to oppose them—But yet I have been under the Necessity of Informing Col. Silliman that it will be impossible to subsist the Horse of the three Regiments ordered—and if it could be done the Expence would be enormous, and what I do not apprehend I have authority to Assent to. At the same time knowing the Important advantages that may result from their Aid, I have entreated his Exertions to prevail on the Men to come themselves—I hope on the one hand they will see the propriety of my objecting to their Horses and on the other the Necessity there is of coming themselves. My anxiety leads me to request a continuance of your Good offices in forwarding the Battalions Ordered with all possible Dispatch. The Interest of America is now in the Ballance and it behoves all attached to her Sacred Cause and the Rights of Humanity to hold forth their Utmost and most speedy Aid. I am convinced nothing will be wanting in your power to Effect.
The Situation of the Northern Army is certainly Distressing but no Relief can be afforded by me—This I am persuaded you will Readily agree to. I should suppose, if proper precautions are taken, the small pox may be prevented from spreading—this was done at Cambridge and I trust will be contrived by Generals Schuyler and Gates, who are well Apprized of fatal Consequences that may Attend its infecting the whole Army —but a small part of the forces here have had it and were it not the case—neither policy or prudence would allow me to send any more from hence that have seen the least of service—too many have been already Detached; to part with more would be to put all to the Hazard—
The Retreat of the Army from Canada I doubt not will Occasion a General Alarm to the Frontier Inhabitants, and our Enemies without question will use every means they can Suggest to Excite the Savages against them. But I would feign hope their Incursions will be prevented and Repelled without much Difficulty. The first Opportunity I have I will Transmit a Copy of your Letter to Congress upon this subject and Request their attention to it. I am, Sir.
FORGED LETTER.
TO MR. LUND WASHINGTON.
New York, July the 8, 1776.
Dear Lund,
We are still going on with all imaginable briskness and success with our works, which, I think are already impregnable. It would really astonish you to see the progress we have made. I do not believe that all history can furnish a precedent of so much being done in so little a time, or in so masterly a manner, where you had so little right to look for consummate skill. If in every thing else, we could but come up to our exertions in these fortifications, I should hardly know how to doubt the judgment of those who think that we may bid defiance to the world. But, I know not how it is, I am diffident of every thing. Whilst almost every body else seem to have persuaded themselves that we have nothing to fear, I alone torment myself with thinking that every thing is against us. Even from these very works which have inspired us with such confidence, I anticipate only misfortune and disgrace. By this time the die is cast, and America is authoritatively declared free and independent; and unless we can be contented to appear ridiculous in the eyes of all the world, we must resolve to support this declaration by a suitable conduct; we must fight our way to freedom and independencey; for in no other way, shall we be permitted to obtain it, farther than words.
A war, therefore, and a most serious one, is now inevitable. Next to good finances, which it is not my promise to provide for, a good army is, doubtless, a main requisite to the carrying on a successful war. And a good army, is by no means secured, as some seem to reckon by securing a large number of men. We want soldiers, and between these, and raw, undisciplined men, there is a wide difference.
The question then is, how are these raw and undisciplined men to be formed into good soldiers? And I am free to give it as my opinion, that so far from contributing to this, will strong holds, fortified posts, and deep intrenchments be found, that they will have a direct contrary effect. To be a soldier, is to be inured to, and familiar with danger; to dare to look your enemy in the face, unsheltered and exposed to their fire, and even when repulsed, to rally again with undiminished spirit. The Indian maxim is, that it is equally your duty to take care of yourself and to annoy your enemy. To a general, this may not be an unusual caution; but I will venture to assert, that whenever a private sentinel allows himself to act on this principle, the odds are, that, in the moment of trial, in his exceeding solicitude not to forget the former, the latter will be but little attended to. Now, what I ask, are all these mighty ditches and breast-works, but so many lessons and admonitions to our men of what prodigious importance it is to take care of themselves? It would be almost worth our while to be defeated, if it were only to train us to stand fire, and to bear a reverse of fortune with a decent magnanimity. If it had not been for this ill-judged humor of fighting from behind a screen, the 19th of April, and 27th of June last year, might have been the happiest days America ever saw. All these things have I, again and again, represented to my masters; I am ashamed to say, to how little purpose. They return me answers and instructions, which, though I cannot refute, have not yet convinced what I would call the feelings of my own mind.
This day week, the enemy’s fleet was first descried off Sandy Hook. They have been employed since then, in debarking their troops on Staten Island, where they are cantoned, as far as I can judge, in a very uncompact and unguarded manner; I cannot exactly ascertain their number, but I have reason to believe, that they fall short of seven thousand. It is more extraordinary still, that I am not able to inform you of the exact number of forces under my own command: I fancy, however, we might bring into the field, at this place, double their number at a minute’s warning; and with this superiority of numbers, making all possible allowances for our other disadvantages, one would hope we might be able to give a good account of them. You, who are sanguine in the extreme, and all impatience, will eagerly ask, why we suffered them to land unmolested, and to remain so ever since. What excellent expeditions your fire-side generals can instantly plan and execute! But you forget that they are posted on an island, and that we have no way of coming at them unless they would lend us their ships and boats, which I have not presumed to ask of them. Aware, however, of the importance of falling on them, whilst there is a chance of doing it with success, and e’er they become a match for us, by reinforcements, which they daily expect, I have formed a scheme, which at least, is plausible, and promises fair to be successful. I have submitted it to Congress, and every moment expect their answer; and if they will but support me with alacrity, and in good earnest, my next, I trust will not be so desponding. I expect to be all ready to put my plan in execution on Tuesday, or at farthest, on Wednesday night; so that probably, at the very moment you are reading this, we may be engaged in a very different service. You will, no doubt, be impatient to hear from me as soon as may be after Wednesday, and I will not disappoint you. Meanwhile I shall not need to tell you, that end how it will, all that I freely chatter to you is to remain a profound secret to every body else.
Doctor, now Brigadier-General Mercer, is here, and is a great comfort to me. Like myself, he wants experience; but he is very shrewd and sensible, and though a Scotsman, is remarkable humane and liberal. I have communicated the whole of my design to him, alone; and am not ashamed to own, that I have received much assistance from him. I know not how it may turn out; but though neither he nor I are very apt to be sanguine, we have both confessed to be so on this occasion. Animated, however, as I feel myself with the near prospect of at length doing something, not unworthy the high rank to which I am raised, I own to you, I take a serious pleasure in it, only as it flatters me with the hope of thereby obtaining a speedier and happier peace. Let us, since war must be our lot, distinguish ourselves as freemen should, in fields of blood, still remembering, however, that we fight not for conquest, but for liberty.
I am with the truest Esteem, Dear Lund, your faithful Friend and Servant,
G. W.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL WARD.
New York, 9 July, 1776.
Sir,
The enclosed Declaration will show you, that Congress at length, impelled by necessity, have dissolved the connexion between the American Colonies and Great Britain, and declared them Free and Independent States; and in compliance with their order I am to request, you will cause this Declaration to be immediately proclaimed at the head of the Continental regiments in the Massachusetts Bay. It being evident, from a variety of concurring circumstances, that the British armies mean to direct their most vigorous operations this campaign against the State of New York, to penetrate into it by way of the lakes and the North River, and to unite their attacks, the importance of it has induced Congress to take further measures, for baffling their designs, and rendering it more secure.
You will see by the resolves now transmitted, that the northern army is to be augmented by part of the troops under your command; and I do desire, that you will immediately detach for that purpose three of the fullest regiments forthwith to march to Ticonderoga, or such other place as the said army may be at, and put themselves under the order and directions of the general officer commanding the same.
You will also perceive, that Congress have resolved, that the arms taken in the Scotch transports should be sent here. The President informs me, he has wrote to the agents respecting ’em; but as I presume they are in your possession, or in some of the stores by your order, you will have the whole of them forwarded with all possible despatch, in the usual route and with necessary directions. Congress have made some alteration in the establishment of chaplains, and advanced their pay, as they have that of the regimental surgeons; as you will see by their proceedings, copies of which in their instances are also transmitted.
You will be particularly attentive to hastening the march of the three regiments, and give proper orders for their route, and to the commissary and quartermasters, that every thing necessary for the same may be immediately provided. Their aid is much wanted, and may be of the utmost importance. When they have marched, you will be pleased to put the remaining regiments under the command of the oldest colonel, with such instructions as you may judge necessary, and then retire, if it shall be agreeable to you, for the recovery of your health, as I cannot possibly request you longer to continue; and, wishing you a speedy restoration of it, I am, Sir, &c.
P. S. I would have you consult with proper persons and some of the members of the General Court, respecting the route of the three regiments to be detached to the northern army.
And if they shall be of opinion that they may probably arrive from thence for Albany, I should think that would be more preferable for Two reasons—First it will ease the Troops of much fatigue and 2, they might if there was a necessity for it, afford succor how they passed. I do not mean to give any direction in the matter, nor do I wish this mode to be adopted, unless there appears a probability of their arriving where they are Intended to be sent by Congress as early as if they pursued their march by Land and across the Country.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 10 July, 1776.
Sir,
I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of the 4th and 6th instant, which came duly to hand, with their important enclosures.
I perceive that Congress have been employed in deliberating on measures of the most interesting nature. It is certain, that it is not with us to determine in many instances what consequences will flow from our counsels; but yet it behoves us to adopt such, as, under the smiles of a gracious and all-kind Providence, will be most likely to promote our happiness. I trust the late decisive part they have taken is calculated for that end, and will secure us that freedom and those privileges, which have been and are refused us, contrary to the voice of nature and the British constitution. Agreeably to the request of Congress, I caused the Declaration to be proclaimed before all the army under my immediate command; and have the pleasure to inform them, that the measure seemed to have their most hearty assent; the expressions and behavior, both of officers and men, testifying their warmest approbation of it. I have transmitted a copy to General Ward at Boston, requesting him to have it proclaimed to the Continental troops in that department.
It is with great pleasure, that I hear the militia from Maryland, the Delaware government, and Pennsylvania, will be in motion every day to form the Flying Camp. It is of great importance, and should be accomplished with all possible despatch. The readiness and alacrity, with which the Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania and the other conferees, have acted, in order to forward the associated militia of that state to the Jerseys for service, till the men to compose the Flying Camp arrive, strongly evidence their regard to the common cause, and that nothing on their part will be wanting to support it. I hope, and I doubt not, that the associated militia, impressed with the expediency of the measure, will immediately carry it into execution, and furnish in this instance a proof of the continuance of that zeal, which has so eminently marked their conduct. I have directed the commissary to make necessary provision for their reception, who will also supply the army for the Flying Camp with rations. A proper officer will be appointed to command it.
In pursuance of the power given me by Congress, and the advice of my general officers, I have wrote to General Ward, and desired him forthwith to detach three of the fullest regiments from the Massachusetts Bay to join the northern army, esteeming it a matter of the greatest importance to have a sufficient force there to prevent the enemy passing the lake, and making an impression in that quarter.
The Gondolas and Gallies will be of great service and I am hopefull the Carpenters you have sent from Philadelphia and that will go from the Eastward on your application, will be able to build a sufficient number in time to answer every exigency.
I have requested Governor Cooke if the Duck mentioned in Mr. Green’s Letter is proper for Tents, to have it made up as early as possible and forwarded here. I have also desired him to send the Flints and small arms, as I have Genl Ward those of the latter that were taken out of the Scotch Transports, our deficiency in these necessary articles being still great.
Observing that Congress have particularly Mentioned a bounty of Ten Dollars to be paid to men of some Corps directed to be raised in two or three Instances since their Resolve of the 26 of June, allows such bounty, I have been led to doubt how that Resolve is to be construed, whether it is a general regulation and extends to all men that will engage for three years; for instance the Soldiers of the present Army if they will Inlist for that time. If it is and extends to them, it will be necessary to forward a large sum of money many perhaps would engage. I also observe by the Resolve of the 25th June for raising four Regiments of Militia in the Eastern Governments to augment the Troops in the Northern department that the assemblies of those Governments are empowered to appoint paymasters to the said Regiments; this appears to me a regulation of great use and I could wish that it was made General, and one allowed to every Regiment in the service, many advantages would result from it.
The Connecticut militia begin to come in; but from every account the battalions will be very incomplete, owing, they say, to the busy season of the year. That government, lest any inconvenience might result from their militia not being here in time, ordered three regiments of their light-horse to my assistance, part of which have arrived. But, not having the means to support them (and, if it could be done, the expense would be enormous), I have thanked the gentlemen for their zeal, and the attachment they have manifested upon this occasion, and informed them, that I cannot consent to their keeping their horses, at the same time wishing them to stay themselves. I am told that they or part of them mean to do so.
Genl. Mercer is now in the Jerseys for the purpose of receiving and ordering the Militia coming for the Flying Camp, and I have sent over our Chief Engineer to view the Ground within the neighborhood of Amboy and to lay out some necessary works for the Encampment, and such as may be proper at the different passes in Bergen Neck and other place on the Jersey shore, opposite Staten Island, to prevent the Enemy making impressions and committing depredations on the property of the Inhabitants.
The Intelligence we have from a few deserters that have come over to us, and from others, is, that Genl. Howe has between nine and Ten thousand men who are chiefly landed on the Island, posted in different parts and securing the several communications from the Jerseys with small works and Intrenchments to prevent our people from paying ’em a visit. That the Islanders have all Joined them, seem well disposed to favor their cause, and have agreed to take up arms in their behalf. They look for Admiral Howe’s arrival every day with his fleet and a large reinforcement; are in high spirits, and talk confidently of success and carrying all before ’em when he comes. I trust thro divine favor and our own exertions they will be disappointed in their views, and at all events any advantages they may gain will cost them very dear. If our Troops will behave well, which I hope will be the case, having every thing to contend for that Freemen hold dear, they will have to wade thro much blood and slaughter before they can carry any part of our Works, if they carry ’em at all, and at best be in possession of a melancholy and mournfull victory. May the sacredness of our cause Inspire our Soldiery with sentiments of Heroism, and lead ’em to the performance of the noblest exploits with this wish.
I have &c.
TO THE GENERAL COURT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
Head-Quarters,New York, 11 July, 1776.
Gentlemen,
At a crisis like the present, when our enemies are prosecuting a war with unexampled severity, when they have called upon foreign mercenaries, and have excited slaves and savages to arms against us, a regard to our own security and happiness calls upon us to adopt every possible expedient to avert the blow, and prevent the meditated ruin. Impressed with this sentiment, and impelled by necessity, the Congress have been pleased to empower me, as you will perceive by the enclosed copy of their resolve, which I have the honor of transmitting you, to call to our aid so many of the St. John’s, Nova Scotia, and Penobscot Indians, as I might judge necessary. At the same time they have desired, that I should request the assistance of your honorable body in carrying their views into execution, and to assure you, that whatever expenses you may necessarily incur in doing it, and as incident to it, they will reimburse. Esteeming their service of such importance, particularly if the enemy should attempt an impression into the interior parts of the country, I must entreat your kind offices upon this occasion, and your friendly exertions immediately to engage, on the best terms you can, five or six hundred men of these tribes, and have them marched with all possible expedition to join the army here.
Having professed a strong inclination to take part with us in the present contest, it is probable they may be engaged for less pay and on better terms, than the Continental troops; but, if they cannot, they must be allowed it. The term of their enlistment should be for two or three years, unless sooner discharged (the right of which should be reserved us), if they will engage for so long a time; if not, for such time as they will agree, and provided it is not too short; and it must be part of the treaty, and enjoined upon them, to bring every man his firelock, if it can be possibly effected. As the services they may render will probably depend on their early and timely arrival, it is unnecessary to suggest to you the necessity of the utmost despatch in the matter. I well know the execution of the work will be attended with some trouble and inconvenience; but a consideration of the benefits, that may arise from employing them, and your zeal for the common cause, I am persuaded, will surmount every obstacle, and apologize for my requisition; especially as it comes recommended and supported by authority of Congress. Since I had the Honor of Addressing you on ye 9th Inst. I have recd. a resolve from Congress for calling ye other small Contl. Regts. from the Massachusetts Bay to join the Army here, a copy of which I have enclosed, & by the advice of my Genl. Officers have wrote Genl. Ward to detach them immediately, the accounts that we have all agreeing that Lord Howe is every day expected with 150 Transports with 15,000 men at least in addition to those already here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL SCHUYLER.
New York, 11 July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
I received your favors of the 1st and 2d instant, and agreeable to your request transmitted Congress a copy of the former and of its several enclosures. The important subjects referred to ’em have met with their attention, and the letter accompanying this will inform you and General Gates of the result of their deliberations. I hope that harmony and a good agreement will subsist between you, as the most likely means to advance the interest of the cause, you both wish to promote. They have determined the matter between Mr. Trumbull and Mr. Livingston, and decided the right of supplying the northern army, and appointing persons for that purpose, to be in the former.
I gave orders immediately on Receipt of your favor for the several Articles you wrote for to be sent you If they could be had—Ball or Buck Shot could not be spared from hence, and I directed a Quantity of lead to be sent you out of which you must attempt to have them made.
I have not heard any thing of the money mentioned By Mr. Duane—I imagine it has not been sent. If any Accident had befallen It, the Matter would have been known ’ere now—
Since my last, General Howe’s fleet from Halifax has arrived, in number about one hundred and thirty sail. His army is between nine and ten thousand, being joined by some of the regiments from the West Indies, and having fallen in with part of the Highland troops in his passage. He has landed his men on Staten Island, which they mean to secure, and is in daily expectation of the arrival of Lord Howe, with one hundred and fifty ships, with a large and powerful reinforcement. This we have from four prisoners, which fell into our hands, and some deserters that an advice Packett arrived at Halifax before they left it, informing that he was ready to Sail when they came from England to join General Howe here, in Consequence of which he came with the present armament. They add that nothing will be attempted till his arrival. Their intelligence I have no doubt is well founded; indeed the enemy’s having done nothing yet affords proof beyond question, that they are waiting for more troops. We are strengthening ourselves as much as possible, and deem their staying out so long a fortunate circumstance, as it not only gives us an opportunity of advancing our works, but of getting some relief from the neighbouring provinces. From every appearance, they mean to make a most vigorous push to subdue us this campaign; and for this purpose to possess themselves of this colony, if possible, as a step leading to it. Our utmost exertions must be used, and I trust, through the favor of divine Providence, they will be disappointed in their views. As having a large Number of Gundolas & Gallies on the lakes will be of Great Importance, Mr. Hancock Informs me in his letter of the 6th Instant that fifty Carpenters were gone from Philadelphia in Order to Build them, & that he had wrote to Govr. Cooke to engage & forward the same Compliment. I am advised by Govr Trumbull in a letter Just Received, that he has procured Two Companies of Twenty five Each who were about to set out. When they arrive they will be able I am in hopes to turn Several of the Stocks in a little time.—
It being evident that an attempt will be made by General Burgoyne to penetrate and make an impression into the colonies by way of the lakes, unless there is a sufficient force to oppose him, I have exercised a discretionary power, with which I was honored by Congress, and ordered three of the fullest Continental regiments, that were stationed in the Massachusetts government, to march immediately on receiving my orders to join the northern army. I have directed them to come to Norwich, and there embark for Albany, hoping they will arrive as expeditiously in this way, and with much less fatigue, than if they had pursued their route by land altogether at this hot uncomfortable season. These, with such militia as may be furnished from the several colonies required to provide them, and the troops that were under General Sullivan in Canada, I flatter myself will be able and more than equal to repel any invasion, that may be attempted from that quarter. It will be some time before their aid can be had, having never had the authority of Congress to order ’em until within this week.
You will perceive by the enclosed Declaration, that Congress of late have been deliberating on matters of the utmost importance. Impelled by necessity, and a repetition of injuries no longer sufferable, without the most distant prospect of relief, they have asserted the claims of the colonies to the rights of humanity, absolved them from all allegiance to the British crown, and declared them Free and Independent States. In obedience to their order, the same must be proclaimed throughout the northern army.
I am, dear Sir, &c.
A prisoner taken yesterday belonging to the 10 Regiment, informs that Admiral Howe is hourly expected—he adds that a vessel has arrived from his fleet.—
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 11 July, 1776.
Sir:
I was honored with your favor of the 8th Instant by yesterday morning’s post with the several Resolves to which you referred my attention.—I shall duly regard them, and attempt their execution as far as I am able.
By virtue of the discretionary power that Congress were pleased to vest me with, and by advice of such of my General Officers as I have had an opportunity of consulting, I have ordered the Two remaining Continental Regiments in the Massachusetts bay to march immediately for the defence of this place, in full confidence that nothing hostile will be attempted against that State in the present Campaign.
I have wrote to the General Court of Massachusetts bay, and transmitted a copy of the resolve for employing the Eastern Indians; entreating their good offices in this Instance, and their exertions to have them forthwith engaged and marched to join this Army. I have desired Five or Six hundred of them to be Inlisted for two or three years, if they will consent to it, subject to an earlier discharge if it shall be thought necessary and upon the same Terms of the Continental Troops, if better cannot be had, tho’ I am hopefull they may.
In my letter of yesterday, I mentioned the arrival of part of the Connecticut light-horse to assist in the defence of this place, and my objection to their horses being kept. Four or five hundred of them are now come in; and, in justice to their zeal and laudable attachment to the cause of their country, I am to inform you, they have consented to stay as long as occasion may require, though they should be at the expense of maintaining their horses themselves. They have pastured them out about the neighborhood of Kingsbridge, being unwilling to send them away, at the rate of half a dollar per week each, meaning to leave it entirely with Congress either to allow or refuse it, as they shall judge proper. I promised to make this representation, and thought it my duty; and will only observe, the motives which induced them at first to set out were good and praiseworthy, and were to afford the most speedy and early succor, which they apprehended would be wanted before the militia arrived. Their services may be extremely important, being most of them, if not all, men of reputation and of property.
The subject of the enclosed copy of a letter from Governor Trumbull I beg leave to submit to the consideration of Congress. They will perceive from his representation the disquieting apprehensions, that have seized on the minds of the people since the retreat of the northern army, and how exposed the northern frontiers of New York and New Hampshire are to the ravages and incursions of the Indians. How far it may be expedient to raise the battalion he conceives necessary to prevent the calamities and distresses he points out, they will determine, upon what he has said, and the necessity that may appear to them for the measure.
What I have done being only meant to lay the matter before them in compliance with his wishes. I have also Inclosed a memorial from the Surgeons mates setting forth the Inadequacy of their payments—their services and maintenance and praying that it may be encreased. I shall observe that they have a long time since complained in this Instance and that some additional allowance may not be unnecessary.
As I am truly sensible the time of Congress is much taken up with a variety of important matters, it is with unwillingness and pain I ever repeat a request after having once made it, or take the liberty of enforcing any opinion of mine after it is once given; but, as the establishing of some office for auditing accounts is a matter of exceeding importance to the public interest, I would beg leave once more to call the attention of Congress to an appointment competent to the purposes. Two motives induce me to urge the matter: first, a conviction of the utility of the measure; secondly, that I may stand exculpated if hereafter it should appear, that money has been improperly expended, and necessaries for the army obtained upon unreasonable terms.
For me, whose time is employed from the hour of my rising till I retire to bed again, to go into an examination of the accounts of such an army as this, with any degree of precision and exactness, without neglecting other matters of equal importance, is utterly impracticable. All that I have been able to do and that, in fact, was doing nothing was, when the commissary, and quartermaster, and director-general of the hospital (for it is to these the great advances are made) applied for warrants, to make them at times produce a general account of their expenditures. But this answers no valuable purpose. It is the minutiæ that must be gone into, the propriety of each charge examined, the vouchers looked into; and, with respect to the commissary-general, his victualling returns and expenditures of provisions should be compared with his purchases; otherwise a person in this department, if he was inclined to be knavish, might purchase large quantities with the public money, and sell one half of it again for private emolument, and yet his accounts upon paper would appear fair, and be supported with vouchers for every charge.
I do not urge this matter from a suspicion of any unfair practices in either of the departments before mentioned; and sorry should I be if this construction was put upon it, having a high opinion of the honor and integrity of these gentlemen. But there should nevertheless be some control, as well upon their discretion as honesty; to which may be added, that accounts become perplexed and confused by long standing, and the errors therein not so discoverable as if they underwent an early revision and examination. I am well apprized, that a treasury office of accounts has been resolved upon, and an auditor-general for settling all public accounts; but, with all deference and submission to the opinion of Congress, these institutions are not calculated to prevent the inconveniences I have mentioned; nor can they be competent to the purposes, circumstanced as they are.
We have intelligence from a deserter that came to us, that on Wednesday morning the Asia, Chatham and Greyhound men-of-War weighed Anchor and it was said, intended to pass up the North river above the City to prevent the communication with the Jerseys. They did not attempt it, nor does he know what prevented them. A prisoner belonging to the 10th Regimt. taken yesterday, informs that they hourly expect Admiral Howe and his Fleet, he adds that a Vessel has arrived from them, and the prevailing opinion is that an Attack will be made immediately on their arrival.
By a letter from Genl. Ward I am informed, that the small-pox has broke out at Boston and Infected some of the Troops—I have wrote him to place the Invalids under an Officer to remain till they are well, and to use every possible precaution to prevent the Troops coming from thence bringing the Infection.
The distresses and calamities we have already suffered by this disorder in one part of our army, I hope will excite his utmost care that they may not be Increased. I have, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 12 July, 1776 half past 8, p. m.
Sir,
The design of this is to inform Congress that about half after three o’clock this evening, two of the enemy’s ships of war, one of forty and the other of twenty guns, with three tenders, weighed anchor in the bay opposite to Staten Island, and, availing themselves of a brisk and favorable breeze, with a flowing tide, ran past our batteries up the North River, without receiving any certain damage that I could perceive, notwithstanding a heavy and incessant cannonade was kept up from our several batteries here, as well as from that at Paulus Hook. They, on their part, returned and continued the fire as they ran by. I despatched an express to Brigadier-General Mifflin, at our encampment towards the upper end of the island, but I have not heard whether they have got by or received any damage. The account transmitted by this morning’s post, respecting the arrival of one of the fleet, seems to be confirmed. Several ships have come in to-day; among them one this evening with a St. George’s flag at her foretop-mast head, which we conclude to be Admiral Howe, from the circumstance of the flag, and the several and general salutes that were paid. It is probable they will all arrive in a day or two, and immediately begin their operations.
As it will be extremely necessary that the flying Camp should be well provided with powder and Ball and it may be impracticable to send supplies from hence on account of our hurry and engagements, besides the communication may be uncertain, I must beg the attention of Congress to this matter, and request that they will forward with all possible expedition such a Quantity of Musket powder and Lead, if Balls of different sizes cannot be had, as will be sufficient for the Militia to compose that Camp. By an Express this minute arrived from Genl. Mifflin the Ships have passed his works. I am, &c.
TO THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF THE CONVENTION OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK.
Head-Quarters, 13 July, 1776.
Gentlemen,
A multiplicity of engagements, and a continual pressure of other concerns, has prevented our proceeding in the case of the soldiers confined for seditious and treasonable practices; but, as soon as time will admit, a proper attention will be paid to it. In the mean time, I beg leave to suggest the propriety of the authority of the province taking some steps, with regard to those persons confined by them for the same offences. They certainly are to be deemed the principals, and justice to the inferior agents, while the others pass unnoticed, I observe, only excites compassion and censure. I am very sensible, it is a case full of difficulty and perplexity, and well deserving your most serious deliberation; nor do I entertain a doubt, but the result will be such, as will conduce to the public good. I have, some time ago, mentioned to the body of which you are a committee, the necessity of falling upon some measures to remove from the city and its environs persons of known disaffection and enmity to the cause of America. The safety of the army, the success of every enterprise, and the security of all, depend so much on adopting the most speedy and effectual steps for the purpose, that I beg leave again to repeat it; and do most earnestly entreat you to adopt some plan for this purpose, or give me your assistance so to do as to remove those disquieting and discouraging apprehensions, which pervade the whole army on this subject. A suspicion, that there are many ministerial agents among us, would justly alarm soldiers of more experience and discipline than ours; and I foresee very dangerous consequences, in many respects, if a remedy to the evil is not soon and efficaciously applied.
The removal of the tory prisoners, confined in the gaol of this city, is a matter to which I would solicit your attention. In every view, it appears dangerous and improper. In case of an attack and alarm, there can be no doubt what part they would take, and none can tell what influence they might have. You will, Gentlemen, do me the justice to believe, that nothing but the importance and necessity of the case could induce me thus to urge these matters, in which you have also an immediate and common interest. The gentlemen appointed to give passes to persons leaving the city, I am informed, decline acting. Great inconvenience will ensue to the citizens, if this business should be committed to the officers of the army, who, from their ignorance of the inhabitants, as well as other reasons, are wholly improper for the management of it. I should be glad, if your committee will take this matter also into their consideration. I am, Gentlemen, with great respect and regard, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 14 July, 1776.
Sir,
My last of friday evening which I had the honor of addressing you, advised that Two of the Enemies Ships of War and Three Tenders had run above our Batteries here, and the Works at the upper end of the Island. I am now to Inform you, that yesterday forenoon receiving Intelligence from Genl Mifflin that they had past the Taupan Sea and were trying to proceed higher up, by advice of R. R. Livingston Esqr and other Gentn, I despatched expresses to Genl. Clinton of Ulster and the Committee for safety for Dutchess County, to take measures for securing the passes in the Highlands, lest they might have designs of seizing them and have a force concealed for the purpose. I wrote the Evening before to the commanding Officer of the Two Garrison’s there to be vigilant and prepared against any Attempts they or any disaffected persons might make against them and to forward expresses all the way to Albany, that provision and other Vessels might be secured and prevented falling into their hands. The Information given Genl. Mifflin was rather premature as to their having gone past the Sea. A Letter from the Committee of Orange County which came to hand this morning says they were there yesterday and that a Regiment of their Militia was under Arms to prevent their landing and making an Incursion. The messenger who brought it, and to whom it refers for particulars, adds, that a party of them in two or three boats had approached the shore but were forced back, by our people firing at them. Since the manœuvre of friday there have been no other movements in the Fleet.
General Sullivan, in a letter of the 2d instant, informs me of his arrival with the army at Crown Point, where he is fortifying and throwing up works. He adds, that he has secured all the stores except three cannon left at Chamblee, which in part is made up by taking a fine twelve-pounder out of the Lake. The army is sickly, many with the smallpox; and he is apprehensive the militia, ordered to join them, will not escape the infection. An officer, he had sent to reconnoitre, had reported that he saw at St. John’s about a hundred and fifty tents, twenty at St. Roy’s, and fifteen at Chamblee; and works at the first were busily carrying on.
I have Inclosed a General return of the Army here which will shew the whole of our strength. All the detached posts are Inclosed.
A Letter from the Eastward by last nights post to Mr. Hazard, post master in this city, advises “That Two ships had been taken & carried into Cape Ann. One from Antigua consigned to Genl Howe with 439 puncheons of Rum—The other a Jamaica man with 400 Hogsheads of Sugar, 200 puncheons of Rum, 39 Bales of Cotton, pimento, Fustick, &c &c. Each mounted 2 Guns, Six pounders.
About three o’clock this afternoon I was informed, that a flag from Lord Howe was coming up, and waited with two of our whale-boats until directions should be given. I immediately convened such of the general officers as were not upon other duty, who agreed in opinion, that I ought not to receive any letter directed to me as a private gentleman; but if otherwise, and the officer desired to come up to deliver the letter himself, as was suggested, he should come under a safe-conduct. Upon this, I directed Colonel Reed to go down and manage the affair under the above general instruction. On his return he informed me, after the common civilities, the officer acquainted him, that he had a letter from Lord Howe to Mr. Washington, which he showed under a superscription, “To George Washington, Esq.” Colonel Reed replied, there was no such person in the army, and that a letter intended for the General could not be received under such a direction. The officer expressed great concern, said it was a letter rather of a civil than military nature, that Lord Howe regretted he had not arrived sooner, that he (Lord Howe) had great powers. The anxiety to have the letter received was very evident, though the officer disclaimed all knowledge of its contents. However, Colonel Reed’s instructions being positive, they parted. After they had got some distance, the officer with the flag again put about, and asked under what direction Mr. Washington chose to be addressed; to which Colonel Reed answered, his station was well known, and that certainly they could be at no loss how to direct to him. The officer said they knew it, and lamented it; and again repeated his wish, that the letter could be received. Colonel Reed told him a proper direction would obviate all difficulties, and that this was no new matter, the subject having been fully discussed in the course of the last year, of which Lord Howe could not be ignorant; upon which they parted.
I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials to punctilio; but in this instance, the opinion of others concurring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my country and my appointment, to insist upon that respect, which, in any other than a public view, I would willingly have waived. Nor do I doubt, but, from the supposed nature of the message, and the anxiety expressed, they will either repeat their flag, or fall upon some mode to communicate the import and consequence of it.
I have been duly honored with your two Letters, that of the 10th by Mr. Anderson, and the 11th with its Inclosures. I have directed the Quarter Master to provide him with every thing he wants to carry his Scheme into execution. It is an Important one, and I wish it success, but I am doubtfull that it will be better in Theory than practice.
The passage of the ships of war and tenders up the river is a matter of great importance, and has excited much conjecture and speculation. To me two things have occurred, as leading them to this proceeding; first, a design to seize on the narrow passes on both sides of the river, giving almost the only land communication with Albany, and of consequence with our northern army, for which purpose they might have troops concealed on board, which they deemed competent of themselves, as the defiles are narrow; or that they would be joined by many disaffected persons in that quarter. Others have added a probability of their having a large quantity of arms on board, to be in readiness to put into the hands of the Tories immediately on the arrival of the fleet, or rather at the time they intend to make their attack. The second is, to cut off entirely all intercourse between this place and Albany by water, and the upper country, and to prevent supplies of every kind from going and coming.
These matters are truly alarming, and of such importance, that I have wrote to the Provincial Congress of New York, and recommended to their serious consideration the adoption of every possible expedient to guard against the two first; and have suggested the propriety of their employing the militia, or some part of them, in the counties in which these defiles are, to keep the enemy from possessing them, till further provision can be made; and to write to the several leading persons on our side in that quarter, to be attentive to all the movements of the ships and the disaffected, in order to discover and frustrate whatever pernicious schemes they have in view.
In respect to the second conjecture of my own, and which seems to be generally adopted, I have the pleasure to inform Congress, that, if their design is to keep the armies from provision, the commissary has told me upon inquiry, that he has forwarded supplies to Albany (now there and above it) sufficient for ten thousand men for four months; that he has a sufficiency here for twenty thousand men for three months, and an abundant quantity secured in different parts of the Jerseys for the Flying Camp, besides having about four thousand barrels of flour in some neighboring part of Connecticut. Upon this head, there is but little occasion for any apprehensions, at least for a considerable time.
I have the honor to be, &c.
P. S. I have sent orders to the commandg officer of the Pennsylvania militia to march to Amboy, as their remaing at Trenton can be of no service.
TO GOVERNOR COOKE.
Head Quarters,New York, 15th July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
Since my last Two of the Enemies Ships, one of Forty the other twenty Guns, taking advantage of a Strong Wind and Tide pass’d us notwithstanding a warm fire from all our Batteries, they now lie in Taapen Sea, between Twenty and thirty Miles up Hudsons River, where no Batteries from Shore can molest them. Their Views no doubt are to cut off all Communication between this and Albany by Water, which they effectually will do.—If the Gundaloes Row Gallies &c. from Providence and Connecticut were here I should think of making their Station uncomfortable. If possible I must request they may be sent on, as soon as conveniently may be, I have wrote Governor Trumbull requesting the same of him. ’Tis not unreasonable to suppose these ships have a number of Small Arms on Board which are intended to put into the hands of the disaffected on the North River, and in the back parts of this Province when a favorable opportunity may offer for their making use of them against Us. I am sorry to say their numbers by the best information I can get, are great.
We have one large Row Galley compleate, and another which will be ready by the time those arrive from Providence and Connecticut, the whole when collected will be sufficient to Attack the two ships up the River,—if no material alteration between this time and their arrival. The channel they now lie in is so narrow they cannot work their Guns to Advantage—Lord Howe arrived on Fryday last—his fleet cannot be far of. I have the honor, &c.
FORGED LETTER.
TO LUND WASHINGTON.
New York, 15 July, 1776.
Dear Lund,
Last Friday, the British fleet was seen off Staten-Island; they have since been employed, uninterrupted by us, in debarking their men, stores, &c. And as they must now, I should imagine, be pretty nearly as strong as they expect to be this campaign, no doubt we shall soon hear of their motions, I have reason to believe, their first essay will not be on this, but on Long-Island; where injudiciously I think, we also are, or soon shall be in force, Yet, if we do but act our parts as becomes us, be the issue as it may, we shall at least give them no pleasing earnest of what they have to expect in the course of the War. But there is no relying on any plan that is to be executed by raw men.
You have heard much of the powers with which commissioners were to be invested for the purpose of settling this dispute. Like most other things belonging to it, these too have made a much greater figure in talk, than they do in fact. There are but two commissioners, the two Howes; and their powers are extremely vague and undefined. It is a pity, methinks, that Congress had not had better information on this subject; if they had, it is to be presumed, they would not have precipitated the declaration of independency, so as to preclude all possibility of negotiation. I may venture to whisper in your ear, that this excepted, I firmly believe, that America might have carried every other point: and, certainly, there was a time when this would have been deemed a conquest beyond the warmest wishes of the warmest American. Whether in the present posture of affairs, it still be so, is another question: I can answer only for myself, that I would not even ask so much. Different men will judge differently with respect to this conduct, on the part of Great Britain; I own I am bewildered and puzzled to account for it. After such an astonishing expence as they have been at, and with such fair prospects as they have before them of being soon in a capacity to prescribe their own terms, it certainly is extraordinary to find them condescending to be friends with us, on conditions as mortifying and degrading to them, as they are flattering to us. I can account for it but in one way; I really ascribe it to their magnanimity. It must be an unpleasant contest to the nation: I say the nation; for however expedient it may be for us to have it called a ministerial war, no man who knows anything of the English government, can imagine, that the ministry, could have moved a step in it, if it had not been the sense of the nation. It must, too be a most fruitless, and unprofitable war; since every advantage they can gain, must in fact be a loss, as being gained over themselves. No wonder, therefore, they have been slow and backward to enter into it; no wonder they would be glad to be well rid of it, on almost any terms. I have ever been of this opinion, and it was this persuasion alone that reconciled me to the measure of taking up arms. I see, however, the world around me viewing it in a different light: every concession that is made to us, they attribute to timidity only, and despondency. I own appearances make for this conjecture; and no doubt Congress will give it its sanction.
I have not adopted this opinion, that we might have peace with Great Britain on terms which would once, have been thought most honorable, on slight grounds. Yesterday, a letter was brought to me, making overtures for a negotiation, from Lord Howe. I had expected it; and had my instructions. It was addressed to me, as I had foreseen as in a private character only. On the ground of independency if we chose to maintain it this was not a mere matter of punctilio; it was the critical moment of trial, whether we would assert, or recede from our pretentions. Never did men sit in debate on a question of higher magnitude: and, when they had once determined to declare their country free, I see not why they might not support this their declaration, by this as well as other means. A contrary conduct would certainly have indicated some want of firmness. Yet I confess to you, I felt aukward upon the occasion, the Punctilio seemed, and it could not but seem, to be my own; and as such-it looked, methought, as though I were proud of my titles. Put yourself in my place; and see me, longing as you know I do most earnestly for peace, yet turning my back on a gentleman, whom I had reason to consider as the harbinger of it, only because he asked for Mr. and not, General Washington. How often it is my lot to find it my indispensible duty to act a part contrary to both my own sentiments and inclinations. But, if I mistake not, it is in such instances only, that, properly speaking, we manifest our fortitude and magnanimity.
I shall astonish you, when I inform you, that this first rebuff abated not the ardor of the noble commissioner. His deputy paid us a second visit, and vouchsafed to honor me with the appellation of General. What name will you give to this condescention? I own it hurt me; and has well nigh led me into a train of thinking very different from all my former opinions. The gentleman who brought the message, is a Colonel Patterson, Adjutant-General, and a sensible well informed man. He requested to speak to me alone; and I was glad he did. After the first salutations, he told me the purport of the letter which had been refused; and his errand now was to ask me to point out the most eligible means of opening a negociation, for the purpose of accommodating the unhappy dispute. I replied that I knew of but one way, and that was by application to Congress. He said, the King’s Commissioners would have no objection to treating with the members who composed the Congress, provided only that they came with legal authority from the regular legislatures of their respective countries. I answered, they, doubtless would come with such authority; as, indeed, they could come with no other. I evidently saw his drift in the exception, as he did mine: and so put a stop to all possibility of mistake; he declared it impossible for his masters ever to acknowledge the Congress, as such, a legal, and constitutional body of men, and as it seemed to be rather a punctilio of pride, than of any real importance, he hoped it might be waved. I stared: How, Sir, have you not already acknowledged the powers of Congress, by acknowledging the honorable rank I hold, and which I hold from them, and them only? That said he, was the concession merely of politeness; and made for the purpose only of getting access to me; and he was persuaded, I was too sensible a man to lay any stress on so mere a trifle, I thanked him for his compliment, but assured him, that I meant to lay the most serious stress on it. If he really had that opinion of my understanding which he was pleased then to express, he must have supposed, that though a trifle in itself, it ceased to be so after I had made a point of it.
Words could not have told him more strongly that our resolutions were to assert and maintain our independency. And if the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain found themselves either unable or unwilling to give up this, as a preliminary article, they, and he must pardon me for saying, that I could but think them very idly employed in soliciting an interview with me. On this he prepared to take his leave, first adding, with a degree of sharpness and animation, that I own affected me. Sir, said he, you are pleased to be cavalier with me: I consider you as a well-meaning—I wish I could say, well-informed man; yet, I am mistaken, if your head, as well as your heart, would not, at this moment, dictate a very different language. There may be heroism, for ought I know, in desperately resolving to go all lengths with the men with whom you have connected yourself; but it is madness: and you may be thankful if posterity gives no worse name to a man who has no judgment of his own. Wrong, Sir, your judgment no longer. We certainly stooped as low as the proudest wrong-head among you could ask us; but, if you really think as you seem to effect to do, that we have made these overtures either from meanness, from a distrust of our cause, or our ability to make good our just claims you are out in all your reckoning. That the mean and narrow minded leaders of your councils may disseminate such opinions, in your unhappy country, I can easily suppose; but remember Sir, you, and your party, owe some account to the world? and when the world shall come to know your infatuated insolence in this instance before us, as know it they must, think how you will excuse yourselves? I replied with no less warmth, nor I trust, dignity. I was, indeed, stung: for after once having owned me as a General, you must confess there was something singularly contemptuous in presuming thus to school me. A few personal civilities put an end to the conference.
I have transmitted a faithful account of it to Congress; but as I can hardly suppose, they will judge it expedient to make it public, I thought I owed to you, not wholly to disappoint your curiosity. You will not, therefore, need me to caution you to be secret, as well on this as on other things, which I write to you.
One thing more I must not omit to mention to you. In my conference with Colonel Patterson, I thought I could discover that it was intended I should be impressed with a persuasion that the Commissioners thought not unfavorably of our pretensions, as urged in the beginning of the dispute. This is to be accounted for. They are Whigs; and if I am rightly informed, the General owes his seat in Parliament to the interests of the dissenters. But why approve of our first pretensions only? Surely if we were then right, we are not now wrong; I mean as to what we have a right to, by the principles of the constitution; the expediency of our measures is now out of question. I cannot dissociate the ideas between our having a right of resistance in the case of taxation, and the same right in the case of legislating for us. You know I am no deep casuist in political speculations, but having happily been brought up in revolution principles, I thought I trod surely when I traced the footsteps of those venerable men. Wonderful! These too are the principles of our opponents; so that all our misfortune and fault is the having put in practice the very tenets which they profess to embrace.
But I shall exhaust your patience; which I should not do, foreseeing as I do, that I shall, hereafter, have occasion to put it to the trial.
I am with the truest regard,
Dear Lund, Yours, &c,
G. W.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 15 July, 1776.
Sir,
This will be handed to you by Mr. Griffin, who has also taken upon him the charge and delivery of two packets containing sundry letters, which were sent to Amboy yesterday by a flag, and forwarded to me to-day by General Mercer. The letter addressed to Governor Franklin came open to my hands.
I was this morning honored with yours of the 13th instant, with its important and necessary enclosures; and, in obedience to the commands of Congress, I have transmitted to General Howe the resolves intended for him. Those for General Burgoyne I enclosed and sent to General Schuyler, with directions immediately to forward to him.
The inhuman treatment of the whole, and murder of part, of our people, after their surrender and capitulation, was certainly a flagrant violation of that faith, which ought to be held sacred by all civilized nations, and founded in the most savage barbarity. It highly deserved the severest reprobation; and I trust the spirited measures Congress have adopted upon the occasion will prevent the like in future; but if they should not, and the claims of humanity are disregarded, justice and policy will require recourse to be had to the law of retaliation, however abhorrent and disagreeable to our natures in cases of torture and capital punishments. I have, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 17 July, 1776.
Sir,
I was this morning honored with yours of the 15th Instt. with sundry resolves. I perceive the measures Congress have taken to expedite the raising of the Flying Camp and providing it with articles of the greatest use. You will see by a post script to my Letter of the 14th I had wrote to the Commanding Officer of the Pensylvania Militia, ordering them to be marched from Trenton to Amboy, as their remaining there could not answer the least public good. For having consulted with sundry Gentn I was Informed, if the Enemy mean to direct their views towards Pensylvania or penetrate the Jerseys, their Route will be from near Amboy and either by way of Brunswic or Bound Brook. The lower road from South Amboy being thro’ a Woody sandy country. Besides they will then be able to throw in succor here, & to receive it from hence in cases of emergency.
The Connecticut light-horse, mentioned in my letter of the 11th, notwithstanding their then promise to continue here for the defence of this place, are now discharged, and about to return home, having peremptorily refused all kind of fatigue duty, or even to mount guard, claiming an exemption as troopers. Though their assistance is much needed, and might be of essential service in case of an attack, yet I judged it advisable, on their application and claim of such indulgences, to discharge them; as granting them would set an example to others, and might produce many ill consequences.
The number of men Included in the last return by this, is lessend about 500.
I last night received a Letter from Genl Schuyler with several Inclosures, Copies of which I have herewith transmitted. They will give Congress every Information I have respecting our Northern Army, and the situation of our affairs in that Quarter to which I beg leave to refer their attention. I cannot but express surprize at the scarcity of provisions which Genl Schuyler mentions, after what the Commissary assured me & which formed a part of my Letter of the 14th he still assures of the same. This is a distressing circumstance as every article of provision and every thing necessary for that Department can have no other now than a Land conveyance, the Water communication from hence to Albany being entirely cut off. Congress will please to consider the Inclosure No. 6 about raising Six Companies out of the Inhabitants about the Lakes to prevent the Incursions of the Indians. The Genl Officers in their Minutes of Council have determined it a matter of much Importance, and their attention to the price of Goods furnished the soldiery may be extremely necessary, they have complained much upon this head.
The retreat from Crown Point seems to be considered in opposite views by the general and field officers. The former, I am satisfied, have weighed the matter well; and yet the reasons assigned by the latter against it appear strong and forcible. I hope whatever is done will be for the best.
I was apprehensive the appointment of General Gates over General Sullivan would give the latter disgust. His letter, which I transmitted to Congress, seemed to warrant the suspicion. He is not arrived yet; when he does, I shall try to settle the affair with him and prevail on him to continue, as I think his resignation will take from the service a useful and good officer.
By a letter from the Committee of Orange County received this morning the Men-of-War & Tenders were yesterday at Haverstraw Bay about Forty miles above this. A number of men in four Barges from the Tenders attempted to land with a view they suppose, of taking some sheep & Cattle that had been previously removed. A small number of Militia that was collected, obliged ’em to retreat without their doing any damage with their Cannon, they were sounding the Water up towards the Highlands, by which it is probable they will attempt to pass with part of the Fleet if possible.
Yesterday evening a flag came from General Howe with a letter addressed to “George Washington, Esq., &c., &c., &c.” It was not received, on the same principle that the one from Lord Howe was refused. I have the honor to be, &c.
FORGED LETTER.
TO LUND WASHINGTON.
New York, 16th July, 1776.
Dear Lund.
How cruelly are all my hopes in one sad moment blasted and destroyed! I am positively ordered to wait for the enemy in our lines; and lest I should be mad enough not to obey their mandates, not a single tittle of any thing I had asked for, is granted. Thus has a second opportunity of rendering my country an essential service, in the way of my profession, been unwisely, and in the most mortifying manner denied me. I profess, I hardly know how to bear it: having to regret not only, that two opportunities, such as may never again occur, have been suffered to pass by us unimproved, but that none can happen, we can improve. Managed as matters are, we neither are, nor ever shall be, a military people; and yet, in the train in which things are now put, unless we are, it were idiotism to hope for either freedom or independence.
I remember well, in a conversation I once had with a friend, now, most unjustly as unwisely, driven from his friends and his home, on the subject of monarchies and republics, he objected to the unavoidable slowness and dilatoriness of the executive power in the latter. Aiming to answer him in his own way, I replied that, if popular councils were slow, they yet were sure, and that in the multitude of counsellors there is safety. His answer was prophetical. If ever (he said) we of these countries should rashly put these things to the proof it would be found, that, however true this adage might be in the cabinet, it was not so in the field. Convinced, by melancholy experience, that this is the case, and, that without some different system, we shall but expose ourselves to contempt and ruin, I resolve this evening honestly & openly to say so to the Congress. I will go farther, and add, that if they cannot in fact, as well as in appearance, trust me with the uncontrouled command of their army, I will no longer be their puppet. Why should I? it being now morally certain that by going on as we have hitherto done, I can neither bring honor nor profit to them; and yet am sure to lose all the little of either which I have or might have, possessed.
I want words to express to you what I have felt, and still do feel on this disappointment of all my hopes: I had allowed myself to build too much on my scheme; and I seem to be in the situation of one who should be allowed to rise, on purpose only to be thrown down. The enemy, in the midst of all our blusterings, must despise us; and did not shame or some better principle restrain them, I should be but little surprized to find General Howe, even with his present little handful attacking us; yes, attacking us in our entrenchments—What shall I do? to retreat is to entail on myself the curses of every public man in my country; and to go on is certain ruin and disgrace. Were the world to know only my true history on this trying occasion, I persuade myself, all the candid and considerate in it would acquit me of blame. But this the world can know only by my resolving to tell a tale, which, considering the rank I now hold in it, must involve my country in such internal broils and quarrels, as must be fatal to the glorious cause in which we have embarked. And this, I trust, I shall have the virtue never to do, be my private wrongs and sufferings ever so great.
I have finished my letter to the Congress, to whom I have, at length, spoken in a more peremptory tone, than, I fancy, they have been used to. It was absolutely necessary; and I should ill deserve their confidence, if through any mistaken complaisance or diffidence, I hesitated to point out to them the mischievous consequences of their interference. I have also insisted on precise instructions in what manner I am to conduct myself towards the British commissioners, if peradventure, as is possible, their overtures should be made through me. Their answer will have a great influence on all my future measures; as I shall then know, (and surely it is time I should) on what ground I stand. The very decided and adventurous measure, which Congress itself has just taken is big with the most important consequences, not only to the community at large, but to every man in it. The temper and judgment which they shall now manifest, on their first avowed assumption of the reins of government, will be indicative of what we may hereafter expect. Hoping for the best, I yet will watch them most carefully.
’Tis all fearful expectation! Every man I see seems to be employed in preparing himself for the momentous rencontre, which every man persuades himself must shortly come on. There is an ostensible eagerness and impetuosity amongst us, I could willingly have excused: I should have been better pleased with that steady composure which distinguishes veterans. One thing is in our favor, the passions of our soldiery are seldom suffered to subside; being constantly agitated by some strange rumor or other. Happen what will, it can hardly be more extraordinary, than some one or other is perpetually presaging. And, we have already performed such feats of valor whilst we have no enemies to engage but such as our own imaginations manufacture for us, that I cannot but hope we shall do well, merely because no one ever seems to entertain a suspicion that we shall not. I can as yet give no guess, where or when they will approach us: I conclude, however, that they will hardly stir, till they are joined by all the men they expect. Desponding as I am, I wish they were arrived, and that, at this moment they were in a condition to attack us: They may gain by procrastination, but we are sure to lose.
I wrote to Mrs. Washington, lately, and shall again in a week or two, if I do not hear of her, ere that in Philadelphia. It has surprized me, that after what I wrote she should hesitate. I beg of you, if she be still fearful, to second my persuasions by every means in your power. Exposed as she must be to so many interviews with people in the army, all of whom are in the way of the small-pox, I have the most dreadful apprehensions on her account. I know not well how the notion came into my head, but it is certain, I have, for several days, persuaded myself that she is already inoculated, and that out of tenderness and delicacy, she forbears to inform me of it, till she can also inform me she is out of danger.
I note sundry particulars in your letter, to which I am not solicitous to give you answers. Why, when you have so often asked me in vain, will you press me for Congress-secrets? Whatever your or my private sentiments or wishes may be, it is sufficient for us that we know the highest authority in our country has declared it free and independent. All that is left for us to do is, so far as we can, to support this declaration, without too curiously enquiring into either its wisdom or its justice. I firmly believe, that the advocates for this measure, meant well; and I pay them but an ordinary compliment in thinking that they were fitter to determine on a point of this sort, than either you or I are. At any rate, the world must allow it to be a spirited measure; and all I have to wish for is, that we may support it with a suitable spirit.
I am, my Dear Lund,
Yours most affectionately,
G. W.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL SCHUYLER.
New York, 17 July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday evening I was favored with your of the 12th Instt. with its Several Inclosures.
As to the propriety or impropriety of giving up Crown Point, and vacating that post, it is impossible for me to determine. My ignorance of the country, my unacquaintance with its situation, and a variety of circumstances, will not permit me to pronounce any certain opinion upon the subject, or to declare whether it might or could not be maintained against the enemy. I doubt not, that the measure was duly weighed by the general officers in council, and seemed to them best calculated to secure the colonies and prevent the enemy from penetrating into them. However, I cannot but observe,—though I do not mean to encourage in the smallest degree, or to give the least sanction to inferior officers, to set up their opinions against the proceedings and councils of their superiors, knowing the dangerous tendency of such a practice,—that the reasons assigned by the officers in their remonstrance appear to me forcible and of great weight. They coincide with my own ideas. I have ever understood Crown Point to be an important post, and, from its situation, of the utmost consequence to us, especially if we mean to keep the superiority and mastery of the Lake. If it is abandoned by us, it is natural to suppose the enemy will possess it. If they do, and my judgment does not mislead me, any vessels or galleys we employ upon the Lake will certainly be in their rear, and it will not be in our power to bring them down to Ticonderoga, or the post opposite to it, or from thence to have the least communication with them, or the means of granting them succors or supplies of any kind. Perhaps it is intended to employ the galleys only on the communication between the two posts, that of Crown Point and the one now to be established. How far they would there answer our views I cannot tell. As I said before, I have not a sufficient knowledge of the several posts, or the neighboring country, to form an accurate judgment upon the matter, and of consequence do not design any thing I have said by way of direction, trusting that whatever is best to advance the interest of the important struggle we are engaged in will be done.
I am extremely sorry to have such unfavorable accounts of the condition of the army. Sickness of itself is sufficiently bad; but when discord and disorder are added, greater misfortunes cannot befall it, except that of a defeat. While they prevail there is but little Hopes of Things succeeding well. I must entreat your attention to these matters, and your exertions to introduce more discipline, and to do away the unhappy pernicious distinctions and jealousies between the troops of different governments. Enjoin this upon the officers, and let them inculcate, and press home to the soldiery, the necessity of order and harmony among them, who are embarked in one common cause, and mutually contending for all that freemen hold dear. I am persuaded, if the officers will but exert themselves, that these animosities and disorders will in a great measure subside; and nothing being more essential to the service, than that it should, I am hopefull nothing on their part will be wanting to effect it.
The scarcity of provision which you mention, surprises me much. I had hoped, that an ample and competent supply, for a considerable time, was now in Store, nor can I but believe, the most lavish & extravagant Waste has been made of it. Not longer than three or four Days ago, & just after the two Men of War & Tenders passed by, as mentioned in my last, the situation of the northern Army in Respect to this article, occurred to my Mind, & induced an Inquiry after the Commissary about it, being certain the Water communication with Albany would be entirely cut off, & was happy to find from him, that the supplies he had forwarded with such a Proportion of Fresh Meat as could be procured, would be fully sufficient for 10,000 Men for four Months. This I informed Congress of, as a most fortunate Event. To be told now, that there is none, or next to none, is so contrary to what I expected that I am filled with Wonder and Astonishment. I have informed the Commissary of it, who is equally surprised, & must request, as our Navigation is so circumstanced that you will direct those whose Business it is, to use every possible Means, to provide such supplies as may be necessary, & that proper attention be paid to the Expenditure, or it will be impossible ever to subsist that Army.
As to intrenching Tools, I have from Time to Time forwarded all that can possibly be spared.
I have directed the Quarter Master, to send such Things contained in your List, as can be had & may be transported by Land. The greatest Part it would be difficult to procure & if they could be had, it would be attended with immense Trouble & Expence to forward them. I must, therefore, entreat your utmost Diligence and Inquiry to get them, & not only them but every necessary you want wherever they may be had. The Water Intercourse being now at an End, but few supplies can be expected from hence, & I make not the least Doubt, if active proper Persons are employed, in many Instances you will be able to obtain such Articles as you stand in Need of. I am under the necessity of doing so here, and by much Pains and Industry have procured many Necessaries.
As for the Articles wanted for the Gondolas, I should suppose many of them may be purchased of the Proprietors of Crafts about Albany, & of Persons who have vessels there, by allowing them a good Price. The Communication by Water being now stop’d they cannot employ them, & I presume may be prevailed on to part with most of their Tackle for a good Consideration.
I transmitted Congress a copy of your Letter and of its several Inclosures, & recommended to their particular attention, the Resolution No. 6, for raising six companies to guard the Frontiers, & the high Price of Goods furnished the soldiery, & that some Measures might be taken thereon.
There is a Resolve of Congress against officers holding double Commissions, & of long standing, none are allowed it except Adjutants & Quarter Masters. They generally are, also first or second Lieutenants. In this Army there is no Instance of double offices, but in the cases I mention.
The Carpenters from Philadelphia, unfortunately had not Time to get their Tools &c. on Board a Craft here before the Men-of-War got up. They set out by Land next Day, and I suppose will be at Albany in the course of this Week, as also two Companies from Connecticut.
I have enquired of Mr. Hughes, & find that the six Anchors & Cables were on Board Capn. Peter Post’s Vessel belonging to Esopus; who, upon the first appearance of the Fleet coming above the Narrows, went off without taking the necessaries brought by Captain Douw. Mr. Hughes says, Captain Douw who brought you the Lead, had Orders to get them.
I have inclosed you a List of the naval articles the Qr. Master expects to obtain & send from hence, which will evince the Necessity of your Exertions to get the Rest elsewhere. Many of the articles, I should suppose may be made at Albany & within the neighborhood of it.
I am in hopes, in consequence of your application, the different governments will take some steps for apprehending deserters. It is a growing evil, and I wish it may be remedied. From the northern army they have been extremely numerous, and they should most certainly be returned if they can be found. How far the mode suggested by you may answer, the event will show; but I am doubtful whether many will return of themselves.
I fancy a Part of your Letter was omitted to be sent. When you come to speak of Deserters, what I have on the subject begins a new sheet and seems to suppose something preceding about them. After requesting Mr. Hughes to be spoke to about the Anchors, &c., the next page begins “unanimously agreed that I should write &c.”
You will perceive by the enclosed Resolve, Congress mean to raise the Garrison for Presque Isle, &c., in the counties of Westmoreland & Bedford in Pennsylvania. I am, Sir, &c.
July 18th, 10 o’clock, ante Meridien.
P. S. I have this minute spoke to Mr. Trumbull again about Provisions, & pressed his most vigorous Exertions; I believe he is determined to leave nothing undone on his Part, & has already sent off some Persons upon the Business, of which I suppose he will inform you or Mr. Livingston.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
Head-Quarters,New York, 19 July, 1776.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you a copy of a resolution of the Convention of the State of New York, dated the 16th instant, recommending it to all the general and subcommittees, to apprehend and secure all those persons, whose going at large at this critical time, they may deem dangerous to the safety of the State. As this city is hourly threatened with an attack from a powerful enemy, and as there is too much reason to apprehend from their vicinity to this city, and from the number of suspicious characters still in it, that they may receive intelligence, which may counteract all my operations for its defence, I strongly recommend it to you, to remove, for some time, all equivocal and suspicious characters. This appears to me to be the spirit of the resolution of the Provincial Convention; and the propriety of it is founded on the law of self-preservation, and confirmed by the practice of all nations in a state of war.
I esteem it my duty to add my recommendation to that of the Convention, that if, through an ill-timed lenity, my attempts to secure this province should be baffled, the blame of it may not be imputed to my want of vigilance. I have enclosed a list of persons represented as dangerous. As I can only speak from information, I must rely upon your taking proper steps with them; unless, from your better knowledge, you determine them to be of different characters from that represented. I am, Gentlemen, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 19 July, 1776.
Sir,
I have been duly honored with your favors of the 16th & 17th with the several Resolves they contained, to the execution of which so far as shall be in my power, I will pay proper attention.
In my Letter of the 17th I transmitted you a Copy of one from Genl Schuyler and of its several Inclosures. I confess the determination of the Council of General Officers on the 7th to retreat from Crown Point surprized me much, and the more I consider it the more striking does the impropriety appear. The reasons assigned against it by the Field Officers in their remonstrance, coincide greatly with my own Ideas, and those of the other General Officers I have had an opportunity of consulting with, and seem to be of considerable weight,—I may add conclusive. I am not so fully acquainted with the Geography of that country and the situation of the different posts as to pronounce a peremptory Judgement upon the matter, but if my ideas are right, the possession of Crown Point is essential to give us the superiority and mastery upon the Lake. That the Enemy will possess it as soon as abandoned by us, there can be no doubt, and if they do, whatever Gallies or force we keep on the Lake, will be unquestionably in their rear. How they are to be supported there, or what succor can be drawn from ’em there, is beyond my comprehension. Perhaps it is only meant, that they shall be employed on the communication between that and Ticonderoga. If this is the case, I fear the views of Congress will not be answered, nor the salutary effects be derived from them that were Intended. I have mentioned my surprize to General Schuyler, and would by the advice of the Generals here have directed, that that post should be maintained, had it not been for two causes; An apprehension that the Works have been destroyed, and that if the Army should be ordered from Ticonderoga or the post opposite to it, where I presume they are, to repossess it, they would have neither one place or another secure and in a defensible state. The other, lest it might encrease the Jealousy and diversity in Opinions which seem already too prevalent in that Army, and establish a precedent for the Inferior Officers to set up their Judgements when ever they would, in opposition to those of their superiors—a matter of great delicacy, and that might lead to fatal consequences, if countenanced; tho’ in the present instance I could wish their reasoning has prevailed. If the Army has not removed, what I have said to General Schuyler may perhaps bring on a reconsideration of the matter and it may not be too late to take measures for maintaining that post but of this I have no hope.
In consequence of the resolve of Congress for three of the Eastern Regiments to reinforce the Northern Army I wrote General Ward and, by advice of my General Officers, directed them to march to Norwich and there to embark for Albany, conceiving that two valuable purposes might result therefrom:—First, that they would sooner Join the Army by pursuing this Route and be saved from distress and fatigue that must attend every long March thro’ the country at this hot uncomfortable season; and secondly, that they might give succor here in case the Enemy should make an Attack about the Time of their passing: But the Enemy having now with their Ships of War and Tenders cut off the water communication from hence to Albany, I have wrote this day and directed them to proceed by Land across the Country. If Congress disapprove the route, or wish to give any orders about them, you will please to certifye me, thereof, that I may take measures accordingly.
Enclosed I have the honor to transmit you copies of a letter and sundry resolutions, which I received yesterday from the Convention of this State. By them you will perceive they have been acting upon matters of great importance, and are exerting themselves in the most vigorous manner to defeat the wicked designs of the enemy, and such disaffected persons as may incline to assist and facilitate their views. In compliance with their request, and on account of the scarcity of money for carrying their salutary views into execution, I have agreed to lend them, out of the small stock now in hand (not more than sixty thousand dollars), twenty thousand dollars, as a part of what they want; which they promise speedily to replace. Had there been money sufficient for paying the whole of our troops and not more, I could not have done it. But as it was otherwise, and by no means proper to pay a part and not the whole, I could not foresee any inconveniences that would attend the loan; on the contrary, that it might contribute in some degree to forward their schemes. I hope my conduct in this instance will not be disapproved.
I enclosed Governor Trumbull a copy of their letter, and of their several resolves by Colonel Broome and Mr. Duer, two members of the Convention, who are going to wait on him; but did not think myself at liberty to urge or request his interest in forming the camp of six thousand men, as the levies, directed by Congress to be furnished the 3d of June for the defence of this place by that government, are but little more than one third come in. At the same time, the proposition I think a good one, if it could be carried into execution. In case the enemy should attempt to effect a landing above Kingsbridge, and to cut off the communication between this city and the country, an army to hang on their rear would distress them exceedingly.
I have the honor to be, &c.
P. S. The enclosed paper should have been sent before but was omitted thro’ hurry.
P. S. After I had closed my Letter I received one from Genl Ward, a copy of which is herewith Transmitted. I have wrote him to forward the Two Regimts. now at Boston by the most direct road to Ticonderoga, as soon as they are well, with the utmost expedition, & consider their having had the small pox as a fortunate circumstance—When the three arrive which have marched for Norwich, I shall immediately send one of ’em on, if Congress shall judge it expedient, of which you will please to Inform me.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL GATES, TICONDEROGA.
New York, 19 July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
I expected ere this to have heard from you; and I will open the correspondence by expressing my exceeding great concern, on account of the determination of your board of general officers to retreat from Crown Point to Ticonderoga, assigning, contrary to the opinion of all your field-officers, for reason, that the former place is not tenable with your present force, or the force expected.
My concern arises from information, and a firm belief, that your relinquishing Crown Point is in its consequence a relinquishment of the Lakes, and all the advantages to be derived therefrom; for it does not admit of a doubt, that the enemy will, if possible, possess themselves of that pass (which is a key to all these colonies), the moment you leave it, and thereby confine your vessels to the narrow part of the Lake in front of that post; or, by having them in the rear of it, cut off all kind of supplies from and all intercourse between your camp and them, securing by this means a free and uninterrupted passage into the three New England governments for invasion thereof.
Nothing but a belief, that you have actually removed the army from Crown Point to Ticonderoga, and demolished the works at the former, and the fear of creating dissensions, and encouraging a spirit of remonstrating against the conduct of superior officers by inferiors, has prevented me, by advice of general officers, from directing the post at Crown Point to be held, till Congress should decide upon the propriety of its evacuation. As the case stands, I can give no order in the matter, lest between two opinions neither of the places are put into such a posture of defence, as to resist an advancing enemy. I must however express my sorrow at the resolution of your council, and wish that it had never happened, as every body who speaks of it also does, and that the measure could yet be changed with propriety.
We have the enemy full in view; but their operations are to be suspended, till the reinforcement (hourly expected) arrives, when I suppose there will soon be pretty warm work. Lord Howe is arrived. He and the General, his brother, are appointed commissioners to dispense pardons to repenting sinners. My compliments to the gentlemen with you of my acquaintance. I am, dear Sir, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 22 July, 1776.
Sir,
Your favors of the 18th & 19th with which you have been pleased to honor me have been duly received with the Several Resolves alluded to.
When the letter and declaration, from Lord Howe to Mr. Franklin and the other late governors, come to be published, I should suppose the warmest advocates for dependence on the British crown must be silent, and be convinced beyond all possibility of doubt, that all that has been said about the Commissioners was illusory, and calculated expressly to deceive and put off their guard, not only the good people of our own country, but those of the English nation, that were averse to the proceedings of the King and ministry. Hence we see the cause why a specification of their powers was not given to the mayor and city of London, on their address requesting it. That would have been dangerous, because it would then [have] been manifest, that the line of conduct they were to pursue would be totally variant from that they had industriously propagated, and amused the public with. The uniting the civil and military offices in the same persons, too, must be conclusive to every thinking one, that there is to be but little negotiation of the civil kind.
I have enclosed, for the satisfaction of Congress, the substance of what passed between myself and Lieutenant-Colonel Patterson, adjutant-general, at an interview had yesterday in consequence of a request from General Howe the day before; to which I beg leave to refer them for particulars.
Colonel Knox of the train having often mentioned to me the necessity of having a much more numerous body of artillerists, than what there now is, in case the present contest should continue longer, and knowing the deficiency in this instance, and their extreme usefulness, I desired him to commit his ideas upon the subject to writing, in order that I might transmit them to Congress for their consideration. Agreeably to my request, he has done it; and the propriety of his plan is now submitted for their decision. It is certain, that we have no more at this time than are sufficient for the several extensive posts we now have, including the drafts which he speaks of, and which, I presume, not only from what he has informed me, but from the nature of the thing, can never be qualified to render the same service, as if they were regularly appointed and formed into a corps for that particular purpose.
I beg leave to remind Congress, that some time ago I laid before them the proposals of some persons here for forming a company of light-horse; and of the President’s answer, a little time after, intimating that the plan seemed to be approved of. As those, who wanted to make up the troop, are frequently pressing me for an answer, I could wish to be favored with the decision of Congress upon the subject.
By a letter from General Schuyler, of the 14th instant, dated at Albany, he informs me, that, the day before, some desperate designs of the Tories in that quarter had been discovered, the particulars of which he could not divulge, being under an oath of secrecy; however, that such measures had been taken, as to promise a prevention of the intended mischief; and that four of the conspirators, among them a ringleader, were apprehended about one o’clock that morning, not far from the town. What the plot was, or who were concerned in it, is a matter I am ignorant of as yet. With my best regards to Congress, I have the honor to be your and their most obedient servant.
P. S. Congress will please to observe what was proposed respecting the exchange of Mr. Lovell, and signify their pleasure in your next. The last week’s return is also Inclosed.
FORGED LETTER.
TO LUND WASHINGTON.
New York, July 22, 1776.
I wish I could say I thoroughly approved of all the new regulations in the new institution of government in my native state. It could, however, hardly have been expected that a reformation so capital and comprehensive should be perfect at first; the wonder is, it is not still more exceptionable. My heart glows with unusual warmth when I advert, as I often do, to that pure and disinterested ardor which must have animated the bulk of my countrymen throughout the whole of this controversy. There may be exceptions amongst us, and no doubt, there are; but it is not fair to infer this from our uncommon impetuosity and violence. This one would wish restrained, but, by no means extirpated; for is it not the effect of a highly agitated spirit; the mere effervescence of good principles thrown into a state of strong fermentation? And, surely, even, precipitency is preferable to the spirit-breaking cautions of chill despondency. Yet I am no advocate, in general, either for rash measures, or rash men; but at such a conjuncture as this, men had need to be stimulated by some more active principle than cool and sober reason. They must be enthusiasts, or they will continue to be slaves.
I give this in answer to my friend Mr. Carter’s objections to the first procedures of the new government. No doubt, Henry is, in many respects, the unfittest man in the State for Governor of Virginia. He has no property, no learning, but little good sense, and still less virtue or public spirit; but he is the idol of the people; and as it is by their means only that you can hope to effect the grand schemes which you have meditated you must humor them, and indulge them with their rattle. They will soon tire of him; and the opportunity must then be watched gently to lead them to a better choice; for they may be led, though they cannot be driven. And though it be alas! but too true, that they often mistake their real interests, I am of opinion they never mistake them long. Sooner or later, they will judge and act from their settled feelings, and these I take it are generally founded in their settled interests. When great enterprises are to be performed, we may well dispense with some errors in judgment; when without that, we have, in its stead, that which perhaps we could not have with it; I mean, that undisciplined ardor which is infinitely better adapted to our purposes.
There cannot be a more striking instance that the judgment of the people may, in general, be safely trusted, in the long run, than is to be met with in Virginia. Very few countries have to boast of more men of respectable understandings; I know of none that can produce a family, all of them distinguished as clever men, like our Lees. They are all of them the very men one would wish for to take the lead of a willing multitude; for they are certainly men of shining talents, and their talents are of that particular kind which usually render men popular. No men are more so, than the men in question once were. It is obvious, this is no longer the case; and the reason must be that they are no longer worthy of it with all their cleverness, they are selfish in the extreme. The people, at length, found this out; or, no doubt, R. H. Lee would have now been governor, the grand object of all his aims.
You would be mortified to hear the criticisms which are common here on Henry’s inauguration speech. It is, indeed, a poor and pitiful performance; and yet I can believe that set off by his smooth and oily delivery, it would appear clever when he spoke it. Why did he not ask Mr. Page to prepare it for him? There is not a man in America more capable. The Counsellors of State are certainly irreproachable, and will do honor to those who appointed them. I am particularly pleased with the success of my honest brother-in-law Bat Dandridge; and the pleasure is not lessened by the assurance he makes me, that my letters were serviceable to him, there being but few men whom I love more than I do him. As you are soon to go down the country, you will see him; and therefore spare me the trouble of writing particularly to him. My friends must now be be so indulgent to me, as to wave the matter of compliment: I think myself happy, whenever I can write, as I should on urgent business. You know how ticklish my situation is; little as one would think there is to be envied in it, I yet am envied. And though, in all good reason, their fears should take a direct contrary course, there are who are for ever suggesting suspicions and jealousies of the army and its commander. My own heart assures me I mean them no ill: however if I really have the influence and ascendency which they suppose, I will for their sakes as well as my own, hereafter maintain it at some little cost. A thousand considerations determine me to strain every nerve to prevent the army’s being under any other controul whilst I live. Let a persuasion of the necessity of this, if occasion should arise, be seasonably urged in my native state; and in the mean while, let some more than ordinary pains be taken to make me popular. Their own honor and interest are both concerned in my being so. Shew this to Mr. Dandridge; and, as you both can enter into my meaning, even from the most distant hints, I can rest satisfied that you will do every thing I wish you.
We have lately had a general review; and I have much pleasure in informing you, that we made a better appearance, and went through our exercises more like soldiers than I had expected. The Southern states are rash and blamable in the judgment they generally form of their brethren of the four New England states; I do assure you, with all my partiality for my own countrymen, and prejudices against them, I cannot but consider them as the flower of the American Army. They are a strong, vigorous, and hardy people, inured to labor and toil; which our people seldom are. And though our hot and eager spirits may, perhaps, suit better in a sudden and desperate enterprise; yet in the way in which wars are now carried on, you must look for permanent advantages only from that patient and persevering temper, which is the result of a life of labor. The New Englanders are cool, considerate, and sensible; whilst we are all fire and fury: like their climate, they maintain an equal temperature, where as we cannot shine, but we burn. They have a uniformity and stability of character, to which the people of no other states have any pretension; hence they must, and will always preserve their influence in this great Empire. Were it not for the drawbacks and the disadvantages, which the influence of their popular opinions, on the subject of government, have over their army, they soon might, and probably would, give law to it. If General Putnam had the talents of Mr. S. Adams, or Mr. Adams had his, perhaps, even at this moment, this had not been matter of conjecture. But Putnam is a plain, blunt, undesigning old fellow, whose views reach no further than the duties of his profession, he is, indeed, very ignorant; yet, I find him a useful officer; and chiefly because he neither plagues me nor others, with wrangling claims of privileges. I owe him too no small acknowledgments, for the fairness of his accounts. I could open to you some strange scenes in this way. Some people seem to have gotten such a habit of cheating government, that, though sufficiently conscientious in other respects, they really are far less scrupulous in their manner of charging than, I think, becomes them.—But, as I have often told you, General Mercer is the man, on whom these states must rest their hopes. The character that one of his countrymen gave to the Pretender, fits him exactly; “He is the most cautious man I ever saw, not to be a coward; and the bravest not to be rash.” In my judgment, he is not inferior to General Lee, in military knowledge; and in almost every thing else, he is, infinitely, his superior. Yet the overbearing virtues of this last named gentleman are useful to us, especially at our setting out: we wanted not the sober and slow deductions of argument and reason; and Lee, like the author of Common Sense, has talents perfectly formed to dazzle and confound.
I thank you for your care in making the remittances you mention to Messrs. Carey & Co. I sincerely wish they may arrive safe; as I certainly owe it to them, to take every step in my power to make them easy. There is a pleasure in doing as one ought, in little as well as great affairs; but, in my present circumstances, I should often want this pleasure, were it not for your affectionate assiduity, and truly friendly attention. God bless you, my dear friend, for every instance of your care and concern for me.
I am, &c—
G. W.
TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.
New York, 22 July, 1776.
Dear Brother,
Whether you wrote to me or I to you last, I cannot undertake to say; but as it is some time since a Letter has passed between us, and as I expect every hour to be engaged in too busy a Scene to allow time for writing private Letters, I will take an opportunity by this day’s post to address to you a few lines, giving a brief acct. of the situation of affairs in this Quarter.
To begin, then, we have a powerful Fleet within full view of us, distant about eight miles. We have General Howe’s present army, consisting, by good report, of abt eight or nine thousand men upon Staten Island, covered by their Ships. We have Lord Howe just arrived, (that is about 10 days ago) and we have ships now popping In, which we suppose but do not know, to be part of the Fleet with the expected Reinforcements. When this arrives, if the Report of Deserters, Prisoners, and Tories are to be depended upon, the Enemy’s numbers will amount at least to twenty-five thousand men; ours to about fifteen thousand. More, indeed, are expected, but there is no certainty of their arrival, as Harvest and a thousand other excuses are urged for the Reasons of delay. What kind of opposition we shall be able to make, time only can show. I can only say, that the men appear to be in good spirits, and, if they will stand by me, the place shall not be carried without some loss, notwithstanding we are not yet in such a posture of defence as I could wish.
Two ships, to wit: the Phœnix of forty-four Guns, and Rose of twenty, run by our Batteries on the 12th, exhibiting a proof of what I had long most religiously believed; and that is, that a Vessel, with a brisk wind and strong tide, cannot, unless by a chance shott, be stopped by a Battery, without you could place some obstruction in the Water to impede her motion within reach of your Guns. We do not know that these ships received any capital Injury. In their Rigging they were somewhat damaged, and several shot went through their Hulls; but few if any Lives were lost. They now, with three Tenders, which accompanied them, lye up the North or Hudson’s River, abt. forty miles above this place, and have totally cut off all communication, by water, between this city and Albany, and between this army and ours upon the Lakes. They may have had other motives inducing them to run up the River, such as supplying the Tories with arms, etc., etc., but such a vigilant watch has hitherto been kept upon them, that I fancy they have succeeded but indifferently in those respects, notwithstanding this country abounds in disaffected Persons of the most diabolical dispositions and Intentions, as you may have perceived by the several publications in the gazettes, relative to their designs of destroying this army by treachery and Bribery, which was providentially discovered.
It is the general report of Deserters and Prisoners, and a prevailing opinion here, that no attempt will be made by Genl Howe, till his reinforcement arrives, which, as I said before, is hourly expected. Our situation at present, both in regard to men and other matters, is such as not to make it advisable to attempt any thing against them, surrounded as they are by water and covered with Ships, least a miscarriage should be productive of unhappy and fatal consequences. It is provoking, nevertheless, to have them so near, without being able in their weakness [to give] them any disturbance. [Their ships] that passed us are also saf[ely moored] in a broad part of the river, out [of reach] of shott from either shore.
TO JOHN PARKE CUSTIS.
New York, 24 July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you two or three posts ago, since which your letter of the tenth instant is come to hand. With respect to the proposed exchange of lands with Colonel Thomas Moore, I have not a competent knowledge of either tract to give an opinion with any degree of precision; but from the situation of Moore’s land, and its contiguity to a large part of your estate, and where you will probably make your residence, I should, were I in your place, be very fond of the exchange; especially, as the land you hold in Hanover is but a small tract, and totally detached from the rest of your estate. What local advantages it may have I know not. These ought to be inquired into, because a valuable mill seat often gives great value to a poor piece of land (as I understand that of yours in Hanover is). I have no doubt myself, but that middling land under a man’s own eye, is more profitable than rich land at a distance, for which reason I should, were I in your place, be for drawing as many of my slaves to the lands in King William and King and Queen as could work on them to advantage, and I should also be for adding to those tracts if it could be done upon reasonable terms.
I am very sorry to hear by your account that General Lewis stands so unfavorably with his officers. I always had a good opinion of him, and should have hoped that he had been possessed of too much good sence to maltreat his officers, and thereby render himself obnoxious to them.
We have a powerful fleet in full view of us,—at the watering-place of Staten Island. General Howe and his army are landed thereon, and it is thought will make no attempt upon this city till his re-enforcements, which are hourly expected, arrive. When this happens it is to be presumed that there will be some pretty warm work. Give my love to Nelly, and compliments to Mr. Calvert and family, and to others who may inquire after, dear Sir, your affectionate.
Mrs. Washington is now at Philadelphia, & has thoughts of returning to Virginia, as there is little or no prospect of her being with me any part of this summer. I beg of you to present my Love to my Sister and the children, and compliments to any inquiring friends, and to do me the justice to believe, that I am, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 25 July, 1776.
Sir,
Disagreeable as it is to me, and unpleasing as it may be to Congress, to multiply officers, I find myself under the unavoidable necessity of asking an increase of my aids-de-camp. The augmentation of my command, the increase of my correspondence, the orders to give, the instructions to draw, cut out more business than I am able to execute in time with propriety. The business of so many different departments centring with me, and by me to be handed on to Congress for their information, added to the intercourse I am obliged to keep up with the adjacent states, and incidental occurrences, all of which require confidential and not hack writers to execute, renders it impossible, in the present state of things, for my family to discharge the several duties expected of me, with that precision and despatch that I could wish. What will it be, then, when we come into a more active scene, and I am called upon from twenty different places perhaps at the same instant?
Congress will do me the justice to believe, I hope, that it is not my inclination or wish to run the Continent into any unnecessary expense; and those who better know me will not suspect, that show and parade can have any influence on my mind in this instance. A conviction of the necessity of it, for the regular discharge of the trust reposed in me, is the governing motive for the application, and as such is submitted to Congress by &c., &c.,
TO GENERAL GEORGE CLINTON.
Head Quarters,New York, 26 July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the 23d Instant is duly Received and am pleased with your timely notice of your Situation Strength, movements, &c., &c., and think time is not to be lost or expence regarded in getting yourselves in the best posture of Defence not knowing how soon the Enemy may attempt to pass you.
The Fire Rafts you mention are not of the best construction but probably are the best that can be procured with the dispatch necessary—Cables and Anchors I should suppose might easily be procured from the vessels which used to be plying up and down the River—and are now lying Idle;—Salt Petre from the Manufactures in the Country, as neither are to be had in this place,—the necessity of the Case will fully Justify your taking the former wherever to be found, and the safety of the people I should imagine would induce them to assist you to the latter all in their power.
I have sent up Lieut Machin to lay out and over-see such Works as shall be tho’t necessary by the Officers there, and from your representation of the Hill, which overlooks the Fort, I think it ought to be taken possession of Immediately.—You who are on the spot must be a better judge than I possibly can, must leave it with you to erect such Works as you, with Col. Clinton and the Engineer may think Necessary,—a proper Abstract or pay Roll should be made out, of the Wages due the Artificers, examined and certified by you or your Bro. when it may be sent here and the Money drawn.—Your method of fixing fires, with advanced Guards, if they are vigilant must answer the purpose you intend—Your dismissing all the New Englandmen to 300 is a step I approve of,—I hope you may continue to prevent the Enemy from obtaining any supplies or Intelligence and from committing any Ravages on the distress’d Peasentry on and about the Shores,—while you are able to keep them in this Situation below the Forts they can do little Damage—by every conveyance I shall like to hear of your Situation and the Enemies manœuvers.
I am Sir wishing you success—
P. S. Since the above the Q. M. Genl. Informs me you may be supplied with Turpentine here, and thinks can get Salt Petre enough for the present Emergency.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New York, 27 July, 1776.
Sir,
I was yesterday morning honored, with your favor of the 24th Instt. with Its several Inclosures, to which I shall pay the strictest attention. The confidence Congress are pleased to repose in my Judgement demands my warmest acknowledgements and they may rest assured It shall be invariably employed so far as It shall be in my power, to promote their views and the public weal.
I have Inclosed a Letter received from Major French two days ago, also one from him to his Lady. Congress will perceive thereby what he says and thinks about his parole, and will be pleased to transmit me by the earliest Opportunity the result of their opinion and such orders as they may think necessary to be taken upon It. The Letter for Mrs. French they will please to return me; it was only forwarded to shew his views more explicitly than what that for me does.
Since my last nothing material has occurred—Yesterday Evening report was made that Eight ships were seen in the offing standing towards the Hook. The men of War & Tenders still are up the River, they have never attempted to pass the Highland fortifications and a day or two ago quitted their Station, and fell down the River Eight or Ten Miles—The The vigilance and activity of the Militia opposite where they were, have prevented their Landing and doing much Injury.
I would wish to know whether the Allowance given to officers the 17th of January of One and a third Dollars for every man they Inlist, Congress mean to extend to the officers who Inlist for the New Army for three Years:—At first it may appear wrong or rather exorbitant, supposing that many will be recruited out of the Regiments now in service and under them; but the allowance will be of great use, as It will Interest the officers and call forth their exertions which otherwise would be faint and languid. Indeed I am fearfull from the Inquiries I have made that their utmost exertions will not be attended with but little success. It is objected that the bounty of Ten Dollars is too low and argued that If the States furnishing men for five or Six months allow considerably more, why should that be accepted and when the Form of Inlistment is to be for three years. I heartily wish a bounty in Land had been or could be given as was proposed some time agoe. I think It would be attended with salutary consequences.
In consequence of my application to Governor Trumbull, he has sent me two row-galleys; and I expect another from him. None from Governor Cooke are yet come; nor have I heard from him on the subject. One is complete here. The fire-ships are going on under Mr. Anderson’s direction, but rather slowly; and I am preparing some obstructions to the channel nearly opposite the works at the upper end of this island. When all things are ready I intend to try, if it shall seem practicable, to destroy the ships and tenders above, and to employ the galleys, if they can be of advantage. The militia for the Flying Camp come in but slowly. By a return from General Mercer yesterday, they are but little more than three thousand. If they were in, or can be there shortly, and the situation of the enemy remains the same, I would make some effort to annoy them, keeping our posts here well guarded, and not putting too much to hazard, or in any manner to risk. I have the honor, &c.
TO THE BOARD OF WAR.
New York, 29 July, 1776.
Gentlemen,
At length I have been able to comply with the first part of a resolution of Congress, of the 27th ulto., relative to a return of the vacancies in the several regiments, composing that part of the army under my immediate command. I thought to have made this return much sooner, but the dispersed situation of our troops, the constant duty they are upon, the difficulty of getting returns when this is the case, especially when those returns are to undergo several corrections, and the variety of important occurrences, which have intervened of late to draw attention from this matter, will I hope be admitted as an excuse, and the delay not ascribed to any disinclination in me to comply with the order; as I shall while I have the honor to remain in the service of the United States, obey to the utmost of my power, and to the best of my abilities, all orders of Congress with a scrupulous exactness.
With respect to the latter part of the aforementioned resolution of the 27th of June, I have to observe that I have handed in the names of such persons as the Field officers of the several Regiments & their Brigadiers, have pointed out as proper persons to fill these vacancies. I have neither added to, or diminished ought from their choice, unless the following Special Information which I conceived my indispensible duty to give should occasion any alterations.
For the 20th Regiment then, late Arnold’s, there are two competitors, to wit: Col. Durkee, the present Lieut. Colonel, who has had charge of the Regiment ever since the first establishment of it, and Lieut. Colonel Tyler of Parson’s Regiment.
The pretensions of both, and a State of the case, I have subjoined to the list of vacancies given in by General Spencer. As I have also done in the case of Col. Learned, to another list exhibited by General Heath. If Learned returns to the Regiment the vacancies stand right; If he should not, I presume the Regiment will be given to the Lieut. Colonel William Shepperd who stands next to Tyler in Rank and not second to him in reputation, this change would in its consequences occasion several moves. There is a third matter in which I must be more particular, as it is unnoticed else where, and, that is, the Lieut. Colonel of Wylly’s Regiment. Rufus Putnam acts here as a Chief Engineer, by which means the Regiment is totally deprived of his services, and to remove him from that department, the Public would sustain a capital injury, for altho’ he is not a man of scientific knowledge, he is indefatigable in business and possesses more practicable knowledge in the Art of Engineering than any other we have in this Camp or Army. I would humbly submit it therefore to Congress, whether it might not be best to give him (Putnam) the appointment of Engineer with the pay of Sixty Dollars per month; less than which I do not suppose he would accept; as I have been obliged in order to encourage him to push the business forward in this our extreme hurry, to give him reasons to believe that his Lieutenant Colonel’s pay would be made equal to this sum.
If this appointment should take place then, it makes a vacancy in Wyllys’s Regiment which I understand he is desirous of having filled by Major Henly an Active and spirited officer, now a Brigade Major to General Heath.
I am sorry to take up so much of your time, as the recital of particular cases, and some others, requires, but there is no avoiding it, unless Congress will be pleased to appoint one or more persons, in whom they can confide, to visit this part of this army once a month, inspect into it, and fill up the vacancies, as shall appear proper to them upon the spot. This cannot be attended with any great trouble, nor much expense, as it is only in the part of the army under my immediate direction, that such regulations would be necessary; the officers commanding in other departments having this power, I believe, already given them.
I have the honor to enclose a list of the officers of the regiments at this place, and long ago directed the like return to be made from the northern and eastern troops, which I hope is complied with. I also make return of the artillery according to Colonel Knox’s report, and of the ordnance stores &c, agreeably to the commissary’s return.
I come now to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 20th Instant, with several Inclosures relative to a proposal of Mr. Goddard and beg leave to give it as my opinion, that the Introduction of that Gentleman into the Army as Lieut. Colonel would be attended with endless confusion. I have spoke to Colo Parsons who is a very worthy man upon this subject. I have done more—I have shewn him the memorial; in answer to which he says, that in the conversation had between him and Mr. Goddard the latter was told, that unless Lieut. Colonel Tyler was provided for, Major Prentice advanced to a Lieut. Colonelcy in some other Regiment, and his eldest Captain (Chapman) not deprived of his expectation of the Majority, his coming in there would give uneasiness, but nevertheless if it was the pleasure of Congress, to make the appointment, he would do every thing in his power to make it palatible. If all these contingencies were to take place before Mr. Goddard could get into a Regiment he had been paving the way to, what prospect can there be of his getting into any other without spreading Jealousy as he goes?
With respect to the regiment of artificers, I have only to observe, that the forming them into one corps at the time I did, when immediate action was expected, was only intended as a temporary expedient to draw that useful body of near six hundred men into the field, under one head and without confusion. The appointment of officers, therefore, in this instance, was merely nominal, and unattended with expense.
The mode of promotion, whether in a Continental, colonial, or regimental line, being a matter of some consideration and delicacy to determine, I thought it expedient to know the sentiments of the general officers upon the consequences of each, before I offered my own to your board; and have the honor to inform you, that it is their unanimous opinion, as it is also mine, from observations on the temper and local attachments of each corps to the members thereof, that regimental promotions would be much the most pleasing; but this it is thought had better appear in practice, than come announced as a resolution, and that there ought to be exceptions in favor of extraordinary merit on the one hand, and demerit on the other; the first to be rewarded out of the common course of promotion, whilst the other might stand, and sustain no injury. It is a very difficult matter to step out of the regimental line now, without giving much inquietude to the corps in which it happens. Was it then to be declared, as the resolution of Congress, that all promotions should go in this way without some strong qualifying clauses, it would be almost impossible to do it without creating a mutiny. This is the sense of my officers; as also, that the promotions by succession are not meant to extend to non-commissioned officers, further than circumstances of good behavior may direct.
As the Lists of Vacancies are returned in consequence of an order of Congress, and would I doubt not be referred to your Board, I have sent no Duplicates, nor have I wrote to Congress on the subject, but that I may [not] appear inattentive to their commands, I must request the favor of having this Letter or the substance of it laid before them. I have the honor, &c.
TO LIEUTENANT-GENERAL HOWE.
Head-Quarters,New York, 30 July, 1776.
Sir,
Lieutenant-Colonel Patterson, adjutant-general of the army under your command, at the interview between us, having proposed an exchange of Mr. Lovell for Governor Skene, I am authorized to inform you, that the Congress have not only approved of this proposition, but, judging that a general exchange of prisoners will be attended with mutual convenience and pleasure to both parties, have empowered their commanders in each department to negotiate one, in the following manner;—“Continental officers for those of equal rank either in the land or sea service, soldier for soldier, sailor for sailor, and citizen for citizen.” They have also particularly mentioned the exchange of Colonel Ethan Allen for any officer of the same or inferior rank.
You will be pleased to signify the time and place for that of Mr. Lovell and Governor Skene, that I may give direction for the latter to be ready, who is now at Hartford, about one hundred and twenty miles from hence; also to favor me with your sentiments, as well on the proposition respecting Colonel Allen, as on the subject of a general exchange. I have the honor to be, with due respect, Sir, your most obedient servant.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL SCHUYLER.
New York, 31 July, 1776.
Dear Sir,
Your favors of the 14th, 17th, 20th & 24th have been duly received & I am extremely happy to find, that you have discovered and apprehended some of the ringleaders of a dangerous plot, you say was forming in the neighborhood of Albany; nor do I hear with less pleasure of the harmony and good agreement between you and General Gates, knowing how essential they are to the service.
Agreeable to your Request I communicated to Mr. Trumbull that part of your Letter respecting Mr. Livingston’s & your Apprehensions of his resigning in Case any Person should be appointed to act, independently of him in the Business he usually managed. Upon this occasion I must observe, that as Mr. Trumbull has the supreme Direction given him by Congress, of supplying the Northern Army, & is the Person that is accountable if it is not done in a proper Manner, his Appointments should, & must be regarded, or Things in this Instance will never proceed in a regular Channel, and fatal Consequences will otherwise ensue. Mr. Trumbull, I believe, has wrote Mr. Livingston on the subject, & I imagine has mentioned in what Manner he would have him to act & also given necessary Instructions to his Deputies.
It gives me great satisfaction to hear, that taking post at Fort Stanwix has not given umbrage to the Indians; and, also, that those, that were at Philadelphia and this place, have returned with such favorable ideas of our strength and resources to their several nations. From this circumstance I am hopeful that you will be able to engage them in our interest, and, with the assistance of the reward allowed by Congress, to excite their efforts to make prisoners of our enemies. I would have you press the matter strongly in both instances, and though you should not succeed, I flatter myself that you will secure their neutrality. That will be an important point to gain.
I conceive it will not be only proper, but absolutely necessary, to request General Howe to deliver the officers, who, regardless of their paroles, have escaped from Pennsylvania; and all others, that have acted in the same manner; pointing out the impropriety of such conduct, and the difficulty it lays us under as to the line of treatment to be observed to others. In a conversation with the adjutant-general of the King’s army, I touched upon this subject, and he assured me, all complaints of this nature would be strictly attended to by General Howe, and those who gave rise to them be handled with severity. Lord Howe, too, I am confidently informed, has expressed his great disapprobation of such behavior, and said that those who were guilty of it should be severely noticed, if they came into his hands. Every thinking and sensible person must see the impropriety of it, and the consequences that must attend it. I should suppose the requisition will claim General Burgoyne’s attention and be readily complied with.
The swivels you mention cannot be had; but if the Experiments of a Person who has undertaken to cast some three Pounders, should succeed; perhaps after some Time you may be furnished in part with a Quantity of these. Colo. Knox seems to think they will be far superior to swivels. The Man supposes, after he begins, he will be able to compleat twenty every week.
Neither are there any Hand Granadoes; We have a large number of 4½ Inch Shells, which might be a good substitute. But I do not know how Things of this Sort can be forwarded to you, as the Water Communication with Albany is entirely cut off. The Difficulty will be great if not almost insuperable.
I observe your reasons for quitting Crown Point, and preferring Ticonderoga. My knowledge of the importance of the former was not properly my own; it arose from the information I had from gentlemen and persons, who were, or said they were, well acquainted with it, and the situation of the country about it. Being founded on that, I cannot say any thing myself on the subject. Your representation of it most certainly lessens its consequence in a capital degree. However, I am fearful the observation of the field-officers, “that the New England governments will be thereby exposed to the incursions of our cruel and savage enemies,” will be but too well verified. If that post could not have been maintained, this evil with others greater must have happened.
In Respect to the Privilege you have given the Officers who held double Commissions, to retain which they choose I cannot object. If the Authority giving them was the same, & such as was exercised usually & approved, I see no Cause for it, & suppose the Officers have that Right.
As to Lieut. Colo. Buell’s Case, I cannot give any direction about it, not having Authority to appoint Officers generally.
It is not in my Power to spare you any money from hence. Our Chest is all but empty. Congress would be informed by your Letters of your situation, doubtless. I mentioned it in mine and have suggested as I often have, the Expediency, nay the Necessity of keeping regular supplies.
All the eastward accounts say, that three or four captures have been made lately; among them a provision vessel from Ireland, which of herself came into Boston harbor. In the southern department we have been still more lucky. Sir Peter Parker and his fleet got a severe drubbing in an attack made upon our works on Sullivan’s Island, just by Charleston, in South Carolina; a part of their troops at the same time, attempting to land, were repulsed. The papers I presume have reached you announcing this fortunate event, where you will see the particulars as transmitted by General Lee to Congress. I am, Sir, your most obedient servant.
“I had determined to disembark the army at Gravesend bay in Long Island, and with this intention the fleet moved up the bay on the 1st instant in the evening, in order to land the troops at the break of day next morning, but being more particularly informed during the night of a strong post upon a ridge of craggy heights covered with wood that lay in the route the army must have taken, only two miles distant from the enemy’s works, and seven from Gravesend . . . I declined the undertaking.”—General Howe to Lord George Germaine, 7 July, 1776. The landing was made on the 9th, on Staten Island, but not until the 12th of August did the last division of the fleet, bearing the Hessian auxiliaries, enter the harbor.
“The time is now near at hand which must probably determine, whether Americans are to be Freemen, or Slaves, whether they are to have any property they can call their own, whether their Houses, and Farms, are to be pillaged and destroyed, and they consigned to a state of wretchedness from which no human efforts will probably deliver them. The fate of unknown millions will now depend, under God, on the Courage and Conduct of this Army. Our cruel and unrelenting Enemy leaves us no choice but a brave resistance, or the most Abject Submission; this is all we can expect—We have therefore to resolve to conquer or die. Our own Country’s Honor, All call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion, and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world—Let us therefore rely upon the goodness of the cause, and the Aid of the supreme Being, in whose hands Victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble Actions—The Eyes of All our Countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings, and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the Tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and then the whole world, that a Freeman contending for Liberty on his own ground is superior to any slavish Mercenary on earth.
“The General recommends to the officers great coolness in time of action, and to the soldiers a strict attention and obedience, with a becoming firmness and spirit.
“Any officer, or soldier, or any particular Corps, distinguishing themselves by any acts of bravery, and courage, will assuredly meet with notice and rewards, and on the other hand, those who behave ill, will as certainly be exposed and punished—The General being resolved, as well for the Honor and Safety of the Country, as Army to shew no favor to such as refuse, or neglect their duty, at so important a crisis.
“Evening Orders.—’Tis the General’s desire that the men lay upon their Arms in their tents and quarters, ready to turn out at a moments warning, as there is the greatest likelihood of it.”—Orderly Book, 2 July, 1776.
Journals, 4 July, 1776.
Read July 4th.
“This will be handed you by Col. Stevenson whom I have ordered with the Captains of the Two Rifle Companies from Maryland to wait on Congress. They will point out such measures as they conceive most likely to advance the raising of the New Rifle Battallion, and the persons they think worthy of promotion that have served in the three Companies here agreeable to the Inclosed List. I am not acquainted with them myself, but from their report and recommendation, which I doubt not to be just, and that If Congress will please to enquire of them, they will mention other proper persons, for Officers.
“Only about forty of the three old Companies have reinlisted, which I shall form into one for the present and place under an officer or two, till a further and compleat Arrangement is made of the whole Battallion.”—Washington to the President of Congress, 4 July, 1776. Read July 8th. Referred to Board of War.
“The enemy’s fleet is now come up within twelve miles of us; and yesterday a large body of men, with Cortlandt Skinner at their head, landed on Staten Island, and dividing themselves into three bodies, traversed the whole Island, with a view of collecting stock and vegetables. The villainy and treachery of many of the inhabitants will give them some supplies; for though the General took every method to get off the stock, (force excepted,) they contrived by some means or other to evade it.”—Reed to his wife, 4 July, 1776.
“The Board of War brought in a report, which was taken into consideration, where upon, Resolved, That General Washington be vested with discretionary power to call to his assistance at New York such of the Continental regiments in the Massachusetts Bay as have not already received orders to march to Ticonderoga, and that the General Court of that State be requested to supply their places with militia, if they think it expedient.
“That General Washington have permission to call forth and engage in the service of the United States so many Indians of the St. Johns, Nova Scotia and Penobscot tribes, as he shall judge necessary, and that he be desired to write to the General Court of the Massachusetts Bay, requesting their aid in this business and informing them that Congress will reimburse such expences as may be necessarily incurred in consequence of the foregoing resolutions.”—Journals, 8 July, 1776.
A difference had arisen between General Schuyler and General Gates as to the command of the army, Schuyler claiming the chief control when the army was on this side of Canada, that Congress could not put him under the command of a younger officer, “nor oblige him to be a suicide and stab his own honor: that he frankly confessed General Gates’s superior military qualifications; that he would always advise with him, and his other brother generals, and that if he was superceded, it would give him great pleasure to be superceded by a gentleman of General Gates’s character and reputation.” Congress took the position of Schuyler and recommended the two generals “to carry on the military operations with harmony and in such manner as shall best promote the public service.” Journals, 8 July, 1776.
By the original organization of the Flying Camp, it was to consist of ten thousand men, and to be put under the command of such Continental officer, as General Washington should direct. These men were to be obtained at the Continental expense from the militia in Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, and engaged till the 1st of December following, unless sooner discharged by Congress. They were now assembling at Amboy, under the command of General Mercer. The New Jersey militia, commanded by General Livingston, were distinct from those of the Flying Camp, being called out expressly for the defence of that province. Congress afterwards augmented the Flying Camp with four battalions of militia from Pennsylvania, and three from New Jersey. Journals, June 3d and July 19th.
“General Whitcomb returned his commission, desiring to be excused on account of age and a diffidence of not being able to answer the expectations of Congress.”
Read July 6th. Regarding the difference between Avery and Livingston, see Schuyler to Washington, 1 July, 1776, in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, i., 247.
Commander of the New Jersey militia, and at this time stationed at Elizabethtown. He had previously been a member of the Continental Congress, and afterwards distinguished himself as the vigilant, able, and patriotic governor of New Jersey, during the most trying period of the revolutionary contest. The Memoir of his life, written by Mr. Sedgwick, is a just and valuable tribute to his momory, as a lover of his country, and a faithful friend to its liberties.
General Howe’s head-quarters were now at Staten Island. In a letter to Lord George Germaine, dated July 7th, he wrote:—“I met with Governor Tryon on board of a ship at the Hook, and many gentlemen fast friends to government attending him, from whom I have had the fullest information of the state of the rebels, who are numerous and very advantageously posted, with strong intrenchments, both upon Long Island and that of New York, with more than one hundred pieces of cannon for the defence of the town towards the sea, and to obstruct, the passage of the fleet up the North River, besides a considerable field train of artillery.
“I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship, that there is great reason to expect a numerous body of the inhabitants to join the army from the provinces of New York, the Jerseys, and Connecticut, who in this time of universal apprehension only wait for opportunities to give proofs of their loyalty and zeal for government. Sixty men came over a few days ago with a few arms from the neighborhood of Shrewsbury in Jersey, who are all desirous to serve; and I understand there are five hundred more in that quarter ready to follow their example. This disposition among the people makes me impatient for the arrival of Lord Howe, concluding the powers with which he is furnished will have the best effect at this critical time; but I am still of the opinion, that peace will not be restored in America until the rebel army is defeated.”—MS. Letter.
“I wrote Colonel Silliman acquainting him it was my desire the men might come on, provided they could leave or send back their horses, which letter did not go forward as soon as I intended. Major Starr this morning waited on informing me of his arrival with fifty of the troop, and that the rest were on their march. I have ordered him to find some pasture for his horse this day, and immediately ride forward and acquaint you that there is not more forage on hand or to be had than is absolutely necessary for the use of our working and artillery horses, and that it is my desire your men may be halted some way in the rear of this place, and their horses sent back; otherwise the men can only be a moth and a check to the service, as they cannot act as horsemen in case of action, or if they could, forage could not be found to support them. I think it absolutely necessary the men should be here till the new levies all arrive; but for the above reasons shall be necessitated to order their return unless they can be persuaded to come on without their horses. I would not be supposed by this to discourage the troops of horse from being in constant readiness in the different States, as I am fully persuaded they will be much more useful than the militia to throw in succors to a place on an emergency. I am pleased to see with what cheerfulness and alacrity the troops from your Province step forward to the assistance of their countrymen whenever called, and doubt not it will continue.” Washington to Col. Thomas Seymour, 8 July, 1776.
“Colonel Seymour arrived yesterday with a few of his men, when I acquainted him, that it would be impossible for me to have his horses remain here. Forage is not to be procured; and, if it could be, it would only be at a great expense, without a single advantage arising from it. The men are absolutely necessary, till the arrival of the new levies. Colonel Seymour is to propose the matter to them this morning, and return me an answer. We have intelligence, which may be relied on, of Lord Howe’s being on his passage for this place, with a large fleet and about fifteen thousand men, and he is hourly expected. By several deserters from Staten Island and the ships of war, whose accounts all agree, General Howe proposes no attempt on us, till the arrival of this reinforcement, when, it is said, with a part of his army, he will make a descent on the Jersey side, while the fleet and the other part of the army in conjunction will attack this city. To oppose this force, in which the ministry put so much confidence, I think it necessary to exert every nerve, that, by defeating their views this campaign, we may be enabled to meet them with double advantage the next. Should they think proper to pursue their unwarrantable measures, I hope the good people of your colony or state, will be ready on all occasions to fly to our assistance, if needed. I have a confidence in them, and doubt not they will be ready and willing.” Washington to Governor Trumbull, 9 July, 1776. See Hinman Connecticut in the Revolution, 364.
“This distemper strikes a greater dread on our men who have not had it than the British troops.”—Governor Trumbull to Washington, 6 July, 1776.
“As the enemy may make an attack early in the morning, when there may not be time for the Soldiers to fill their canteens, the General directs that they be filled every evening. The officers to take care that it is not neglected, as it is a matter of much consequence at this season.
“Some persons having barbarously wounded and mained some Cattle, belonging to Leonard Lispenard Esq. on Friday last, the General hopes no soldier in the Army is concerned in so base and scandalous an action, but if it should appear otherwise such person may depend on the severest punishment; any person who can give any information in the matter will be well rewarded.”—Orderly Book, 7 July, 1776.
“The Honr Continental Congress having been pleased to allow a Chaplain to each Regiment, with the pay of Thirty-three Dollars and one third per month—The Colonels or Commanding Officers of each regiment are directed to procure Chaplains accordingly; persons of good Character and exemplary lives—To see that all inferior officers and soldiers pay them a suitable respect and attend carefully upon religious exercises. The blessing and protection of Heaven are at all times necessary but especially so in time of public distress and danger—The General hopes and trusts, that every Officer, and Man, will endeavour so to live, and act, as becomes a Christian Soldier defending the dearest Rights and Liberties of his country.”—Orderly Book, 9 July, 1776.
By General Ward’s return, dated the 1st of July, the troops under his command at Boston amounted to 2,526 effective men, being five regiments commanded by Colonels Whitcomb, Glover, Sargent, Phinny, and Hutchinson. There was also a company of artillery.
“To prevent the enemy from obtaining fresh provisions is a matter highly necessary to be attended to. I am informed, that there are great quantities in the neighborhood of New London, namely, at Fisher’s, Block, Plumb, and Elizabeth Islands, and Martha’s Vineyard. These are accessible to ships of force, and no doubt they will soon be on a plundering voyage. I could wish your attention to this matter, that the stock may all be removed quite out of reach of the enemy. The east end of Long Island, I am told, is not less exposed than the others. I think effectual steps will be taken in regard to that, as I have had a conference with the Convention of this province, and an order has gone out for driving all the stock from the sea-coasts. In the conference of a full board of general officers yesterday, it was recommended, that I should apply to you for the three row-galleys, being now at New London, or in the river, together with as many heavy cannon as you can possibly spare. They will be much wanted here; and, if you find it consistent, I would beg you to forward them on as soon as possible.”—Washington to Governor Trumbull, 9 July, 1776.
On communicating the Declaration of Independence to General Washington, the President of Congress wrote as follows:—
“The Congress, for some time past, have had their attention occupied by one of the most interesting and important subjects, that could possibly come before them, or any other assembly of men. Although it is not possible to foresee the consequences of human actions, yet it is nevertheless a duty we owe ourselves and posterity in all our public counsels, to decide in the best manner we are able, and to leave the event to that Being, who controls all things, to bring about his own determinations. Impressed with this sentiment, and at the same time fully convinced, that our affairs may take a more favorable turn, the Congress have judged it necessary to dissolve the connexion between Great Britain and the American Colonies, and to declare them free and independent states; as you will perceive by the enclosed Declaration, which I am directed to transmit to you, and to request you will have it proclaimed at the head of the army, in the way you shall think most proper.”
“The Honr: the Continental Congress, impelled by the dictates of duty, policy and necessity, having been pleased to dissolve the Connection which subsisted between this Country and Great Britain, and to declare the United Colonies of North America free and independent STATES: The several brigades are to be drawn up this evening on their respective Parades, at six o’clock, when the declaration of Congress, shewing the grounds & reasons of this Measure, is to be read with an audible voice.
“The General hopes this important Event will serve as a fresh incentive to every officer and soldier, to act with Fidelity and Courage, as knowing that now the peace and safety of his Country, depends (under God) solely on the success of our Arms: And that he is now in the service of a State, possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit, and advance him to the highest Honors of a free Country.
“The Brigade Majors are to receive, at the Adjutant Generals Office, several of the Declarations to be delivered to the Brigadiers General, and the Colonels of regiment.”—Orderly Book, 9 July, 1776.
“July 10.—Last night the statue of George 3d. was tumbled down and beheaded, the troops having long had an inclination to do so, thought the time of publishing a declaration of independence a favorable opportunity, for which they received a check in this day’s orders.”—Samuel B. Webb.
“Though the General doubts not the persons who pulled down and mutilated the statute in the Broadway last night were actuated by zeal in the public cause, yet it has so much the appearance of a riot and want of order in the army, that he disapproves the manner, and directs that in future these things shall be avoided by the soldiery, and left to be executed by the proper authority.’—Orderly Book, 10 July, 1776.
General Washington had been authorized by Congress to appoint an officer to command the Flying Camp. Journals, 3 July, 1776.
“To the unhappy confusions that have prevailed in this Colony, must principally be ascribed the delays that have hitherto attended that salutary measure [Flying Camp]. However, I flatter myself things will now take a different turn, as the contest to keep possession of power is now at an end, and a new mode of government, equal to the emergencies of our affairs will be adopted, agreeable to the recommendation of Congress to the United Colonies.”—Hancock to Washington, 4 July, 1776.
On the 5th, Congress had asked Governor Cooke to send fifty ship carpenters to Albany. Journals. On the 6th, fifty from Philadelphia under the lead of Captain Cardrop started for camp.
Journals of Congress, 16 July, 1776.
Read in Congress July 11th.
“Since writing to you on the 9th instant, I have been honored with a letter from Congress, enclosing a resolve, a copy of which is transmitted herewith, empowering me to call to the assistance of the army here the other two regiments of Continental troops, now in the Massachusetts government, and not ordered in my last to be detached to join the northern army. I am now to request, by advice of my general officers, that you will give immediate orders not only to them, but to the three destined for the northward, to repair with all possible despatch to Norwich, where they will embark; it being the opinion of all the officers, that it will be better for the whole, as well the three intended for the northward, as those to reinforce the troops here, to take this route in preference to any other. It may turn out the most expeditious, and it is certain the men will be eased from the fatigues of a long and disagreeable march, at this hot and uncomfortable season. It will be necessary, that you should write to Mr. Huntington at Norwich to prepare as many vessels as will bring the whole of them. To the quartermaster and commissary you will give proper orders, that they may provide, in each of their departments, such supplies of necessaries for the route as may be wanted.”—Washington to General Ward, 11 July, 1776.
“What will become of our affairs in Canada, or rather in this Province in the Northern Department? Our General has more trouble and concern with that Department than his own, and yet after every step taken and supply sent, we are told of great necessities and wants arising from incredible waste. If Mr. Schuyler is so good a quarter-master and commissary, why is there such incredible waste? In short, my dear Sir, if some speedy and decisive measure is not taken in this matter, in my opinion that army will waste and disperse, leaving the enemy an easy passage into the heart of these Colonies.”—Reed to Robert Morris, 18 July, 1776. “Such scenes of mismanagement, misconduct, and ill success as have been exhibited in that quarter, ever since the loss of the brave Montgomery, have no parallel.”—Morris to Reed, 20 July, 1776.
“As the weather is very warm, there will be the greatest danger of the Troops growing unhealthy, unless both officers and men are attentive to cleanliness, in their persons and quarters. The officers are required to visit the men frequently in their quarters to impress on them the necessity of frequently changing their linnen, cleaning their persons, and wherever it can be avoided not to cook their victuals in the same room where they sleep—If any of the officers apprehend themselves crowded in their quarters they are to represent it to the Barrack Master who is ordered to accommodate them in such a manner as to be most conducive to health and convenience. The good of the service, the comfort of the men, and the merit of the officers will be so much advanced by keeping the troops as neat and clean as possible, that the General hopes that there will be an emulation upon this head; and as a Scrutiny will soon be made, those who shall be found negligent will be punished, and the deserving rewarded.”—Orderly Book, 11 July, 1776.
“The retreat of the northern army and its present situation,” said Governor Trumbull in the letter referred to, “have spread a general alarm. The prevalence of the smallpox among the troops is every way unhappy. Our people in general have not had that distemper. Fear of the infection operates strongly to prevent soldiers from engaging in the service. The retreat of the army from Canada exposes the northern frontiers of New York and New Hampshire to the ravages of the Indians, who will doubtless be spirited up to fall upon them. Some of the settlements on Onion River, I am informed, are breaking up and removing, and the whole are filled with the most disquieting apprehensions. I could wish, that your Excellency might think proper to recommend to the Continental Congress to order a battalion to be raised and stationed there for the defence of those settlements.”
Three commissioners were appointed to proceed to New York and audit the accounts of the army, and the same number for the army in the northern department.
General Howe consulted with the Admiral, July 7th, on the expediency of sending a naval force up the North River, with the view of obstructing the supplies, which came down the river to New York. The Admiral did not at first approve the plan, but at length assented to it, and the Phœnix of forty guns, and Rose of twenty, were despatched on this service, with three tenders. On the 6th of August, General Howe informed Lord George Germaine of this movement, and said that no direct intelligence had then been received from these vessels, although by private means it was ascertained, that they had not received the least damage, and were in safety near the upper end of Tappan Sea.
Read in Congress, Sunday, July 14th.
“Two ships of force with their tenders have sailed up Hudson’s River. I am apprehensive, that they design to seize the passes in the Highlands by land, which I am informed may be done by a small body of men. I must therefore request you instantly to desire General Ten Broeck to march down as great a force as he can collect to secure them, particularly the post where the road runs over Anthony’s Nose. Send off an express directly, if you please, to the west parts of Connecticut, desiring them to collect all their force at the same point, since I have the strongest reason to believe it will be absolutely necessary, if it were only to prevent an insurrection of your own Tories.”—Washington to Brigadier-General George Clinton, 12 July, 1776.
Clinton commanded the New York militia on Hudson’s River, and had already anticipated the orders of the Commander-in-chief, by calling out three regiments of militia, as soon as the signals had been given, that the enemy’s ships were ascending the river. One regiment he stationed at Fort Constitution opposite West Point, another at Fort Montgomery, to which he repaired in person, and the third at Newburg, ready to be called down to the forts below, if occasion should require. He had likewise directed several sloops and boats to be assembled at Fort Constitution, with the design of drawing a chain of them across the narrowest part of the river, prepared to be set on fire if the enemy’s vessels should attempt to break through. Colonel Woodhull commanded a regiment of militia under him at Fort Montgomery; and his brother, James Clinton, a colonel in the Continental army, had been stationed for several weeks at Fort Constitution, superintending the construction of the military works in the Highlands. No fortifications had as yet been erected at West Point. Clinton to Washington, 15 July, 1776. Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, i., 260.
Read in Congress, Sunday, July 14th.
Upon the 12th Washington submitted to his general officers a plan for making a general attack on the enemy’s quarters on Staten Island, but it was unanimously agreed that such a step was not advisable. To alarm the enemy and “encourage our own troops, who seem generally desirous something should be done,” he proposed a “partisan party.” It was resolved “that Major Knowlton who is stationed at Bergen and has reconnoitred the island do confer with General Mercer thereon, and if they upon consideration shall deem such a surprise practicable and that the retreat of the men can be secured, the General be advised to prosecute it. That this enterprise be accompanied with a cannonade upon the fleet from Bergen point if the distance will admit.”
This committee was appointed expressly with reference to the Tories, or disaffected persons. It was now sitting in the city of New York, although the Convention was at White Plains. The title of Provincial Congress was changed, on the 9th of July, to that of the Convention of the Representatives of the State of New York, immediately after the Declaration of Independence had been acceded to by that body.—MS. Journal, July 9th.
This representation had its effect. Thirteen Tory prisoners, including the persons most obnoxious for their principles and conduct, were speedily removed by order of the Convention to the jail at Litchfield in Connecticut. The crimes alleged against them were those of notorious disaffection to the rights and liberties of the American States, counterfeiting the currency of the states, corresponding with the enemy, or engaging in treasonable conspiracies. The mayor of the city of New York was one of the number, but the President of the Convention wrote to the Committee of Litchfield, that though the evidence against him was such as rendered his confinement necessary till he should be tried, yet his offences were not of so heinous a nature as those of the other conspirators, and such indulgence was recommended in his behalf as should be consistent with his safe keeping. MS. Journal of the New York Convention, July 19th.
“The General was sorry to observe yesterday that many of the officers and a number of men instead of attending to their duty at the Beat of the Drum, continued along the banks of the North river, gazing at the Ships; such unsoldierly Conduct must grieve every good officer, and give the enemy a mean opinion of the Army, as nothing shews the brave and good soldier more than in case of alarms, cooly and calmly repairing to his post, and there waiting his orders; whereas a weak curiosity at such a time makes a man look mean and contemptible.”—Orderly Book, 13 July, 1776.
“At a period so critical as the present, when our unnatural enemies are in full view, and hourly expected to strike a blow, which may be supposed in a great measure to decide the fate of America, I must confess that I am not a little surprised to find an officer of your rank in the army soliciting leave to resign his commission, more especially considering the predicament you are now in. I should rather hope, that, as you are so conscious of your innocence, you would urge an inquiry into your conduct, to convince the world, that the complaints exhibited against you are totally groundless; and that the malice of your worst enemies cannot do the least injury to your reputation, which to a soldier ought ever to be dearer than life. I do not know how far I can with propriety countermand the order for the court of inquiry, as it is already given out in general orders; however, I will think of it, and give you my answer to-morrow.”—Washington to Colonel Ritzema, 14 July, 1776.
“He [Lieutenant Brown of the Eagle] then asked me under what title General,—but catching himself, Mr. Washington chose to be addressed.”—Reed to Pettit, 15 July, 1776.
On considering this subject, Congress passed the following resolution:—“That General Washington, in refusing to receive a letter said to be sent from Lord Howe, and addressed to ‘George Washington, Esq,’ acted with a dignity becoming his station; and, therefore, this Congress do highly approve the same, and do direct, that no letter or message be received, on any occasion whatsoever from the enemy, by the Commander-in-chief, or others, the commanders of the American army, but such as shall be directed to them in the characters they respectively sustain.”—Journals of Congress, 17 July, 1776.
Ephriam Anderson proposed to destroy the British fleet at New York. “The Congress are willing to give him an opportunity of trying the experiment, and have therefore thought proper to refer him to you.” Hancock to Washington, 10 July, 1776. Anderson had made an attempt of this kind at Quebec, but the enemy received intelligence of it, and stretching a cable across the mouth of the harbor, rendered entrance impossible. He was adjutant to the second Jersey battalion.
The ships passed all the batteries without receiving any apparent injury. The decks were guarded with ramparts of sand-bags, which protected the men from small shot; and the motion of the vessels was so rapid, that they remained but a very short time within the range of the heavy guns. They ascended to the broad part of the river, called Haverstraw Bay, and anchored so far from shore on either side, as to be out of danger. Their boats were daily sent out to take soundings. When they occasionally attempted to land, they were beaten back by the militia, who watched them narrowly on both sides of the river.
Read July 16th. Referred to the Board of War.
On the 19th Congress elected Samuel Griffin to be deputy adjutant general for the flying camp.
These papers contained Lord Howe’s declaration of the appointment of himself and his brother as commissioners from the King for granting free and general pardons, and a letter to Governor Franklin requesting him to give publicity to the said declaration in New Jersey.
This has reference to the resolutions of Congress regarding the agreement made by Arnold with Forster. In transmitting them to Washington, Hancock wrote, July 13th:—“Should the United States of America give their sanction to the Jesuitical and villainous distinction which Captain Forster adopts to justify his conduct, there would be no end to butchering our prisoners. They have, therefore, very properely reprobated it; and, in the genuine spirit of freedom resolved, that such cruelty as shall be inflicted on prisoners in their possession, by savages or foreigners taken into pay by the King of Great Britain, shall be considered as done by his orders, and recourse be immediately had to retaliation. It is to be hoped their determination will have the desired effect, and that for the future, such barbarous scenes will never be acted under the eye and approbation of a British officer; for there is the greatest reason to believe, that Captain Forster engaged the Indians to join him, on the express condition of giving up to them all such prisoners as might fall into his hands. His subsequent conduct, indeed, renders this conjecture more than probable.”
“Enclosed you will receive a letter from Congress, which came to hand this morning, with a copy of some resolves, to which you will give your attention, as their execution will be under your direction. I have also enclosed a letter for General Burgoyne, which I request you to seal and forward to him, as soon as you have perused the important and necessary resolves it contains. The spirited measures, which Congress have entered into, I am hopefull will make the British troops more regardful that the faith, which ought to be preserved inviolate between nations, and the rights of humanity, may not be infracted in future.
“Admiral Howe arrived on Friday last, and we hourly expect his fleet. The same day, just before he came in, two ships of war, one of forty and the other of twenty guns, and three tenders, passed our batteries without any certain damage that I could perceive, though an incessant fire was kept up. They availed themselves of a brisk and favorable wind and tide. Our last intelligence is, that they are in Tappan Bay. You may readily conjecture a variety of bad purposes intended by this manœuvre.”—Washington to Schuyler, 15 July, 1776.
“The hurry of business often preventing particular invitation being given to officers to dine with the General; He presents his compliments to the Brigadiers and Field Officers of the day, and requests while the Camp continues settled in the City, they will favor him with their company to dinner, without a further or special invitation.”—Orderly Book, 16 July, 1776.
General Gates was at first appointed adjutant-general with the rank of brigadier. At the same time General Sullivan was appointed brigadier in the line of the army, which seems to have been considered a superior rank; and Gates had recently been promoted over Sullivan to the rank of major-general. The latter wrote on the subject from Crown Point to General Schuyler as follows:—“I ever was desirous, that some officer superior in rank should relieve me from this disagreeable command, and should with pleasure have remained in the army and served under him; but, Congress having thought proper to supersede me by appointing General Gates, who had not, by the rank they were pleased formerly to confer upon us, the same pretensions as myself, I can construe this in no other light, than to suppose Congress were apprehensive that I was not equal to the trust they were pleased to repose in me. If this be the case, I am bound in justice to my country to relinquish a command to which I am not equal. If this was not the foundation, and they had not such an opinion of me, surely my honor calls upon me to leave the service, after a person is put over me without any impeachment of my conduct.”—MS. Letter, July 6th. General Sullivan went to Philadelphia, and tendered to the Congress his resignation; but after the reasons for promoting General Gates were explained to him by the President, he asked leave to withdraw his application to resign, which was granted, and he continued in the army.
“New York, July 18th. On Sunday afternoon a barge from the fleet appeared in our bay, with a white flag, which was there met by the General’s barge with several gentlemen of the army on board. The flag was sent from Lord Howe, with a letter to his Excellency General Washington. But as the letter was improperly directed it was not received, though much solicited by the officer, who we hear said it contained nothing of a hostile nature—that Lord Howe came over possessed of unlimited power, and was much concerned he had not arrived a few days sooner, which would have effected a reconciliation &c. However, it seems his unlimited power did not extend even to the necessary preliminaries of a negociation—an acknowledgment of the right of the persons to whom he came, to treat with him.
“Indeed the idea of coming over to propose a plan of reconciliation, is in every view absurd and rediculous, for as the Colonies never invaded the rights of Britain, but only defended their own, there was no occasion at all for negociation. The moment Great-Britain receded from her unjust claims, the war was at an end.
“The only proposition, therefore, of a negociation, was a proof that Great Britain persisted in her encroachments on the rights of the Colonies, and was in itself an act of a hostile nature.
“On Tuesday another flag from the fleet appeared, and was met as before, when a letter was again offered, but for the same reason as the former, rejected.”—New England Chronicle, 25 July, 1776.
“On Friday a third flag from the fleet appeared, which we hear brought only an open letter directed to Miss Margaret Moncrieffe.
“Saturday afternoon our people discovered a fourth flag of truce, whereupon the Mechanics barge was sent to meet it, and conducted the officer (said to be Adjutant General of the forces under the command of Lord Howe) to the dwelling of Col. Knox, in this city, where his Excellency Gen. Washington, attended by his body guards, waited his arrival, which was a little past one o’clock: The interview was short, and the particulars are as yet not made known; we can therefore only say, that at parting much courtesy was seen to pass between the gentlemen who bore the flag, and those of the Continental forces, who had the honor to be present.”—Penn. Ledger, July 27, 1776.
General Howe gave the following account of this matter in a letter to Lord George Germaine, dated August 6th:—
“The Commander-in-chief of the rebel forces sent me the enclosed letter and narrative of some past transactions in Canada, which I thought proper to answer in general terms, directing to ‘George Washington, Esq., &c., &c., &c.’ as the most unexceptionable mode of address. The officer sent to receive the flag would not receive my letter, as it did not express his General’s titles. In consequence of which I sent Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson, adjutant-general, a few days afterwards to remonstrate upon this, and other circumstances relative to the usage of General Prescott, and several officers in the enemy’s possession, and to mention an exchange of prisoners. This interview was more polite than interesting. However, it induced me to change my superscription for the attainment of an end so desirable; and in this view I flatter myself it will not be disapproved.”
Read July 18th, and referred to the Board of War.
In a council of officers, consisting of Schuyler, Gates, Sullivan, Arnold, and Woedtke, convened at Crown Point, July 7th, it was resolved, that the post was not tenable, and that the army should retire to the strong ground opposite Ticonderoga, afterwards called Mount Independence. A remonstrance against this decision was drawn up, and signed by twenty-one of the inferior officers, at the head of whom were Colonels Stark, Poor, and Maxwell.
The Baron de Woedtke, mentioned above, had been for many years an officer in the army of the King of Prussia, and had risen to the rank of major. Coming to Philadelphia with strong letters of recommendation to Dr. Franklin from persons of eminence in Paris, he was appointed by Congress a brigadier-general on the 16th of March, and ordered to Canada. He died at Lake George, about three weeks after the above council was held at Crown Point, and was buried with the honors due to his rank.
Schuyler had written: “The most descriptive pen cannot describe the condition of our army. Sickness, disorder, and discord reign triumphant—the latter occasioned by our illiberal and destructive jealousy which unhappily subsists between the troops raised in different colonies.” See Journals of Congress, 19 July, 1776.
“Although the General is very sensible that the great fatigue duty of this Army (which he is highly pleased to see the officers and men go through with so much cheerfulness and zeal) does not allow much time for manœuv’ring and exercising the troops; yet it is a matter of so much consequence to have them as well practised as time and circumstances will admit; that he earnestly recommends it to the Brigadiers, Colonels or commanding officers of Regiments to take time for that purpose, and particularly to have the men instructed and practise, the Evolutions, Manœuv’ring and as much of the Manual Exercise, as respects loading, and firing, not only with quickness but calmness.
“Two Guns fired from Cobble-hill on Long Island, are to be the signal that the enemy have landed on that Island.
“Complaints having frequently been made, that the Sentries, especially those along the river fire wantonly at boats and persons passing, Officers of Guards are to be careful upon this head, and acquaint the Sentries that they are not to fire upon boats coming to the town; and that they are not to molest or interrupt the Ferry-Boats.”—Orderly Book, 18 July, 1776.
The Convention was now sitting at White Plains. The following resolution was passed on the 15th, and transmitted to General Washington: “Resolved unanimously, that it is the opinion of this Convention, that, if his Excellency General Washington should think it expedient for the preservation of this State, and the general interest of America, to abandon the city of New York and withdraw the troops to the north side of Kingsbridge, this Congress will cheerfully coöperate with him in every measure, that may be necessary for that purpose.” In acknowledging it he wrote, July 17th: “Your letter of the 15th instant, covering the resolution of the same date, was duly received, which I beg leave to say was noble, and does honor to your respectable body. It likewise adds a farther proof of your determination to afford me all possible assistance, in discharging the important duties of my office. It is impossible to say what may be necessary, but I shall conduct myself as the exigences of the case may require, and I doubt not your cheerful aid and assistance will be rendered whenever called for.”
Great vigilance was used in taking up disaffected persons, and such as gave indications of going over to the enemy. General Greene, who was stationed on Long Island, gave the following humorous account of an adventure of this sort under his command: “I have examined the prisoners, and find them to be a poor parcel of ignorant, cowardly fellows. Two are tailors, and the other two common laborers. They candidly confess, that they set off with an intention of going to Staten Island; not with any intention of joining the enemy, but only to get out of the way of fighting here. There has been a draft amongst the militia to fill the new levies, and it was rumored that these persons were drawn. It was also reported, that they were to go to the northern army, and that almost all that went there either died or were killed. The prospect was so shocking to them, and to their grandmothers and aunts, that I believe they were persuaded to run away. Never did I see fellows more frightened. They wept like children, and appeared exceeding sorrowful. I beg your Excellency’s direction how to dispose of them. They do not appear to be acquainted with one public matter. They have been toryish; I fancy not from principle, but from its being the prevailing sentiment in the county.”
“Resolved, That General Washington be informed that Congress have such an entire confidence in his judgment, that they will give him no particular directions about the disposition of the troops, but desire that he will dispose of those at New York, the flying camp, and Ticonderoga, as to him shall seem most conducive to the public good.”—Journals, 23 July, 1776.
Resolutions for calling out one fourth part of the militia of the counties of Westchester, Dutchess, Ulster, and Orange, for the defence of the State; to be engaged till the last day of December, and each man to receive a bounty of twenty dollars, and Continental pay and subsistence. They were to be stationed in the Highlands, and in the vicinity below, to guard the defiles and prevent incursions of the enemy from Hudson’s River. General Washington was requested to appoint a commander of these levies. He appointed General George Clinton.
Read July 20th. Referred to Board of War.
“Resolved, that General Washington be impowered to order the regiment lately raised in Connecticut under the command of Col. Ward, wheresoever he shall think the service requires it.”—Journals of Congress, 29 July, 1776.
In reply to this letter, after stating the reasons for evacuating Crown Point, General Gates added: “It would be to the last degree improper to order reinforcements to Crown Point, or even hither, until obliged by the most pressing emergency; as that would only be heaping one hospital upon another. Those troops, when they arrive, are all ordered to halt at Skenesborough. Every thing about this army is infected with the pestilence; the clothes, the blankets, the air, and the ground they walk upon. To put this evil from us, a general hospital is established at Fort George, where there are now between two and three thousand sick, and where every infected person is immediately sent. But this care and caution have not effectually destroyed the disease here; it is notwithstanding continually breaking out.
“Our little fleet already built is equipping under the direction of General Arnold with all the industry, which his activity and good example can inspire. As fast as they are fitted, they are sent to Crown Point, where the sixth battalion of the Pennsylvanians, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Hartley, is posted. Three hundred men and officers have been drafted from the corps here to man the vessels; one half seamen, the other to act as marines. As soon as all the vessels and gondolas are equipped, General Arnold has offered to go to Crown Point and take the command of them. This is exceedingly pleasing to me, as he has a perfect knowledge of maritime affairs, and is, besides, a most deserving and gallant officer. The command of the water is of the last importance, for should the enemy ever get a naval force superior to ours upon the Lake, the command thereof is theirs, let who will possess Crown Point. As to their penetrating the eastern governments, they may attempt that by Onion River, which empties itself into Missisque Bay, sixty miles below Crown Point.”—MS. Letter, Ticonderoga, July 29th.
In the same letter General Gates took occasion to reflect in a manner somewhat extraordinary upon the opinions of the general officers in Washington’s army. “I must now take the liberty,” he writes, “to animadvert a little upon the unprecedented behaviour of the members of your council to their compeers in this department. They, Sir, having very ample supplies at hand, make no allowance for the misfortunes and wants of this army, nor for the delay and difficulty that attend the procuring of every thing here. Had we a healthy army, four times the number of the enemy, our magazines full, our artillery complete, stores of every kind in profuse abundance, with vast and populous towns and country close at hand to supply our wants, your Excellency would hear no complaints from this army; and the members of your council, our brethren and compeers, would have as little reason then, as they have now, to censure the conduct of those, who are in nothing inferior to themselves.”
General Gates had written, July 16th, that since the beginning of May the loss sustained in the northern army from the enemy, and by death and desertion, amounted to more than five thousand men, and that three thousand were then sick.
“The General has great pleasure in communicating to the officers, and soldiers of this Army, the Signal success of the American Arms under General Lee at South Carolina. The enemy having attempted to land at the same time, that a most furious Cannonade for twelve hours was made upon the Fortifications near Charlestown: Both Fleet and Army have been repulsed with great loss by a small number of gallant troops just raised. The enemy have had one hundred and seventy-two men killed and wounded, among whom were several officers; Two capital Ships much damaged, one Frigate of Twenty-eight Guns being entirely lost being abandoned and blown up by the Crew, and others so hurt that they will want great repair before they will be fit for service; And all with a loss on our part of ten killed and twenty-two wounded. The Firmness, Courage and Bravery of our Troops, has crown’d them with immediate Honor. The dying Heroes conjured their Brethren never to abandon the Standard of Liberty, and even those who had lost their limbs continued at their posts. Their Gallantry and spirit extorted applause from their enemies, who dejected and defeated have retired to their former station, out of the reach of our troops.
“This glorious example of our Troops, under the like circumstance with us, The General hopes will animate every officer, and soldier, to imitate and even out do them, when the enemy shall make the same attempt on us; with such a bright example before us of what can be done by brave and spirited men fighting in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with a double share of Shame and Infamy, if we do not acquit ourselves with Courage, or a determined Resolution to conquer or die: With this hope and Confidence, and that this Army will have its equal share of honour, and Success; the General most earnestly exhorts every officer and soldier to pay the utmost attention to his Arms, and health; to have the former in the best order for action, and by cleanliness and care to preserve the latter; to be exact in their discipline, obedient to their Superiors and vigilant on duty: With such preparation and a suitable Spirit there can be no doubt that by the Blessing of Heaven we shall repel our cruel Invaders, preserve our Country and gain the greatest Honor,”—Orderly Book. 21 July, 1776.
Philadelphia, July 27, 1776.
The following is an exact state of what passed at the interview between his Excellency General Washington and Colonel Patterson, Adjutant General of the army under General Howe, July 20, 1776.
After usual compliments, in which, as well as through the whole conversation, Colonel Patterson addressed General Washington by the title of Excellency, Col. Patterson entered upon the business by saying, that General Howe much regretted the difficulties which had arisen respecting the address of the letters to General Washington; that it was deemed consistent with propriety, and founded upon precedents of the like nature by Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries where disputes or difficulties of rank had arisen; that General Washington might recollect he had, last summer, addressed a letter to General Howe, To the Hon. William Howe, Esq.; that Lord Howe and General Howe did not mean to derogate from the respective rank of General Washington; that they held his person and character in the highest esteem; that the direction, with the addition of &c, &c. &c. implied everything that ought to follow. He then produced a letter which he did not directly offer to General Washington, but observed that it was the same letter which had been sent, and laid it on the table, with a superscription to George Washington, &c. &c. &c. The General declined the letter, and said, that a letter directed to a person in a public character, should have some description or indication of it, otherwise it would appear a mere private letter; that it was true the &c. &c. &c. implied everything, and they also implied anything; that the letter to General Howe alluded to, was an answer to one received under a like address from him, which the officer on duty having taken, he did not think proper to return, but answered in the same mode of address; that he should absolutely decline any letter directed to him as a private person, when it related to his public station. Colonel Patterson then said, that General Howe would not urge his delicacy further, and repeated his assertions, that no failure of respect was intended. He then said he would endeavor, as well as he could, to recollect General Howe’s sentiments on the letter and resolves of Congress, sent him a few days before, respecting the treatment of our prisoners in Canada. “That the affairs of Canada were in another department, not subject to the control of General Howe, but that he and Lord Howe utterly disapproved of every infringement of the rights of humanity.” Colonel Patterson then took a paper out of his pocket; and, after looking it over, said he had expressed nearly the words. General Washington then said that he had also forwarded a copy of the resolves to General Buigoyne. To which Colonel Patterson replied he did not doubt a proper attention would be paid to them, and that he (General Washington) was sensible that cruelty was not the characteristic of the British nation. Colonel Patterson then proceeded to say he had it in charge to mention the case of General Prescott, who, they were informed was treated with such rigor, that, under his age and infirmities, fatal consequences might be apprehended.
General Washington replied that General Prescott’s treatment had not fallen under his notice; that all persons under his particular direction, he had treated with kindness, and made their situation as easy and comfortable as possible; that he did not know where General Prescott was, but believed his treatment very different from their information. General Washington then mentioned the case of Colonel Allen, and the officers who had been confined in Boston gaol. As to the first, Colonel Patterson answered that General Howe had no knowledge of it but by information from General Washington, and that the Canada department was not under his direction or control; that as to the other prisoners at Boston, whenever the state of the army at Boston admitted it, they were treated with humanity and even indulgence; that he asserted this upon his honor, and should be happy in an opportunity to prove it.
General Washington then observed, that the conduct of several of the officers would well have warranted a different treatment from what they had received; some having refused to give any parole, and others having broke it when given, by escaping or endeavoring so to do. Colonel Patterson answered, that as to the first, they misunderstood the matter very much, and seemed to have mistook the line of propriety exceedingly; and as to the latter, General Howe utterly disapproved and condemned their conduct.
That if a remonstrance was made, such violations of good faith would be severely punished; but that he hoped General Washington was too just to draw public inferences from the misbehavior of some private individuals; that bad men were to be found in every class and society; that such behavior was considered as a dishonor to the British army. Col. Patterson then proceeded to say, that the goodness and benevolence of the King had induced him to appoint Lord Howe and General Howe his commissioners, to accommodate this unhappy dispute, that they had great powers, and would derive the greatest pleasure from effecting an accommodation; and that he (Colonel Patterson) wished to have this visit considered as making the first advances to this desirable object. General Washington replied, he was not vested with any powers on this subject by those from whom he derived his authority and power. But from what had appeared or transpired on this head, Lord Howe and General Howe were only to grant pardons; that those who had committed no fault wanted no pardon, that we were only defending what we deemed our indisputable right. Colonel Patterson said that would open a very wide field for argument. He then expressed his apprehensions that an adherence to forms was likely to obstruct business of the greatest moment and concern.
He then observed that a proposal had been formerly made of exchanging Governor Skene for Mr. Lovell; that he now had authority to accede to that proposal. General Washington replied, that the proposition had been made by the direction of Congress, and having been then rejected, he could not now renew the business, or give any answer, till he had previously communicated it to them.
Colonel Patterson behaved with the greatest attention and politeness during the whole business, expressed strong acknowledgements that the usual ceremony of blinding his eyes had been dispensed with. At the breaking up of the conference, General Washington strongly invited him to partake of a small collation provided for him, which he politely declined, alledging his late breakfast, and an impatience to return to General Howe, though he had not executed his commission so amply as he wished. Finding he did not propose staying, he was introduced to the general officers, after which he took his leave, and was safely conducted to his own boat, which waited for him about, four miles distant from the city. Made public by order of Congress.
Read July 23d.
“It being represented to the General that many Regiments would at this Season chuse to lessen their Rations of Meat, and supply it with Vegetables, if they could be permitted; His concern for the Health of the troops and desire to gratify them in every reasonable request, induces him to direct, that the Colonels of such Regiments, as choose to adopt this plan, signify it to the Commissary General, and in two days afterwards the Quarter Master of such Regiment, be allowed to draw one quarter part of the usual Rations in Money, to be laid out in Vegetables for his Regiment.”—Orderly Book, 22 July, 1776.
On July 21st (Sunday) Duer of the Provincial Congress consulted with Washington at White Plains concerning obstructions to be placed in the Hudson river opposite to Mount Washington. The General expressed himself “extremely anxious” about this, and “measures are daily used for executing that purpose.” “If we succeed” wrote Duer, doubtless echoing Washington’s opinion, “the Designs of the enemy in this campaign are effectually baffled—if we fail, we cannot be in a more lamentable situation than we are now.” The intention was to sink a chevaux-de-frise, and two ships, about seventy feet apart, with heavy logs between. The work was not seriously begun until late in September, and before it was completed its efficacy to prevent the enemy’s vessels from passing was tested, and proved to be of no account. The obstructions were removed by the British after they had obtained possession of Fort Washington. Ruttenber, Obstructions in the Hudson River, 33-57.
Original mutilated, the words in brackets being supplied by Sparks.
“The orders Mr. Trumbull has given to the officers of their cruizers to stop provision vessels seem to be necessary. We have too much reason to believe that some have gone voluntarily to the enemy and that there are many persons who would contrive to furnish them with large supplies; and however upright the intentions of others may be, it will be a matter of the utmost difficulty if not an impossibility for any to escape falling into their hands now, as every part of the coast it is probable will swarm with their ships of war and tenders. . . . It appears absolutely necessary that the exportation of provisions should be stopped. Our army is large and otherwise may want. Nor can individuals be injured by it, as they have a ready money market for everything they have to dispose of in that way.”—Washington to Congress, 23 July, 1776.
“If it [the embargo] should be attended with inconvenience to individuals, yet necessity and public utility ought to be first considered and outweigh everything else; but it cannot. There is nothing but what they can readily dispose of for the use of the army and for ready cash, so that every ground of objection must be nugatory.”—Washington to Governor Trumbull, 24 July, 1776.
“I received your favor of yesterday and in Answer thereto I am to inform you, at the same Time that I commend the good Intentions which you profess induced your Countrymen to leave their Families and Homes, that I have done the only thing in my Power to favor their Views.
“On their first Arrival & Introduction to me I gave them a Letter to the Continental Congress to whom it was necessary to make known their wishes & from whom any appointments they expect must come,—This I am persuaded you are sensible of, & would wish you to communicate to them.—Their Pretensions will be duly considered, & if supported by proper Credentials I make no Doubt but Suitable Regard will be had to their Merits.
“Your and their good Sense will readily suggest the Propriety & Expediency of their furnishing some Testimonial and recommendation previous to any Appointment. These would have been proper at any Time but the late Instance of Treachery & Ingratitude in Monsr. — in deserting and taking the Command of a Party of the Enemy in Canada, after he had been promoted to office in the service of the United Colonies, makes them indispensably necessary. Tho’ I do not entertain the least Suspicion of the Honor and Integrity of the Gentlemen of whom you write, or mean to insinuate that a Conduct like Monsr. — would frequently happen.
“I might further add that the unacquaintance of our Soldiers with any Language but their own, makes them rather unwilling & impatient under the Command of Foreigners, unless they are men of high reputation. Nor will they consent thereto but on that Account, & where they possess great Military Knowledge. It therefore follows that any appointments these Gentlemen may obtain, will not be attended with any good Purposes or Satisfaction to themselves unless they are to a Corps of their own People, or those who understand their Language.’—Washington to Baron De Calbiac, 23 July, 1776.
“It is with great astonishment and surprise the General hears that Soldiers inlist from one Corps to another, and frequently receive a bounty; and that some officers have knowingly received such men; so glaring a fraud upon the public, and injury to the service, will be punished in the most exemplary manner; And the General most earnestly requests and expects of every good officer, who loves his Country, not only to oppose such practices, but to make the offenders known that they may be brought to justice.—Orderly Book, 23 July, 1776.
“The ships mentioned in my letter of the 21st. to have been in the Offing, got in that day, and are supposed to be part of the Scotch fleet, having landed some Highlanders yesterday.”—Washington to the President of Congress, 23 July, 1776.
“The General being sensible of the difficulty and expence of providing Cloaths, of almost any kind for the Troops, feels an unwillingness to recommend, much more to order, any kind of Uniform. But as it is absolutely necessary that men should have cloaths, and appear decent and tight, he earnestly encourages them use of Hunting Shirts, with long Breeches made of the same Cloth, Gaiter fashion about the Legs, to all those yet unprovided. No Dress can be had cheaper, nor more convenient, as the wearer may be cool in warm weather, and warm in cool weather, by putting on undercloaths, which will not change the outward Dress, Winter or Summer. Besides which, it is a dress which is justly supposed to carry no small terror to the enemy, who think every such persons a complete marksman.’—Orderly Book, 24 July, 1776.
General Greene expressed very happily the waste of energy demanded of the higher officers in routine matters: “I am so confined, writing passes, &c., that it is impossible for me to attend to the duties of the day, which in many instances prejudices the service. Such a confined situation leaves one no opportunity of viewing things for themselves. It is recommended, by one of the greatest generals of the age, not only to issue orders, but to see to the execution; for the army being composed of men of indolence, if the commander is not attentive to every individual in the different departments, the machine becomes dislocated, and the progress of business retarded.
“The science or art of war requires a freedom of thought, and leisure to reflect upon the various incidents that daily occur, which cannot be had where the whole of one’s time is engrossed in clerical employments. The time devoted to this employment is not the only injury I feel; but it confines my thoughts as well as engrosses my time. It is like a merchandise of small wares.”—Greene to Washington, 25 July, 1776.
Read in Congress July 29th.
“It is with inexpressible concern, the General sees Soldiers fighting in the Cause of Liberty and their Country, committing crimes, most destructive to the Army, and which in all the Armies are punished with Death. What a shame and reproach will it be if soldiers fighting to enslave us, for two pence, or three pence a day, should be more regular, watchful and sober, than men who are contending for everything that is dear and valuable in life.”—Orderly Book, 25 July, 1776.
Thomas Machin was an English engineer who had been employed by Brindley in constructing the canal of the Duke of Bridgewater, and had come to America in 1772 to examine a copper mine in New Jersey. Taking part with the colonists, he was wounded at Bunker Hill, and later commissioned in Col. Knox’s regiment of artillery, and laid out the fortifications around Boston for its protection. He remained in service during the war, doing good work on the Hudson, in the expedition against the Onondagas and in Sullivan’s expedition to the Genesee Valley, and at Yorktown. Simms, History of Schoharie County.
“Complaints have been made that some of the Soldiers ill treat the Country People, who come to Market; The General most positively forbids such behavior, and hopes the officers will exert themselves to prevent it: Good policy as well as justice, demands that they should have all possible encouragement, as the health of the Soldiers much depends upon supplies of Vegetables. Those who have been guilty of such practices, will do well to consider what will be our Situation, at this Season, if we drive off the Country people, and break up the Market; The healthy will soon be sick, and the sick must perish for want of necessaries: No favor will be shown to any offenders hereafter.”—Orderly Book, 26 July, 1776.
“Resolved, that the resolution of the 17th of January last allowing to officers one dollar and one third of a dollar for every man they inlist be extended to officers who inlist for the new army for three years.’—Journals of Congress, 30 July, 1776.
Read in Congress July 29th.
“In my letter of the 27th, I informed Congress of my views and wishes to attempt something against the troops on Staten Island. I am now to acquaint them, that, by the advice of General Mercer and other officers at Amboy, it will be impracticable to do anything upon a large scale, for want of craft, as the enemy have entire command of the water all round the island. I have desired General Mercer to have nine or ten flat-bottomed boats built at Newark Bay and Elizabethtown, with a design principally to keep up the communication across Hackinsac and Passaic Rivers, which I deem a matter of great importance, and extremely necessary to be attended to.”—Washington to the President of Congress, 29 July, 1776.
Several plans were suggested for attacking the enemy on Staten Island. A Council of War decided, that a general attack was inexpedient, but that an attempt might be made by a party from the Jersey shore nearest to the island. The intrepid Major Knowlton, who was stationed at Bergen, was directed to confer with General Mercer on the subject. They determined to make the experiment on the night of the 18th of July, and everything was got in readiness. Major Knowlton was to head a party of Continental troops, and be supported by others from the Flying Camp under General Mercer, who was to take a part in the enterprise. They marched early in the evening to the point of embarkation, but the weather became so tempestuous, and the waves so high, that it was impossible to cross the river in time to effect the object. Another scheme was projected for an attack from the same quarter, with a body of three thousand nine hundred men, but boats could not be collected sufficient to transport half that number across the water.
“Your favor of the 24th I received on Saturday evening, and agreeable to your request shall expunge the preamble to the resolution subjecting the property of subjects to the British crown to forfeiture and confiscation.”—Washington to Congress, 29 July, 1776.
To this paragraph the President of Congress replied August 2d:—“I am particularly instructed by Congress to answer that part of your letter, directed to the Board of War, which relates to the filling up vacancies in the army. The Congress are concerned to find, that an opinion is entertained, that greater confidence has been placed in, and larger powers given to, other commanders in that respect, than to yourself. They have in no instance, except in the late appointment of General Gates to the command in Canada, parted with the power of filling up vacancies. The great confusion and many disorders prevalent in that army, and its distance, induced Congress to lodge such a power in that general for the limited space of three months, and only during his continuance in Canada. Should Congress ever empower its generals to fill up the vacancies in the army, they know of no one in whom they would so soon repose a trust of such importance as in yourself; for future generals may make a bad use of it. The danger of the precedent, not any suspicion of their present Commander-in-chief, prompts them to retain a power, that, by you, Sir, might be exercised with the greatest public advantage.”
“The Quarter-Master General is to provide Canteens, as soon as possible, and to have the water in the several works, in casks examined, that there may be a fresh supply if necessary. It is represented to the General, that the pump water, in the City, is very unhealthy; the Troops are therefore cautioned against the use of it; and the Quarter Master and Commissary Generals, are to consult together, and fix upon some mode of supply of fresh water, for the troops in the City.”—Orderly Book, 30 July, 1776.
“It is with astonishment and concern, the General finds that precaution used to prevent the Countersign being made known to any not entitled to it, is defeated by the ignorance or misconduct of those to whom it is intrusted. In order that none may plead ignorance hereafter, the officers and Soldiers are to know, that the following rule is established. The Adjutant General at Six P. M. will deliver the Parole and Countersign; to the Majors of Brigade, and Adjutant of Artillery, they at Retreat Beating, and not before, are to deliver them to the Adjutants of their respective Brigades: The Adjutants are to deliver them to the Field Officers of their respective Brigades, if required, then to the officer of the advanced Guards, then to the officer of every other guard, in and about the City or Camp; and the General flatters himself, that when the importance and necessity of secrecy upon this head, ’t is considered every officer and soldier will pride himself in his fidelity, prudence and discipline.”—Orderly Book, 31 July, 1776.
“It is with great concern, the General understands that Jealousies &c., are arisen among the troops from the different Provinces, of reflections frequently thrown out, which can only tend to irritate each other, and injure the noble cause in which we are engaged, and which we ought to support with one hand, and one heart. The General most earnestly entreats the officers and soldiers to consider the consequences; that they can no way assist our cruel enemies more effectually, than making division among ourselves. That the Honor and Success of the Army, and the safety of our bleeding Country, depends upon Harmony and good agreement with each other. That the Provinces are all united to oppose the common enemy, and all distinctions sunk in the name of an American; to make this honorable and preserve the Liberty of our Country, ought to be our only emulation, and he will be the best Soldier, and the best Patriot, who contributes most to this glorious work, whatever his Station, or from whatever part of the Continent, he may come. Let all Distinctions of Nations, Countries, and Provinces therefore, be lost in the generous contest, who shall behave with the most Courage against the enemy, and the most kindness and good humor to each other. If there are any officers, or soldiers, so lost to virtue, and a love of their Country, as to continue in such practices after this order, the General assures them, and is directed by Congress, to declare to the whole Army, that such persons shall be severely punished and dismissed the service with disgrace.”—Orderly Book, 1 August, 1776.
“Since writing to you on the 9th instant, I have been honored with a letter from Congress, enclosing a resolve, a copy of which is transmitted herewith, empowering me to call to the assistance of the army here the other two regiments of Continental troops, now in the Massachusetts government, and not ordered in my last to be detached to join the northern army. I am now to request, by advice of my general officers, that you will give immediate orders not only to them, but to the three destined for the northward, to repair with all possible despatch to Norwich, where they will embark; it being the opinion of all the officers, that it will be better for the whole, as well the three intended for the northward, as those to reinforce the troops here, to take this route in preference to any other. It may turn out the most expeditious, and it is certain the men will be eased from the fatigues of a long and disagreeable march, at this hot and uncomfortable season. It will be necessary, that you should write to Mr. Huntington at Norwich to prepare as many vessels as will bring the whole of them. To the quartermaster and commissary you will give proper orders, that they may provide, in each of their departments, such supplies of necessaries for the route as may be wanted.”—Washington to General Ward, 11 July, 1776.
“Two ships of force with their tenders have sailed up Hudson’s River. I am apprehensive, that they design to seize the passes in the Highlands by land, which I am informed may be done by a small body of men. I must therefore request you instantly to desire General Ten Broeck to march down as great a force as he can collect to secure them, particularly the post where the road runs over Anthony’s Nose. Send off an express directly, if you please, to the west parts of Connecticut, desiring them to collect all their force at the same point, since I have the strongest reason to believe it will be absolutely necessary, if it were only to prevent an insurrection of your own Tories.”—Washington to Brigadier-General George Clinton, 12 July, 1776.
Clinton commanded the New York militia on Hudson’s River, and had already anticipated the orders of the Commander-in-chief, by calling out three regiments of militia, as soon as the signals had been given, that the enemy’s ships were ascending the river. One regiment he stationed at Fort Constitution opposite West Point, another at Fort Montgomery, to which he repaired in person, and the third at Newburg, ready to be called down to the forts below, if occasion should require. He had likewise directed several sloops and boats to be assembled at Fort Constitution, with the design of drawing a chain of them across the narrowest part of the river, prepared to be set on fire if the enemy’s vessels should attempt to break through. Colonel Woodhull commanded a regiment of militia under him at Fort Montgomery; and his brother, James Clinton, a colonel in the Continental army, had been stationed for several weeks at Fort Constitution, superintending the construction of the military works in the Highlands. No fortifications had as yet been erected at West Point. Clinton to Washington, 15 July, 1776. Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, i., 260.
The order, in regard to the route of the regiment destined to the northward, was afterwards countermanded, in consequence of two British vessels sailing up Hudson’s River, thereby cutting off the water communication between New York and Albany. The regiments were forwarded to New York by way of Norwich, and the two others marched to Ticonderoga by land from Boston.
A mountain in the Highlands, opposite to Fort Montgomery.
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