Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. - The Writings of George Washington, vol. IV (1776)

Return to Title Page for The Writings of George Washington, vol. IV (1776)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. IV (1776) [1889]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1889). Vol. IV (1776).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.

Dear Brother,

Since my arrival at this place, where I came at the request of Congress to settle some matters relative to the ensuing campaign, I have received your letter of the 18th from Williamsburg, and think I stand indebted to you for another, which came to hand some time ago in New York.

I am very glad to find that the Virginia Convention have passed so noble a vote, and with so much unanimity.1 Things have come to that pass now, as to convince us, that we have nothing more to expect from the justice of Great Britain; also, that she is capable of the most delusive arts; for I am satisfied, that no commissioners ever were designed, except Hessians and other foreigners; and that the idea was only to deceive and throw us off our guard. The first has been too effectually accomplished, as many members of Congress, in short, the representation of whole provinces, are still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of reconciliation; and, though they will not allow, that the expectation of it has any influence upon their judgment, (with respect to their preparations for defence,) it is but too obvious, that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog to their proceedings. It is not in the nature of things to be otherwise; for no man, that entertains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the same expense and run the same hazards to prepare for the worst event, as he who believes that he must conquer, or submit to unconditional terms, and its concomitants, such as confiscation, hanging, &c., &c.

To form a new government requires infinite care and unbounded attention; for if the foundation is badly laid, the superstructure must be bad. Too much time, therefore, cannot be bestowed in weighing and digesting matters well. We have, no doubt, some good parts in our present constitution; many bad ones we know we have. Wherefore, no time can be misspent that is employed in separating the wheat from the tares. My fear is, that you will all get tired and homesick; the consequence of which will be, that you will patch up some kind of a constitution as defective as the present. This should be avoided. Every man should consider, that he is lending his aid to frame a constitution, which is to render millions happy or miserable, and that a matter of such moment cannot be the work of a day.

I am in hopes to hear some good accounts from North Carolina. If Clinton has only part of his force there, and not strongly entrenched, I should think that General Lee will be able to give a very good account of those at Cape Fear. Surely administration must intend more than five thousand men for the southern district, otherwise they must have a very contemptible opinion of those colonies, or have great expectations from the Indians, slaves, and Tories. We expect a very bloody summer of it at New York and Canada, as it is there I expect the grand efforts of the enemy will be aimed; and I am sorry to say, that we are not either in men or arms prepared for it. However, it is to be hoped, that, if our cause is just, as I do most religiously believe it to be, the same Providence, which has in many instances appeared for us, will still go on to afford its aid.

Your Convention is acting very wisely in removing the disaffected, stores, &c., from the counties of Princess Anne and Norfolk; and are much to be commended for their attention to the manufacture of salt, saltpetre, powder, &c. No time nor expense should be spared to accomplish these things.

Mrs. Washington is now under inoculation in this city; and will, I expect, have the smallpox favorably. This is the thirteenth day, and she has very few pustules. She would have written to my sister, but thought it prudent not to do so, notwithstanding there could be but little danger in conveying the infection in this manner. She joins me in love to you, her, and all the little ones. I am, with every sentiment of regard, dear Sir, your most affectionate brother.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL PUTNAM.

Dear Sir,

I received your favor by yesterday evening’s express, with the several letters and intelligence from General Schuyler, and am much concerned for the further misfortunes, that have attended our arms in Canada. I have laid the whole before Congress, who had before resolved to send a considerable augmentation to our army there; and doubt not that General Schuyler may receive assistance from the militias, most convenient to him, for securing the different passes and communications, till they can be. As to sending a reinforcement from New York, neither policy nor prudence will justify it, as we have the strongest reasons to believe the day not far distant, when a large armament will arrive and vigorously attempt an impression there; to oppose which the forces we have will not be more than equal, if sufficient.

Congress have determined on building sundry gondolas and fire-rafts, to prevent the men-of-war and enemy’s ships from coming into the New York Bay or Narrows. I must therefore request, that you make inquiries after carpenters, and procure all you can, with materials necessary for building them, that they may goe on with all possible expedition, as soon as the person arrives from hence, whom I have employed to superintend the work. He will be there in a day or two. I am, dear Sir, &c.1

[1 ]On Wednesday, May 15, the Virginia Convention, consisting of one hundred and twelve members resolved unanimously to instruct their delegates in the Continental Congress to propose “to that respectable body to declare the Colonies free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon, the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain,” pledging their support to such a declaration, and “to whatever measures may be thought proper and necessary by the Congress for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such time, and in the manner, as to them shall seem best: Provided, that the power of forming government for, and the regulation of the internal concerns of each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures.”

[1 ]On the 3d, Hancock conveyed to Washington the thanks of Congress for the “unremitted attention you have paid to your important trust; and in particular, for the assistance they have derived from your military knowledge and experience in adopting the best plans for the defence of the United Colonies. . . . Having, therefore, fully accomplished the views of Congress in requesting your attendance in this city, I am commanded to inform you that they submit to your choice the time of returning to head quarters, well knowing you will repair thither when ever the exigency of affairs shall render your presence there necessary.”

On May 23d Congress appointed a committee of five to confer with Washington, Gates, and Mifflin on “the most speedy and effectual means for supporting the American cause in Canada.” The members were Harrison, R. H. Lee, J. Adams, Wilson, and Rutledge—all but one being from the Colonies south of New York. Washington was ordered to attend on the 24th, and on the same day a report from the committee, drawn up by Harrison, was laid before Congress, and in part adopted. (Journals, May 24th.) One of the New York delegates, R. R. Livingston, was added to the committee, and on the next day, probably finding the inquiry taking a wider scope, a much larger committee was appointed, composed of Harrison, R. H. Lee, J. Adams, Wilson, R. R. Livingston, Whipple, Sherman, Hopkins, W. Livingston, Read, Tilghman, Hewes, Middleton, and Hall. The subject was now no longer confined to Canada and the northern frontier, but included “a plan of military operations for the ensuing compaign.” The first report, prepared by Rutledge, was considered on the same day, and in part agreed to: “Resolved, that it is of the highest importance that post be taken at Dechambeau and that the same be fortified; that works be likewise erected on the islands in the river St. Lawrence, at the mouth of the river Sorel, as well to keep open the communication between St. Johns as to prevent the enemies passing to the upper country, should the forces of the United Colonies be compelled to retreat from Dechambeau. That it is highly expedient to engage the Indians in the service of the United Colonies.” (MS. Journals.) On the 29th a “further” report was presented by the committee (probably on the suggestion of Lee) and it was resolved “that an animated address be published to impress the minds of the people with the necessity of now stepping forward to save their country, their freedom and property,” and Jefferson, Wythe, S. Adams, and Rutledge were chosen to prepare such an address. (MS. Journals.) The printed Journals give all that was accomplished on the 30th, but the full report had in the meantime been prepared in the conference committee, and digested by Jefferson from rough memorandas in the MSS. of R. H. Lee, Harrison, Rutledge and a number of others, together with about six reports upon letters from Washington and Schuyler that had been some weeks before Congress. Jefferson’s digest covers four closely written folio pages, and each paragraph is lettered apparently with the initial letter of the person who proposed that particular paragraph, thus, G stands for Gates, S, Schuyler, W, Washington, and C, probably Committee or Congress. Washington suggested fifteen paragraphs—quite one half of the whole; but as most of the paragraphs were afterwards embodied in resolutions of Congress, I do not give them here. There are two pages of questions and answers in the MS. of Richard Henry Lee, but they appear to have been addressed to the committee and not to Washington.

This digested report was brought into Congress on the 30th, and was considered on the following days, only a part of the resolves being printed in the Journals.