Econlib

The Library

Other Sites

 Front Page arrow Titles (by Subject) arrow TO CAPTAIN ROBERT MACKENZIE. 1 - The Writings of George Washington, vol. II (1758-1775)

Return to Title Page for The Writings of George Washington, vol. II (1758-1775)

Search this Title:

Also in the Library:

Subject Area: Political Theory
Subject Area: War and Peace
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

TO CAPTAIN ROBERT MACKENZIE. 1 - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. II (1758-1775) [1889]

Edition used:

The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1889). Vol. II (1758-1775).

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

About Liberty Fund:

Liberty Fund, Inc. is a private, educational foundation established to encourage the study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.


TO CAPTAIN ROBERT MACKENZIE.1

Philadelphia, 9 October, 1774.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 13th ultimo from Boston gave me pleasure, as I learnt thereby, that you were well, and might be expected at Mount Vernon in your way to or from James River, in the course of the winter.

When I have said this, permit me with the freedom of a friend (for you know I always esteemed you) to express my sorrow, that fortune should place you in a service, that must fix curses to the latest posterity upon the contrivers, and, if success (which, by the by, is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon all those, who have been instrumental in the execution.

I do not mean by this to insinuate, that an officer is not to discharge his duty, even when chance, not choice, has placed him in a disagreeable situation; but I conceive, when you condemn the conduct of the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects, not causes; otherwise you would not wonder at a people, who are every day receiving fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights of mankind, being irritated, and with difficulty restrained from acts of the greatest violence and intemperance. For my own part, I confess to you candidly, that I view things in a very different point of light from the one in which you seem to consider them; and though you are led to believe by venal men,—for such I must take the liberty of calling those new-fangled counsellors, who fly to and surround you, and all others, who, for honors or pecuniary gratifications, will lend their aid to overturn the constitution, and introduce a system of arbitrary government,—although you are taught, I say, by discoursing with such men, to believe, that the people of Massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for independency, and what not, give me leave, my good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, grossly abused. This I advance with a degree of confidence and boldness, which may claim your belief, having better opportunities of knowing the real sentiments of the people you are among, from the leaders of them, in opposition to the present measures of the administration, than you have from those whose business it is, not to disclose truths, but to misrepresent facts in order to justify as much as possible to the world their own conduct. Give me leave to add, and I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government, or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure.

These, Sir, being certain consequences, which must naturally result from the late acts of Parliament relative to America in general, and the government of Massachusetts Bay in particular, is it to be wondered at, I repeat, that men, who wish to avert the impending blow, should attempt to oppose it in its progress, or prepare for their defence, if it cannot be averted? Surely I may be allowed to answer in the negative; and again give me leave to add as my opinion, that more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of North America, and such a vital wound will be given to the peace of this great country, as time itself cannot cure, or eradicate the remembrance of.

But I have done. I was involuntarily led into a short discussion of this subject by your remarks on the conduct of the Boston people, and your opinion of their wishes to set up for independency. I am well satisfied, that no such thing is desired by any thinking man in all North America; on the contrary, that it is the ardent wish of the warmest advocates for liberty, that peace and tranquillity, upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, and the horrors of civil discord prevented.1

I am very glad to learn, that my friend Stewart was well when you left London. I have not had a letter from him these five years, nor heard of him I think for two. I wish you had mentioned his employment.

I remain, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.1

[1 ]Captain Mackenzie had been a captain of the Virginia regiment, commanded by Washington in the French War, and a friendly intimacy seems always to have subsisted between them. Mackenzie had obtained a commission in the regular army, and was now attached to the forty-third regiment of foot. He was wounded at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, while fighting in that regiment. He wrote as follows to Washington from Boston, 13 September, 1774:—

“Mr. Atchison can sufficiently inform you of the state of this unhappy province, of their tyrannical oppression over one another, of their fixed aim at total independence, of the weakness and temper of the mainsprings that set the whole in motion, and how necessary it is, that abler heads and better hearts should draw a line for their guidance. Even when this is done, ’t is much to be feared, that they will follow it no further, than where it coincides with their present sentiments.

“Amidst all these jarrings we have until lately lived as in a camp of pleasure; but the rebellious and numerous meetings of men in arms, their scandalous and ungenerous attacks upon the best characters in the province, obliging them to save their lives by flight, and their repeated but feeble threats to dispossess the troops, have furnished sufficient reasons to General Gage to put the town in a formidable state of defence, about which we are now fully employed, and which will be shortly accomplished to their great mortification.”

[1 ]“At that Congress [the first Continental], Washington had appeared as one of the representatives of Virginia, but apparently not yet clear as to what extent it was proper to involve himself in the difficulties into which Massachusetts was plunged. There is reason to suppose that he shared somewhat in the distrust generally felt, south of New England, of the purposes of the Massachusetts leaders. Whilst in this state of mind, he received a letter from Captain MacKenzie. MacKenzie was a native of Virginia, and an acquaintance of Washington, who had taken a commission in the British army, and was at this time attached to one of the regiments stationed at Boston. The object of the letter was to prejudice his mind against the action of the people of Massachusetts, and to induce him to exert his influence to counteract the policy their delegates were advocating in Philadelphia. Determined to satisfy himself as to the true character and designs of these delegates, he seems to have sought an interview and free conference with them at their lodgings. That interview took place on the evening of the 28th of September, 1774 [page 438 ante]. Richard Henry Lee, and Dr. Shippen of Philadelphia, were also present. It seems to have settled all Washington’s doubts, if he had any; for instead of noisy, brawling demagogues, meaning mischief only, he found the delegates plain, downright practical men, seeking safety from oppression, and contemplating violence only as a result of an absolute necessity forced on them by the government at home. The effect of this conference is made visible in his answer to MacKenzie.”—Charles Francis Adams, Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, iv., 69.

[1 ]“I have this very day heard, that in that tract of Virginia called the Northern Neck, and which lies betwixt Rappahannock and Potomack Rivers, they have lately raised one thousand volunteers, as fine fellows and good woodsmen as any on our continent, who have put themselves under the command of Col. George Washington, a brave and experienced officer, whom it is said, has undertaken the command of them, and that they are soon to march for your place.” William Black to Boston Committee, 22 December, 1774. Massachusetts Historical Society, Fourth Series, iv., p. 187.

“My necessary absence, on the occasion of the Indian disturbances will I hope, account and excuse me for my not having acknowledged your Lordship’s several letters in due time and order, and for not having regularly communicated accounts of the public affairs of the colony to which some of them refer; and I wish I were now so fortunate as to have it in my power to make a representation of their appearing with a more favorable aspect than when I last wrote upon these important concerns.

“The associations first, in part, entered into, recommended by the people of this colony, and adopted by what is called the Continental Congress, are now enforcing throughout this country with the greatest rigor. A Committee has been chosen in every county, whose business it is to carry the association of the Congress into execution, which committee assumes to inspect the books, invoices, and all other secrets of the trade and correspondence of merchants, to watch the conduct of every inhabitant without distinction, and to send for all such as come under their suspicion into their presence, to interrogate them respecting all matters which, at their pleasure, they think fit objects of their inquiry; and to stigmatize, as they term it, such as they find transgressing what they are now hardy enough to call the laws of the Congress, which stigmatising is no other than inviting the vengeance of an outrageous and lawless mob to be exercised upon the unhappy victims. Every county, besides, is now arming a company of men, whom they call an Independent Company, for the avowed purpose of protecting their Committees, and to be employed against government if occasion require. The Committee of one county has proceeded so far as to swear the men of their Independent Company to execute all orders which shall be given them from the Committee of their County.

“As to the power of government which your Lordship in your letter No. 11 directs should be exerted to counteract the dangerous measures pursuing here, I can assure your Lordship that it is entirely disregarded, if not wholly overturned. There is not a justice of peace in Virginia that acts except as a Committee man; the abolishing the courts of justice was the first step taken in which the men of fortune and pre-eminence joined equally with the lowest and meanest. The general court of judicature of the colony is much in the same predicament; for though there is at least a majority of his Majesty’s council who, with myself, are the judges of that court, that would steadily perform their duty, yet the lawyers have absolutely refused to attend, nor indeed would the people allow them to attend, or evidences to appear. The reason, commonly assigned for this proceeding, is the want of a fee bill, which expired the last session of Assembly; and it is a popular argument here, that no power but the legislature can establish fees, and the fee bill not having been renewed is attributed to the dissolution. But the true cause of so many persons joining in so opprobrious a measure was to engage their English creditors, who are numerous, to join in the clamors of this country; and not a few, to avoid paying the debts in which many of the principal people here are much involved.

“With regard to the encouraging of those, as your Lordship likewise exhorts me, who appeared in principle averse to these proceedings, I hope your Lordship will do me the justice to believe I have left no means in my power unessayed to draw all the assistance possible from them to his Majesty’s government; but I presume your Lordship will not think it very extraordinary that my persuasions should have been unavailing against the terrors which on the other hand, are held out by the Committee.

“Independent Companies, &c., so universally supported, who have set themselves up superior to all other authority, under the auspices of their Congress, the laws of which they talk of in a stile of respect, and treat with marks of reverence which they never bestowed on their legal government, or the laws proceeding from it. I can assure your Lordship, that I have discovered no instance where the interposition of government, in the feeble state to which it is reduced, could serve any other purpose than to suffer the disgrace of a disappointment, and thereby afford matter of great exultation to its enemies, and increase their influence over the minds of the people.

“But, my Lord, every step which has been taken by these infatuated people, must inevitably defeat its own purpose. Their non-importation, non-exportation, &c., cannot fail, in a short time to produce a scarcity which will ruin thousands of families. The people, indeed, of fortune may supply themselves and their negroes for two or three years; but the middling and poorer sort, who live from hand to mouth have not the means of doing so, and the produce of their lands will not purchase those necessaries (without which themselves and negroes must starve) of the merchants, who may have goods to dispose of, because the merchants are prevented from turning such produce to any account. As to manufacturing for themselves, the people of Virginia are very far from being naturally industrious, and it is not by taking away the principal, if not the only encouragement to industry, that it can be excited; nor is it in times of anarchy and confusion that the foundation of such improvements can be laid. The lower class of people too will discover that they have been duped by the richer sort, who for their part elude the whole effects of the association, by which their poor neighbors perish. What then is to deter those from taking the shortest mode of supplying themselves; and unrestrained as they are by laws, from taking whatever they want, wherever they can find it?

“The arbitrary proceedings of these Committees, likewise, cannot fail producing quarrels and dissensions, which will raise partisans of government; and I am firmly persuaded that the colony, even by their own acts and deeds, must be brought to see the necessity of depending on its mother country, and of embracing its authority.”—Dunmore to the Earl of Dartmouth, 24 December, 1774.