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SECT. VIII.: An Inquiry, Which is the most Equal and Perfect Government: Our own proved to be so. - Gaius Sallustius Crispus (Sallust), The Works of Sallust (Gordon’s Discourses, Cicero’s Orations against Catiline) [1744]

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The Works of Sallust, translated into English with Political Discourses upon that Author. To which is added, a translation of Cicero’s Four Orations against Catiline (London: R. Ware, 1744).

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SECT. VIII.

An Inquiry, Which is the most Equal and Perfect Government: Our own proved to be so.

THE most equal and perfect Government amongst the Romans, was their First Government; that of King, Senate, and People, and it is the most perfect of all Governments.

Absolute Power, in the People, is Madness, naturally and hastily running into the Hands of One Man, where it is Madness still; but more dangerous, as it is then harder to be removed: In the Hands of a Few, it is the Tyranny of a Few. Now, what can controul either a governing Multitude, or a Cabal that governs the Multitude, or one Man who dictates to all?

Power divided between the People and the Nobility, produces Distrust, Faction, and Civil Feuds, threatening to all Government; as in Rome during the Commonwealth, which perished by them.

Power divided between King and Nobles, besides the infinite Distrust between Him and Them, as in Poland, infers absolute Slavery in the Populace; nor can there be more miserable Slaves than the Poles, who are worked and sold like Cattle, and often killed by their Lords, with as much Wantonness, and as little Ceremony; almost with equal Impunity: A Ducat compensates for the Life of a Subject: Sometimes no Inquiry is made, and consequently no Forfeiture.

Power, divided between a King and the People, produces equal or more Distrusts; and as there is no Check nor Mediator, where both are equal, he must either enslave them, or be deposed by them. The Athenians banished Theseus; and Pisistratus mastered the Athenians. I have above mentioned the defective Policy of the Argives, their Struggles against their Kings, and their barbarous Usage of them. As Power, when it is no longer limited, is no longer Government, but only the Sallies and Outrages of Passion and Folly; Liberty, when it is no longer confined, no longer exists. Both Liberty and Power are known and justified by their Bounds.

The Form of Three Estates is the most perfect Form, as it comprehends every material Interest in a Country, and balances all. Four would be too many; since a Misunderstanding is more likely to happen amongst Four than amongst Three. More would but still create more Discord, Distress, and Confusion.

A little Observation, without much Reasoning, or any Refinement, will serve to satisfy any unprejudiced Man of the Truth of what I say, and of the superior Excellency of Three Estates to any other Form whatsoever.

In all the English Reigns, from the Conquest to the Reformation, the Liberty of England was very defective, and therefore the English Government was imperfect. In all the Struggles between the King and the Barons, it was only for absolute Power to the Crown, or absolute Independency in the Barons: The People were never further considered, than as they joined one Side, or the other; the King, or the Nobles; and the chief Use that either made of them, was to draw them into their particular Quarrels, to spill their Blood, oppress their Persons, and exhaust their Property. The Commons had no Share in the Legislature, at least no equal and proportionable Share. There were only Two Estates, the King and the Nobles; no Third to balance them; and therefore frequent Struggles and Wars between these Two. Neither did it proceed from any Virtue in either the Crown or the Lords, but only from the Wealth and Strength of the Commons, that a Third Estate, that of the Commons, was established with proper Weight and Authority.

These Three Estates constitute the most free, the most equal, and the most happy Government yet known in the World, or that ever can be known. It is the Government which Tacitus mentions as the most complete, but the rarest to be found, and the hardest to be formed.—Cunctas nationes & urbes populus, aut primores, aut singuli regunt: Delecta ex his & constituta Reipub. forma, laudari facilius quam evenire; vel, si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. ‘All Nations and Communities are governed by the People, by the Nobility, or by single Rulers: A Constitution framed of each, and comprehending all Three, is easier admired than accomplished; or, if accomplished, is not lasting.’

As this Power, in the Hands of One, makes all Men Slaves; in the Hands of a Few, it makes so many Tyrants; in the Hands of All, it confounds All: But in the joint Hands of One, of Several, and of Many, that is, in the Hands of the Populus, Primores, and Singuli; King, Lords, and Commons, all constituting one mixt Legislature; it is a complete System, including all Ranks, and salutary to All. This is our Constitution, such a one as yields more Security, both to the Governors and the Governed, than any that has yet appeared in the World, and more than any other can. In it, all the Three Parts are equally bound and interested to preserve one another, and each is only safe, where the other Two are so. Without a King, one of the Two Estates would soon swallow up, or abolish, the other: A King, without the other Two Estates, would be in Danger of abolishing himself.

The Experiment hath been tried. The Suppression of the Royal Power was followed by that of the Nobility: No King, No Lords. The King had before attempted to abolish both Lords and Commons; an Attempt against Nature and Duty, impotent and odious, subversive of his own Power, and fatal to his Person. They had as good a Right to rule without Him, as He without Them; and sad Experience taught both Him and Them, that they could not rule without One Another.

No other Scheme can be pursued in England, without pernicious Consequences to the Whole, and even to those who pursue it. No absolute Monarchy can be settled without a Civil War: And many Civil Wars would probably follow one another. If a Civil War should end in absolute Monarchy, it is not probable, that he who aimed at it, would enjoy it: If it should end in a Commonwealth, it is likely the same Instrument that set it up, would pull it down, and raise himself upon its Fall.

The only Hope and Aim therefore, amongst all reasonable, all suffering Subjects, after all the Efforts and Bloodshed of a Civil War, would be, to recover the former Government: An Event, which, howeve salutary to the Whole, would be ruinous to the Innovators. The haughty assuming Prince, who would submit to no Law, would not be again trusted to administer the Laws. Such as would not submit to a limited Monarchy, must then square their Allegiance to it, or suffer for refusing.

Can there be stronger Motives to a Prince to govern justly, or to Subjects to behave dutifully? This is the only sure Policy in both Governors and Governed; this the only certain Rule to preserve good Government.

I might inquire next, how far the Judgment of Tacitus may be prophetic, when applied to the Stability of this our Constitution: But I chuse not to enter into such an Inquiry, perhaps neither satisfactory to myself, nor to my Reader. I own there is Danger; I think I see the Causes of it, but cannot see the Cure. I doubt the greatest Danger is little known, or apprehended.

I shall end this Discourse with the same excellent Observations, with which Sir Walter Raleigh ends his History of the World; Observations worthy of that great and masterly Genius, perhaps as great as ever England, or human Nature, produced.

‘By this which we have already set down, is seen the Beginning and End of the Three First Monarchies of the World; whereof the Founders and Erectors thought, that they could never have ended. That of Rome, which made the Fourth, was also at this Time almost at the Highest(a) . We have left it flourishing in the Middle of the Field; having rooted up, or cut down, all that kept it from the Eyes and Admiration of the World. But, after some Continuance, it shall begin to lose the Beauty it had; the Storms of Ambition shall beat her great Boughs and Branches one against another; her Leaves shall fall off, her Limbs wither, and a Rabble of barbarous Nations enter the Field, and cut her down.’

‘Now, these great Kings, and conquering Nations, have been the Subject of those antient Histories, which have been preserved, and yet remain among us; and withal, of so many tragical Poets, as in the Persons of powerful Princes, and other mighty Men, have complained against Infidelity, Time, Destiny; and, most of all, against the variable Success of worldly Things, and Instability of Fortune. To these Undertakings, these great Lords of the World have been stirred up, rather by the Desire of Fame, which ploweth up the Air, and soweth in the Wind, than by the Affection of bearing Rule, which draweth after it so much Vexation, and so many Cares. And that this is true, the good Advice of Cineas to Pyrrhus proves: And, certainly, as Fame hath often been dangerous to the Living, so it is to the Dead of no Use at all, because separate from Knowledge; which, were it otherwise, and the extreme ill Bargain of buying this lasting Discourse understood by them which are dissolved, they themselves would, then, rather have wished to have stolen out of the World without Noise, than to be put in mind, that they have purchased the Report of their Actions in the World, by Rapine, Oppression, and Cruelty; by giving in Spoil the innocent and labouring Soul to the idle and insolent; and by having emptied the Cities of the World of their antient Inhabitants, and filled them again with so many and so variable Sorts of Sorrows.

. . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . .

‘For the rest, if we seek a Reason of the Succession and Continuance of this boundless Ambition in mortal Men, we may add to that which hath been already said, that the Kings and Princes of the World have always laid before them the Actions, but not the Ends, of those great Ones which preceded them. They are always transported with the Glory of the one, but they never mind the Misery of the other, till they find the Experience in themselves: They neglect the Advice of God, whilst they enjoy Life, or hope it; but they follow the Counsel of Death, upon his first Approach. It is He that puts into Man all the Wisdom of the World, without speaking a Word; which God, with all the Words of his Law, Promises or Threats, doth infuse. Death, which hateth and destroyeth Man, is believed; God, which hath made him, and loves him, is always deferred. I have considered (saith Solomon) all the Works that are underthe Sun; and, behold, all is Vanity, and Vexation of Spirit. But who believes it, till Death tells it us? It was Death, which, opening the Conscience of Charles V. made him injoin his Son Philip to restore Navarre; and King Francis I. of France, to command, that Justice should be done upon the Murderers of the Protestants in Merindol and Cabrieres; which, till then, he neglected. It is, therefore, Death alone that can suddenly make Man to know himself. He tells the Proud and Insolent, that they are but Abjects, and humbles them at the Instant; makes them cry, complain, and repent; yea, even to hate their fore-past Happiness: He takes the Account of the Rich, and proves him a Beggar, a naked Beggar, which hath Interest in nothing, but the Gravel which fills his Mouth. He holds a Glass before the Eyes of the most Beautiful, and makes them see therein their Deformity and Rottenness; and they acknowlege it.

‘O eloquent, just, and mighty Death! whom None could advise, Thou hast persuaded: What None have dared, Thou hast done: And whom all the World hath flattered, Thou only hast cast out of the World, and despised: Thou hast drawn together all the far-stretched Greatness, all the Pride, Cruelty, and Ambition, of Man; and covered it all over with these Two narrow Words, Hic jacet.’

POSTSCRIPT.

I Add what follows, for the Information of such, who entertain Notions of Liberty inconsistent with those of Government; and I do it, because I have met with many such, who were otherwise reasonable and well-meaning Men.

In every State there must be unbounded Power somewhere. The free Romans had it as much as the tyrannical Roman Emperors had it afterwards; nor can there be any Safety to a State, where the Power of the State is bounded. The Romans, whilst yet free, found it necessary, upon some Conjunctures, to invest the Magistrates with unlimited Authority, where the Roman Government did not furnish a present Remedy against present and unforeseen Danger: The Magistrates, upon such Occasions, were charged to provide, ‘that no Evil befel the Republic;’ and the Means of doing it were left to their own Discretion.

The English Government is as absolute as that of Turky; that is, it is supreme, as every Government must be. The Difference is, that, in Turky, the sole Will of the Sultan is Law: In England, the Law is the Will of King, Lords, and Commons; and the English Constitution claims the same Power over the Lives, Liberties, Persons, and Properties of the English Subjects, as that of Turky does over those of the Turks.

It is the necessary and indispensable Privilege of every independent State, to oblige every Man in it to serve it upon its own Terms; and to punish, as it pleases, such as refuse to comply. No less Power will suffice, to serve or to save a State; otherwise the Governed would be too strong for the Governors; and the Governors unable to protect the Governed: A Case which infers the Subjection of Sovereignty, and the Sovereignty of Subjects; and, consequently, the Dissolution of Government and Society.

They who execute Laws, are, indeed, limited; but the Lawmakers know no Limitation. The Power of the Three States is, therefore, unbounded; and Subjects are only so far free, as the Legislative permits. Laws are no longer Laws, when Subjects dare refuse to obey them. They are even worse than none; as they then only serve to declare, that the Power of the Subject is stronger than that of the Sovereign: Indeed Liberty doth not only imply Limitation, but can never be secure, where it is not limited. Liberty without Limits is Licentiousness, which is Popular Tyranny; as unbounded Power in the Prince is Single Tyranny.

The Conspiracy of Cataline

To His Grace EVELYN, Duke of KINGSTON.

MY LORD,

AS I take the Story of Catiline to be full of Instruction to all Subjects, especially to all great Subjects, in a free State, I freely inscribe it to Your Grace. It is what I have long intended, what I think very pertinent, and what I therefore do with great Chearfulness, as well for the Honour accruing to myself, as for the Pleasure it must give to a Mind like Yours, not only free from all the Guilt and Perturbations rending the Heart of that great Parricide, but replete with all opposite Impressions, good Wishes for public Security and Repose, and for whatever tends to procure them, the Love of Justice, Truth, and Peace, with an Antipathy to all Violence and Fraud; a Character as amiable to human Society, and pleasing to him who has it, as the contrary Character is odious to all Men, and a Curse upon him to whom it belongs.

Bright Talents, depraved by Ambition, are more dangerous to the World than none: Such were Catiline’s Talents, strong, but terrible, because terribly perverted. He had great Abilities, great Accomplishments, I think as great as any Man, but wanted Virtue: An admirable Head was corrupted by a bad Heart. Such is the Difference between great Sense and sound Sense, and consequently between Parts and Wisdom; which implies, not only Parts, but the Direction of good Parts to good Purposes. As able good Men are the best Men; a Character too uncommon, even where it most abounds; able bad Men are the worst Men; a Character too common, even where it is most rare: A lively Spirit, innocently employed, is an unblameable Character: When it is benevolently employed, it is an amiable one. Men of Parts, who will rather display them mischievously, than not display them at all, only teach People to fear their Parts, and to hate their Persons: For, whatever Disguises they wear; however they may deceive for awhile; they will be discovered sooner or later, and then not only miss their Aim of public Admiration and Worship, but meet, what is opposite to both, Infamy, and public Indignation.

A Man of Parts, void of Vanity, without knowing, or seeming to know, that he has them, cannot long conceal himself from Men of Discernment, though he may, for some time, from such as have none. His Modesty, at worst, can only hurt himself, by hiding or suspending his Character for a Time, but can never create him Enemies; and is, on the contrary, an amiable and sure Introduction to general Affection and Esteem. The highest Abilities, accompanied with Ostentation, are offensive; at best, envied: But when such as have them, will needs shine to the Hurt of others, they will be abhorred by others; indeed, by all who are not like themselves, frequently by such as are. He who doth most Good in the World, ought certainly to be most esteemed in it: He who hurts the World most, ought to be most detested by it.

It is, or ought to be, the great Purpose of History, to illustrate and recommend this Lesson; and those Historians who do it best, are the best Historians and Instructors. It is drawing the Characters of Men from their Actions, and instructing the World by the good or evil Fate of Men, what the World is to expect from their following good or evil Courses. I think it is plain, upon the Whole, that guilty Actions have, first or last, an unhappy Issue, sometimes indeed to the Guiltless, but generally to the Guilty. How miserable is the illustrious Lucius Sergius Catiline? What an unhappy Wretch is the Royal, the renowned Jugurtha? Both Jugurtha and Catiline the Authors of their own Misery! It were to be wished that They, and such as They, could make none but Themselves miserable.

If any Examples, any Instructions, were capable of mending the World, of prevailing with Men to resist their bad Passions, and of convincing them, that all wicked Pursuits, however pleasing at first, threaten painful Consequences at last, and naturally tend to produce such; no History is fraught with stronger or more instructive Examples, than those of Catiline and Jugurtha; Catiline continually engaged in flagitious Courses, continually disappointed, never mended, still pursuing Evil, still rewarded with Crosses and Rebukes; and, after a long Series of Wickedness, Distress, and Danger, and general Abhorrence, cut off as a public Traitor; and his Name, which he thought himself sure of exalting with his Fortune, become a Name of Infamy to all Generations since and to come.

The Fortune of Jugurtha was more varied; so was his Character: A very great Man, an able Prince, a mighty Hero, wonderfully qualified both for a Warrior and a Monarch; a good Governor, kind to his Subjects in general, and friendly to their Liberties and Fortunes; his Name greatly celebrated in the World, his Lot in it singular and fortunate, chiefly the Effect of his high Abilities and Reputation; a King well established, nothing threatening to hurt him, nothing able to disturb him; such was the Awe of his Name, such the Inferiority of the Princes about him: The Romans, who alone could have troubled him, in Friendship with him, and partial to him.

Such was the Situation and Glory of Jugurtha, such his Ease and Security! Could Guilt, the most flattering Guilt, heighten his Renown and good Fortune? Could black Perfidy, or unnatural Barbarity, extend his Fame? Yet, from a Rage for fansied Grandeur, he sacrificed all his real Greatness: From a Passion for Glory, he made himself detestable; and, to secure himself from all Danger and Attacks, exposed himself to an incessant Train of Woes, with the constant Peril of his Diadem and Life, and, in the End, with the utter Loss of Both. One wicked Step required another, and that other required more: He murdered in order to usurp: To maintain one Usurpation, he added another: And then, to make both safe, more Murders must be committed, all naturally following the first and most shocking, those of his nearest Relations, the Sons of his adopting Father, left, by the dying King, to his fraternal Protection, and That Protection purchased by the Gift and Reward of a Kingdom.

In destroying those Princes, his Ambition, which inspired him with Cruelty, blinded him too from reflecting, that he was but making a Precedent, and giving Encouragement to another Usurper to destroy himself, and even arming the Hand, as well as hardening the Heart, of that Usurper to strike boldly; since that Stroke, however cruel and unprovoked it might be, could hardly be so impious and aggravated as his own had been. There followed many subordinate Murders and Acts of Treachery, with all the fearful Calamities attending a War wantonly undertaken by him, cruelly felt by his People.

The Consequences to himself, after all his rapid Success, and all the deceitful Smiles of Fortune, for some time, were restless Nights and Days, Plots against his Life, endless Fears and Distrusts. This great Conqueror and Statesman, this Man of Head and Stratagem, was at last over-reached as well as vanquished, surprised and seized by Craft, like his own, carried to Rome in Irons, there committed naked to a Dungeon, where he is said to have been perishing many Days, before he was released by Famine from the Load of Life and Misery. How secure, how happy, might he have lived, how quietly died, and in what Renown! No Man had a clearer Head, no Man had stronger Reason: But what a Dwarf is Reason in the Hands of headstrong Passion?

The Abilities of great wicked Men are fatal to themselves, as well as to the World. But what Amends do their Sufferings make to the World, which suffers with them, and for them? The Hero sacrifices Millions of Lives, and has but one Life to lose. Sometimes Millions perish to humour a vain Coward aping Heroism: A tragical Farce, which Europe saw, and rued for half a Century.

Memorable too, and instructive, was the Conduct of the Romans in that War. Every Step taken by the Roman Leaders in it were, for a long Time, not only scandalous to themselves, and injurious to Rome, but ended naturally in their own Disgrace and Ruin. They trusted to Support from the Senate, where all the Insults, and glaring Guilt, of Jugurtha were of no Force against Jugurtha’s Money. The Senate not only sheltered and protected this Son of Blood, this public Enemy, one of the most formidable that the Commonwealth had ever encountered, but openly defended and extolled him: This they did so confidently, and so long, that they themselves became as odious as the Cause they espoused; and thence raised a Storm that crushed them. They saw themselves exposed to the Vengeance of the People, whom they had long treated with Contempt, void of Tenderness or Mercy, and were treated by the People, in their turn, with as little. By a Course of Defiance and Insults upon the Plebeians, they had provoked the Plebeians to return Oppression with Oppression: Popular Rage broke out the fiercer for having been long smothered, and now proceeded to very barbarous Excesses.

Such is the wild Spirit of Party! The Party which prevail, as if they could fix Fate, and their own Fortune, turn it into Arrogance and Riot; and, instead of conciliating their Opponents by just and engaging Usage, oppress and exasperate them; and consequently invite a Retribution of the same merciless Treatment, whenever Fortune changes. Bad Example is generally more eagerly followed than good: When the Change happens, the Party which complained loudly and justly of Oppression, whilst they were under it, exercise it over their late Oppressors, with the same Asperity and Blindness, till they themselves come to be again oppressed: They then feel, very sensibly, what they had unfeelingly earned, the like bitter Usage, and now utter the like bitter Complaints.

Men rarely feel the Hurt they do to others, but only what others do to them. Whoever uses us ill, deserves ill Usage from us, and ought not to complain; but we may complain of ill Usage, because we never deserve any.

Self-love will always reason selfishly, often ridiculously. Sound Reason, and good Temper, which is comprised in it, will prove, in the End, to be always the truest Self-love, and lead Men to their true Interest, with most Ease, and Certainty, and Fame. If we would avoid Evil and Injustice, we must not commit them; but rather bear some Injury, than provoke more by returning it: If we set no ill Example, our own cannot be alleged against us. This is Reason, this is Prudence and Interest. But Parties do not reason, but rage: They consist of Numbers in a Passion with Numbers, hating and striving to mortify each other: A sad domestic War, at best, a sad Presage of it! In it, if the Enemy be but hurt, no matter how they are hurt.

As to the Patricians, it is surprising how Men of high Quality, of great Fortunes, and equal Pride, should act a Part so ruinous to their own Dignity, so destructive to the State, and consequently to themselves, so glaringly repugnant to all the Laws of Justice and Humanity, for a Sum, for any Sum of Money, and be meanly bribed by a foreign Enemy to espouse his infamous Cause against that of their Country, and their own.

Such shocking Venality could be no Secret; since nothing but that could have procured him one Voice in a Roman Senate, nor indeed in the Roman State. The Reason of their Partiality and Injustice was as manifest as the Guilt of Jugurtha, which was just as notorious as were the Motives of their Efforts to save him. What Wonder that the popular Leaders snatched the Advantage? What Wonder that the great Men, who had so debased themselves, were so vehemently decried, so successfully attacked, so unmercifully lashed, by the popular Orators, especially in the celebrated Harangues of Memmius and Marius, and so exposed to the Hate and Insults of the Populace?

The Populace too, equally liable to be corrupted, ever to be easily and violently misled, abused their Victory over the Patricians upon this Occasion, by a Torrent of scandalous Outrages. They gave themselves up to precipitate Acts of Vengeance, and, in order to procure it, followed blindfold the Guidance of those who put them upon seeking it; followed their Favourites and Demagogues, more dangerous Masters than the Grandees of the Senate, because implicitly trusted, and consequently more powerful. Whoever proposed to them what pleased them, however it hurt them, gained their Confidence, which was always as unbounded as their Hate and Distrust: So that they were ever in more Danger from their Friends than their Enemies; and generally more violent and headlong in mistaken Measures, than in such as were just. They were justly provoked with most of the Directors of the Jugurthine War, but extended their Resentment indiscriminately to all, to the brave and successful Metellus, as well as to his venal and baffled Predecessors. They were in Wrath with the whole Senate, because many of the Senators deserved their Wrath. They were of course the Dupes and Votaries of every Incendiary, if he were but recommended by the only Merit of inveighing loudly against the Patricians. They encouraged every designing Man to mislead them, every hot Orator to inflame them. Thus, in Opposition to the Grandees, they enabled the brutal Marius to hurt themselves more, and to bring more Disorder and Desolation upon the State, than all the Grandees, the worst and most criminal Grandees, had done before him.

The People were apt to think Men better or worse than they really were: Their Affection, as well as their Aversion, was without Measure: Both their Aversion and Affection were often ill-founded and misplaced. They sometimes hated, where they ought to have loved; and loved, where they ought to have hated. They rage against Metellus, though he had done all that a brave General, all that an able Magistrate, could do: They applaud and exalt Marius, merely because he promised to do better; and they believed him upon his bare Word. They take all his rough Railings, all his Scurrilities, as Marks of Zeal for public Justice, and public Liberty; and his Plebeian Extraction and Manners pass with them for Proofs of his Attachment to the Plebeians. They think that Metellus cannot be a Man of Honour, because he is a Man of Quality; nor Marius a Knave, because he is a Rustic. They swallowed Things and Characters by the Lump: They did not consider, that, in general, little more can be expected from Men, than that Men so far seek the public Good, as in it they find their own; that if Men judged truly of their own Happiness, even this Spirit, however selfish, would be public Spirit; since every Man will, first or last, find the Interest of the Public to be his own Interest, find his own Glory inseparable from the Glory of his Country.

I thought that such Reflections as these, which occur naturally from Sallust, would stand naturally before his Works, in an Address to Your Grace. No Man can have stronger Motives to love his Country, and to study its Peace and Security, its equal Laws, its free Constitution; for the Liberty, Ease, and Security of the Subject, not to be matched by any Constitution, in any Country, antient or modern. No Subject can have a juster Call to prevent all dangerous, or to promote all just Measures; to oppose all Violence from Men in Power, as well as all Violence against them; to weigh Reasons of Ambition against Reasons of State; to compare popular Grievances with popular Disaffection, Patriotism with Party, and private Heat with public Zeal. No Man was ever less formed for Party, no Man more unqualified, both from Temper and Interest, to engage in narrow, hot, and dangerous Pursuits, such as Party blindly delights in.

Your Grace cannot but, upon all Accounts, love Your Country, particularly upon Your Own, as You have so great a Stake in it: Your Dignity cannot be higher for a Subject: Few Subjects of equal Dignity have equal Fortune to support it: Fewer perhaps have a Temper so even and happy, with such a manly Contempt of all Pride and false State; none a more just and ready Understanding, or a Heart better disposed; the highest Endowment of all! In a Word, Your Grace has many Qualifications to make You many Friends; and whoever are worthy to be Your Friends, will never be Your Enemies.

I therefore own to the World, that I esteem You very highly, and if You will pardon a familiar, but honest, Expression, very affectionately; that I take a zealous Part in whatever concerns You; that I consider You as a great Ornament to Your Rank and Country, uncommonly interested in its Welfare, well disposed to serve it, and furnished with Firmness and Spirit to support it.

I am, therefore, with the highest Regard, and the warmest Wishes,

MY LORD,

Your most Obedient, and

Most Humble Servant,

September 9. 1743.

T. Gordon.

CATILINE’s CONSPIRACY.

IT is incumbent upon all Men, who aim at surpassing the brute Creation, so to exert their Spirit, as not to pass their Life without Notice or Name, like the Herd in the Fields, by Nature framed with Bodies prone to the Earth, and under blind Subjection to their Appetites.

The Faculties of Man are indeed twofold; those of the Mind and those of the Body: The Prerogative of the Soul is, to command, the Duty of the Body, to obey: The former we share with the Gods; we possess the latter in common with the Beasts. Hence, in the Pursuit of Glory, I prefer the Abilities of the Mind to those of the Body; and since the Term of our Life is but short, it ought to be our Study to perpetuate our Memory. For the Splendor of Beauty, and of Wealth, is transient and frail; Virtue alone is intitled to Eternity and Renown.

It hath, however, been a great and long Debate amongst Men, whether Vigour of Body, or the Talents of the Mind, contribute most to Success in War; for, as Counsel must precede and direct Execution, prompt Execution must follow Counsel: Whence it comes, that, neither of these sufficing alone, each prevails by the Aid of the other. Thus it was, that, of old, Kings (for this was the Title of Government first known in the World) pursued different Improvements; some those of the Mind, others those of the Body. Nor as yet was the Conduct of Men influenced by Ambition; but all remained abundantly satisfied with their own Lot and Possessions.

Afterwards, indeed, when Cyrus began in Asia, the Lacedæmonians and Athenians in Greece, to seize Cities, and subdue Nations; when the Lust of unbounded Sway became the Cause of War; when the highest Glory was thought to arise from the largest Dominions; it was then at last discovered, by a Course of Experience, that it is Genius which chiefly supports War. Indeed, would Princes and Leaders but exercise the same Capacity and Address in Peace, as they do in War, the Condition of human Affairs would be found more reasonable and just, as well as more steady; nor should we see Property and Power tossed hither and thither, nor such violent Reverses of States, and universal Combustion. For Government is easily preserved by the same Measures upon which it was founded: But when, in place of Industry and Vigilance, of Justice and Moderation, Insolence, and Sloth, and Licentiousness prevail, the Fortune of the State changes with the Manners of the State. So that in all Revolutions, Power passes from him who hath least Abilities, to him who has most.

The Productions of Men, whatever they be, in Agriculture, in Navigation, in Building, indeed in all things, are owing to the manly Efforts of the Soul. Yet many of the human Species there are so abandoned to Gluttony, to Sleep and Sloth, so void of all Improvement and Politeness, as to pass their Lives like Men on a Journey; and, contrary to the Purpose of Nature, knowing no Delights but such as arise from the Body, find their Minds only an Incumbrance. Now I hold the Life and the Death of such Individuals to be of equal Moment, since they live and die in equal Silence and Obscurity.

The Man, therefore, who seems to me truly to live, and to enjoy his rational Faculties, is he, who, by exerting himself in certain Pursuits, seeks the Glory arising from some illustrious Adventure, or some honourable Function. Now in a vast Variety of Occupations, the different Nature of Men presents them with different Pursuits.

It is laudable to act worthily for the Commonwealth; and to write well for it, hath its Measure of Merit. There is room to gain Renown in Peace as well as in War: Many have acquired Applause by performing great Actions; many by describing them. And though I perceive, that so large a Portion of Glory attends not him who describes Exploits, as him who atchieves them; yet, still, to me, it appears a Task of the first Magnitude, to discharge the Duty of an Historian; especially since the Dignity of Deeds must be equalled by the Dignity of Style. Moreover, whenever you reprove Faults, many will conclude you animated by Malice and Envy. When you recount Deeds of Magnanimity and Renown, exhibited by the Worthy and the Brave; if they be such as every Reader thinks himself capable of producing, he will be complaisant enough to believe them; but hold them for Fables framed by yourself, where they surpass that Measure.

For myself; I, like many others, was carried away, in my early Youth, by a Passion for a Part in the Administration; but found many things to cross my Pursuit: For, in the Place of Modesty, of Restraint, and of Works of Merit, all Licence flourished, with all the Efforts of Corruption and Rapaciousness; Vices which my Soul, not yet enured to evil Habits, did indeed utterly disrelish: Yet, during such prevailing Depravations, my tender Years were intangled by Ambition; and altho’ I avoided, in general, the corrupt Morals of my Contemporaries, I was still instigated, like others, with the same Ardour for publick Preferment; and thence exposed to popular Rancour and Reproach.

As soon, therefore, as my Soul became disengaged from the many Vexations and Perils attending this Pursuit, and I had determined to retreat, during Life, from the Administration, I conceived a Design, not to waste such valuable Leisure in Inattention and Indolence, nor to apply my Thoughts and Care to Agriculture or the Chace, and thus pass my Days in laborious Occupations, which exceed not the Ability of Slaves; but, resuming my former Aim and Undertaking, from whence the depraved Spirit of Ambition had diverted me, I resolved to compose a History of the Roman People, by collecting the principal Events, such as appeared to deserve the Attention of Posterity: A Task which I the rather chose, for that my Soul was unbyassed by any Hope or Fear, and attached to no Faction in the State.

I shall here therefore briefly recount the Conspiracy of Catiline, with all possible Veracity; as it was an Attempt, which, for the wonderful Singularity of the Treason, and for the Danger that it threatened, appears to me extremely memorable. Of this Man’s Character it is proper to open some Parts, before I enter upon the Story.

Lucius Catiline sprang from an illustrious Race: He was a Man of great Vigour both of Body and Mind; but of a Spirit altogether vicious and depraved. From his Youth he delighted in intestine Wars, in Slaughter and Depredation, in civil Discord and Tumults: These were indeed the great Occupations of his younger Years. He was capable of enduring Hunger and Cold, and Want of Repose, beyond what is conceivable: His Spirit was daring, insidious, and shifting; expert in feigning what he meant not, and in dissembling what he meant; rapacious of what belonged to others, profuse of his own: violent and flaming in all his Passions: He had a sufficient Share of Eloquence; of Wisdom a small Share. A Spirit so boundless was ever pursuing extravagant Views, too romantic to be feasible, too high to be attempted.

This was the Character of Catiline; who, having observed the successful Usurpation of Sylla, became transported with a Passion to seize the Commonwealth; nor, in his Pursuit of Tyranny, was he at all concerned by what Methods he carried it. His Spirit, naturally impetuous, was still more and more inflamed by domestic Wants, and by the Horror of his manifold Guilt; Misfortunes which he had greatly heightened by the Courses that I have mentioned. He was also encouraged by the corrupt Character of the Romans, now quite debauched by two Vices, opposite in their Natures, but equally pernicious; Luxury and Avarice.

Since I had here Occasion to mention the Manners of the Romans, the Subject seems to invite me to trace the Ages past; and briefly to review the Institutions of our Ancestors, both in Peace and in War; how they conducted the State; in what Grandeur they left it to their Descendants; and how, by a gradual Degeneracy, from the most glorious and most virtuous, it is become the most vicious and most depraved.

By what I have learned, The fugitive Trojans, who, following Æneas, wandered about in Italy, without any constant Settlement, were the Founders of Rome, in Conjunction with the Natives; a savage Race of Men, subject to no Laws, owning no Authority, but absolutely free and unaccountable. It is incredible to recount how easily these two Nations, different in their Original, in their Language and Manners, blended together into one People, as soon as they came to inhabit one City. Afterwards, when, by the Augmentation of Citizens and Territory, and by domestic Improvements, their State increased, and appeared sufficiently flourishing and powerful, they experienced the hard Condition annexed to almost all human Things, that their particular Opulence begat general Envy: Insomuch that the neighbouring Princes and Nations took Arms against them; whilst but very few of their Friends afforded them Succour: For all the rest were struck with Terror, and kept far from the Danger.

Nevertheless, the undaunted Romans, alike vigilant in the City and the Field, acted with Vigour, concerted all Measures, animated one another, advanced against the Enemy, and thus protected their Liberty, their Country, and their Families, by their Bravery in Arms. Then, when by it they had repelled their own Danger, they carried Aid to their Friends and Confederates: And it was more by conferring Benefits, than by receiving them, that they procured Alliances.

Their Government had the Name of Monarchy; but Monarchy limited by Laws: A select Number of ancient Men, who, however weakened by Years, were vigorous in Spirit and Prudence, forming a Council, directed the Administration; and either from their Age, or a Similitude of Tenderness and Care, were called Fathers. Afterwards, when the Monarchy, established at first for securing public Liberty, and for aggrandizing the State, lapsed into Insolence and Tyranny, they changed the Form of their Government, and created two Rulers with Authority only annual. By this Expedient they concluded, that they had best restrained the Spirit of Men from being tempted, by long Power, into Acts of Violence.

Upon this Revolution, all Men began with greater Zeal to exert themselves in their Stations; all Men more readily to display their several Abilities. For, to the Jealousy of lawless Kings, the Virtuous are much more obnoxious than the Vicious; and in their Eyes virtuous Merit appears always dreadful. But how much the City, now she had acquired Liberty, increased in a small time, is incredible to be told; so powerfully had a Passion for Glory possessed the Hearts of her Citizens!

The Roman Youth, the Moment they could bear Arms, repaired to the Camp, where, under hard Fatigues, they acquired by Practice the Art of War: And greater was their Delight in their military Dress and War-horses, than in lewd Women and Banquetting. To such Men therefore no Fatigues were strange, no Situation grievous, no armed Host formidable; for their Magnanimity overcame all things: But their highest Contest for Glory was amongst themselves; whilst every Particular strove to be first in wounding the Foe, in scaling the Rampart, and in signalizing himself to all in performing these Exploits. This they accounted to be Riches; this to be Reputation and high Rank. They were covetous of Applause, but liberal of Money. They sought only a moderate Degree of Wealth; but Glory without Bounds.

I could here recount upon what Occasions the Roman People have routed mighty Armies with a Handful of Men; as also what Cities, strongly fortified even by Nature, they have taken by Assault; but that the Detail would lead me too far from my Undertaking.

Yet surely it is Fortune which bears supreme Sway in all things: It is she that, following Caprice rather than Justice, brightens or darkens all the Affairs and Actions of Men. The Atchievements of the Athenians, I allow, were abundantly grand and noble; yet still inferior to the Representations of Fame: But as they were furnished with Writers of fine Genius, the Exploits of the Athenians are thence renowned throughout the World, as the most noble and exemplary; and the Bravery of such as performed them, is accounted just as high as the Address of these illustrious Wits in describing and extolling them.

But the Roman People were never thus supplied; since all their ablest Men were likewise the most active, and therefore most employed. None applied their Talents but jointly with bodily Application. Every Man excelling in Worth, preferred Doing to Saying; and chose rather, that others should applaud his deserving Actions, than he recount those of others.

Sound Manners, therefore, were promoted both in the City, and the Camp. The most cordial Union every-where prevailed, and no selfish Pursuits. They were determined to Equity and Right, not more by the Force of Laws; than by a natural Propensity. The only Strife, the only Dissentions and Disputes which they exercised, they exercised against the public Enemy. All the Contests between Citizen and Citizen were in Deeds of Bravery. They were magnificent in their Oblations to the Deitics; in their Families very frugal; in their Friendships very faithful. By two principal means, Valour in War, and righteous Conduct during Peace, they supported their own Reputation, and that of the Common Weal: and, as the fullest Proofs of these Virtues, I find that, during War, more frequent were the Punishments of such as attacked the Enemy contrary to Orders, or continued in Battle after the Signal for a Retreat, than of those who dared to abandon their Standards, or to relinquish their Post; whilst, in time of Peace, they sustained their Power more by the Influence of Favours than of Fear: And, when they were injured, they chose rather to forgive, than to seek Revenge.

But when, by a Course of Industry and Justice, the Commonwealth was grown powerful; when mighty Kings were vanquished in War; when several Nations, very fierce and wild, were tamed, and many potent People had yielded to her superior Might; when Carthage, that Rival to the Empire of Rome, was utterly demolished, and now Sea and Land lay every-where open to her Sway; then began Fortune to exercise her Tyranny, and to introduce universal Confusion. The same People who had, without Regret, undergone Fatigues and Dangers, Distresses and Hardships, were baned by a Life of Ease: The Romans became depressed by Riches, which are the great Idol and Pursuit of other Nations.

Thus the Lust of Money first prevailed; next a Passion for Place and Sway. These were the Sources of all the Evils which followed. For, Avarice abolished all good Faith, and all Probity, with every other worthy Principle. Instead of these, it inspired Pride and Inhumanity, Contempt of the Gods, and a Spirit of unbounded Venality. Reigning Ambition generally forced Men to be deceitful, to conceal their real Meaning; to profess, what they meant not; to estimate Friendship and Enmity, not according to their own Weight, but by that of Lucre, and rather to bear a fair Countenance than an upright Heart.

These Depravations at first gained ground by Degrees, and were sometimes damped by Correction. At last, Corruption spreading like a Pestilence, the City became utterly changed, and the Administration, from the most righteous and fatherly, grew violent and insupportable.

I own, that at first Ambition had a greater Share than Avarice in influencing the Spirits of Men, and is indeed a Vice which bears some Resemblance of Virtue; since all Men alike, the Worthy as well as the Worthless, covet Glory, Preferments and Power. The Difference is, that the former employ direct means; the others, wanting just Abilities, betake themselves to Craft and Frauds. The Object of Avarice is Money; for which no wise Man ever entertained a Passion. This Vice, as if impregnated with every deadly Poyson, unmans Body and Soul: It is ever boundless, ever insatiable; nor is its Rage more abated by Affluence than by Want.

But when Sylla had by Strength of Arms recovered the Administration from the Plebeians, and his fair Beginnings had produced such guilty Events, all his Followers grew eager for Spoil and Rapine: One coveted a House, another was greedy of Land: Each seized what he liked: The conquering Soldiery observed neither Moderation nor Measure, and treated the Citizens with brutal Abuse and Barbarity. What heightened these Evils, Sylla, to engage the Affections of his Army, which he had commanded in Asia, had, against all the Rules of our Ancestors, indulged them in great Delicacy, and excessive Latitude: The warlike Tempers of the Soldiers, now unemployed, became easily softened, by their delicious Quarters, by Pleasure, and Luxury. There the Roman Soldiery became first habituated to Drunkenness and Amours; to admire Statues, Pictures, and Sculpture; to make Spoil of all things, as well by open Violence as by Stealth; to ravage the Shrines and Sanctuaries of the Deities; and, without Distinction, to devour and contaminate all things sacred and profane. A Soldiery therefore thus disposed, and withal Conquerors, were sure to leave nothing to the vanquished. Even the Hearts of wise Men are unmanned by Success: How should Forces so debauched temper Victory with Moderation?

When Riches began to pass for Worth and Honour; when Glory, Command, and great Sway waited upon Riches; then Virtue began to languish; Poverty to be held contumelious; Innocence of Life to pass for Ill-nature. Thus Luxury, Voraciousness, and Pride, all arising from the common Root of Riches, captivated the Minds of the Roman Youth: They rioted in Rapine and Prodigality; despised what was their own, coveted what belonged to others; banished Shame, Friendship, and Continence; confounded things divine and human, and were regardless of all Circumspection and Restraint.

As a Mark of primitive Parsimony, and of succeeding Prodigality, we need only survey the Houses of particular Citizens in Rome, and in the Country; all appearing, in Dimensions and Grandeur, like so many Cities; and then behold the moderate Structures erected even to the Gods by our Ancestors, the devoutest of all Men! Yet they thought of no Ornament but Piety, for the Mansions of the Gods; nor for their own Houses, but that of glorious Deeds: Neither did they ever deprive such as they conquered of any thing, except the Power of doing Hurt. Contrary is the present Conduct! Whatever our Forefathers, the bravest of all Men, left to their vanquished Enemies, these, who are the most effeminate, plunder from their Confederates, by the most crying Violence; as if they believed the Practice of Oppression to be the only Use of Power.

I pass over, as needless to be recounted, other things too incredible to be believed, except by those who saw them. Mountains frequently levelled by the Power of private Citizens; and even the raging Sea covered with mighty Edifices. These Men seem indeed to me to have turned their Riches into Sport and Frolick; since, instead of enjoying them with Honour, they lavished them upon Monuments of Shame.

Nor less prevalent was the Pursuit of impure Pleasures, voluptuous Feasting, and other extravagant Gratifications: Men prostituted themselves like Women: Women suffered Prostitution without Fear or Restraint. To gratify Gluttony, Sea and Land were ransacked for Rarities. Sleep was indulged ere Nature craved Repose: Luxury anticipated the Returns of Hunger and Thirst: Cold and Fatigue were so carefully prevented, as never to be felt.

By such Depravations, the Roman Youth, when they had exhausted their Fortunes, were instigated to all Enormities. For, their Minds, poisoned with evil Habits, wanted Force to resist their Appetites; and were therefore the more furiously abandoned to all Extravagances, and to all the means of supplying them.

In a City so immense and debauched, Catiline kept about him, what Rome plentifully furnished, Bands of Profligates, and Sons of Violence, like Guards of his Person. Since whoever were Slaves to Voluptuousness, Gluttony, and Lewdness, and had dissipated their paternal Fortune, by a Course of Gaming, Feasting, and Lubricity; whoever were pressed by Debts, contracted to purchase Impunity for their Misdeeds and Enormities; whoever were charged with the Crimes of Parricide and Sacrilege, and convicted for them, or feared Conviction; add, such as had sold themselves to Perjury, and to shed the Blood of Citizens, and lived by it; lastly, all who were worried by their own guilty Minds, or by their Indigence and Crimes; became jointly linked to Catiline, and his closest Intimates. Or, if any one, as yet free from Blame, grew familiar with him, he too, from daily Commerce, and by Snares laid to debauch him, was brought to resemble, and even to equal, the rest.

But he especially sought the Intimacy of young Men; for their Minds, then pliant and tender, were, with less Difficulty, moulded and engaged. So that for some of these he provided Harlots; for others, he procured Dogs and Horses, according to the Rage and Bent of their several Pleasures, at that Time of Life. Nor indeed did he spare any Expence, nor even his own Honour, so he could but make them intirely trusty, and attached to himself. Some, I know, there are, who thought, that all the Youth who haunted the House of Catiline, debased themselves unnaturally: But this Rumour arose more from other Causes, than that any such Fact was ever proved.

For Catiline himself: He had, whilst yet very young, committed many heinous Acts of Lewdness; deflowered a Virgin of noble Rank; debauched a consecrated Vestal; with other Crimes equally black, in Defiance of all Law, and the most awful Restraints. Then, as he was smitten with a Passion for Aurelia Orestilla, (one in whom no virtuous Man ever found aught to admire, but her Beauty) and as she scrupled to marry him, because he had a Son already grown to Maturity, it is undoubtedly believed, that he butchered his own Child; and made his House desolate, to facilitate the unballowed Nuptials. And this very Thing, in my Opinion, proved the principal Cause of hurrying him on to the Execution of the Conspiracy. For, his guilty Soul, exasperated against Gods and Men, was equally incapable of Repose from Rest and Sleep, as from Watching and Motion; so strongly did the Guilt of his Conscience tear and affright his Spirit: Hence his Face was pale, his Eyes baleful, his Pace unequal, now slow, then quick: Indeed in his whole Visage, and in all his Looks, there appeared Distraction and Wildness.

Now having seduced over to his Interest these young Men, as above I have related, he disciplined them, by various Methods, in all the Arts of Wickedness; prompted them to Forgeries, to bear false Witness, to falsify their Faith, to lavish their Fortunes, and to despise all Dangers and Restraints. When he had thus divested them of all Reputation, and of all Shame, he incited them to Crimes still higher; and, even where no Provocation was given, it was their Practice to insnare, and to assassinate, with equal Wantonness, such who had never offended him, and such who had. For, rather than the Hands and Spirit of his Accomplices should lose Vigour thro’ Inaction, he was causlesly mischievous, and inhuman unprovoked.

Catiline, in Confidence of Support from this his Band of Associates and Followers, formed a Design to seize the Commonwealth: He was further encouraged, by the grievous Debts which pressed all Men throughout the State; together with the Temper of Sylla’s Soldiers; who, having wasted in Riot their late Acquisitions, and looking back wishfully upon their former Conquests and Depredations, longed earnestly for a Civil War. He observed Italy destitute of an Army; Pompey engaged in War in the remote Parts of the Earth; and had himself high Hopes of obtaining the Consulship. The Senate, apprehending no public Danger, was void of all public Care; and all things seemed secure, because all things were calm: A Conjuncture of Circumstances highly seasonable to the Views of Catiline.

Hence, about the Beginning of June, during the Consulship of Lucius Cæsar and Caius Figulus, he began to apply to his Followers, at first one by one: Some he persuaded, others he sounded. He explained to them, how powerfully he was supported, how destitute the State was of Forces, and what mighty Recompences would attend the Conspiracy. When he had sufficiently sisted their several Tempers, he called together all of them who were most pinched by their Necessities, or known to be most desperately bold.

In this Assembly were found Publius Lentulus Sura, Publius Autronius, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Caius Cethegus, Publius Sylla, and Servius Sylla, (Sons of Servius Sylla) Lucius Vargunteius, Quintus Annius, Marcus Porcius Læcca, Lucius Bestia, and Quintus Curius; all of the illustrious Rank of Senators; besides those of the Equestrian Order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Publius Gabinius Capito, and Caius Cornelius. To these were joined many from the Colonies, and great free Cities, all of principal Rank in their several Communities.

There were moreover Patricians of the highest Name and Figure engaged in the Combination, but with greater Caution and Disguise; Men instigated rather by Hopes of lawless Sway, than by Indigence, or any other urgent Motive. Finally, most of the Youth, above all, the Youth of Quality, favoured the Designs of Catiline: Even They, who were furnished with ample Means of living in Repose, and even with Magnificence, nay, in extreme Luxury, preferred future Contingencies to certain Enjoyments, and War to Peace.

There were also then some, who believed Marcus Licinius Crassus, to have been not clear of the Conspiracy; since, in Hatred to Pompey, whom he saw with Regret at the Head of a mighty Army, he would gladly have promoted any Interest whatsoever, in Opposition to the Authority of that General; from a Confidence too, that if the Conspiracy prevailed, he should find it easy to make himself Head of the Conspirators.

A while before, some few had, in Conjunction with Catiline, formed the like terrible Conspiracy; of which I shall deduce the Detail with all possible Veracity.

In the Consulship of Lucius Tullus and Marcus Lepidus, Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla (chosen to succeed them) were set aside, nay arraigned and punished, for violating, by corrupt Arts, the Freedom of Elections. Soon after, Catiline was likewise convicted of Bribery, and disqualified from suing for the Consulship, as the Time for declaring himself was elapsed before his Trial was ended. Another public Incendiary at this time, was Cneius Piso, a young Man, nobly born, extremely bold, necessitous, turbulent, and urged both by his great Wants, and his licentious Morals, to embroil the State. He, Catiline, and Autronius, in pursuance of a Design formed amongst them about the fifth of December, determined to fall upon the then Consuls, Lucius Cotta, and Lucius Torquatus, and to murder them in the Capitol, on the first of January: Then Catiline and Autronius were to seize to themselves the Consular Ensigns and Authority, and to send away Piso with an Army to secure the Possession of both the Spains.

This their Design coming to be known, they shifted the intended Slaughter to the fifth of February. Then they formed a Scheme, besides the Blood of the Consuls, to shed that of a great Part of the Senate: So that, had not Catiline been too precipitate in giving the Signal to his Accomplices, at the assembling of the Senate, there had that Day been seen the most direful Tragedy since the Foundation of Rome. But as any considerable Number of them had not yet come together armed, the Attempt was frustrated.

Yet Piso, though invested only with the Office of Quæstor, was afterwards sent Proprætor into the Nether-Spain, a Command procured for him by the Weight and Influence of Crassus; for Crassus knew him to be an implacable Enemy to Pompey.

Nor, in truth, was the Senate averse to give him the Province; since they liked to have so pestilent a Citizen far removed from Rome. Add, that very many Romans, well affected to the Commonwealth, considered him as a Resource and Defence to the State, at a Time when the great Power of Pompey was become very terrible.

But Piso was slain, upon his March to his Province, by the Spanish Cavalry in his Army. His Death is by some ascribed to the Severity of his Government; as if it were accompanied with such Haughtiness, such Injustice, and such Cruelty, as the Barbarians could not bear. Others alledge, these Spanish Horse, old Followers of Pompey, and intirely attached to his Interest, to have, by Orders from him, fallen upon Piso. For the Spaniards had never, upon any Occasion, made such an Attempt upon the Persons of their Commanders and Governors, but had long and patiently endured numberless Excesses of Power without Mercy. For myself, I shall leave this disputed Account undecided. I have now abundantly opened the preceding Conspiracy.

Catiline, when he saw those whose Names I have above recounted, assembled together, though he had often treated largely with them one by one; yet, believing it conducible to his Purpose, to address and exhort them in a Body, withdrew with them into the most retired Part of the House; and there, far from the Hearing of any but the Conspirators, spoke to them in the following Strain:

‘Had I not already well proved your Faith and Bravery, the present Opportunity would have offered to no purpose; vain would have been all our mighty Hopes; in vain would the Power of seizing the Commonwealth have dropped into our Hands: Neither should I, trusting to impotent Assistants, or to Men unworthy of Trust, have risqued Certainties for Uncertainties. But since, upon very many, and very extraordinary Emergencies, I have known you undaunted in your Persons, and inseparably attached to mine, my Soul is daring enough to engage in an Adventure, at once of the highest Consequence, and of the highest Glory.

‘I have a farther Incitement, when I consider, that the same Lot which attends me, good or bad, attends you: And, to have the same Wishes, and the same Dislikes, is the solid Band of Amity.

‘What a Scheme I have projected, you have already been all, severally, informed. I now add, that my Ardour to pursue it increases daily, whilst I recollect what a sad Lot of Life abides us, if we do not rouse, and redeem our common Liberty. For, ever since the Commonwealth has fallen under the Rule and Controul of a few Grandees, to these few are Kings and Princes subject and tributary; to these few do Nations and People pay Taxes: Whilst all the rest of us Romans, however brave, however deserving, Noble, or Plebeian, have remained a forlorn Croud, destitute of Credit, secluded from Employments, and Slaves to these Men; Men, who, would the Commonwealth resume her own Frame and Vigour, would find us a Terror to them!

‘So that all Credit, all Sway, all Preferments and Riches are confined to Them, or to those whom they favour. To us, for our Portion, they have left Perils and Fears, the Infamy of Repulses from public Dignities, the rigorous Judgments of the Tribunals, and the Pangs of Indigence.

‘Such are our Grievances! How long will you bear them? You, who are valiant Men, extremely valiant? Is it not more eligible, to meet Death in a brave Attempt, than, holding our Life in Wretchedness and Dishonour, to bear the Scorn of insulting Men, and, even then, to lose it ignominiously?

‘Besides all this, I appeal to Gods and to Men, that Success and Victory are in our own Hands: We are in the Vigour of Life, and suitably brave. It is not so on the other Side: They are oppressed with Years and Opulence, and every way bereft of Force. Nothing further is wanting, than to make the Attempt. The rest, the natural Course of proceeding will execute.

‘In truth, what Mortal, who has the Spirit of a Man, can bear the unequal Lot, that, whilst they have Riches in Excess, even to lavish upon Structures in the Deep, nay, in levelling Mountains, our domestic Means are too narrow to procure us the Necessaries of Life? That, when they are adding Seat to Seat, and multiplying their Mansions, to us there remains not any certain Abode? Though they are purchasing Pictures, Statues, and curious Works of Sculpture; though they go on in building, then again pull down, and then rebuild; in short, though in every wasteful Way they dissipate, and restlesly confound their Treasure; yet, with all their wild Profusion, they are unable to master and exhaust their Wealth.

‘For us, we have pinching Poverty at home; abroad, Debts, and the Dread of Creditors: Our present Situation therefore is abundantly grievous; yet accompanied with Apprehensions of Evils still more alarming. To conclude, what remains to us but Life and Misery?

‘How then? Will you not rouse to Action? Behold the Objects, after which you have long yearned! Behold Liberty! And with it Riches, public Dignities, and Applause, all placed full in your View! All these Recompences Fortune has prepared for the Conquerors. You have indeed Motives to urge you, stronger than any Speech of mine; even the present Conjuncture and Opportunity, the Danger hanging over us, the Wants that press us, with the glorious Spoils of War.

‘For myself, use me how you list; as your Leader, or as a private Soldier: Neither in Council, nor in Execution, will I ever fail you. But I hope first to be Consul, and then concert with you how to conduct this our common Enterprize: Provided, after all, I be not mistaken about you, and you be not determined to prefer Bondage to Empire.’

After these his Followers had heard this Reasoning and Harangue, though they were Men pressed with manifold Miseries, destitute of all things, even bereft of every honest Hope, and being thus desperate, esteemed the Pleasure of overturning the State to be a mighty Recompence; yet very many of them insisted, that he would explain ‘the Grounds and Condition of their taking Arms; what were to be the Advantages and Rewards of their Warfare; upon what Resources they were to depend, and what Prospect of Success they had?’

Catiline, in Answer, promised them an authentic Abolition of all their Debts; the Proscription and Plunder of all that were wealthy; all public Dignities, civil and sacred; unbounded Spoil; with whatever else is produced by War, and the lawless Passions of Conquerors. He added, that Piso, and Publius Sitius Nucerinus, were both engaged in his Measures; the former at the Head of an Army in Spain, the other commanding one in Mauritania: That, as Caius Antonius sued for the Consulship, he hoped to have him for his Collegue, one intirely intimate with him, and desperately distressed in his Affairs; and that in Conjunction with him, as soon as they entered upon their Consulship, he would fall upon the Execution of the Design.

He then poured Invectives upon all Men of Merit, extolled these his own Confederates, and, calling to every Individual by his Name, talked, to one, of his Wants; to another, of his Amours; to several, of their present Perils, and Marks of Disgrace; and to many, of their former Rapine, in consequence of the Victory and Settlement of Sylla. At last, seeing them all elate and resolute, he pressed them to forward zealously his Suit for the Consulship, and dismissed the Assembly.

There were at that time some, who reported, that Catiline, when he had concluded his Speech, and proceeded to tender his Accomplices an Oath, presented them all round with a Bowl of Wine mixed with human Blood; that then, when according to the Usages in Sacrifices, they had all sworn and tasted, he opened his whole Scheme; and that this Course he took, to bind them more firmly to mutual Faith and Secrecy, as each was privy to the Guilt of another in an Abomination so horrible. Some believe, that this, and much more, was forged by Cicero’s Friends; who, perceiving what public Hate followed the Execution of some of the Conspirators, thought to allay it by thus aggravating their Crimes. For myself, I can find but small Evidence for a Fact so hideous and extraordinary.

Now, one in this Conspiracy was Quintus Curius, a Man of no mean Birth, but immersed in Debauchery and Crimes, and (as a public Mark of Infamy upon him) degraded by the Censors from the Dignity of a Senator: As the Levity of this Man’s Temper was equal to his Audaciousness, whatever he heard, he was sure to disclose; nor could he even hide his own Enormities and Shame. In truth, in whatever he said, in whatever he did, he had neither Consideration nor Restraint.

Between him and Fulvia, a Woman of Quality, there had been a long Amour; and, as he perceived himself become less agreeable to her, since his Poverty had rendered him less liberal, at first he tempted her with magnificent Promises, boasting of Seas and Mountains of Wealth; then again he raged, threatening to kill her, unless she submitted to his Will. In a Word, he behaved more imperiously than ever he was wont.

As soon as Fulvia had learned the Ground of such haughty Strains, she kept not concealed such threatening Danger to the State, but discovered to many whatever she had heard of Catiline’s Conspiracy; suppressing nothing but the Name of her Author.

’Twas this Consideration, especially, that awakened the Minds of Men, and made them zealous to confer the Consulship upon Cicero. For, before, most of the Nobility stormed, through Envy, against that Choice; and thought the Consulship would suffer a sort of Profanation, were it once borne by one so newly risen, though one of celebrated Merit. But now, when general Peril was impending, personal Envy and Scorn subsided.

Upon holding therefore the Assembly for Elections, Cicero and Caius Antonius were declared Consuls: An Event which first shocked and disconcerted the Associates in the Conspiracy.

Yet such was the furious Spirit of Catiline, as to pursue his Treason with unabated Ardour: Nay, every Day he made fresh Efforts, provided Stores of Arms in all the most commodious Places of Italy; borrowed Money upon his own Credit, or that of his Friends; and transmitted it to one Manlius at the City of Fæsulæ, the same who afterwards first began the War.

He is moreover said, at this Juncture, to have gained to his Party Numbers of Men of all Conditions, as also several Women, those particularly, who had once made such great Gain of their Lewdness, as to support an immense Expence; but were afterwards involved in mighty Debts: For when Age had shortened the Measure of their Gain, they had neglected to shorten that of their Luxury. Through their Means Catiline hoped to draw over the City Bondmen; and by them to set Rome on Fire. These Women were likewise to engage their Husbands in the Conspiracy, or to kill them, if they refused.

Sempronia was one of the Ladies just mentioned; one who had performed various Adventures, that manifested a Spirit extremely daring and masculine. In her Person, and her Race, she was abundantly distinguished and happy; as also in her Husband and Children; was well instructed in the Greek and Roman Languages; and, in Music and Dancing, had more Charms and Address than suited a virtuous Woman; with many other Accomplishments, such as incite to Vice and Voluptuousness. Indeed, of all things upon Earth, she least regarded Modesty and Honour; and it is hard to determine, whether she was least sparing of, her Character, or her Money. In her lewd Pursuits she was so ardent, that she oftener made Advances to Men, than Men to her. She had been long since branded, for having forfeited her plighted Faith, and, by Perjury, evaded Debts and Demands of Trust; to have been privy to Assassinations; and, by a Course of Voluptuousness followed with Indigence, had plunged herself headlong into all the Excesses of Iniquity. With all these Blots, she had a Wit very pertinent and pleasing; could compose Verses; enliven Conversation; talk in any Strain, modest, or tender, or satirical. To conclude, she excelled in Humour and Gaiety, and had an engaging Manner.

Catiline, having taken these Measures, still persevered in his Suit for the Consulship, and declared himself a Candidate for the ensuing Year: For he hoped, if he were chosen, to govern Antonius as he pleased. Neither, during this Interval, did he remain unactive; but was contriving endless Plots for the Destruction of Cicero. Nor was Cicero wanting in Subtilty and Intrigues for his own Security: For, from the very Beginning of his Consulship, he had effectually employed Fulvia, with Offers of such vast Rewards to Quintus Curius, whom I lately mentioned, that he revealed to Cicero all the treasonable Devices of Catiline. Then, by the Promise of a Province to his Brother Consul, he had secured him against all Intention of disturbing the Republic. Besides, he had always about him a Number of his Friends and Followers, who were a real Guard, without the Name and Formality.

When the Day of Election came, Catiline, finding that neither his Suit for the chief Magistracy, nor his Plots to take away the Life of Cicero in the Field of Election, had at all succeeded, resolved upon open War, and to try the most daring and desperate Courses, since his secret Machinations had all ended in Anguish and Infamy.

With this View, he dispatched Caius Manlius to the City of Fæsulæ, and the adjacent Parts of Etruria; one Septimius (a Native of Camertes) to the Territory of Picenum; Caius Julius to Apulia; and others elsewhere, just as it conduced to his Purpose.

All this while he was making at Rome many Efforts together; laying new Snares against the Life of the Consul; contriving how to set Fire to the City; posting armed Men to secure the most commodious Places; he himself was always ready armed, always giving Orders to his Followers; urging them to be ever vigilant, ever prepared: Night and Day he hurried; lived without Sleep; and was utterly indefatigable under all Labour and Want of Repose.

At last, when he found, that, with all his many Attempts, he made no sort of Progress in any, he employed Porcius Læcca to call together once more the principal Conspirators, during the Dead of Night; and after many Complaints of their Want of Vigour, he informed them, ‘That he had sent forward Manlius to command a Number of Men, whom he had before provided, to take Arms; that to other proper Places he had sent other Officers, to begin the War; and that he himself longed exceedingly to proceed to the Army, provided he could first destroy Cicero; for that Cicero infinitely obstructed all their Schemes.’

Now, whilst all the rest of the Assembly continued mute, through Dread and Irresolution, Caius Cornelius, a Roman Knight, offered his Service; and Lucius Vargunteius, a Senator, joining with him, they agreed, immediately upon the approaching Morning, to furnish themselves with armed Assistants; and, repairing to Cicero, under Shew of paying their Respects, to fall upon him by Surprize, and assassinate him. Curius, finding what deadly Peril threatened the Consul, incontinently acquainted him, by Fulvia, with their black Contrivance. When therefore they came, they were denied Entrance, and saw themselves defeated in so desperate an Attempt.

During these Transactions, Manlius was inflaming the Populace in Etruria, of themselves passionate for Innovations, both from their present Poverty, and their Resentment of cruel Usage past: For, under the Usurpation of Sylla, they had been stripped of their Lands, and all that they had. He likewise engaged in his Party all the Thieves and Freebooters of every Kind, such as swarm in that Quarter; with some too of the Colonies settled by Sylla; Men who, having formerly gained infinite Spoil, had now, through Riot and Debauchery, seen an End of the Whole.

Cicero, when he had an Account of these Transactions, was sorely struck with an Evil so dangerous and distressing; since he could neither by his own single Management, longer secure the City against intestine Incendiaries, nor was as yet thoroughly apprised, either of the Strength, or of the Purposes of Manlius’s Army. He therefore assembled the Senate, and to them opened the Conspiracy, which had been already, for some time, much bandied in the Conversation of the Commonalty.

Thus the Senate, agreeably to common Usage in Conjunctures of great Peril and Alarm, ordained, ‘That the Consuls should take effectual Measures, that no Damage accrued to the State.’ Such is the supreme Authority, thus transferred by the Senate to the Magistrate, according to the Policy of the Roman Government. By it he is impowered to levy Forces, to make War, to exercise Jurisdiction without Bounds over the Confederates, and even over the Citizens, with the sovereign Administration and Command, both in the City and the Camp: Acts of Power, which are not, otherwise, included in the Consular Authority, unless by an Ordinance of the People in their Assemblies.

A few Days after this, there was read in the Senate, by Lucius Senius, one of that Order, a Letter brought to him, he said, from the Town of Fæsulæ; recounting, that, towards the latter End of October, Caius Manlius had taken up Arms, at the Head of a great Host of People. To this News some added (what is usual under such public Alarms) a Recital of portentous Spectacles, with marvellous and prophetic Prodigies: Others too related, what numerous Cabals were holden; what Quantities of Arms were carried, and whither; and that, at Capua, and likewise in Apulia, there were Bands of Slaves arming apace.

The Senate therefore ordered Quintus Marcius Rex to the Town of Fæsulæ; as also Quintus Metellus Creticus to Apulia, and the adjacent Country. These two Officers, lately Commanders of Armies, were then waiting without the City for the Honour of Triumph, which was refused them by the Management and malicious Representations of certain Citizens, whose Rule it was, to make Sale of all things, honourable or infamous. The Prætors too, Quintus Pompeius, and Quintus Metellus Celer, were sent, one to Capua, the other to the Territory of Picenum, with discretionary. Authority to raise Forces in proportion to the public Exigency and Peril.

It was likewise decreed, ‘That whoever of the Conspirators would make Discovery of the Conspiracy, should, if a Slave, have a Reward of one hundred thousand Sesterces* , and his Liberty; if a Freeman, double that Sum, and his Pardon.’ The Senate moreover ordained, ‘That the Bands of Gladiators should be distributed amongst the municipal Cities, Capua, and the rest, in proportion to the Strength and Power of each; and that, for the Security of Rome, Guards should be posted in every Quarter, under the Command of the subordinate Magistrates.’

The City was thoroughly affected by all these Symptoms of Peril, and assumed a new Face. From the highest general Festivity, and even Riot, such as resulted from a long Course of Tranquillity, in an Instant Sadness seized every Heart. Full of Restlessness, full of Affright, they were all equally insecure, and all distrustful of Places, and of Persons: They neither enjoyed Peace, nor yet were engaged in War; and each judged the Measure of Danger to correspond with that of his own Fears. The Women also were terribly alarmed with the unusual Apprehensions of a War, such as the mighty Power of the Commonwealth had hitherto secured them against: They gave themselves up to Lamentation and Anguish; supplicated the Gods with uplifted Hands; bewailed their tender Infants; were importunate for News; frightened at all things; and, quitting their Vanity and fond Delights, became anxious for themselves and their Country.

Yet still the sanguinary Spirit of Catiline persevered in the same inhuman Pursuit, although he saw Armies and Guards raised to defeat it; nay, though he himself stood arraigned by Lucius Paulus, upon the Law of Marcus Plautius against Treason and Assassination. He even appeared in the Senate, the better to dissemble his Purposes; as if, provoked by injurious Invectives, he only came there to vindicate his injured Character. Upon his Entrance, the Consul Cicero, either apprehending his Presence there to be of ill Effect, or prompted by Indignation, made that awakening Speech; (which he afterwards published) then so seasonable to the Commonwealth. Yet, as soon as he sat down, Catiline, who was determined to disavow every Article, accosted the Senate; and, with modest downcast Looks, and an humble supplicating Voice, besought the Fathers, ‘That they would not lightly receive any Charge against him: Such was the Race from whence he sprang, such too had been the Rule and Course of his Life from his Youth, that, from the Public, he hoped for every honourable, for every favourable Impression. They could not surely conceive, that he, a Patrician born, he, who had himself done, he, whose Progenitors had done, such numberless Services to the People of Rome, could find his Interest in the Destruction of the Commonwealth; whilst such an Upstart as Cicero, a Roman only by Admission, assumed the Defence of it.’

To these Invectives he was proceeding to add others; when the whole Senate, with Indignation, and a general Outcry, treated him as a Traitor and Parricide! Then abandoning himself to utter Rage, ‘Seeing (says he) I am oh every side beset by deadly Designs, and driven by my Enemies to Extremities, I will, by general Desolation, suppress the Flames kindled to devour me.’

Having so said, he rushed out, and went home. There, after having balanced by himself a thousand Schemes and Reflections; that not only his Devices against the Life of the Consul were still unsuccessful, but the Firing of the City was also defeated by Guards every-where placed; he judged it his wisest Course to reinforce his Army, and to anticipate the Legions, by catching all Advantages, and providing whatever was necessary to an Army, before these Legions were ready for the Field. He therefore retired in the Dead of Night, and, with a few in his Company, proceeded to the Camp of Manlius. He lest however a Charge with Cethegus and Lentulus, and with such others as he knew to be most forward and desperate, That, by all possible Methods, they should strengthen the Party; dispatch the Assassination of the Consul; then proceed to the intended Massaere; to fire Rome, and perform all the other gallant Feats of Warriors. For himself, he would, in a short time, advance to their Succour with a powerful Army.

During these Transactions at Rome, Caius Manlius dispatched Deputies to Quintus Marcius Rex, with Orders to accost him in the following Strain:

‘We appeal to the Testimony of Gods and Men, O General, that we have taken up Arms with no View either to hurt our Country, or to distress particular Men; but only to secure our own Persons from Outrages, wretched and indigent as we are, through the inhuman Violence of Usurers; most of us bereft of our Abodes; all of our Reputation and Fortune; not one of us allowed the Protection of the Laws, our Birthright by Inheritance; not one of us permitted to enjoy the Liberty of his Person, even when we have nothing else left us to enjoy. Such hath been the Cruelty of our Creditors, such that of the Prætorian Tribunals. Often have our Forefathers exercised their Commiseration towards the Roman People, and succoured them in Distress, by Ordinances of State. Nay, we have seen, in our own Times, a recent Instance, where, in Consideration of the universal Pressure of Debts, public Authority intervened; and, with the unanimous Voice of every good Citizen, the Creditors were obliged to take a Composition. Often too have the Roman People withdrawn, and separated themselves from the Senate, when either incited by a Passion for popular Rule, or urged to it for Self-defence against the Insolence of their Magistrates.

‘For us; our Pursuit is neither Wealth nor Power, though these be the two great Sources of all the Wars and Combustions amongst Men. What we seek is Liberty; that Liberty which no virtuous Man will lose, but together with his Life. We therefore conjure thee, O General, thee and the Senate, to espouse the Interest of forlorn Citizens; to restore us the Protection of the Laws, rent from us by the Violence of the Prætorian Tribunal; and not to reduce us to the desperate Necessity of only studying so to perish, as amply to avenge our own Blood upon such as shed it.’

To all this Marcius replied, ‘That, if they had any Request to the Senate, they should forthwith abandon their Arms, and repair as Supplicants to Rome: Since such had ever been the Clemency and Compassion of the Roman Senate and People, that to them no Man had ever sued in vain for Relief.’

Now Catiline, whilst yet upon the Road, sent Letters to many Senators of Consular Distinction, and indeed to every Citizen of principal Estimation, ‘That as his Life was sought by forged Crimes, and he could not resist the Combination of his Enemies, he yielded to his Fortune, and was retiring as an Exile to Marseilles; stung by no Guilt of the terrible imputed Treason, but only for the Tranquillity of the Commonwealth; lest, had he staid, and maintained his Innocence, public Tumults might have ensued.’

But the Letter which Quintus Catulus recited in the Senate, and declared to have received from Catiline, was conceived in a Style quite opposite. Here follows a Copy of it:

Lucius Catiline,toQuintus Catulus,Health.

‘SUCH hath been thy distinguished Faith and Friendship to me, and so abundantly proved upon Trial, whilst I was pressed by the highest Perils, that I am thence emboldened to make thee this Application. For this Reason, I wave offering thee any Defence of my present Proceedings: As I am conscious of no Guilt, I propose only to make thee a Declaration of my Innocence. How true this Declaration is, thou wilt be abundantly convinced: For this I appeal to the Gods.

‘Finding myself pursued by a Course of Injustice and false Accusations, and thence bereft of the Reward of my public Services and Zeal, and disappointed of the Dignity for which I sued, I am thus roused to undertake (as has ever been my Character and Practice) the common Cause of the Miserable; not because I am excited to it by any Distress or Debts of my own; since what I owe on my own Account, my own Fortune suffices to discharge; and Orestilla would, out of hers, and that of her Daughter, freely clear all my Engagements on Account of others; But perceiving Men of no Worth distinguished with the high Honours of the State, and seeing myself, by causless Jealousies, excluded from them, I have, under this Provocation, and for securing the Remains of my Rank and Dignity, had recourse to such Counsels, as in my present Situation will abundantly justify themselves.

‘I have much more to say; but at this Instant I am informed, that deadly Measures are taken against me. I therefore just recommend Orestilla to thee, and to thy faithful Protection: Defend her from Injustice, by thy dear Children I adjure thee. Farewel.’

Now, when he had staid a few Days with Caius Flaminius in the Territory belonging to Reate, just to furnish Arms to that Quarter already gained to his Party, he proceeded, with Rods and Axes, and all the other Badges of Consular Power, to the Camp of Manlius.

As soon as the News of this were verified at Rome, the Senate declared Catiline and Manlius public Enemies, with Pardon to all those of their Followers, who by a Day certain should quit their Arms, except only such who were under Sentence for capital Crimes. It was moreover decreed, That the Consuls should forthwith levy Forces; that Antonius should march in Pursuit of Catiline; and Cicero remain for the Defence of the City.

At this Juncture, the Condition of the Roman Commonwealth seems to me to have been infinitely deplorable; since, whilst every Region, from the rising to the setting Sun, (all subdued by her Arms) submitted to her Government; whilst, within her Walls, extreme Wealth, and all Tranquillity, reigned; things which pass with Men for sovereign Enjoyment and Bliss; there were yet some of her own Citizens, with desperate Spirits, bent upon the Destruction of the State, and even upon their own with it. For, notwithstanding two Decrees published by the Senate, not a Man was found, amongst all that Host of Traitors, to accept the promised Recompence, and discover the Conspiracy; not a Man of Catiline’s Army, to desert from him: Such an invincible Spirit of Disaffection had, like a Pestilence, generally seized the Minds of Men.

Neither was this angry Humour confined only to the Conspirators, and their Accomplices: The Commonalty too, in a Body, from a Passion for public Changes, approved the Pursuits of Catiline; and in this seemed but to follow their usual Bent.

For, in this our City, they who are destitute of Place and Substance, ever repine at the Enjoyments and Distinction of virtuous Men; ever extol the vicious; hate the old Ways; long for Novelties and Change; and, from Disgust to their own Condition, labour to introduce universal Confusion. In popular Commotions and Discord they find their Subsistence without Pains and Care; since Poverty has ever this Advantage, that it has nothing to lose.

From other Causes too, the Roman Populace were prompted to desperate Courses; chiefly, because from all Quarters there flocked into Rome, as into a common Sink, whoever surpassed in Villainy and Impudence at home, together with those who had wasted their Fortunes in Prodigality and Riot; in a Word, all they who were Fugitives for their Infamy or Crimes. Many were continually revolving upon the Usurpation of Sylla, whence they saw some raised from common Soldiers to the Dignity of Senators, and others to such excessive Wealth, that in Pomp and Magnificence they lived like Kings; and every Individual hoped, if he were but engaged in a civil War, to obtain Victory, and thence the same Advantages to himself.

Moreover the young Men from the Country, formerly accustomed to earn, by Agriculture, just enough to support Life, having been drawn to Rome by the Allurements of Largesses, some distributed by the State, some by particular Citizens, came to prefer Ease and Idleness in the City, to their penurious Toil in the Fields.

These, and all who resembled them, found their Support in the Calamities and Disorders of the State. Hence the less Wonder, that such Men as these, pressed with Wants, dissolute in their Manners, extravagant in their Views, should consult the Welfare of the Commonwealth, just as far as it conduced to their own.

They also whose Parents were proscribed, whose Estates were confiscated, and who had lost the Rights of Citizens, under the Usurpation of Sylla, had no other nor better Views in the Expectancy and Event of the present civil War.

Besides, whoever were of any Party whatsoever different from that of the Senate, wished rather to see the Commonwealth in Confusion, than themselves deprived of popular Sway: An old Evil! which, after an Interval of many Years, had again revived in the City.

For, after the Power of the Tribunes of the People was restored to its former Vigour, under the Consulship of Pompey and Crassus, certain young Men, acquiring that supreme popular Magistracy, in the Bloom of their Life, and flaming with turbulent Passions, began to rouse the People to Disaffection, first by criminal Imputations against the Senate; then by Liberalities, and flattering Promises, to heighten their Disaffection into a Flame; and thus gained to themselves signal Renown, and mighty Credit. To thwart them, and their Measures, the Generality of the Nobles made their utmost Efforts, in Shew, for Support of the Senate, in Reality, for that of their own Grandeur. In truth, to comprise all in a few Words, during all those Times, whoever raised civil Dissensions in the Commonwealth, used plausible Pretences; some to vindicate the Rights of the People, others to exalt the Authority of the Senate, both Sorts to pursue the public Good; yet all only striving severally to procure Weight and Power to themselves. Neither in these their civil Contests did any of them observe Moderation or Bounds: Whatever Party conquered, still used their Victory with Violence and Inhumanity.

Now, after Pompey was sent from home, as General in the War against the Pirates, then in that against Mithridates, the Power of the People sunk very low, and the whole Sway was engrossed by a few. These grasped the civil Administration, the Government of the Provinces, and all things. Thus, unaccountable and prosperous, they lived confident of their own Security, and fearless themselves; whilst, by the Terror of their Power and Decrees, they restrained the popular Magistrates from rousing the People. But, upon the first View of a Change in the State, the old Competition was instantly renewed, with infinite Animosity, in the Minds of the Commonalty.

Now, suppose Catiline had conquered in the first Engagement, or had even retired with equal Loss, surely very tragical Calamities must have overwhelmed the Commonwealth. Nor would the Conquerors have been suffered to enjoy their Victory long; since, when they were weakened and exhausted, whoever had superior Power, would have seized the Government, and oppressed public Liberty.

There were, however, several, who, though unengaged with the Conspirators, yet immediately followed Catiline. One of these was Aulus Fulvius, (the Son of a Senator) taken upon the Road, brought back, and slain by the Order of his Father.

Lentulus, at the same time, was pursuing the Directions of Catiline; and, by himself, or his Agents, gaining over all such as, either from their Characters or Fortune, he judged proper Instruments for a Revolution; not only Roman Citizens, but all Men of what sort soever, so they were fit for Arms.

Lentulus, therefore, employed one Publius Umbrenus to apply to the Deputies of the Allobrogians, and oblige them, if he could, to join in the War: For he fansied, that, as their State, as also the Members of the State, were universally oppressed with Debts, and as the whole People of Gaul were naturally fierce and warlike, they might be easily persuaded into such a Design. Umbrenus, having, as a Trader, been conversant in Gaul, was generally known to the leading Men in their several Communities, and acquainted with their Characters. So that, without Delay, the Moment he beheld the Deputies in the Forum, he began with certain Questions concerning the Condition of their Nation: Then, affecting great Grief for their Oppressions, proceeded to ask, ‘What Issue they hoped to their crying Calamities?’ Next, when he perceived, that they complained of the Rapaciousness of our Magistrates, that they reproached the Senate for yielding them no Succour or Protection, and expected from Death alone a Remedy to their many Miseries; he replied, ‘Provided you resolve to act like Men, I will present you with an Expedient to release yourselves from all these crying Calamities.’ Immediately the Allobrogians, raised to the highest Hopes by what he had said, conjured him, ‘to pity them: There was nothing so dangerous, (they said) nothing so difficult, but they would most heartily perform, if by it, whatever it were, their Nation might be redeemed from the Oppression of Debts.’

Umbrenus then carried them to the House of Decius Brutus; for it joined to the Forum, and was no improper Scene for such a Consultation, since Sempronia was an Accomplice, and Brutus was then from Rome. Moreover, to gain the greater Weight and Credit to what he had to say, he had Gabinius called to the Interview, and, before him, opened the whole Conspiracy, named all the Accomplices, and many others of all Stations, who were utterly guiltless; but mentioned by him to inspire the Deputies with the higher Hopes and Boldness. Having thus gained from them an Engagement for their Assistance; he let them retire.

The Deputies, however, wavered long what Counsel to chuse. Here, to induce them, were consuming Debts, a Passion for War, and mighty Spoil attending Victory: There, superior Puissance, Proceedings legal and sure, and, for uncertain Hope, Rewards solid and certain.

As they were thus in Suspense, the Fortune of the Roman Republic prevailed; so that they unfolded the whole Detail (just as they had learned it) to Quintus Fabius Sanga, upon whose Patronage their Nation chiefly relied. Cicero, who was apprised of the Design by Sanga, injoined the Deputies to feign a flaming Zeal for the Conspiracy; to apply assiduously to the rest of the Conspirators; to promise abundantly; and to study to bring them all under the clearest Conviction.

Near about the same Conjuncture there were Commotions in both the Gauls; as also in the Territory of Picenum, in Bruttium, and Apulia. For the Creatures of Catiline, sent by him into these several Quarters, behaved absurdly; and, as if Madness had possessed them, pushed, precipitately, all their Measures at once: So that, by all their nocturnal Consultations, by their conveying Armour and Weapons hither and thither, by their furious Haste and tumultuous Doings, they only caused more Affright than Danger: A great Number of these Quintus Metellus Celer, the Prætor, adjudged to Bonds, in Conformity to the Decree of Senate; as Caius Muræna did many others in Cisalpine Gaul; where he governed under the Character of Lieutenant-General.

At Rome, the while, Lentulus, in Concert with the other Heads of the Conspiracy, reckoning themselves now sure of abundant Force, determined, that, whenever Catiline arrived with his Army in the Territory of Fæsulæ, Lucius Bestia, one of the Tribunes, should assemble the People, purposely to incense them against Cicero, by popular Imputations upon his Conduct, and to fasten upon the excellent Consul the odious Blame of a War so afflicting and calamitous. This was to be the Signal to the whole Crowd of Conspirators, for resorting on the Night ensuing to the Discharge of their several Parts.

Now these Parts were said to be thus distributed: Statilius and Gabinius, assisted with a powerful Band, were to set Fire, at once, to Twelve select Quarters of the City; for that, in a Confusion so general, it were easier to reach the Person of the Consul, and those of all the rest, who were marked for Destruction. Cethegus was to force his Doors, and put him to Death. Others had, for their Share, the like bloody Work: Nay, there were Youths, yet under the Roof of their Parents, (most of them from amongst the Nobility) who were to butcher their own Fathers; and, when, by devouring Flames and Massacre, they had spread universal Fear and Anguish, they were to sally out in a Body to meet Catiline.

During the Debate of these Measures, now formed, and of these Resolutions, now fixed, Cethegus was always complaining ‘of Want of Spirit in his Associates; that, by eternal Ballancing and Procrastination, they abused many glorious Opportunities. In an Enterprize thus dating and perillous, Execution was more requisite than Deliberation. For himself; would but a few of them support him, he would, notwithstanding the Remissness of the rest, fall openly upon the Senate.’ As he was, by Nature, daring and determined, his Spirit impetuous, in his Person prompt and enterprising, he esteemed their best Measure to be Dispatch.

Now the Allobrogians, according to their Instructions from Cicero, had a Meeting, by the means of Gabinius, with the rest of the Conspirators. There they demanded the Security of an Oath, from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, as also from Cassius, signed severally by them; such as they might carry to their Countrymen, who, without it, would not be easily engaged in Transactions of such high Moment. All, except Cassius, complied, without the least Apprehension. He, who, indeed, had promised to be with them presently, went out of Rome, a little sooner than the Deputies. In Company with these, Lentulus sent Titus Volturcius, one of Crotona, with Orders, that, before they proceeded home, they should repeat and confirm the League with Catiline, by reciprocal Ties. He also gave Volturcius a Letter for Catiline, of which I here subjoin a Copy:

‘Who it is that sends thee this, thou wilt learn from him who brings it. Besure to consider thy own desperate Situation, and remember, that thou art a Man. Recollect what thy Circumstances demand. Seek Assistance from all, even from the Lowest and Basest.’

He likewise sent by him verbal Instructions; namely, to expostulate, ‘With what View Catiline could reject the Succours of Slaves, when the Senate had already declared him a public Enemy:’ And to assure him, ‘That, in Rome, all Dispositions were now made conformable to his own Orders; and, on his part, he must not delay to advance.’

These things having thus passed, Cicero, on the Night appointed for the Departure of the Deputies, from whom he had learnt all, ordered the Prætors, Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Pomptinus, privately to secure the Milvian Bridge; and apprehend, as they passed, the Allobrogians, and their Train. He explained to them, at large, the Cause of thus employing them, and, allowing them a Band of Soldiers, left them to proceed as Exigencies required. They, therefore, posting their Guards without Noise or Shew, silently beset the Bridge. When the Deputies and Volturcius arrived, and Shouts arose on both Sides, the Allobrogians, who were soon apprised of the Design, surrendered themselves, without a Pause, to the Prætors. Volturcius, at first, boldly encouraged his Companions; and, with his Sword, defended himself, though Numbers encompassed him. Then, seeing himself abandoned by the Deputies, he began to adjure Pomptinus, as his Acquaintance, with many Arguments, to save his Life: At last, full of Dread, and void of Hope, he yielded to the Prætors, as to a foreign Enemy.

When all this was effected, Messengers were instantly dispatched, with an Account of the Whole, to Cicero. He, in truth, now found himself possessed, at once, with much Joy, and much Anxiety. He rejoiced to see the Republic snatched from Destruction by a full Discovery of the Conspiracy; but felt great Solicitude, from the Difficulty of proceeding against Citizens of such signal Power and Eminence, convicted of such enormous Treason. To punish them, he judged, would draw much heavy Enmity upon himself; to let them go unpunished, would bring Perdition upon the State.

Hence, rousing his Spirit to Resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius, to be brought before him, with Cæparius too of Terracina, who was upon the Point of repairing to Apulia, there to engage the Slaves to revolt. The others came without Hesitation; but Cæparius, who had but just gone from his House, having learnt that all was discovered, was fled out of Rome.

The Consul brought Lentulus into the Senate, which he had assembled in the Temple of Concord, himself leading him by the Hand; for Lentulus was then Prætor. The rest he ordered to be carried thither under Guard. Vast was the Appearance of Senators: Before them he ordered Volturcius and the Deputies to be produced; and directed Flaccus the Prætor to bring the Packet of Letters, which he had found upon them.

Volturcius, when he was examined about his Journey, and the Packet of Letters, and, lastly, what was his Purpose in it, upon what Advice and Motives he undertook it; returned, at first, Answers quite foreign and framed; and affected utter Ignorance of the Conspiracy. But, as soon as the Senate had secured his Pardon by tendering him the Public Faith, he divulged every Transaction, and shewed, that, ‘but a few Days before, Gabinius and Cæparius had adopted him for an Associate: That, besides this, he knew no more than the Deputies; only he used to hear Gabinius declare, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, were, with many others, Accomplices in the Conspiracy.’

The Deputies, in their Confession, agreed with him in his. They likewise clearly convicted Lentulus, (who was asserting his Innocence) not only by Writing under his Hand, but by his common Discourse, ‘That, by the Sibylline Prophecies, the Sovereignty of Rome was foredoomed to Three of the Cornelian Race; first to Cinna, then to Sylla; and he himself was now the third destined by Fate to sway the Empire: That, besides, the present Year was the twentieth since the Burning of the Capitol; a Period productive of mighty civil Slaughter, according to the Explanations frequently made of Prodigies by the Augurs.’

The Senate therefore, when the Letters were read, and after the Criminals had acknowledged their several Signets, past a Decree, that Lentulus should be divested of his Office, and, with the rest, holden in Custody, but not in Prison. Thus Lentulus was delivered to Publius Lentulus Spinther, then Ædile; Cethegus to Quintus Cornificius; Statilius to Caius Cæsar; Gabinius to MarcusCrassus; and Cæparius (just before seized in his Flight, and brought back) to Cneius Terentius the Senator.

In the mean while, the Commonalty, they who just before, from a Passion for public Changes, were but too fond of intestine War, suddenly altered their Sentiments, when the Conspiracy was thus publicly discovered. They all now cursed the Devices of Catiline; all extolled Cicero to the Skies; and, like People just snatched from Bondage, gave full Scope to their Festivity and Joy. For, though from the War, in its ordinary Course and Events, they thought to have found more Spoil than Loss; yet they esteemed the Burning of Rome an inhuman Attempt, horrible beyond measure, and utterly destructive to themselves; since their whole Substance consisted in what nourished them from Day to Day, and in what they daily wore.

On the next Day, when the Senate sat, there was brought before them one Lucius Tarquinius, charged with going to join Catiline, and seized by the Way. This Man, who offered to disclose the Particulars of the Conspiracy, under the Security of public Faith and Indemnity, was indulged in this by the Consul, and bid to testify what he knew. He then informed the Senate, very nearly as Volturcius had done, of the Design concerted to set Fire to the City, to murder all the best Citizens, and to march the Rebel Army to Rome. He added, ‘That he was dispatched by Crassus to Catiline, to warn him, in his Name, not to be dejected by the apprehending of Lentulus, and Cethegus, and some other Conspirators, but the rather to hasten his March to Rome; whence, besides reviving the Spirit of the Conspirators in general, they who were in Custody might be snatched from Vengeance.’

Now the Moment Tarquinius named Crassus, a Man of grand Quality, immense Wealth, mighty Influence and Credit; they all cried out, that he was a false Witness, and demanded to have it debated. Many indeed believed the Charge utterly incredible: Some, tho’ they accounted it true, yet thought in a Conjuncture so terrible, a Man of such prodigious Sway was rather to be courted than provoked. Besides that, the Generality of the Senators were engaged to Crassus by private Ties and Obligations. It was therefore decreed, in a full Senate, even Cicero proposing it, ‘that the Testimony of Tarquinius appeared to be forged, and that he should be confined in Irons, never to be delivered till he had disclosed by whose Advice he had framed so daring an Imposture.’ There were then those who supposed this Evidence to have been an Artifice of Publius Autronius, whence Crassus, finding himself involved in the same Danger with the Conspirators, might serve them for a common Sanctuary, and protect them all by his mighty Power.

Others alledged, that Tarquinius was tutored and prompted by Cicero, thus to disable Crassus from distressing the Commonwealth by espousing, as he was wont, the Defence of public Incendiaries. I have indeed heard Crassus himself aver, that this glaring Indignity was fastened upon him by Cicero.

Yet, at this very time, Quintus Catulus and Caius Piso could not prevail with Cicero, either by their great Interest, or by their Intreaties, or by any Offers, to procure Cæsar to be falsly accused by the Allobrogians, or any other Witness whatsoever. For both these great Men bore mortal Enmity to Cæsar; Piso, because Cæsar had procured Judgment against him for Bribery in passing Sentence of Death, unjustly, upon a Man beyond the Po; Catulus continued to hate him, ever since their Suit for the Office of supreme Pontiff, as he was enraged that Cæsar in his early Youth should gain it from him in his old Age, after he had sustained all the highest Dignities in the State. Now this Charge against him they concluded was probable and well-timed: For he had, both by his signal Munificence to Particulars, and by his boundless Largesses to the People, contracted prodigious Debts.

When therefore they failed to persuade the Consul to so black an Undertaking, they went themselves sedulously about from Man to Man, and by averring what they only feigned, how many Instances of his Guilt they themselves had heard from Volturcius, as well as from the Allobrogians, exposed him to extraordinary Jealousy and Hate; so that certain Roman Knights, attending in Arms at the Temple of Concord, as a Guard to the Senate, threatened him with their drawn Swords, as he went out of the Assembly; whether they were struck with the prodigious Horrour of the Conspiracy, or did it in a Fit of Bravery, thence the more to signalize their Zeal for the Commonweal.

Whilst these were the Transactions of the Senate, and whilst Recompences were decreeing there to the Deputies of the Allobrogians, and to Volturcius, whose several Discoveries were now verified and approved; the Freedmen of Lentulus, with some few of his Dependents, had divided themselves into several Quarters of the City; and whilst some of them were suborning the Slaves and common Artizans about the Streets, to deliver him by Force, the rest were searching after the Ringleaders of the Croud, such as are wont, for Hire, to raise popular Uproar and Sedition.

Cethegus, at the same time, had dispatched Messages to the Slaves of his Houshold, and to some of his Freedmen, such, especially, as were select Instruments, hardened and audacious in Feats of Violence, conjuring them to form an armed Band, and, by strong Hand, to deliver him.

The Consul, as soon as he learnt what Measures were pursuing, posted Guards in such Quarters, and in such Numbers, as the Time and Exigency required: Then, assembling the Senate, proposed to their Consideration, ‘What they would please finally to determine concerning the Conspirators, now in Custody by their own Order.’ Indeed a very full Senate had very lately adjudged them to be public Traitors.

Decius Junius Silanus, therefore, whose Opinion was first asked, as he was then Consul elect, declared for capital Punishment, to be inflicted, not upon the Prisoners only, but also upon Lucius Cassius, Publius Furius, Publius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, whenever they were apprehended: Tho’, afterwards, yielding to the Force of Cæsar’s Reasoning, he professed to acquiesce in the Opinion of Tiberius Nero, who had proposed to have the Guards increased, and the Result postponed to another Debate.

Cæsar himself, when asked by the Consul in his Turn, spoke in the following Strain:

‘It is incumbent upon all Men, Conscript Fathers, in their Deliberations upon every Subject of Tenderness and Difficulty, to be exempt from all Hate and Affection, from all Revenge and Compassion. The Soul, when such Passions ruffle it, can but ill exercise any just Discernment: Not hath any Man, whosoever, at once pursued his own headstrong Will, and yet served any laudable Purpose. Your Judgment, when you exert that only, hath all due Force and Success; but if Passion seize you, ’tis that which masters you; and then your rational Faculties avail you nothing.

‘Many are the Instances, which I could recount, of Kings, as well as of People, falling into unhappy Measures, by hastily yielding to the Impulses of Wrath, or to those of Commiseration. But I had rather relate, from the Examples of our Forefathers, what sort of Determinations they made, all in Opposition to any Heat and Commotion of Spirit, but all agreeable to good Policy and the Times.

‘During the War which we maintained against Perses King of Macedon, Rhodes, a mighty and opulent City, deriving too all her Grandeur from the Power and Aid of the Romans, yet forfeited her Faith to us, and took Part against us. But, upon the Issue of the War, when it came to be debated how to deal with the Rhodians, our Ancestors discharged them from all Punishment and Retribution; that no Man might alledge the Quarrel to have begun rather from Thirst after their Wealth, than from that of avenging Injuries. Thro’ the whole Series of our Wars with Carthage, though the Carthaginians, even during Intervals of Peace, even in the midst of a Truce, committed many and shocking Insults; still our Ancestors never sought or improved any Opportunity of returning Evil for Evil; since they inquired rather what was worthy of themselves to do, than what might, in Justice, be done against the Carthaginians.

‘This is what it behoves you also, Conscript Fathers, now to consider, and provide that the Iniquity of Lentulus, and of the rest, weigh not more with you, than your own Dignity ought to weigh; and that you gratify not your Resentment, at the Expence of your Fame. Indeed, if any Chastisement can be found worthy of their Deserts, I approve the Proposal, however new and extraordinary it be: But if their Crime be such, that it transcends the Wit of Man to find out an adequate Punishment for it, my Advice is for such as the Laws have already ordained.

‘Most of the Senators, who gave their Opinion before me, have, in high and affecting Strains, bewailed the Situation of the Commonwealth: They have displayed all the Cruelty of War, with the many Woes attending the Vanquished; Virgins ravished, Youths constuprated, Children torn from the Bosoms of their Parents, Matrons exposed to all the libidinous Insults of a victorious Soldiery; public Temples, and private Dwellings, equally abandoned to Plunder and Outrage, all devoured by one common Flame, and converted into Scenes of Slaughter; finally, all Places filled with Arms, Carcases, Blood, and Wailings.

‘But, for the sake of the immortal Deities, whither tends such tragical Representation? Is it to rouse you to a Detestation of the Conspiracy? As if he, whom a Design so alarming cannot move, could be animated by a Flow of Words.

‘This is not the way; nor do any Injuries whatsoever appear light to him on whom they fall; and many are apt to magnify and resent such Injuries beyond Measure. But, according to the different Stations of Men, different Allowances are made, Conscript Fathers. When such, who, in an humble Station pass their Days in Obscurity, offend, thro’ Heat and Transport, few there are who know it; for their Name and Character are as low as their Fortune: But they who are invested with supreme Power, stand in an elevated Station, and every Step they take is, by every Eye, observed; so that to the highest Dignity the smallest Allowance is made. In such a Station there is no room allowed for Partiality; none for Aversion; least of all for Wrath and Animosity. That which in private Life bears only the Name of Passion, whenever it is observed in Men of Authority, is called Haughtiness and Cruelty.

‘For myself, Conscript Fathers, I esteem all Torments whatsoever to be short of the Guilt of these Offenders: But it is the Temper of human Kind, generally to remember best what happened last; and, forgetting the Crimes of suffering Parricides, to entertain themselves only about their Punishment, if it prove but unusually severe.

‘What Decius Silanus, a Man of great Honour and Spirit, has spoken, I am perfectly convinced he spoke from Zeal to the Commonwealth; and that, in an Affair of such mighty Consequence, he acts neither from Favour nor Enmity: Such is the Uprightness, such the Moderation which I have experienced in him. But what he proposes, tho’, to me, it appear no wise cruel, (for, to such Men, what Cruelty can be shewn?) yet, still, appears repugnant to the Genius of our State.

‘Doubtless, thou wast urged, either by Fear, or by an Iniquity so heinous, O Silanus, our Consul elect, to propose a Punishment altogether new. How vain such Fear is, it would be superfluous to argue; when, by the Vigilance of a Consul so signally able and distinguished as ours, so many and such powerful Forces are armed for our Security: And concerning their Punishment, we may, in truth, alledge, what, in reality, the Fact is; That, to such as live in Sorrow and Wretchedness, Death proves a Repose, not a Torment; that it is Death which closes all the Calamities incident to human Race; and that, beyond Death no Place remains, either for Anguish or Delight.

‘But, in the Name of the immortal Gods, why didst not thou add to this thy Proposal for capital Punishment, that they should be first lashed by the Executioner? Was it because the same is forbidden by the Porcian Law? And are there not other Laws too, which direct, that Roman Citizens, condemned, shall not be bereft of their Lives, but be indulged the Privilege of Banishment? Or was it, that Stripes seem a severer Punishment than Death? Now what can be deemed rigorous, or over-severe, to Men convicted of such terrible Treason? But if Stripes be a lighter Chastisement, where is the Consistence of being tender of the Law in a smaller Instance, and of violating it in one much greater?

‘Do you ask, Who will censure any Punishment whatever, pronounced upon Traitors to the Commonwealth? I answer, that Time may produce such Censure; so may sudden Conjunctures; so may Fortune, a fickle Deity, that blindly sways the Race of Men. Upon these Parricides whatever Doom falls, will fall justly. But be cautious, Conscript Fathers, how your Decrees to-day may affect others hereafter.

‘All pernicious Precedents are derived from laudable Beginnings; but when the Administration devolves upon unworthy and unskilful Men, those Precedents, at first just, are changed in the Application, from Objects that were proper and guilty, to such as are guiltless and improper.

‘The Lacædemonians, when they had subdued the Athenians, subjected that State to Thirty Governors. These began their Power, by executing, without Conviction, whomsoever they found notoriously wicked and obnoxious to all Men. For such Executions the People expressed great Joy, and declared them just and well deserved. Thenceforward, when, by degrees, they had strengthened their lawless Authority, they doomed to Death both Good and Bad, without Distinction; and thus held under Dread the whole Community. Such was the terrible Penalty, which these People, oppressed by Tyranny, paid for their ridiculous Joy.

‘We ourselves remember, when Sylla, after he found himself Master, ordered Damasippus, and other Incendiaries, who had raised themselves upon the Calamities of the Commonwealth, to be slaughtered, how all Men applauded the Fact: It was by all agreed, that such Instruments of Iniquity and Faction, the Authors of continual Disorders and Tumults in the State, were worthily cut off from it: Yet this very thing proved an Introduction to a mighty Series of Slaughter; since whoever coveted the Town-house, or Country-seat, or even any curious Vase, or precious Rayment of a Fellow-citizen, contrived to have the Possessor inserted in the List of the Proscribed.

‘Thus they, to whom the Death of Damasippus had administered such Joy, were themselves soon after dragged to the like Execution: Neither was there any End put to this raging Carnage, till Sylla had satiated his Followers with Riches.

‘It is true, that, from Marcus Tullius Cicero, I fear no such Precedents, nor from these our Times. But in a City so mighty and so populous as ours, various and different are the Spirits and Propensities of Men: In future Conjunctures, and under a future Consul, one who may likewise have an Army at his Devotion, any Forgeries may pass for Facts. When, hereafter, by a Decree of the Senate, in consequence of this very Example, the Consul shall draw the Sword, who is then to controul it? who to set Bounds to its Rage?

‘Our Ancestors, Conscript Fathers, were at no time wanting to themselves, either in Counsel or in Bravery; neither did they deem it below them, to adopt the Usages of other Nations, provided such Usages were wholsome and laudable. The Exercise of Arms, and their Weapons of War, they borrowed from the Samnites; their Ensigns of Magistracy, in a great measure, from the Tuscans: In truth, whatever appeared to them pertinent and valuable, either amongst their Confederates, or their Enemies, they assumed and practised at home, with notable Application; as they judged it more eligible to imitate, than to envy, any Excellence any-where.

‘In those Days, therefore, following the Custom of Greece, they subjected the offending Citizens to Stripes; and, upon such as were condemned, inflicted capital Punishment. Afterwards, when the Commonwealth was found greatly augmented, and, through the vast Multitude of Citizens, Factions grew prevailing, whence the Innocent were often circumvented and punished, and such Oppressions and Excesses began to grow common; then the Porcian and other Laws were made; Laws which, to the highest Offence, allowed no higher Punishment than Exile.

‘These Considerations, Conscript Fathers, and such Authority, seem to me of the utmost Force against our pursuing any Resolution new and extraordinary. Surely, much greater Virtue, much greater Wisdom, was found in such, who, from small Means and Beginnings, raised an Empire so mighty, than in us, who with Difficulty retain what they so worthily acquired.

‘For what, therefore, do I plead? Is it, that the Conspirators be discharged, and the Army of Catiline reinforced by them? By no means. But this is my Proposition; That their Effects be confiscated; their Persons be kept in Bonds, apart in several of the most powerful Cities of Italy; that no Application shall ever be made to the Senate on their Behalf, nor to the People; and that whoever disobeys this Decree, the Senate now declare him an Enemy to the Commonwealth, and to all its Members.’

When Cæsar had done speaking, and the rest of the Senate were, either in Words, or by Signs, approving or opposing what had been differently proposed, Cato was demanded his Opinion, and he delivered it in the following Speech:

‘My Spirit feels very different Impressions upon this Occasion, Conscript Fathers: First, when I attend to our present Situation, with the Perils which surround us; and then consider within myself the Counsel offered by certain Senators, they seem only to reason about settling the Punishment of such, who are combined to make War upon their Country, upon their Parents and Kindred, upon Religion and private Property; whereas our present Situation warns us to have another Point in View, and rather to concert Means for securing ourselves from them, than what Punishment ought to be inflicted upon them. For other Enormities you may take Vengeance after they are committed; but if you provide not against the Perpetration of this, in vain, when once it is accomplished, will be your Appeal to the Tribunals. When the City is once taken, nothing further remains to the poor Citizens.

‘Now, by the immortal Deities, I conjure and exhort you, You, who have ever had more at Heart your Houses, your Retirements, your Statues, and your Pictures, than the Interest of the Commonwealth; if you would but preserve these your Enjoyments, which, whatever be their Value, you thus cherish; if you would but enjoy your Pleasures in Ease, and without Interruption, rouse yourselves for once, and assume the Protection of the Commonwealth. This is no Debate about Tribute and Revenue; none about Injuries done to our Confederates. No: Our common Liberty, our very Lives, are, at this Instant, precarious.

‘I have often, Conscript Fathers discoursed in this Assembly; I have often bewailed the prevailing Luxury and Rapaciousness of our Fellow-citizens; and, for this Cause, I bear the Despight of many: But, as I never gratified myself in Vice, nor suffered my Soul to harbour it, neither could I humour the Debauchery of others, by countenancing their Excesses. Yet, however you slighted these my Complaints, still the Commonwealth stood firm and secure: Such was her native Potency, as to bear with the Defects of her Rulers. But the present Conjuncture admits no Debate about the Pravity or Amendment of our Morals; none about the Might or Splendor of the Roman Empire. The Debate is, whether this our State, whatever it be, continue our own, or, together with our Persons, become the Prey of Parricides.

‘Will any one now interpose, and mention Gentleness and Commiseration? Surely we have long lost the genuine Names of Things. It is called Liberality, to be free of the Property of others; Fortitude, to be daring in Iniquity: Such is our Degeneracy, and thence the desperate Situation of our Commonwealth! Let them, if they will, since such is the present Mode, let them be liberal of the Wealth taken from our Confederates, merciful to the Plunderers of the public Treasure: But let them not make a Present of our Blood; nor, out of their Tenderness to a few Parricides, consign to Destruction every worthy, every guiltless Roman.

‘Cæsar has just now, in his Place, reasoned, with great Elegance and Accuracy, concerning Life and Death: Nor, do I doubt but he holds for Fables, all the received Traditions about an infernal World; where the Wicked, far apart from the Virtuous, are confined to dreary and dismal Mansions, full of Darkness and Horror. From this Principle his Counsel is, That their Estates be confiscated, and their Persons kept in Bonds, apart, in the several great Cities of Italy; from an Apprehension, I presume, that, were they to be kept in Rome, they might be released, either by the Efforts of their Fellow-traitors, or by the Violence of the mercenary Multitude: As if evil and profligate Men were only to be found in this City, and not all over Italy; or, as if such a desperate Attempt were not most likely to succeed, where there is least Force to oppose it.

‘If, therefore, he really apprehend any Peril from these Criminals, his Counsel is airy and unsolid: But if, under so much general Terror possessing the Hearts of all Men, he alone dreads nothing, so much the greater Cause do I find of Dread, both for myself, and for you.

‘Be therefore assured, that your Decree concerning the Fate of Lentulus, and the other Prisoners, will comprize in it that of Catiline, and the whole Body of Conspirators. The more Vigour you shew, just so much the less Spirit will animate them: But if they perceive you ever so little relenting, they are, to a Man, ready to fall upon you with terrible Confidence.

‘Deceive not yourselves with an Opinion, that it was by Arms our Ancestors raised this our State, originally very small, to such Might and Grandeur. Were this the Cause, we should now possess it in its highest Degree of Lustre and Perfection; since we far surpass them, both in the Number of Confederates and Citizens, as well as in Horses and Arms. But it was from other Sources that their Greatness arose; such Sources as utterly fail us. They exercised Industry and Vigilance at Home, with righteous Government Abroad: They had Minds sound and free in Council, and in Judgment biassed by no Guilt or Crime, swayed by no evil Passion.

‘Instead of such Virtues as these, amongst us, Rapaciousness and Debauchery take Place; great Poverty in the State, profuse Wealth in private Families: We admire Riches, we are resigned to Sloth, make no Distinction between the Virtuous and the Wicked; and all the Rewards of Merit and Worth are ingrossed by Ambition. Nor, whilst, in all your public Councils, each of you intends only himself separately from the Whole; whilst, at home, you are inslaved to your Pleasures, and, here in the Senate, to sordid Interest, or Partiality and Favour, is the Result at all strange, that such alarming Attacks are made upon the Commonwealth, when thus deserted and forlorn. But I drop these Considerations.

‘Certain Romans, the most illustrious amongst us, have conspired to lay waste their native Country with Fire and Sword, and engaged the Gauls, ever inveterate Foes to the Roman Name, to join in the Conspiracy. He who has the Command of the Enemy, is with his Army, as it were, hovering over our Heads; and, even at this dreadful Conjuncture, you linger and hesitate how to deal with such of these unnatural Rebels. as you have seized within your Walls.

‘Would you shew them Pity? Let it be so: They are young Men, and have transgressed thro’ Ambition: Nay, dismiss them too, and even dismiss them with their Arms. What would follow? Even that this Mildness of yours, this Mercy towards them, whenever they were free and armed, would end in your Perdition.

‘Our Situation, in truth, is threatening and direful: But you fear it not. Yes, you do fear it; fear it exceedingly; and it is only from Impotence of Spirit, and Effeminacy, that you are thus in Suspense, every one looking and depending upon another.

‘Perhaps you trust for Deliverance to the immortal Gods, who have often preserved this Commonwealth from the highest Dangers: But it is not by Vows, nor by Supplications, and devout Wailings, like those of Women, that Succour is procured from the Gods: It is by Vigilance, by active Measures, and provident Counsel, that all Difficulties, are vanquished, and all Pursuits succeed: When once you have abandoned yourself to Sloth and Indolence, in vain afterwards you will implore the Gods; the Gods will be provoked, and make you feel their Wrath.

‘In the Days of our Forefathers, Aulus Manlius Torquatus, in a War with the Gauls, doomed his own Son to die, because he had engaged with the Enemy without Orders; so that a young Man of signal Hopes, died to atone for an Excess of Bravery. And do you now doubt and linger about the Doom of the most bloody of all Parricides?

‘Perhaps their present Treason is unsuitable to the Course of their Lives past: Well then; be tender of the great Dignity of Lentulus, if you find that ever he was tender of the Purity of his own Person, or of his Character and Fame, or of what concerned the Gods, or of what concerned Men, in any one Instance. Pardon also Cethegus, in Pity to his Youth, if this prove not the second time of his making War against his native Country. For why should I at all mention Gabinius, Statilius, and Cæparius? Men who, had they possessed the least Grain of Reflection or Virtue, would never have harboured such pestilent Purposes against the Commonwealth.

‘To conclude, Conscript Fathers, were it not, that an erroneous Step must, at this time, prove fatal, I should readily leave you to be corrected by the Consequences, seeing you slight my Reasoning. But we are beset and exposed on every Side. Catiline, at the Head of an Army, advances thro’ the Passes to assail us: We have Enemies within our Walls, Enemies in the very Heart of Rome: No Preparation which we make can be kept secret, nor any Counsel which we take: Hence the greater Cause of Vigour and Dispatch.

‘This, therefore, is my Counsel, That since, by a horrible Combination of blood-thirsty Citizens, the Commonwealth has been reduced to the most imminent Danger; and since they stand convicted, by the Evidence of Titus Volturcius, and that of the Allobrogian Deputies, as also by their own Confession, to have formed a Conspiracy, by Slaughter and Conflagration, and other direful Cruelties, to destroy their Fellow-citizens, and native State; they be treated like guilty Criminals, condemned by their own Mouth, and doomed to die, according to the primitive Usage.’

When Cato had ended his Speech, all those of Consular Rank, indeed, the greatest Part of the Senate, assented to his Opinion, with loud Applause; exalting to the Skies the Virtue and Firmness of his Soul, and reproaching one another with Timidity. Cato passed for a great and glorious Patriot, and just as he proposed, the Senate decreed.

Now as I had learned much by Reading, much by Report, concerning the glorious Actions of the Romans, in War and in Peace, by Sea and Land, I was exceedingly curious to discover, by what principal Cause such stupendous Events were accomplished. I knew, that with a Handful of Men, they have combated mighty Hosts: I was apprised, that, with small Forces, they have maintained War against mighty Monarchs; that they have often borne, and even braved, the Storms and Traverses of Fortune; that, in Eloquence, they were surpassed by the Greeks, in military Renown by the Gauls.

So that, having canvased every Cause, it appeared manifest to me, that only to the signal Virtue of some particular Romans, all our Superiority was owing. It was thus that great Wealth was vanquished by Poverty, great Multitudes by a small Number. Even when Rome became depraved by Voluptuousness and Effeminacy, still such was the surpassing Power of the Commonwealth, that she was thence able to support herself under all the Faults and Excesses of her Magistrates and Generals: Even when, like a Mother superannuated, she forbore, for long Intervals, to produce any Citizen of transcendent Virtue. Two I myself remember, Cato and Cæsar; different indeed in their Pursuits, but both of surprising Abilities: And since it here fell naturally in my Way, I would not omit displaying, according to my best Ability, the Temper and Accomplishments of each.

In their Race, Years, and Eloquence, they were nigh equal. Both possessed the same Greatness of Spirit; both enjoyed the same Degree of Glory, but in different Ways: Cæsar was celebrated for his Generosity and Munificence; Cato, for his unvaried Integrity of Life. The former gained Renown by his Complacency and Acts of Compassion; the latter heightened his Dignity by an inflexible Severity. Cæsar derived Fame from his Readiness to give, to relieve, and to pardon; as did Cato from his Austerity in bestowing nothing. In one was found a sure Refuge to the Wretched, in the other, certain Vengeance to the Guilty. Cæsar was extolled for his Flexibility; Cato for his Firmness. Cæsar, in short, had intirely turned himself to active Life, to a Habit of Pains and Care, Night and Day; was zealous to advance the Interest of his Friends, regardless of his own; and refused to grant nothing worthy to be granted. His own ardent Aim was to command in Chief, to lead Armies, and to be engaged in new Wars, thence to signalize his military Virtue: Whilst the whole Bent of Cato was to Simplicity of Life, to regular Conduct, and, above all, to invincible Strictness. He contended not in Wealth with the Wealthy, nor with the Factious in Practices of Faction; but yielded not in Bravery to the most undaunted; nor in Temperance, to the most reserved; nor in Purity of Morals, to the most upright; and aimed not so much to appear, as to be, a virtuous Man: So that the less he courted Renown, the faster it followed him.

After the Senate had, as I have related, concurred with the Proposition of Cato, the Consul judged it the securest Way, to snatch the instant Opportunity, without staying for Night, though it approached; lest any Time should be given for new Attempts. He, therefore, ordered the Triumvirate of Justice to accelerate all Measures necessary for the Execution; and, having posted proper Guards, conducted, in Person, Lentulus to the Prison, as the Prætors, by his Orders, did the rest.

In the Prison, after a small Descent towards the Left, there is a Place called the Dungeon of Tullus, sunk about Twelve Feet under-ground, fortified round with strong Walls, above with an Arch of Stone; a sad Solitude, full of Stench and Darkness, loathsome and hideous to behold! As soon as Lentulus was thrust down into this Place, the Executioners strangled him, as they were ordered.

Thus this noble Patrician, he who sprang from the Cornelian Race, a Race of the first Eminence and Lustre, he who, as Consul, had borne the supreme Magistracy of Rome, suffered a Death worthy of his Life and Crimes. Upon Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius and Cæparius, the same Execution was done.

Whilst these things passed at Rome, Catiline formed two Legions out of the whole Forces, either brought by himself, or commanded before by Manlius: He filled the several Cohorts in proportion to the Number of his Men; and, by distributing equally amongst them all the Volunteers, with all who were sent him by the other Conspirators, he soon saw the Complement of his Legions full; though at first he had but Two thousand Men. But of all these Troops, about a fourth Part only was completely armed. All the rest were furnished as Chance directed; some with Sticks, some with Darts, others with sharp Stakes,

Now when Antonius advanced with his Army, Catiline repaired to the Mountains; and, whilst he marched only amongst them, moving sometimes towards Rome, sometimes towards Gaul, deprived his Enemies of the Means to attack him. He was, indeed, daily expecting powerful Reinforcements, as soon as ever his Associates had perpetrated their Designs at Rome. In the mean time he refused to enlist the Slaves, who, from the Moment he had declared himself, crouded to him in great Numbers; for he trusted to the great Strength of the Conspiracy, and conceived it, moreover, unsuitable to his Drift and Politics, should he appear to have blended the Cause of free Romans with that of their fugitive Slaves.

But, when Tidings came to the Camp, that the Conspiracy was discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest, whom I have lately mentioned, were executed there, he became presently deserted by the Generality of those, whom Hopes of Rapine, or Passion for Changes in the State, had tempted to take Arms. With the Remainder he retired by mighty Marches, over steep Mountains, into the Territory of Pistorium, with a View to escape, by obscure Roads, into Cisalpine Gaul.

Now Quintus Metellus Celer, then commanding Three Legions in the Territory of Picenum, judged, that Catiline, in his present Streights, would pursue these very Measures. Hence, having learned from Deserters what Course he took, he instantly decamped, and, advancing to the Foot of the Mountains, there pitched his Camp; just where it behoved Catiline to pass in his Flight into Gaul. Neither was Antonius far behind the flying Rebels, at the Head of a great Army, advancing after them through Ways more open and level.

As to Catiline; when he perceived himself quite beset, here with Mountains, there with hostile Armies; all his Resources at Rome destroyed; no Hopes of escaping, none of Refuge or Succour; he thought it his best Course, in his present Distress, to risque the Fortune of a Battle, and determined forthwith to prepare for an Encounter with Antonius. So that, assembling his Forces, he spoke to them in the following Strain.

‘I have found by Experience, Fellow-Soldiers, that Words increase not Bravery; that a spiritless Army is neither rendered hardy, nor a dastardly Army valiant, by a Speech from the Commander. Whatever Portion of Courage any Man possesses from Nature or Habit, just so much will he display in Battle. Vain it is to exhort that Man, whom neither Glory nor Danger can animate. The Force of Fear deprives him of his Hearing. My Motive for calling you together, Fellow-Soldiers, was to furnish you with a few Points of Instruction; as also to communicate to you my last Result, and the Ground of it.

‘You already know, what a terrible Calamity Lentulus has brought at once upon himself and us, by his Slowness and lifeless Conduct: You know how, by waiting for Succours from Rome, I was prevented from marching into Gaul. At present all of you see, as well as I, our sad Situation. Two Armies of the Enemy press us, and obstruct our Motions; one from Rome, another from Gaul. To abide any longer in our present Station, were it ever so much our Choice, is utterly denied us, by our Scarcity of Provision, and of other Necessaries; and whithersoever you chuse to remove, you must open yourselves a Passage with your Swords.

‘Hence I warn and conjure you to exert your Courage, like Men determined and undaunted; and to remember, when you engage, that in your Hands you carry Wealth, Dignity, and Glory, nay, your Liberty, and your Country. If we overcome, we shall ascertain our own Safety on every Side; we shall have Store of Provisions; the municipal Cities and Colonies will be all open to receive us. But if we shrink, through Fear, we shall in all these Particulars see ourselves utterly crossed and distressed: Nor will they, whom their Arms could not defend, find Defence from any Station, or any Friends.

‘You are, besides, to remember, that you, my Fellow-Soldiers, and the opposite Army, are by no means urged to engage by the same or equal Motives. Our native Country, our common Liberty, nay, our Lives, are the Prizes for which we combat. Their Task is idle and uninteresting, whilst they fight to support the lordly Dominion of a few. Let this rouse you to attack them the more undauntedly, still remembering your former Valour and Atchievements.

‘We might, indeed, have passed our Days, with infinite Infamy, in Banishment. Some of you might have staid at Rome, reduced to Beggary, and to be Dependents upon the Affluence of others. As such wretched Conditions of Life appeared intolerable to brave Men, you determined to follow the present Course. If you desire to forsake this Course, still you must exert your Courage undauntedly: In War, he only who conquers can change it for Peace. In truth, to hope for Safety from Flight, is downright Madness; for then you turn from the Enemy those very Arms, which serve for your Defence against him. During Battle, he who is in most Fear, is ever in most Danger: Courage serves for a Wall of Defence.

‘When I consider your Characters, my Fellow Soldiers, and recollect your past Exploits, high are the Hopes which I entertain of Victory; encouraged as I am by your Resolution, your Age, your heroic Virtue, and even by our common Necessity; that Necessity which makes Cowards brave. The Streightness of our Situation secures us from being encompassed by our Enemies, however numerous. Should Fortune desert you, in Envy to your Bravery; be sure not to lose your Lives, without ample Vengeance upon your Foes; nor suffer yourselves to be taken and slaughtered like Cattle: Rather die fighting like Men, and thus leave to the Enemy a bloody and mournful Victory.’

When he had thus spoken, he paused a little; then gave Orders to sound to Battle, and led down his Forces, in their proper Ranks, into the level Ground. Next, sending away the Horses, thence the more to animate the Whole by making the Danger equal to All, he himself, on Foot, formed his Army suitably to the Number of Men, and the Nature of the Place: For, as on his Left there stretched a Plain, bounded by the Mountains, and close on his Right stood a Precipice of Rocks, he ranged Eight Cohorts in his Front. To support them, he posted the rest of his Troops in closer Order. From these, in order to strengthen his Front, he detached all the select Centurions, and resumed Veterans, and even all the common Soldiers, who were bravest and best armed. He ordered Caius Manlius to command the Right, and a Native of Fæsulæ the Left. He himself, at the Head of his Freedmen, and Supplies from the Colonies, kept close to the Eagle; one reported to have been that of Caius Marius, when he commanded against the Cimbrians.

Caius Antonius, who commanded the opposite Forces, and was disabled, by the Gout, from attending the Combat, transferred the Command to his Lieutenant General, Marcus Petreius. He, who had, upon this alarming Conspiracy, raised a Number of veteran Cohorts, ranged them in the Front. The rest of his Troops he placed, as Bodies of Reserve, behind them. He himself, riding round from Rank to Rank, and applying familiarly to the Men by their particular Names, pressed, and prayed, and conjured them, ‘to remember well against whom they were to engage; even against Robbers ill armed; and in Defence of their Country, of their Children, of their Religion, and their Property.’ As he was himself an experienced Officer, who, for more than Thirty Years, had served in Armies, whether as Tribune, or occasional Commander, or Lieutenant General, or Prætor, and in every Station, with exceeding high Renown; and as he personally knew the Generality of his Men, and all their brave Actions; whilst he laid before them the Remembrance of these, he set the Spirit of the Soldiers on Fire.

Now Petreius, after all possible Precautions taken, sounded to Battle, and ordered the Cohorts to advance with a slow Pace. So did the opposite Army. But when they approached so near, that the Soldiers, lightly armed, might have begun the Onset by Flight of Darts; at once, with a mighty Shout, they furiously rushed into a close Encounter, threw aside their Javelins, and, with their Swords only, disputed the Victory. The Veterans, ever piqued with their old Bravery, pressed the Foe with great Vigour: The latter failed not resolutely to withstand them; and mighty and violent was the Struggle. Catiline, at the Head of a Band lightly armed, was all the while busy in the foremost Rank; he succoured such as were sorely pressed, supplied fresh Men in the Room of the Wounded, provided for every Exigence; every where met Danger, every where assailed the Foe, and at once performed the Duty of a stout Soldier, and an able General.

Petreius, when he perceived that Catiline pressed on with terrible Efforts, beyond what he imagined, advanced at the Head of the Prætorian Cohort against the main Body, forced their Ranks, and put them to the Sword; as he did, next, others, who yet maintained their Ground elsewhere. Such as remained he assailed at once on both Flanks. Manlius, and the other Commander from Fæsulæ, fell Sword in hand in the foremost Rank. Catiline, beholding his Forces routed, and himself left with a few about him, still mindful of his illustrious Birth, and pristine Dignity, rushing into the thickest of the Enemy, there fell fighting, and covered with Wounds.

It now chiefly appeared, upon surveying the Field, when the Battle was over, with what desperate Resolution, with what invincible Spirit, the whole Army of Catiline was animated. For the Body of every Man was found to cover, when breathless, the same Post, which, during the Combat, he had occupied, and fought to defend; except the few who were driven from their Station by the Prætorian Cohort: And even these, though they fell a little out of their Ranks, fell with their Faces to the Foe. Catiline was indeed found, far from his own Forces, amidst the Carcases of the Enemy, even still breathing a little; nay, still retaining in his Face an Air of the same stern and haughty Spirit, which possessed him when alive.

Upon the whole, in all his Army not one free Roman was taken Prisoner, either during the Combat, or in the Rout. So equal a Hand had they all shewn, in sparing their own Lives just as little as those of their Enemies. The Victory, indeed, fell to the Army of the Commonwealth, but was accompanied with Loss and Bloodshed enough to check their Joy; since the Bravest amongst them were either killed in the Fight, or left it, grievously wounded. Nay, as there were many who visited the Field, whether for Curiosity or Spoil, and turned over the Carcases of the Rebels, some discovered a Friend, some a Kinsman, others a Guest: There were, too, such as there found their particular Enemies: So that thro’ the whole Army was seen a various Display of contrary Passions, Gladness and Sorrow, Mourning and Rejoicing.

THE ORATIONS OF CICERO AGAINST CATILINE.

TO Mr. DODDINGTON.

SIR,

YOUR perfect Taste and Knowledge of Cicero, in his own Language, does by no means discourage me from presenting you with the following Orations in English. The most discerning Reader is always the least rigorous; and such as are least apt to err, make the most Allowances for Error. No well-bred Man will censure harshly, no cool Man hastily, no candid Man injuriously. Conceit and Ignorance pronounce the loudest, as well as the rudest, Censures: Shallow Men are often the most forward Critics; and Ill-nature, dressed up in spiteful and undelicate Language, is called Criticism.

Such Criticism is, indeed, the least formidable, but the most unanswerable. Rancour and Ill-Manners ought to have equal Enemies, or none. The same Disregard is due to Misrepresentation, to forced and malicious Construction. So that few Answerers deserve any Answer; few Critics any Notice; foolish and malevolent Critics and Answerers never do. To me it seems as great Weakness, to take notice of Faults foolishly found, and maliciously imputed, as it would be Rudeness, and Ill Morals, not to own Blemishes and Mistakes, fairly discovered, and decently displayed.

These have always been my Sentiments concerning Criticism, and Critics. I hope they are not ill-grounded: But as I would willingly be able to give a very good Reason even for being in the right, I am ambitious to have You for my Voucher; and then I need give no other Reason, nor produce any more Vouchers.

You perceive how ready I am to bespeak your Partiality to me, and my Writings; if I can be said to bespeak what I have so long experienced. You see, too, how willing I am to let all the World know, that I have experienced it. You have been, many Years, acquainted with this Undertaking: You have, many Years ago, perused some of the Discourses prefixed; you have had long Warning of my Ambition, to join Your Name, upon this Occasion, to mine; a very natural Ambition in an Author, solicitous thus to gain Notice and Credit to his Works. Could I, by it, derive any additional Lustre upon Your Character, it would be a Demonstration, how judiciously I consulted my own. If the Plea and Merit of long Acquaintance were not sufficient to recommend me, I should presume, that the Name and Eloquence of Cicero would; unless I marred such Recommendation by my awkward Manner of offering it, not in His Words, but my own. This I however leave to the Judgment of the World; or, to what I equally esteem, Yours.

These Orations have been translated many Years, (you know that they have) as a Supplement to the History of Catiline’s Conspiracy. In them the Whole is almost as clearly, and, except the Issue of it, almost as minutely recounted, as in Sallust; with some curious Incidents not found in Sallust. The Orator and the Historian illustrate each other: I have, therefore, joined them together, and I do it the rather, because Sallust has not done Cicero Justice; at least, not full Justice. He speaks of him more out of Necessity than Choice, and with very restrained Praise; and, even in that, his Heart seems to have little Share. Yet the Praise of no Man fell so naturally in his Way, neither of Cæsar, nor even of Cato; tho’ he be so copious and elaborate upon that of both. He might have particularly spared that of Cæsar, as Cæsar was, notoriously, an Associate in that very Conspiracy, the most sanguinary and threatening that ever was framed by the Heart of Man. He tells us how much Cato was applauded for his Speech; which is, indeed, a very honest, a very manly one, in Answer to Cæsar’s; which must be owned to be a very artful one; but studiously avoids, what more required his Notice and Testimony, the Detail of public Honours, all very illustrious, some of them very singular, witnessing and crowning the glorious Conduct, and matchless Merit, of Cicero, for having saved his Country; namely “The public Festival decreed to the Gods, and solemnized in his Name; the Thanks of the Senate presented to him, in Strains full of Warmth and Dignity; the Compliment of the Civic Crown; the Golden Statue at Capua; with the Divine Title of Father of his Country.”

To all this, which I do not pretend to tell you as News, any more than what follows, give me Leave to add the Declaration of Pompey, upon his Return from the Mithridatic War, when he was complimented upon his great Victories in it: “To small Purpose, said that great Conqueror, should I have acquired Glory by Arms, to small Purpose merited a Third Triumph, had not Cicero, by his Vigilance and Address, preserved from Destruction this our Republic, from which I receive both my Triumph and my Glory.”

I have not only ever loved, ever admired Cicero, but always considered him as one of the first Characters amongst Men; in some Instances superior to all Characters; the great Luminary of the human Mind, the great Ornament of human Nature. He had some Faults, and many Fault-finders; and they who are inclined to find Faults, will sometimes make Faults; at best never lessen them. His Ambition was not one: He sought his own Glory in the general Good; in every public Station advanced the public Interest, and, in his Consulship saved the Public itself, with such high Capacity as was hardly ever equalled, surely, never exceeded, by that of any Statesman; and with such high Courage, as was never surpassed by that of any Hero.

I think no Roman but himself could have defeated the Conspiracy of Catiline. The wisest and best Men in Rome thought so; and, for that Reason, joined in raising him to the supreme Magistracy, and afterwards in investing him with the sovereign Power of the State: A noble Proof of their high Opinion, not only of his Ability, but of his Veracity! For, no sooner had he acquainted the Senate with the public Peril, but the Senate, without Scruple or Reserve, and upon his bare Word, committed the Care and whole Power of the State into his Hands. Even the People, as partial as they were to the Conspiracy, and as passionate for civil Discord and Innovations, took his Word, upon his explaining to them the desperate Designs of the Conspirators; and then readily acquiesced in all his Measures to defeat them. So universally was his Probity known, as well as his Sufficiency! And his Reputation had an equal Share with his Conduct in saving the State.

I question whether Pompey could, in Cicero’s Place, have done what Cicero did: I even question whether he would have ventured upon doing it. He was shy and slow in Deliberations of State, and timid in Council, however brave in the Field. Neither were his Talents, any more than his Probity, equal to those of Cicero. He wanted the same Frankness as well as the same Force of Spirit, the same Ardour for public Liberty, with those generous public Views, which filled and warmed the Heart of Cicero. Pompey was a wary and distrustful Man; a Quality commonly joined to limited Parts: He was likewise a selfish Man, making all his public Proceedings subservient to personal Ends, often pursuing these Ends at the Expence, and even at the Peril, of the Public.

Besides, had Pompey been at home, and trusted by the State to deal with the Conspirators, Catiline, who had really superior Parts and Resolution, might, probably, have had superior Success. He, surely, was a bold Man; had infinite Spirit, and infinite Art. Pompey too had Art, but it was of a tamer Sort; and tho’ he had Spirit, it was perplexed and irresolute. Whilst Pompey would have been pausing and deliberating, weighing all Difficulties and Dangers, and how the Issue of every Step might affect himself; Catiline, who never stopped nor hesitated, never entertained Scruples, nor feared Consequences, would have bid fair for destroying Pompey and Rome. Cæsar too, who was in the Conspiracy, and always Master of the Spirit of Pompey, would, probably, have cajoled and duped him upon that Occasion, as he did upon every Occasion: He had, indeed, long vanquished him in Council, by Address; else he never could have been in a Condition to have vanquished him afterwards, by Force, in the Field.

To say the Truth, it was almost a desperate Undertaking, to grapple with that desperate Conspiracy; such was the great Quality, as well as the great Power and Number of the Conspirators, many of them of the first Families, and first Stations in the Commonwealth: What could be greater Merit, what shew more undaunted Courage, than to encounter them all, and to save the Commonwealth from impending Perdition? Cicero loved Rome, he loved Roman Citizens; not from Fanaticism, as the Mahometans value the Lives of Mahometans, because they think them dear to their Prophet; but as the Life of every Roman was valuable to his Country, because every Roman was supposed to love his Country. He therefore submitted to the Risque of perishing himself, that Rome might not perish; a Risque which not a Man amongst so many great Men, in that great State, was equally willing, at least equally able, to run. If, in that perilous Conjuncture, he escaped all the dark, all the bloody Snares against his Life, he still perceived himself exposed to inveterate Vengeance, equally threatening to his Person, and Family, and Fortune, from many Enemies, all too ready, as well as too powerful, to execute it.

The Consequence is well known: He saw himself banished from the State, for having saved it. His Dejection upon so trying an Occasion, might have been excused by, what caused it, his Tenderness for the Public, his Tenderness for his Family, and the Impressions of such singular and unnatural Ingratitude. Few Men are equal to all Trials: Cicero shewed himself brave in the Field, both when young and old; singularly so in his Administration; wonderfully so in Opposition to bold and potent Usurpers, Sylla, Cæsar, Antony, and to all public Disturbers; nor did any, the most celebrated Hero, ever meet Death, violent or natural, with more Firmness and Unconcern.

As an Orator, and a Writer, he had no Equal: Nor is the Strength and Elegance of his Works more to be admired, than their Morality: They contain nothing but what is noble and benevolent, as well as beautiful and charming; Vice and Baseness exposed; Virtue and virtuous Men recommended and adorned; public Spirit, the Love of Mankind, and a friendly Heart; fine Illustrations, curious Pieces of History, remarkable Characters and Events; and are, indeed, the great Repertory of the Roman Policy and Laws. His Writings, like his Administration, are full of Morality, full of Dignity, of sublime Sense, and delightful Instruction.

You will please to observe, that I am not acquainting You with the Merit of Cicero, and his Writeings; but, through You, my less-knowing Readers; and this Address to You, serves for a Preface to Them. No Man is abler than You to compare the Original and the English together: Yet, for this very Reason, I am far from inviting, or even encouraging you to take that Trouble. Perhaps, in Friendship to me, you might think the Translation tolerable; but the Original is inimitable. Men of lively Parts and Taste, let them be ever so candid, have piercing Eyes: Men of great Observation and Experience in the World, know best what the World likes; at least what the World ought to like best. Men of great Capacity will always have great Regard paid to their Judgment.

To You, however, and to the World, I commit the following Sheets; to You with Hope; to the World, though with no great Confidence, yet without Fear. I have been accustomed to Censure: I can bear it; I can even reverence it, when it is just and decent: Where it is absurd, rancorous, gross, petulant, and childish, I take even Contempt to be too great a Distinction for it: For Contempt implies Notice.

If you think this to be a very long, a very patched and rambling Address, so do I: But I claim the Privilege, as I do the Title, of a Friend, to write to you, as I talk to you, without fearing to tire you. A Letter is not confined to Exactness and Method: And what is a Dedication but a Letter, confessing, like most other Letters, that it gives a great deal of Trouble (though it hopes not to be believed); and offering many tedious Excuses, which give at least as much? You may thank Dr. Middleton, that you have not had ten times more. I once intended to have considered Cicero at large, in Three Lights; as a Statesman, an Orator, and a Writer. But the Doctor has prevented me; perhaps happily for me. Do you not find yourself inclined to thank him upon a double Account? I do, very heartily, for the Justice, which he has done to the Character of that Divine Roman, as well as to his own. He hath, in this, as in his other Performances, shewn himself an able, an honest, and a well-bred Man: A Character particularly proper for Controversy and Criticism; and from that Character he hath reaped just Reputation and Success.

Here I intend to break off abruptly; afraid of touching any other Topic: If I did, I know not when I should have done. I always loved to converse with you; now I think I have shewn it to every body: It is too much to my Credit to be kept a Secret from any. You see, Sir, that I conclude with a very interesting Reason for thus troubling you; and publish your Name for my own private Advantage. Can an Author offer a better Reason for a Dedication? Or will the World find a better for him, though he did not own it, as I do? By this Time, perhaps, you are glad to find, that I conclude at all: For your Ease, therefore, and, indeed, for my own, I only add these very few, but very true Words, That I am, with perfect Respect,

SIR,

Your most Obedient

August 7th, 1743.

and most Humble Servant,

T. Gordon.

THE FIRST ORATION OF CICERO AGAINST CATILINE. Spoken in the SENATE.

HOW far, Catiline, wilt thou persist in abusing our Patience? How much longer, too, is that headlong Rage of thine to brave and deride us? What Period wilt thou set to thy boasted and desperate Guilt? Art thou in no degree struck with the Guards, posted by Night to secure the Palace? In no degree by the Watch placed all over the City? In none by the terrible Apprehensions possessing the People? Not struck by the Concurrence and Unanimity of all worthy Romans? Nor by the Assembling of the Senate in this Place of Strength? Nor by the Countenances and Looks of the Assembly itself? Perceivest thou not, that all thy guilty Counsels are disclosed? Dost thou not see the Senators apprised of thy Conspiracy, and, thence, its Efforts marred and restrained? To which of us all dost thou suppose it remains a Secret, what were thy Doings this last Night, what those of the Night before; or whom of the Associates thou didst call together, or the Place where, or what Measures thou didst then concert?

Alas, what Times! Alas, the Degeneracy of Men! All this the Senate knows; all this the Consul beholds. Yet this Parricide still lives! Lives? He even assumes his Seat in the Senate, takes Part in the public Debates, nay, marks us our severally to Vengeance with his Looks, and destines us all to the Slaughter: Whilst we, magnanimous Persons! judge, that we acquit ourselves to the Commonwealth, if, in our own Persons, we can escape his Fury and murdering Sword. In Justice, Catiline, the Consul should, long ere now, have doomed thee to Execution, and inflicted upon thy own Head that bloody Destruction, which thou hast been long framing against us all.

Is it indeed true, that Publius Scipio, Chief Pontiff, a celebrated Roman, but invested with no Magistracy, caused Tiberius Gracchus to be slain, for discomposing the then Government, tho’ by ways void of Force? And shall we, who bear the supreme Consular Office, tamely suffer Catiline to live; a Traitor bent to lay waste the World, by Carnage and Conflagration? I pass over, as too remote, the Example of Quintus Servilius Ahala, who, with his own Hand, slew Spurius Melius, for attempting a Revolution in the State. There once was, I say, there once was, in this our Commonwealth, a Spirit so virtuous, as to animate brave Patriots to pursue a pestilent Citizen to capital Punishment, with more Rigour than the most implacable public Enemy. Against thee, Catiline, we are furnished with an awful and solemn Decree of the Senate: The Commonwealth wants not sound Counsel, nor this Body due Authority. We only, I speak it aloud, we Consuls fail in not executing that Decree.

Formerly, when the Senate had ordered the Consul Lucius Opimius, to provide, ‘that no Detriment accrued to the State;’ not a Day intervened between that Order, and the Death of Caius Gracchus, who was fallen only under the Suspicion of seditious Proceedings; Gracchus, who was sprung from a Father, Grandfather, and Ancestors, all very glorious in our State. In like manner Marcus Fulvius, a Man of Consular Dignity, was cut off, he, and both his Sons.

When, by such another Ordinance, the immediate Care of the Commonwealth was committed to the then Consuls, Caius Marius, and Lucius Valerius; did the high Station of Lucius Saturninus, Tribune of the People, and of Caius Servilius Prætor, avail to retard their Execution, and the Vengeance of the Public, for a single Day? But we have now suffered the Spirit of the Senatorian Authority to droop and deaden for the Space of Twenty Days. For we too are armed with an Ordinance like the former; but leave it to rest amongst the Archives, like a Weapon in the Sheath; tho’, by that Ordinance, thou, Catiline, art justly doomed forthwith to perish. Thou still dost live; and livest not to banish thy outrageous Cruelty, but to harden thyself in it.

I am, Conscript Fathers, sincerely disposed to Mercy: I am disposed too, whilst Perils so mighty threaten the State, not to appear to act remisly for it. Yet I already condemn myself for my Inactivity and Neglect. An Army is already in Italy, encamped upon the Borders of Etruria, breathing open War against the State: The Number of the Enemy increases daily: The Leader of the Enemy is within our Walls; nay, you see him amongst you in the Senate, still continually occupied in pestilent Devices to destroy the Commonwealth. If, therefore, I should order thee, Catiline, to be forthwith seized, nay, order thee to be instantly executed; I guess I have rather the Censure of all worthy Men to fear, for having been too slow, than Blame from any Man, for being cruel.

Yet this very Deed, which ought long since to have been done, I have certain Reasons, moving me, for some Time, not to do. I will then doom thee to die, when not a Soul shall be possibly found so wicked, so abandoned, so resembling thyself, as not to acknowledge such Death to be thy Due: So long as one Man is left, who will venture to defend thee, thou shalt live: But live, as thou now livest, beset with Restraints, powerful and manifold, all of my providing; such as utterly disable thee from annoying the Commonwealth. Many will have their Eyes, many their Ears, employed about thee, all watching and guarding thee; as hitherto they have done, though thou perceivest it not.

In truth, what further Success, O Catiline, hast thou yet in View, when neither the Shades of Night can conceal thy traiterous Cabals, nor thy domestic Walls confine the Accents of thy Treason? If all thy Proceedings are thus glaring, all thus exposed; trust to my Advice, forsake thy desperate Purposes, forego thy Schemes of Conflagrations and Massacre. Thou art, on every side, firmly beset: Thy Devices are all clearer than the Day; and since I know them, thou hadst best avow them.

Thou rememberest well, what I declared to the whole Senate (on the Kalends of November) that on the fourth Day following precisely Caius Manlius, the Implement and Champion of thy desperate Designs would be in open Arms. Have I been deceived, Catiline, in my Presage, not only of an Attempt so enormous, so shocking, and so incredible, but, what is yet more marvellous, of the very Day which was to produce it? I declared too, at the same time, that thou hadst assigned a particular Day, even the Twenty-sixth of the same Month, for the Massacre of the chief Men of Rome; a Day, when many Romans of principal Rank were already fled out of Rome, not so much for securing their own Lives, as to defeat thy pernicious Designs. Canst thou disown, that, on that very Day thou wast so narrowly surrounded by Stratagems of my contriving, and by Guards of my placing, as to be utterly disabled from making any Effort against the Commonwealth, even when thou hadst avowed, that, tho’ the rest had, by retiring, escaped thee, thou wouldst still go on, and content thyself with the Slaughter of us, who chose to remain? Nay, when, even during the Kalends of November, thou hadst conceived an Assurance of having Præneste seized by Surprize in the Night, didst thou not learn, that, by my Orders, by my Reinforcements, by my Vigilance and Precautions, that Colony was secured?

Thou actest nothing, thou attemptest nothing, nay thou meditatest nothing, but what I not only am apprised of, but what I even perceive, and evidently know. Look, moreover, back with me upon what passed during this last Night; thou wilt thence discover, that I watch with more Vigour for the Preservation of the Commonwealth, than thou dost for her Destruction. I say then, thou camest this last Night to the House of Marcus Lecca, in the Street called the Reapers (I speak explicitly); whither, likewise, resorted many of the Associates in the same Phrensy and Treason. Darest thou deny this? Why art thou silent? I will convince thee, if thou disavowest it; for I see here amongst us some Senators, who then accompanied thee.

Immortal Deities! In what Region of the Earth are we placed? Under what Government do we live? In what City have we our Abode? Here, even here, there are now sitting amongst us some of our own Rank, Conscript Fathers, and common Members of this Great Council, the most venerable and awful in the whole Earth, yet studying to bring Perdition upon you, upon me, nay, upon this our State, and, consequently, upon the World itself. These Men I now behold; behold them, whilst I bear the Character of Consul; nay, I, as Consul, call upon them to propose their Sentiments, as Senators, concerning the Public: And I, who ought to have subjected these Men to a bloody Doom, as yet forbear personally to wound them, even with Words.

It is then true, Catiline, that thou heldest a Meeting last Night at the House of Lecca; there didst canton out, and assign, the several Districts of Italy to thy Lieutenants; didst declare thy Pleasure to what Quarter each was to repair; didst chuse such as were to remain in Rome, reserve others to accompany thee in thy Progress; mark out what Parts of the City were destined to the Flames; assure them of thy Purpose presently to leave it; and add, that thou must still defer going a little while, for that I was yet alive. Instantly two Roman Knights undertook to relieve thee from that Source of Anguish, and offered to assassinate me in my Bed that very Night, at least before Dawn.

All these Passages I learnt, almost before thou and thy Cabal had parted. I immediately strengthened my House, and guarded it with an additional Force: I caused Entrance to be denied to such as then came from thee, with a Compliment to me; and they proved to be the very Men, who, I had just foretold to many eminent Persons about me, would come at that same Instant.

In this Situation of Things, Catiline, proceed forward, according to thy Purpose. Depart out of Rome. The Time is come. The Gates stand open for thee: March forth. Thy Forces, encamped under Manlius, have too long expected thee to command them in chief: Lead along with thee, at once, thy whole Party; or, if not the Whole, at least as many as possible. Thus purge the City: Thou wilt then have delivered me from very terrible Apprehensions, when I find myself secured from thee by the Interposition of our Walls. With us, here, thou canst not any longer mix; it is what I will never allow, never bear, never acquiesce in.

Mighty, surely, and solemn Thanksgiving is due from us to the immortal Deities; particularly to Jupiter, there represented by his Statue in this his Temple; Jupiter, the antient Guardian of this our City; for having now so often delivered us from a Calamity so dismal, so horrible, so pestilent to the Commonwealth. Doubtless the Destruction of the whole State is not to be again and again risqued for the sake of one of its Subjects.

All the Time thou wast framing Devices against my Life, whilst I was Consul elect, I guarded myself against thee, Catiline, by no Defence borrowed from the Public, but by my own private Circumspection. When, in the last Assembly held by me in the Field of Mars, for chusing my Successors, thou didst strive to assassinate both me, and thy Competitors, I defeated thy bloody Efforts, by the Aid and Force of my Friends, without alarming the Public in my Behalf. In a Word, to all thy private Assaults I have opposed private Defence; though I foresaw the utter Perdition of the Public inseparably linked to mine. Thou dost now openly assail the whole State; the Temples of the immortal Gods; all the Dwellings in our City, together with the Lives of thy Fellow-citizens; nay, thou dost destine all Italy to Carnage and Desolation.

Seeing, therefore, I dare not have Recourse to the most decisive Expedients, and what most corresponds with primitive Rigour, and the Genius of our State, I will exercise Justice less severe, but more conducing to public Safety. For, should I now sentence thee to be executed, thy Band of Conspirators will still continue in the Bosom of the State; but, if thou dost withdraw, as I now exhort, and have long exhorted thee, since many too of thy Associates will follow thee; that Sink of Profligates, so noisome and destructive to the Commonwealth, will be drained from it.

What thinkest thou, Catiline? Dost thou hesitate to pursue at my Command, what thou wast ready of thyself to pursue? It is the Consul who orders an Enemy to go out of the City. Dost thou ask me, whether into Banishment? I do not order it; but, if thou desirest my Opinion, I advise it.

In truth, Catiline, what is there, that can contribute to thy Pleasure in Rome, where, excepting only thy own abandoned Train of Traitors and Outlaws, not a Man is found, who does not dread, not a Man, who does not abhor thee? What new Note of Infamy can be added, further to blacken thy private and domestic Life? What personal Abomination is not already stamped and glaring upon thy Character? In what one Instance hast thou ever guarded thy Eyes from lewd Objects, or thy Hands from base Actions, or thy Person in general from foul Reproach? Of all the numerous Youth, such as thou hadst once entangled in the Snares of Pollution and Debauchery, whom hast thou forborne to animate and arm for bloody Deeds, when they were found desperate; or with Incentives to Sensuality, when they appeared voluptuous?

What can be said for thee? thee, who, lately, upon the Death of thy former Wife, having, by procuring it, made room in thy House for the Reception of a second, didst aggravate and complete that Crime by another, most incredible and shocking? What it was, I omit to explain, and willingly leave it to be buried under Silence; that, of an Iniquity so monstrous, no Traces may remain in Rome, or, at least, of its having escaped due Vengeance there. I also omit to represent the utter Ruin of thy Fortune, which, thou art aware, is to be intirely assigned over by the Law to thy Creditors the very next Month. I proceed to other Particulars, not such as concern thy infamous Vices, or thy domestic Reproach and Distresses; but such as affect the very Being of the Commonwealth, together with the Lives and Safety of us all.

Is it possible, Catiline, that the Light of the Day, or the Air thou dost breathe, can yield thee Delight? since thou art aware, that not a Man here is ignorant, how, on the last Day of December, during the Consulship of Lepidus and Tullus, thou didst come into the Assembly, (then held) armed with a murdering Dagger? That thou hadst engaged with thee a Band of Assassins, to have then dispatched both the Consuls, with other distinguished Romans; an Effort of thy Rage and Treason, disappointed by no Awe, no Tenderness, in thee, but by the good Destiny of the Roman State.

But I leave these Passages, some of late Date, others that are older, all well known. I ask, How often hast thou attempted to murder me, whilst I was yet only Consul elect? how often, since I became Consul? How many Blows from thee have I escaped, by slightly shifting myself out of their Reach, even when they seemed so well aimed as to threaten inevitable Execution? Of all thy Doings, of all thy Pursuits, of all thy Machinations, not a Tittle can escape my immediate Intelligence. Yet thou droppest nothing of thy bloody Purposes, and terrible Efforts. How often has that bloody Dagger been wrung out of thy Hands? How often too has it fallen thence by Accident, and therefore missed Execution? Thou canst not, however, be a Moment without resuming it. I am at a Loss, in what holy Place thou hast consecrated that fatal Weapon, which thou holdest thus devoted to pierce the Heart of the Consul.

What, now, is thy present Situation of Life? For I will here reason with thee, without any Emotion of Hate, for which I have such just Causes; nay, I will do it with Compassion, to which thou hast no Title. Upon thy coming into the Senate just now, who was the Man, that, in all this Assembly, so numerous and full, once offered thee, nay, who, of all thy Friends and Relations here, offered thee the Civility of a Salute? If there be no Trace, in Memory or Records, of such an Indignity ever happening to any Man before, what Treatment dost thou next expect here? Not, surely, to be assaulted with explicit Scorn, when thou hast already incurred thy Doom from such awful Silence? Dost thou not see, how, upon thy Entrance, all the Benches round thee were instantly deserted? Didst thou not perceive, how, the Moment thou hadst taken thy Seat, all the Senators of Consular Quality, such as thou hadst marked for Assassination, to avoid being so near thee, forsook theirs; nor have yet resumed them?

With what Temper of Mind canst thou bear such Marks of Abhorrence! For myself, I avow, that did my Slaves dread me as much, as all thy Fellow-citizens dread thee; I should judge it my best Course to relinquish my Habitation: Believest thou not that thou shouldest thus consider, and thus relinquish Rome? Or, if I perceived myself, however unjustly, exposed to such flaming Distrust and Aversion of my Fellow-citizens, I would rather chuse to retire from seeing them, than thus be seen by all of them with Eyes full of Acrimony and Vengeance. As against thee thy own Heart bears Testimony of thy Guilt and Enormities, and obliges thee to own thyself to have been long subject to the just Antipathy of all Men, dost thou hesitate to fly from the Looks and Presence of the Roman People; thou who dost thus wound their Senses, thus shock their Spirit?

Suppose thy natural Parents so feared and hated thee, as upon no Terms to be reconciled to thee; I imagine thou wouldst withdraw somewhere far from their Sight. At present, thy Country hates and fears thee; that Country which is the common Parent of us all, and which has long considered thee as a Parricide, studying her final Overthrow. Wilt thou neither reverence the Authority, nor submit to the Judgment, nor be awed by the Power, of thy Country? Thy Country, therefore, seems to reason thus with thee:

‘Not an Enormity has happened for so many Years, but what began from thee; not one crying Crime been committed without thee. By thee alone so many of our Citizens have been butchered; by thee alone our Confederates have been oppressed, with Impunity, and plundered, without Restraint. Thou not only hast succeeded in defying the Laws and Tribunals, but even in utterly crushing and overturning them. All these Excesses past, so flagrant, and beyond all Bearing, I have yet borne, with what Patience I was able; but it is now utterly insupportable to me, to live in continual Dread of thee only; to see, upon every Alarm, whencesoever it comes, Catiline to be the constant Object of public Terror; and that no treasonable Machination seems possible to be formed against me, but some such as resembles thine. Depart, therefore, and release me from all this Dread; that, if it be well grounded, I may escape Destruction; if groundless, I may, however, for once, cease to live in Fear.’

If thy Country were thus to accost thee, ought she not to prevail with thee, even tho’ she wanted Power to force thee? How do I say, prevail with thee? Thee, who didst offer thyself to be kept in Restraint? Thee, who didst declare, that, in order to remove the common Suspicions, thou wast content to live confined in the House of Marcus Lepidus? Thee, who, being refused by him, hadst the Assurance to come even to me, and besought me to secure thee in my House? When, from me too, thou hadst received thy Answer, that I could by no means be safe under the same Roof with thee, whilst I was in such eminent Peril from living with thee in the same City; thou didst then repair with the like Request to Quintus Metellus the Prætor. As He rejected it, thou didst retire to the House of Marcus Marcellus, thy close Companion; doubtless, a trusty Person, one who, thou didst guess, would prove exceeding vigilant in guarding thee, equally sagacious in discovering thy Designs, and most resolute, withal, in bringing thee to Vengeance! Now, how far removed from a Dungeon and Chains should that Man be, who hath already adjudged himself worthy to be in Custody?

In this Situation, Catiline, since thou canst not bring thyself to suffer Death here with Courage and Acquiescence, dost thou still hesitate to withdraw to another Country; and to commit the Remainder of thy Life to Banishment and Solitude; a Life thus frequently snatched from its just Fate, even capital Vengeance, and a bloody End? But, sayst thou, propose it to be debated by the Senate. This thou claimest, and declarest thyself disposed to obey, if they decree thee to be banished. This is what I shall not propose; it is repugnant to my Temper and Conduct: Yet I will so manage, as fully to apprise thee, what Sentiments this awful Assembly entertains of thee. Mind me then, when I say, ‘Depart out of Rome, Catiline; relieve the Commonwealth from so much Dread. Go into Exile; if thou wilt needs have that Word pronounced.’

How dost thou now conceive Things, Catiline? Dost thou, in any Degree, observe the Temper of the Senate? What Inference dost thou make from the profound Silence of the Senators? They hear me patiently, whilst I thus urge thee to depart: They hear me, and are silent. By their Silence thou dost plainly perceive their Inclinations: Why then dost thou expect Judgment from their Mouths?

Had I applied in the same Strain to this excellent young Senator, Publius Sextius, or to the brave Marcus Marcellus, tho’ I bear the Dignity of Consul, I should, doubtless, have already felt the Indignation and Vengeance of the Senate, agreeably to all the Rules of Justice, even in this very Temple, however sacred. But, when I thus attack thee, Catiline, by their Silence they shew their Approbation; their Acquiescence is equivalent to a verbal Decree; and, whilst they are mute, they cry aloud.

Nor is this the Spirit of the Senators only, those Senators whose Authority thou dost affect to reverence, whilst thou makest no Account of their Blood and Lives: It is also the Spirit of the brave and worthy Roman Knights, and of other magnanimous Citizens, who now guard and surround the Senate; Men whose Concourse thou mightest just now have beheld, observed their warm Attachment to the Commonwealth, heard their honest Acclamations; Men, who would, long since, have inflicted upon thee mortal Vengeance, had I not, with much Difficulty, restrained them. With all these I will, however, prevail to attend thee quite to the Gates, when they see thee quitting this their City, and these their Habitations, which thou hast so long destined to Plunder and Desolation.

But why do I waste Words? Art thou to be softened by any Consideration? Is it possible, that thou shouldst ever reform? Art thou to be persuaded to meditate any Retreat, or once to think of Exile? May the immortal Gods inspire thee with such a Purpose! Though shouldst thou indeed prove so terrified with my Discourse, as to reconcile thy Spirit to Banishment, I clearly foresee with what a Tempest of Party Rage I am threatened, if not during the present Conjuncture, whilst the Impressions of thy Crimes are still fresh, yet, surely, in Times to come. Yet even the Rage of Party is worth incurring on such Terms, if upon myself only I draw all the Woe and Smart, without involving the Public in them. But to bring thee to Compunction for thy Wickedness, to be awed by the Frowns and Coercion of the Laws, to comply with the Exigencies of the Commonwealth, are Conditions not to be required of thee: For thou art not so formed, Catiline, as to be reclaimed by Shame from infamous Courses, or by Fear from desperate ones, or by right Reason from Madness and Fury.

To repeat, therefore, what I have already so often said, Depart. If I be thy Enemy, as thou dost loudly aver, and if thou wouldst load me with public Indignation, go directly into Exile: If thou dost, I shall scarce be able to bear all the popular Censures attending it. The Weight of public Indignation upon me, if thou retirest into Banishment, by my Order, as Consul, will be such, as I shall hardly support. But, if thou studiest rather to advance my Glory and Fame, march forth at the Head of thy fell Band of Profligates; proceed to join Manlius; rouse all the abandoned Subjects of the State to take Arms against it; separate thyself from all worthy Citizens; make War upon thy Country in Person; glory in thy unhallowed Depredations and Havock. It will then fully appear, that, instead of being doomed by me an Exile to Nations unknown, thou art only invited out to join thy Fellow Conspirators.

Indeed, what Occasion have I to incite thee to this Choice? when I know, that thou hast already sent forward a Number of Accomplices, as far as the Aurelian Village, there, under Arms, to await thy coming? When I know the Day of Conjunction fixed, by Consent, between thee and Manlius? When I know, that thou hast conveyed before thee, to Manlius, that boasted silver Eagle, so much revered by thee, as to be kept consecrated at home in a peculiar Sanctuary, where thou wast wont devoutly to recommend and hallow all thy crying Enormities; whence I trust, that that Standard will prove pernicious and fatal to thee, and all thy Followers? How canst thou be so long bereft of such a precious Pledge? Thou, who art always wont first to pay thy Devotions to it, just when thou art going about any bloody Undertaking? Nay, thou hast often laid thy impious Hands solemnly upon that thy domestic Altar; then instantly employed them to butcher Roman Citizens.

Thus thou wilt, at last, repair to a Scene, whither thy desperate and raging Spirit hath been long hurrying thee: There, far from feeling any Anguish, thou wilt find Delight inexpressible. For such wild Adventures as these, Nature hath formed thee, thy Inclinations hardened thee, thy Fate reserved thee. Quiet and Recess thou hast never sought; nay, thou hast never longed even after any War, but such as was murdering and baneful. The Forces thou hast amassed are guilty and profligate Men, Sons of Perdition, abandoned by Fortune, nay, even by Hope. Amongst these, with what Joys must thou be filled! What Pleasure must ravish thee! How voluptuously must thou revel! For in so huge a Multitude, all thy own Creatures, thou wilt be safe from seeing, safe from hearing, any one worthy Man. To qualify thyself for this kind of Life, thou hast performed the surprising Exploits, called, proverbially, Catiline’s Labours; such as, lying in wait upon the Ground, not only to seize impure Pleasures, but to compass Acts of Rapine; such too as watching Opportunities to dishonour the sleeping Husband, and to spoil the wealthy and secure Citizen.

There, likewise, an Occasion presents for displaying at large thy distinguished Talent, of bearing Hunger and Cold, with the Want of all the Necessaries of Life; Distresses with which thou wilt quickly perceive thyself overwhelmed. It was a great Point that I gained, when I defeated thy Endeavours to obtain the Consulship: Instead of afflicting the Commonwealth, as Consul, thou canst now only assail it as an Exile: So that what thou hast impiously undertaken, is not, so properly, to be named a War, as the Effort of a Robber.

Here, Conscript Fathers, that I may avert and extinguish a Complaint, which my Country might exhibit against me, upon probable Grounds, attend closely, I beseech you, to what I am going to advance, and rivet it deeply in your Hearts and Thoughts. For were my Country, I say my Country, ever much dearer to me than my Life, were all Italy, and the whole Commonwealth, to accost me in the following Strain; ‘Cicero, what art thou doing? Wilt thou then suffer Catiline to escape out of Rome? him whom thou hast discovered to be a public Enemy? him whom thou seest just about to conduct the War against the State? him whom thou knowest to be expected as Commander in chief in the Camp of our Foes? the Author of all this Treason and Revolt? the Head and Manager of the Conspiracy? the Traitor who debauches, and enlists, every abandoned Citizen and Slave? Wilt thou indeed suffer him to escape, when, by doing it, thou seemest not so much to drive him out of Rome, as to furnish him with Forces to enter it? Wilt thou not order such a one to be thrown into Irons, not adjudge him to present Death, not doom him to the most rigorous Execution? What is it that hath thus long restrained thee? Was it the Institutions of our Ancestors, when it is known, that, in this our City, private Persons have frequently inflicted capital Vengeance upon pestilent Citizens? Was it the Law which limits the corporal Chastisement of Roman Citizens, when, in this our City, they who proved Traitors to the Commonwealth, were never intituled to the Rights of Citizens? Art thou afraid of incensing Posterity against thee? Surely thou makest glorious Retribution to the Roman People, who, having carried thee thro’ all the Stages of public Dignities, raised thee so suddenly to the highest of all, tho’ known to them only by thy personal Qualities, recommended by no Lustre or Merit of thy Ancestors; if, yet, from Fear of public Censure, or from any Fear or Danger whatsoever, thou foregoest the Care and Protection of thy Fellow-citizens. Now, if there be any Danger of such Censure, is it more terribly to be apprehended from a Conduct full of Justice and Magnanimity, than from Timidity and Desertion of Duty? When Italy shall be laid waste by the Ravages of War, her municipal Cities oppressed, her Dwellings all on a Blaze, thinkest thou to escape the consuming Flames of public Indignation?’

To all this Reasoning, so hallowed and venerable, from the Commonwealth, as, likewise, to all such particular Persons who are under the same Impressions, I shall return a short Answer: Had I once judged it the wholsomest Course to have subjected Catiline to the Pains of Death, I should not have spared, no, not for an Hour, the Life of this Son of Blood. Indeed, if Roman Citizens, of the highest Rank and Dignity, derived not only no Stain, but even notable Lustre, upon their Characters, from shedding the Blood of Saturninus, Flaccus, and the two Gracchi, with many others, in former Times; I too, doubtless, ought to have reckoned myself secure from any Share of Reproach from Ages to come, for having adjudged to Execution this Traitor, the common Assassin of Roman Citizens. But, suppose I were ever so severely exposed to such Reproach, it has been always my Principle, To esteem popular Censure procured by righteous Actions, to be rather Glory than Censure.

But we have amongst us, in this Assembly, some, who either perceive not our impending Destruction, or disown that they do; some, who have fed the Hopes of Catiline by too tender Notions and Overtures about him; nay, have added Strength to the Conspiracy, from the very Beginning, by giving no Credit to it. Their Authority is blindly followed by many others, not only the Vicious and Corrupt, but the Weak and Credulous, who would readily join in a heavy Charge upon me, of terrible Cruelty and Tyranny, should I pass Sentence even upon this Criminal. Hence I am convinced, that, when once he has conveyed himself, whither he is bent, into the Camp of Manlius, none will be so stupid, as not to see, that the Conspiracy is formed and existing, none so abandoned as not to confess it. I am likewise convinced, that, by the Execution of Catiline alone, this pestilent Malady in the State might, indeed, be somewhat checked, but never finally crushed and eradicated. But if he relinquish Rome, if he carry with him his Followers here, and with them draw together, into one Body, all his other forlorn Castaways from every Quarter; this direful Distemper in the State, however inveterate, will not only be quelled and extirpated, but with it the Seeds and Materials of all our public Disorders and Misfortunes.

For, surely, Conscript Fathers, we have been long surrounded with all the Terrors, and dark Devices, of this deadly Conspiracy; though I know not by what means it hath happened, that all these Treasons, with other furious and desperate Designs, long before concerted, have been reserved to appear in their full Light and Maturity during my Consulship. Now if, out of so formidable a Host of Robbers, this single one only were snatched away, we should, perhaps, for some small Interval, seem released from our present Anxiety and Dread: But the dangerous Disease would still pursue us, as it is intimately attached to the very Blood and Vitals of the Commonwealth; like the Condition of Men in the Rage of a Fever, who, under the Pangs of Heat and Thirst, if they drink cold Water, appear at first refreshed, but are thenceforward more keenly and more cruelly tormented. It is thus with the Commonwealth, under her present Disorder: For, should it abate upon the Execution of Catiline, it would rage with fresh Ardour, as his Accomplices would be still left alive.

For these Reasons, Conscript Fathers, let the Guilty retire; let them separate themselves from the Innocent and Worthy; let them assemble in one Place. In short, to repeat what I have already often said, let the Walls of Rome stand between us and them; let them drop their bloody Snares against the Consul in his own House; let them no longer beset and insult the Tribunal of Justice, no longer invest the Senate with their armed Emissaries, and employ themselves no longer in amassing Firebrands and Combustibles to destroy the City by Flames. In a Word, let it be read in the Face of every Citizen, what are his Thoughts, what his Wishes, concerning the Commonwealth. Thus much I undertake, Conscript Fathers; that such shall be the Vigilance found in us the Consuls, such the Authority of your Proceedings in the Senate, so much Resolution in the Equestrian Order, with such hearty Unanimity in all good Citizens, that, immediately upon the Departure of Catiline, the whole detestable Scheme will appear under Evidence as glaring as the Day; nay, will prove fully defeated, and even fully punished.

From all these Considerations, Catiline, Be-gone: Go; and conduct that impious, that inhuman War: Go, for the certain Preservation of the Commonwealth; for thy own Curse and Perdition, and for the final Destruction of those, who have combined with thee in all thy black Treasons, and unnatural Attempts to destroy their Common Country.

It is then, O Jupiter, that Thou, who wast chosen Guardian of this City by Romulus, as early as its Foundation; and, under the same Auspices, Thou, whom We truly call the Preserver of our City and Empire; it is then that Thou wilt defend our public Walls, our private Dwellings, with the Lives and Fortunes of all our Citizens, against the Cruelty of this Parricide, and those associated with him: Thou wilt then also inflict dreadful Chastisement upon all who afflict the Just, upon all the Enemies of their Country, upon all barbarous Free-booters throughout Italy, such as are combined together by the Ties of brutal Crimes, and still subsist by that guilty Union: All these, O Jupiter, thou wilt doom, both Living and Dead, as proper Victims, to present and eternal Vengeance.

THE SECOND ORATION OF CICERO AGAINST CATILINE. Addressed to the PEOPLE.

AT length, Citizens, we have freed ourselves from Catiline. However raging he be with desperate Designs, however breathing Cruelty and Vengeance, labouring to bring Perdition upon his native State, threatening you with Massacre, your City with Flames; yet we have driven him out of Rome; at least constrained him to go, or hastened his going, though by no other Power than that of Speech. He is departed; he is withdrawn; he has fled; he has rushed away.

We shall no longer have this mighty Monster, this prodigious Parricide, employed within our Walls in Schemes for public Destruction. We have, without Dispute, already conquered this Leader, this great Leader of our Tumults and Insurrections in Rome; since we shall not, now, see our Breasts daily exposed to his murdering Dagger: We shall not have him henceforth to alarm us in the Field of Elections, nor in the Place of public Business, nor in the Senate, nor, finally, in our private Dwellings. He was then deprived of his most formidable Situation, when he was forced out of the City. We shall thus be able to make regular War against the Enemy, openly in the Field, since he remains not now to obstruct us in the City.

Doubtless we confounded the Man, and gloriously defeated him; when, from his treasonable Devices in secret, we drove him hence into the avowed Practice of a public Robber. He has missed his Aim, of leaving Rome behind him in Ashes, the Citizens berest of their Lives, and the Consul murdered: He could not first brandish, as he intended, his Sword besmeared with my Blood; nay, he saw his Sword wrested out of his Hands: Judge, therefore, what infinite Mortification and Anguish must have astonished and overwhelmed him: He now lies prostrate and groveling, O Citizens; he perceives himself crushed and forlorn: Surely he looks back, often, and wishfully, to this City, and bewails to see it snatched from his ravening Jaws: Whilst the City, in her turn, seems to exult, that she has disgorged, and, finally, cast out, so pestilent a Citizen.

Now, if any one, possessed with a Spirit becoming every Roman, brings a Charge against me, in the Warmth of his Zeal, that I thus triumph and rejoice in the Style of Victory, for having rather forced away such a pestilent Enemy, than secured him in Bonds; know, Citizens, that such Blame is not imputable to me, but to the Temper of the Times. It has long since become a Duty to the Public to have doomed Catiline to the most exemplary Pains and Death; nay, this Duty was incumbent upon me, as what the primitive Institutions of our State, what the Severity of the Consular Power, what the injured Commonwealth, all at once require of me. But can you conjecture how many, how very many there were, all ready to disbelieve whatever Charges I had to produce against him? how many so silly, as not to conceive it probable? how many bent even to vindicate and defend him? how many mischievously disposed to espouse his Cause?

If, indeed, I had conceived, that, by sentencing him to die, I could have perfectly delivered you from the impending Peril, I should have long since so sentenced him, at the Peril not only of popular Censure, but even of my own Life. Now when I perceived, that tho’ I had even first convinced you all of his Guilt, yet, were I to order him to Execution, as he deserved, the Consequence would be such a Weight of Hate and Despite falling upon me, as to disable me from bringing his Associates to Judgment; I therefore directed all my Measures to this Point, that, when you once saw him an Enemy declared, you would then openly attack him. How formidable an Enemy I esteem him abroad, you may infer, my Countrymen, from hence, that I am sincerely concerned to see so small a Train of Followers accompanying him out of Rome: I wish from my Soul, that he had drawn forth with him his whole Force. I must own, he hath deprived us of Tongillus, (the Darling of his unnatural Passion, when yet a Boy) together with Publicius and Munatius; Men, whose long Reckonings, due at Brothels, could have involved the Commonwealth in no dangerous Insurrections. Behind him he hath left, what Men indeed! how oppressed with Debts! how puissant! how illustrious!

Whilst, therefore, we are furnished with such an Army, consisting of the Legions from Gaul, of Detachments from the Troops under Quintus Metellus in the Territory of Picenum, and of the Recruits daily raised for our Defence, I utterly despise all his Forces whatsoever; some of them antient Men, desperate and undone; some of them Debauchees from the Country; some vagabond Rustics; some Spendthrifts, and Runaways from their Creditors and Sureties: such who would rather follow this medley Host, than return and be just; such too, who, the Instant I present them with the Sight not only of our Army, but even of an Order from the Prætorian Tribunal, will shrink and fly.

I wish he had rather taken along with him for Soldiers many whom I still behold here at Rome, behold hurrying about the Forum, haunting the Court before the Senate, nay, some of them taking their Place in the Senate itself: I behold them besmeared with sweet Ointments, and glaring in all the Pride of the Senatorian Purple. If these continue here, remember my Warning! they, who thus live as Deserters from their Army, are more to be dreaded, than their Army itself. Another Consideration too renders them the more dreadful; for that they know me to be perfectly acquainted with all their secret Purposes, yet are not in the least dismayed. I behold their several Leaders, and Men of Trust; I perceive to whom it is that Apulia is assigned, to whom Etruria, to whom the Territory of Picenum, to whom the neighbouring District of Gaul; I behold the Men, who, for their Share, have besought the Direction of the Design to commit Rome to Massacre and Flames.

They are aware, that all their Deliberations, on the Night before last, were minutely recounted to me: I communicated them Yesterday to the Senate: Dread seized even Catiline, such Dread as drove him to fly. To what do these Associates trust? They are grievously deceived, if they presume, that I shall still persevere in the same Strain of Tenderness. My Views in it are now fully answered; namely, to have made it as clear to you as the Light of the Sun, that a Conspiracy is notoriously carried on against the Commonwealth; unless there be any, who imagine, that such as in all things imitate and resemble Catiline, concur not with the Designs of Catiline.

There now remains no room for gentle Dealings. Our Situation, as it is full of Danger, exacts Methods full of Severity. One Concession there is, which I will still make them; namely, To leave us, to go hence, and not suffer Catiline to pine in Wretchedness for their Company. I will direct them the Way: He went along the Aurelian Road: If they travel speedily, they will overtake him in the Evening.

Oh happy Roman State, if she had once finally purified herself from such a beneful Sink of Nuisances! Verily to me the Commonwealth seems to have derived Vigour and Refreshment from the Expulsion only of Catiline: For, indeed, what Instance of Wickedness and Enormity can be feigned or devised, that he hath not pursued? Where, where through all Italy, is there to be found one Poisoner, one infamous Fencer, one Robber, one Murderer, one Parricide, one Forger of Wills, one common Cheat, one Voluptuary, one extravagant Heir, one Adulterer, one Harlot, what one given to debauch Youth, what one Youth debauched, or what one abandoned Criminal whatsoever, who will not acknowledge, that he has lived in a Course of the highest Familiarity with Catiline? What one Assassination hath been committed for some Years past without him? What heinous Act of Lewdness, but by him?

I ask further, did ever mortal Man employ so many and such powerful Incentives as he, to gain and debauch young Men? He, who, with some of them, committed beastly Defilements, and bore withal such beastly Defilements from others? To many of them he promised Recompences for their Prostitution; to many the sudden Death of their Fathers, not only prompting, but even aiding them, in Person, to procure it. At present how incredibly soon hath he amassed together an immense Band of desperate and abandoned Men, not out of the City only, but also from the Country! For was it possible to find, not only in Rome, but in any one Corner of Italy, one Individual oppressed with Debts, whom Catiline hath not linked fast with him in this marvellous Bond of Treason? As a Proof of his various Talents in different Pursuits, there is not a Fencer in any of the public Schools, who, if he be but resolute in Mischief, avows not himself a close Intimate of Catiline; not a Retainer to the Stage, remarkably impudent and profligate, but proclaims himself Catiline’s Bosom Friend: Yet this very Catiline, however immersed in Habits of Lewdness and Cruelty, has been by these his Companions always extolled as a Man very hardy and brave, able to bear Hunger, Thirst, and Cold, with Want of Sleep and Rest; though they saw him wasting in Debauchery, and Acts of Violence, whatever Abilities he had for Affairs, whatever Genius for brave Actions.

Such is the Man! and were all his Partizans to follow him, would but this guilty and implacable Herd relinquish the City; O how happy should we all be! how fortunate the Commonwealth! what deathless Glory crowning my Consulship!

For, surely, the vicious Sallies and Passions of Men are no longer confined to any Bounds or Restraint, but are grown too monstrous for human Nature to produce, or, indeed, to bear. They breathe nothing but domestic Slaughter, public Conflagration, universal Havock and Spoil. Some have lavished their Estates, others their Money, all sacrificed to Sensuality and Riot. First their Means failed them; anon their Credit: Yet still the same Spirit of Debauchery and Waste, which possessed them during Affluence, prompts them in Poverty.

In truth, though, during the Course of their Intoxication with Wine and Gaming, they had only pursued Objects of Lewdness, and voluptuous Repasts, they would even then have been lost to all Hope, yet still to have been borne withal: But it is beyond all bearing, that the Sons of Sloth and Voluptuousness should be thus devising deadly Snares against the Warlike and Brave; the Rash and Foolish against the Sagacious and Wary; Drunkards against the Sober; Sluggards against the most Vigilant: that such as they, whilst resigned to Banquets, lolling in the Arms of Harlots, enervated by Wine, surfeited by Gluttony, effeminately decked with Flowers, recking with sweet Ointments, and utterly enfeebled with impure Pleasures, dare yet loudly bellow their Threats, to butcher all worthy Citizens, and to commit the City itself to Flames.

Over them, I firmly trust, there hangs some terrible Fate: I trust, that the direful Vengeance so long due to their flagitious Dealings, to their Perfidiousness, their Barbarities, their sensual Pursuits, is actually falling upon them; at least, just about to fall. Now, if, by my Consular Power, I can exterminate these Men, whom by it I cannot cure, I shall not only save the Commonwealth for a short Period, but prolong it for many Ages. No Nation now subsists, that we need to dread, no Monarch able to attack the Roman People. Abroad universal Tranquillity is established by Sea and Land, all through the Valour and Conduct of one Man: Only intestine Commotions remain to be quelled: A Conspiracy against the State subsists in the Bowels of the State; within our own Walls Ruin threatens us; within our Walls the Enemy assails us. It is against domestic Riot, against lawless Phrensy, against civil Violence, and Outrages, that we must arm.

In this War I present myself to you, Citizens, for your Leader: I frankly undertake to incur all the Enmity and Rage of desperate Traitors. Whatever is possible to be cured, I will employ any Means to cure; whatever must be cut off, shall be cut off, rather than suffered to spread, to the utter Extinction of the State.

Upon the Whole, therefore, let them either leave us, or cease to annoy us: Or, if they will needs remain in this City, and breathe the same hostile Spirit, let them prepare to suffer the Doom which they deserve.

I know, Citizens, there are those who allege, that Catiline hath been, by me alone, driven into Banishment. My Answer is; Were I able, by Words only, to procure such an Event, I would banish these very Persons, who make such Declarations. Probable, indeed! that Catiline, in his Nature so very shy and over-modest, could not resist the Language of the Consul; but, as soon as, by it, he heard himself ordered to depart into Exile, instantly obeyed and departed! How suits this, O Citizens, with what happened but Yesterday; when, having, with great Difficulty, escaped being murdered in my own House, I assembled the Senate in the Temple of Jupiter the Guardian, and there laid open the whole Conspiracy? Upon Catiline’s Entrance, what one Senator deigned to speak to him? What one Senator to salute him? Which of them all did not behold him, not only as a Member of the State altogether desperate and forlorn, but rather as a raging and implacable Enemy and Parricide? Nay, the several Senators of principal Dignity, quitting their Seats where he advanced, lest all the Benches round him empty.

It was then that I, that very impetuous Consul, who, by just uttering a Word, force Roman Citizens into Banishment, examined Catiline, whether or not he had held a Meeting, the preceding Night, at the House of Marcus Lecca? As he, who, of all Men, is the most hardened in Boldness and Front, hitherto answered nothing, (for his guilty Conscience smote him) I proceeded to disclose the Particulars of my Discovery; to disclose where-ever else he had been that Night, whatever else he had transacted, with what was reserved for the Night following: To all this I added, how minute a Plan had been drawn, and then exhibited, for conducting the War in all its Parts. When he still paused, struck dumb, indeed, with Conviction, I asked him, what retarded him from proceeding to the Place, where he had so long purposed to go, when he had, already, to my Knowlege, conveyed thither before him Quantities of Arms, nay, Rods and Axes, nay, Trumpets and Ensigns of War, and even that silver Eagle, to which he had assigned a Sanctuary in his House, a Sanctuary, where he constantly consecrated all his barbarous Exploits?

Was it I, who forced this Man into Banishment? a Man whom I saw already invading us at the Head of an Army? But if he be truly an Exile, then I must own, that it is only Manlius, a small Centurion, who has encamped the Forces in the Territory of Fesulæ; it is this Centurion, who, acting for himself, hath, in his own Name, declared War against the Roman People; that these Forces by no means await the Arrival of Catiline to assume the supreme Command; for that he, they say, thus thrust out as an Exile, will retire to Marseilles, without entering that Camp.

O the miserable Terms, not only of administring the State, but even of saving it from Perdition! If Catiline, by seeing himself quite entangled and disabled by my Counsels, by my unwearied Efforts, by my constantly exposing my Life, had been seized by sudden Dread, changed his Purpose, forsaken his Followers, dropped all his Schemes of War, and even now, at last, deserting his usual Pursuits of Arms and Outrages, had chosen to retire into Banishment; what would be the Cry, and common Construction, then? Not that he was bereft by me of all Means of advancing his desperate Enterprize, nor overcome with Astonishment and Dismay, by my Vigour and Vigilance, nor driven by Force from all his Machinations, and even from all his Hopes: On the contrary, it would be asserted, That, only by the Threats and Violence of the Consul, he was cast into Banishment, altogether innocent, because not formally convicted, and condemned: Yes, there will be these, who, if he should yet take this Course, will consider him as a Man not justly punished, but unjustly persecuted; and me, not as a vigilant Consul, but as a barbarous Tyrant.

It is an abundant Recompence to me, Citizens, for exposing myself to a Torrent of Reproach so groundless and injurious, if, by it, I can rescue You from the Calamity of so tragical and detestable a War. Let it be reported, that I drove him hence: I agree to it, on condition, that he withdraw into Banishment. But, thither, believe me, he intends not to go. I shall never petition the Gods to case me of popular Reproach, at the Price of any Surprize to you, Citizens, from the Tidings of Catiline’s furiously advancing to assail you at the Head of a hostile Army. Yet, within Three Days, this is what you will see: So that what I dread at present most, is, that, in a short time, I shall be rather upbraided for suffering, than for forcing, him to depart.

Now, since there are such Men, who, because he withdrew, alledge, that I obliged him to withdraw; what would the same Men say, if he had been doomed to die? The Truth is, they who are loudest in averring, that Catiline is proceeding to Marseilles, do not so much lament his going, as fear that he will go: And, of all these Men professing this great Compassion for him, there is not one, who has so much real Compassion, as not to wish, that his Progress may be rather to Manlius, than to Marseilles. Such, too, is the Spirit of the Man, that, tho’ he had never before entertained a Thought of what he now pursues, yet, rather than live an Exile, he would prefer the Fate of being slain as a Traitor and Robber. As Things are, since nothing hath hitherto befallen him, inconsistent with his own Schemes and Pursuits, except that we survive his Departure from Rome, let us rather wish, that he may go into Banishment, than complain, that he is gone.

But why do I bestow so much Discourse upon one Enemy? such an Enemy too, as owns himself to be one? nay, an Enemy whom I fear not; since our City-Walls now stand, as I ever wished they might, between us and him? Concerning the rest, who dissemble their Enmity, who still continue in Rome, and are interspersed amongst us, do we attempt to say nothing? These are such, upon whom, truly, I aim not so much to take Vengeance, as to recover them from their Disaffection, if, by any Remedy whatsoever, it could be accomplished; and, finally, to reconcile them to the Commonwealth: Neither can I conceive, why it should not be accomplished, if they will listen to what I say. I therefore proceed, first, To represent to you, Citizens, of what different Sorts of Men these Forces consist: Next, I shall offer to each Sort some Cure; such as my Reasoning, my Counsel, and Persuasion, is able to recommend.

The first Class is of those, who, under great Debts, are yet Masters of greater Possessions; but Possessions, of which they are so inordinately fond, as on no Account to diminish them. This Class, as they are abundantly wealthy, bear the Face of more honourable Debtors than the rest; but, in their Principles and Conduct, are, doubtless, the most shameless of all. Art thou, indeed, furnished with large Demesnes? Thou with many Villas? Thou abounding in Money? Thou in numerous Slaves and Attendants? Art Thou covered with Splendor? Dost Thou riot in the Affluence of all Things? Yet, dost Thou hesitate to pare off any Portion of thy Affluence, thence to retrieve thy plighted Faith, and to purchase Esteem? What, indeed, hast thou in View? Is it War? How! Dost Thou conclude, that, during universal Uproar and Desolation, Thy Possessions will escape, as if they were sacred and inviolable? Dost Thou hope for new Regulations about Debts and Usury? They deceive themselves, who expect such from Catiline. It is by my Interest and Procurement, that new Regulations will be proposed: But mine will be limited Regulations, and attended with public Auctions; since they, who have Possessions, can never be secured by any other means whatsoever. If they would have consented to it sooner, and not, through extreme Blindness, struggled, absurdly, with the Usurers, about the Rents of their mortgaged Lands, the State would have been happy in many richer, as well as in many better Members. However, from all this Class of Men, in my Opinion, very little Danger is to be apprehended: For they may be either weaned from their present Bent and Impressions; or, if they persist, they seem, to me, rather qualified to assault their Country with Imprecations, than with Arms.

A second Sort is composed of such, who, however oppressed with Debts, aspire to supreme Rule, and will needs sway the State: They conjecture, that, during the Convulsions of the Commonwealth, they shall be able to obtain such public Dignities, as they despair of in its Calm. Upon these, and, indeed, upon all the rest, this Principle is, chiefly and singly, to be over and over inculcated, that they must for ever despair of thus gaining what they labour after; first, Because I am always in their Way; I, who incessantly watch over the Commonwealth; I, who am ever present to assist her; I, who am ever ready to provide for her in every Exigency. Next, All worthy Men are combined to oppose them; a mighty Multitude, all of undaunted Resolution, all firmly united! We abound too in military Forces. Finally, The immortal Deities will not fail powerfully to aid this invincible People, this Empire, so glorious and renowned, this City, so fair and flourishing beyond all others, against an Attempt so destructive and bloody.

But what would it avail them, if they gained what they pursue with such headlong Fury? Do these Men hope, that, in the Ruins of Rome, and in the Massacre of the Citizens, they shall find their black and inhuman Wishes accomplished? such Wishes, as they had ever fostered? Find themselves raised to Consular, or Dictatorial, and even to Royal Sway? They perceive not, that they are earnest for a Thing, which, if obtained, they would be forced to surrender to some upstart Fugitive or Fencer.

The third Class is that of Men, indeed, stricken in Years, but trained in War, and still robust: Manlius himself is one of them; he, whose Place Catiline has now assumed. These are Men derived from the Colonies founded by Sylla at Fesulæ; Colonies, which I really think to have been filled with the best Citizens, and bravest Men: These are, however, such Members of those Colonies, as, being transported with sudden and unexpected Riches, fell into all Courses of Vanity and Extravagance: Whilst, from a Persuasion, that their Wealth and Happiness would never end, they raised fine Mansions, rioted in their Villas, in the Luxury of Litters, in mighty Trains of Slaves, in magnificent Banquets, in gay Equipages, and Splendor, they became involved in Debts, so mighty, and so many, that no possible Method is left to discharge them; unless they can recal Sylia from the Mansions of the Dead. These, too, have tempted over to their Party some starving and beggarly Rustics, by the Hopes of a common Share, when the late Course of public Rapine shall be revived. I, indeed, Citizens, range both Sorts under the same Class of Thieves and Plunderers. This Admonition, however, I will give them, To drop their outrageous Views, with all Dreams of future Proscriptions and Dictatorships: Since, such is the Horror of those terrible Times, still cleaving to the Hearts of Citizens, that, in my Opinion, even the Beasts of the Field would not endure, much less would Men, the same Outrages repeated.

The fourth is a Class strangely various and dissimilar; Sons of Sedition and Despair; all long undone; all doomed never to recover; Men, who, partly through Idleness, partly through ill Management, partly, too, by Profusion, are crushed with old and immoderate Debts; Men worried with judicial Process and Decrees, their Persons threatened with Durance, their Effects condemned to Sale, and all said to be repairing, in great Numbers, both from Rome, and the Country, to the same Camp. These I consider not as brave Soldiers, but rather as impotent Fugitives from Debts and Justice. Such Men, since they cannot support Life, let them agree to fall; but so, as their Fall disturb not the State, nor even their next Neighbours. For I cannot conceive, when they cannot subsist with Honesty, why they will lose their Lives with Infamy; or fansy it less painful to perish with many, than to perish by themselves.

The fifth is a Band filled with Parricides, with Murderers; in truth, with Criminals of every Kind and Degree. These are such as I urge not to return from Catiline: For, besides that nothing can wrest them from him, it is fit, that they perish in the Exercise of their public Felony; since they are so many, that the Prisons cannot hold them.

The last Sort, not only in Course, but even in Character and Demeanour, are Catiline’s peculiar Train; a Troop of his own raising; nay, nurtured in his Bosom, and even enured to his fond Embraces; such as you see with their Locks curiously sprinkled, and combed; some soft and beardless; some with Beards nicely trimmed; all arrayed in long flowing Vests; not in Robes, but in Veils; Soldiers these, who bestow the Labour of their Lives, all their Fatigue and Watchings, upon nightly Banquets, always prolonged till Day!

With this Herd are mixed all Gamesters, all Adulterers, all Pathics, all the Prostitute and Lewd. These Boys, so blithe and engaging, of a Frame so lovely and tender, have not been confined to the common Instructions, how to love, and be beloved; how to dance, and how to sing: They are formed to higher Strains; to wield the Assassins Knife, and to administer Poison with Address. Now, be assured, that these evil Instruments, unless they all retire from us, nay, unless they all perish, will prove a Seminary of Catilines in the State, though Catiline himself should perish.

In the mean time, what Course do these Wretches mean to take? To carry their Harlots along with them to the Camp? Indeed, how can they suffer themselves to be bereft of them? especially during these cold Winter Nights? Yet how will they themselves bear the Rigours of the Apennine Mountains, the keen Frosts, and mighty Snows there? Unless they imagine themselves qualified more easily to support the Fierceness of Winter, because they have learned to dance naked at their nocturnal Banquetings.

O what a formidable War we have to apprehend, when Catiline is to have for his Guard such a Prætorian Band, all chosen out of Brothels, and taken from the Arms of Harlots!

Strait apply yourselves, therefore, Citizens, to array your powerful Forces, your several Armies, against this hopeful and renowned Host of Catiline. First, direct your Two Consuls, direct the Leaders of your Troops, to encounter that traiterous Fencer, already sunk and maimed: Then lead forth the Flower and Strength of all Italy against the cast-away and impotent Crew, his Followers; for, to defeat all his Crouds of Rustics, our Colonies and municipal Cities will furnish abundant Force. Your other Resources of Strength, your other Marks of Superiority and Grandeur, your many Guards, and Means of Defence, it becomes me not to set in Opposition to the Wants and Weakness of that detestable Robber.

But, were we to omit to mention all the Advantages, which he wants, and in which we, by enjoying them, surpass him, namely, the Senate, the Roman Knights, the City of Rome, and the Roman People, the Treasury, the public Revenue, all Italy, all the Provinces, and all foreign Nations; I say, were we to drop this whole Detail, and try both Parties by the particular Merits of each, by this alone we may perceive, how low and forlorn they lie. On one Side Modesty struggles against Insolence on the other: Here is chaste Behaviour; there all Pollution: Here strict Faith; there Treachery: Here Mercy; there Cruelty: Here Fortitude; there Fury: Here Honour; there Infamy: Here Restraint; there unbridled Passion: In short, Justice, Moderation, Magnanimity, Prudence, all in a Contest with Iniquity, with Debauchery, with Effeminacy, with Rashness; that is, every Virtue with every Vice. To conclude, it is a Quarrel between Wealth and Penury, right Reason and Phrensy; sound Sense and Extravagance; lastly, between sure Hope, and Fortunes utterly desperate. This is a Conflict, this a Battle, of such a Kind, where, though the Ardour of Men should cool, would not the immortal Deities impower all these divine Virtues to triumph over such a detestable Train of Vices?

Under these Circumstances, Citizens, be it your Care, as I have before said to you, to watch and defend your several Dwellings. For the City in general, I have taken all due Precautions, all proper Measures, by guarding her effectually, without leaving you subject to any Commotion or Alarm. As I have sent to acquaint all the Colonies, and municipal Cities, with Catiline’s sudden Departure from hence in the Night, their Inhabitants will easily defend them. I shall, by my Authority, secure the Gladiators from moving; a Force upon which he has reckoned as the most powerful, and most surely attached to him; though they be, in reality, better affected than some of the Patricians. Quintus Metellus, whom, in View of Catiline’s withdrawing, I dispatched before him into the Territory of Picenum, and Limits of Gaul, will either at once crush the Traitor, or, at least, frustrate all his Motions and Attempts. In order to concert, and hasten, and execute further Measures, I am now going to take the Advice of the Senate, whom you perceive to be called together.

Concerning his Accomplices, who remain in the City, and were by him left in it, on purpose to bring Perdition upon it, and upon you all, though they be Enemies, yet, as they are born Citizens, my Intention is, kindly to advise and warn them, again and again. The Purpose of my Lenity past, though, to some, it may seem rather Remissness, was, whilst the Plot was yet dark, to await a full Disclosure. It is now time to consider, what I never can forget, that is, my Country; that I am chief Magistrate of these Citizens; and that I must either live with them, or die with them. If there be any, who want to retire from amongst us, they are free to take their own Course: There is not a single Guard at the Gates to obstruct them; not a Man lying in wait upon the Road to surprise them: But if any, staying here, try to raise any Commotion whatsoever in the City, the Moment I detect them, not only in actual Practices against their Country, but even in any Design to disturb it, they shall effectually feel, that Rome is supplied with Consuls full of Vigilance; with admirable Magistrates in general, with a magnanimous Senate, with Store, too, of Arms, nay, with Irons and Dungeons, such as are derived to us from our Ancestors, who instituted them for taking Vengeance on notorious Criminals and Traitors.

Moreover, Citizens, the Whole shall be so conducted, that, in executing the highest Counsels of State, not the least popular Consternation shall happen; in quelling the most terrible Conspiracy, no Sort of Uproar ensue; nay, a Civil War, the most powerful, and most cruel, that has been known within the Memory of Men, shall be extinguished, by me alone, without once putting off my Civil Robe: I will quell it, Citizens, in such a manner, that not even a single guilty Man in Rome shall incur the Penalty of his Treason, if there be any Possibility of preventing it. If, by their own daring and open Insolence, if, by the Dangers threatening my Country, I am driven to forego this Gentleness of Temper, thus much, surely, I shall bring to pass, that not an innocent Man shall perish; an Exemption scarce to be hoped in a domestic War so widely extended, and so closely conducted! So that, by the Execution of a few guilty Men, you may still be all secure.

These are Things, O Citizens, which I engage not to you to accomplish from a Confidence in my own Wisdom, or, indeed, in any human Counsel whatever, but only in the propitious Purposes of the immortal Deities, manifested to me by many and sure Presages: It is by them that I am inspired with such high Assurance, by them with this my Determination. They are not now at a Distance, as formerly they were wont, aiding us against Enemies foreign and remote; they are, at this very time, in Rome, by their own divine Presence and Aid, defending their own Temples; as also the Dwellings of the City: It is to them, Citizens, that you ought to pay your Veneration, and your Vows; to them address your Complaints and Petitions; that, since, by their own Decree, this City should be thus of all others the fairest, the most flourishing, and the most puissant, they will defend her against certain of her abandoned Citizens, execrably combined to destroy her, even when she had, every-where, routed and subdued all the Armies of her Enemies both by Land and by Sea.

THE THIRD ORATION OF CICERO AGAINST CATILINE. Addressed to the PEOPLE.

TO-DAY, Citizens, you behold the Commonwealth, with all your Lives, your Estates and Fortunes, your Wives and Children, nay, Rome itself, the Seat of this resplendent Empire, a City the most flourishing and fair, rescued from the Fury of Fire and Sword, snatched from the Jaws of Perdition, and intirely secured and restored, through the superlative Love of the immortal Deities towards you, and by the Success of my Counsels, and Perils, and Efforts. If the Days from whence we date our Preservation, be distinguished with no less Joy than the Days which give us Birth, because Life saved yields certain Joy; but when we are born, our Lot of Life is uncertain; add, that, though we receive our first Breath without Reflection, we feel Delight in our Deliverance from Death; surely, therefore, when our Zeal for Romulus was such, as to rank and adore him amongst the Deities, for founding this City, signal Respect from you, and your Descendants, is due to the Man who hath preserved the City so founded, and, since, so gloriously inlarged. When the Flames had surrounded you, when they were seizing, and ready to devour, the whole City, with all her Temples and Sanctuaries, all her Bulwarks and Dwellings, I quenched those Flames: I foiled the Arms wielded against the Commonwealth: I repelled the Weapons ready to pierce your Hearts.

As I have disclosed the Whole to the Senate, and there amply proved and explained it, I will now present you, Citizens, with a short Account of it, that you may learn what you yet know not, but claim to know, what dreadful, what manifest Destruction threatened you; as also by what Methods it was discovered and laid open.

When Catiline was fled from Rome, as I found some Days after, that there yet remained behind him the Accomplices of his Treason, and the City still harboured the keenest Champions of this impious War; I constantly watched, and studied, by what means we could possibly secure ourselves against a Train of Machinations so desperate, yet so dark. For, that I drove Catiline out of the City, is an Imputation which I fear not so much, as that he was suffered to leave it alive: I, indeed, presumed, that, upon his Expulsion, either the rest of his Brethren in the Conspiracy would depart with him; or, at least, the Efforts of such as remained, if they made any, would, without Him, be faint and fruitless: But, when I perceived the most Outrageous, the most Ardent for Blood and Mischief, still remaining in the City, still intermixed with us; I then bent my intire Care, Night and Day, to trace and discover all their Transactions and Devices: For, as no Speech of mine might be powerful enough to convince you of a Treason so shocking and incredible, I meant so fully to sift and illustrate the whole Proceeding, that, when your own Eyes beheld the Doom which threatened your very Lives, you would then, at last, employ your Thoughts how to preserve them.

When, therefore, I had discovered, that the Deputies of the Allobrogians had been suborned by Publius Lentulus, to excite a War beyond the Alps, and Insurrections in those Parts of Gaul; that they were withal charged with Letters to those of their own Community, with other Letters and Instructions to Catiline, to be delivered to him in their Way home; that Volturcius, too, was appointed to accompany them, and intrusted with more Letters for Catiline; I inferred, that an Opportunity offered to do what hitherto seemed of insuperable Difficulty, (such as I had ever besought the immortal Gods to remove) namely, to unravel and display the whole Combination to the ample Satisfaction not of myself only, but of the Senate, and of You the Roman People.

For this Purpose, I, Yesterday, had called to me the Two Prætors, Lucius Flaccus, and Caius Pomptinus, gallant Men, and zealous for the Commonwealth: To them I recounted the Whole, and explained what Course I judged best to be taken: The Prætors, whose Notions concerning the Public are all noble and disinterested, complied without Scruple; nay, undertook the Execution without Delay. When the Evening began to close, they reached, unobserved, to the Milvian Bridge: There they parted, and posted themselves in the Villages on each Side the Tiber, so that the Bridge stood between them; for they had led along with them, too, and lodged in the same Stations, several brave Men, without the least Alarm or Suspicion. Besides, in order to strengthen them, I had dispatched, from the Precinct of Reate, a Number of chosen young Men well armed; such as I myself never fail to employ upon all public Exigencies.

Towards the End of the third Watch, as the Allobrogian Deputies, with a great Train, and accompanied by Volturcius, began to pass the Bridge, suddenly an Onset was made upon them, and, on both Sides, Swords were drawn. The Prætors only were trusted with the Design; to all their Followers it was a Secret. Presently, as Pomptinus and Flaccus advanced and appeared, the Conflict, thus begun, was at once appeased: Whatever Letters were found amongst the Retinue of the Deputies, were consigned, unopened, into the Hands of the Prætors; the Deputies themselves were brought before me, at the Dawn of Day. I forthwith sent for Gabinius Cimber, a pestilent Manager in their Treason, but now under no Apprehensions. Then I sent for Lucius Statilius; next, for Cethegus: Lentulus came too, but much slower than the rest; for, I presume, he passed the Night, contrary to Custom, without Sleep, in dispatching Letters to his Correspondents.

Now, though Numbers of the first and most illustrious Persons in the Commonwealth, having heard what passed, came early to me, and offered their Opinion, ‘That the several Letters should be first opened, before I presented them to the Senate; lest, if nothing of Moment were found in them, I should appear to have too precipitately raised such a terrible Alarm in the State;’ yet I refused to take any other Course, than, in a Matter of public Danger, to refer the Whole to the Senate, which was the public Council. The Truth is, Citizens, though the Informations brought to me should have failed, I still supposed, that I needed not fear being over-sedulous, when such Perils threatened the Commonwealth.

Immediately I assembled, as you saw, a full Senate. In the mean time, from a Hint given me by the Allobrogian Deputies, I strait dispatched Caius Sulpicius the Prætor, a brave Man, to bring away what Arms he could find in the House of Cethegus. From thence Sulpicius brought great Store of Swords and Daggers. I introduced Volturcius, without the Gauls, into the Senate; and, for his Security, by their Order, gave him the public Faith: I encouraged him, without all Fear, to reveal whatever he knew: He, hardly yet able to recover himself from his great Affright, declared, that he had received, from Publius Lentulus, Letters for Catiline; as also verbal Instructions, ‘To strengthen himself, by arming the Slaves; as also to advance as fast as possible with his Army towards Rome; that, when they had set the City on Fire in all its Quarters, agreeably to the Plan, and the several Assignments already settled, and when they had made withal an infinite Slaughter of Citizens, he might be at hand, not only to intercept all who strove to escape, but to join the Leaders there.’

The Gauls, when they were introduced, declared, that Publius Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, had delivered Letters to them, for their Nation; together with an Oath of Fidelity, with Orders added by the same Three, in Conjunction with Lucius Cassius, to dispatch a Body of Horse, as soon as possible, into Italy; for of Infantry they should find no Scarcity: That Lentulus had given them Assurances, from the prophetic Records of the Sibyls, and from the Reports and Interpretation of the Augurs, that he was the Third of the Cornelian Race destined by Fate to sway the Sovereignty of this City and Empire; for Cornelius Cinna had already done it; so had Cornelius Sylla: For Confirmation, he had alledged, that this Year of Rome was to prove fatal to her Government, as it was the Tenth Year since the Acquittal of the polluted Vestals, the Twentieth since the Burning of the Capitol. They added, that there was a Contest between Cethegus and his Accomplices; for Lentulus, and the others, chose to have the general Massacre, and Firing of Rome, executed during the Festival of Saturn; and this seemed, to Cethegus, to be too great Delay.

Not to be tedious, O Citizens, I ordered the Letters to be produced severally, according to the Hands from whence they were said to have come. First, I shewed Cethegus his Signet: He owned it. I then cut the Bandage, and read the Letter. It was written with his own Hand, directed to the Allobrogian Senate and People: In it he confirmed his Assurances to their Deputies, to fulfil whatever he had promised them; and besought them to perform, in their turn, whatever the Deputies had undertaken in their Name. Cethegus, who, a little before, had accounted for the Swords and Daggers seized in his Possession, and alledged, that he had always been fond of fine Arms, was now, upon hearing his Letter read, quite dispirited and cast down; he was smitten by his guilty Conscience, and instantly silent. Statilius, who was next introduced, owned both his Signet and his Hand. When his Letter, written almost in the same Strain with the former, was read, he readily acknowledged all.

I then applied to Lentulus, and shewed him his: I asked him, If he avowed the Signet? He assented. It is, in truth, said I to him, a very noted Signet; the Head of thy Grandfather, a celebrated Roman, who cordially loved his Country, and his Fellow-citizens; a Picture which, however mute it be, ought to have restrained thee from such horrible Iniquity. Then his Letter to the Senate and Community of the Allobrogians was recited, in the same Style. I gave him leave to make his Defence, if he had any to make: He, at first, refused: Presently, when the whole Evidence was opened, and appeared undeniable, he rose up, and asked the Gauls, What Commerce he had ever had with them? and for what Cause they had come to his House? He proposed the same Questions to Volturcius. As soon as they had given him a short and resolute Answer, how often they had been there, and by whom introduced, and then desired him to answer, whether he had never entertained them with the Sibylline Oracles in his Behalf? And as he was now, on a sudden, confounded with Remorse, he shewed an Example of the mighty Power of Conscience over the Soul of Man! For, when he might have confidently denied any such Conversation, in a Moment, he disappointed the Opinion of all Men, and confessed it: So intirely was he forsaken, not only by his great Talents, and that Habit of Eloquence in which he always excelled, but even by his bad Heart, and that inimitable Impudence, in which he surpassed all Men: Such was the Effect of conscious Guilt exposed!

Now Volturcius strait caused to be presented and opened the Letter, which, he said, had been given him by Lentulus for Catiline. This proved a dreadful Shock to Lentulus! yet he owned the Signet, and his Hand-writing. It was subscribed by no Name, in the following Style: ‘Who it is that sends thee this, thou wilt learn from him who brings it. Consider thy own desperate Situation, and be sure to acquit thyself like a Man. Recollect what thy Circumstances demand, and seek Assistance from All, even from the Lowest and Basest.’

Gabinius was next introduced. At first he began to answer with notable Assurance: At length he denied not a Tittle of whatever the Gauls accused him.

The Truth is, Citizens, though, to me, their Letters, their Signets, their Hand-writing, nay, the voluntary Confession of each, appeared glaring Proofs of their Treason; yet I found Demonstrations of their Guilt still more sure, in their Eyes, in their changing Colour, in their Looks, and Silence: Indeed, such was their Stupefaction, such their downcast Looks, such the guilty Glances, which, from time to time, they stole at one another, that they appeared not so much to be detected by others, as to detect and arraign themselves.

When all this Evidence was thus exhibited, and appeared thus clear, I applied to the Senate, O Citizens, to know what Resolutions they would please to take, for the Preservation of the State. The leading Senators strait offered several Propositions full of Vigour and Magnanimity; such as the Senate received without any Variation.

Now, seeing that Ordinance of theirs is not yet inrolled, I will, upon Memory, recount to you, O Citizens, all that they then ordained. First of all, they decree their public Thanks to be presented to me in the strongest and most solemn Terms; for that, by my undaunted Conduct, by my Foresight and Counsels, the Commonwealth was rescued from the highest Perils. Next, they heap just and well-merited Commendations upon the Prætors Lucius Flaccus and Caius Pomptinus, for the brave and faithful Assistance which they had given to me. Moreover, they extol the Merit of Caius Antonius, my valiant Collegue, for having kept the Associates in the Conspiracy from all Part in the public Measures, and in his own Measures for the Public. Then they proceed and ordain, that Lentulus (having first divested himself of the Dignity of Prætor) should be committed to Custody; as also Caius Cethegus, Lucius Statilius, and Publius Gabinius, all Three then present.

The like Sentence was passed upon Lucius Cassius, the Man who had required to himself the Task of setting Rome on Fire; upon Marcus Cæparius, who, as it was proved, had Apulia assigned to him, in order to engage the Boors there to revolt; upon Publius Furius, a Member of the disaffected Colonies transplanted to Fesulæ by Sylla; upon Quintus Manlius Chilo, who had a constant Share with this Furius in suborning the Allobrogian Deputies; lastly, upon Publius Umbrenus, the Son of a Freedman, who plainly appeared to have first introduced these Deputies to Gabinius.

Such, O Citizens, was the extreme Lenity now exercised by the Senate, who, under a Conspiracy so mighty, threatening such Outrage and Desolation, judged, that out of such a Multitude of intestine Enemies, by punishing Nine only, and these the most desperate and abandoned of all, they should be able to secure the Commonwealth, and reclaim the Hearts of all the rest. The same Decree likewise injoined the Celebration of public Thanksgiving, in my Name, to the immortal Deities, for their singular Benignity towards the Republic; a Distinction, Citizens, which, as I still-wore the Civil Robe, fell to me to reap, the first of all Romans since the Founding of Rome: It was expressed in these Words: Because I had saved the City from Flames, the Citizens from Slaughter, and Italy from War. The present public Thanksgiving, Citizens, compared with others past, claims this Difference, that these were appointed for such Romans as had well administered the Commonwealth; this for me, for having preserved the Commonwealth itself.

The Senate also, adhering to strict Rules, saw the Step which required Precedence, first taken. For, though Publius Lentulus, thus convicted by full Evidence, as well as by his own Confession, had, by the Determination of the Senate, not only lost his Right to the Prætorship, but even that of a Roman Citizen; yet he in form divested himself of his Magistracy: So that, in punishing Lentulus as a private Person, we of the Senate scrupulously acquitted ourselves of a Ceremony quite slighted by Caius Marius, a Roman of very high Lustre, who caused Caius Glaucia to be slain whilst yet Prætor, although against his Person in particular no judicial Sentence had passed.

At present, Citizens, since you have thus seized and secured in Bonds the execrable Leaders of a most sanguinary and most dreadful Civil War, you ought to conclude, that all the Forces of Catiline, all his Hopes, all his Resources, are vanished, now that the Dangers threatening the City are repressed. Indeed, whilst I was labouring to drive him from Rome, the Advantage which I foresaw from it, Citizens, was, that when he was gone, there remained to me no Cause of Dread from the vain Dreams of Publius Lentulus, nor from the unwieldy Bulk of Lucius Cassius, nor from the frantic Rage of Cethegus. Catiline alone, of all of them, deserved to be dreaded, but only so long as he resided within our Walls. He was acquainted with all Things, and all Men; he had secured himself Access every-where; he knew how to apply to Men, how to try them, how to tempt and rouse them: All this he knew, all this he dared. He had ready Schemes to facilitate every Enterprize; with Eloquence and Activity to execute every Scheme. Besides, he had several Classes of Men, all properly chosen and qualified for performing several Tasks. Nor did he, therefore, reckon a Thing done, because he had ordered it to be done; there was nothing which he did not attend to in Person, pushing this, obviating that, still vigilant, still making new Efforts. He too had Vigour to undergo Cold, and Thirst, and Hunger.

Such was the Man! and had I not driven this Man from his treasonable Machinations at Rome, into his Camp of Free-booters, a Man so keen, so quick, so determined, one so artful, so vigilant to do mighty Mischief, so indefatigable in his desperate Pursuits, I will tell you what I sincerely think, Citizens, that I should not easily have averted a Calamity so tragical from falling upon your Heads. He, had he been here, would not have fixed the Execution of his Design on the Festival of Saturn, nor assigned a Day for the final Perdition of the State, so long before it was to take place; neither would he have so managed, that his very Signet, that a Letter written with his own Hand, nay, that living Evidence against him, should be all seized and secured, thus undeniably to manifest his Guilt: But such hath been the Management of his Party without him, that no Theft in any private Family was ever so notoriously detected, as this mighty Conspiracy against the Commonwealth has been detected and exposed.

Now, suppose Catiline had continued in the City to this time; though, as long as he continued in it, I still obviated, still marred all his Devices; yet, to say the least that can be said, we must have been engaged in a constant Conflict with him; nor, so long as he remained in Rome, could we have relieved the Commonwealth from such mighty Perils, in a Manner so peaceable, or with so much Leisure, or in so much Silence.

Assuredly, Citizens, upon all my Proceedings on this Occasion, there appear such Traces of divine Direction, as if the Whole had been concerted and executed by the Premonition and Counsel of the Deities; since we cannot conceive how any human Wisdom could be able to controul Transactions of such infinite Darkness and Difficulty. Indeed, during all this Conjuncture, the Gods have been so manifestly with us, that we might almost behold them in Person encompassing us with their Aid and Protection. For, to omit what has been lately perceived, blazing Meteors by Night from the West, the Firmament all on Fire, roaring Thunder, Earthquakes, and all the other Prodigies which happened under my Consulship, in such Numbers, that thence the immortal Deities seemed prophetically to reveal to us all that is now in Agitation amongst us; surely, what I am now about to recount to you, Citizens, is neither to be suppressed nor slighted.

In truth, you cannot but remember, how, during the Consulship of Cotta and Torquatus, divers Towers upon the Capitol were shattered with Lightning, the Figures of the Gods overthrown, the Statues of antient Heroes cast down, the brazen Tables of the Laws dissolved; nay, the Image of him who founded this our City, was struck, even the Image of Romulus, whose gilt Figure you remember, placed in the Capitol, representing him as a Child sucking a Wolf. When, upon this Occasion, a Consultation was held of Soothsayers assembled from all Parts of Etruria, they foretold public Slaughter and Conflagration, the Extinction of the Laws, Civil Discord, intestine Wars, with the intire Overthrow of this our State and Empire; Calamities all ripe and approaching, unless the immortal Deities could be, by all Sorts of Means and Applications, so appeased, as to interpose their Almighty Power, and divert even the Course of Fate itself.

In Compliance with these their Reports, public Games were solemnized during Ten Days, nor was aught omitted which tended to pacify the Gods. These Soothsayers likewise ordered the Statue of Jupiter to be made larger than before, to be placed on high, and, contrary to his former Position, with his Face to the East. They declared withal their Hopes, if his Statue, which you yonder perceive, O Citizens, stood so as to behold the rising Sun, the Place of public Resort, and Court of the Senate, the Effect would be, that all Machinations secretly framed against the Well-being of this City and Empire, would be so effectually brought to Light, as to be clearly perceived by the Senate and People of Rome: The then Consuls, therefore, undertook so to place it; but such has been the Slowness of the Work, that it was neither executed under the late Consulship, nor under mine, till this very Day.

Now, Citizens, can there be a Man here so prejudiced against Truth, so abandoned, so berest of Reason, as to deny this whole visible World, particularly this State, to be controuled by the Pleasure and Power of the immortal Deities? For, as the Report of the Soothsayers was express, that public Slaughter, Conflagration, and the utter Overthrow of the Republic, were at hand, all concerted by Members of the Republic, (Events, which, from the amazing Size of such Iniquities, seemed to some incredible) you have yet beheld these Iniquities to be not only devised by detestable Citizens, but even pushed towards Execution.

Is it not, therefore, apparent to you, that the sovereign Will of Jupiter, all-great, all-good, interposes in your Behalf; when, as the Conspirators, and the Discoverers of the Conspiracy, were this very Morning led, by my Order, through the Forum to the Temple of Concord, during that very Juncture, his Statue was erected and fixed? By its being thus placed with his Face turned towards you and the Senate, both the Senate and you have seen all the secret Mischiefs, devised for the Perdition of you all, discovered and exposed to open Day. Hence the Guilty merit the greater Abhorrence, and severer Doom, they who endeavoured to subject, not only your Houses and Dwellings, but even the Temples and Seats of the Deities, to diabolical and devouring Flames. Were I to tell you, that I alone quenched those Flames, I should assume too much, and my Vanity would be insupportable. It was He, it was Jupiter himself, who quenched them: It was He, who interposed to save the Capitol; He, to save all these Temples; He, to save this City; He, to save you all. By the Inspiration of the immortal Gods only, I gained so much Spirit, and such Resolution: By their Guidance only, Citizens, I procured such surprising Discoveries. Lentulus and his Accomplices could not have thus ventured to tempt and corrupt the Allobrogian Deputies; nor could Designs of such infinite Moment have been by them wildly imparted to Strangers and Barbarians; nor surely would Letters, under their Hands, have ever been trusted to such Conveyance, unless the immortal Gods had purposely bereft these daring Traitors of all Understanding and Precaution. Who indeed can gainsay it? When warlike Gauls, Men of a Nation scarce yet reduced to Terms of Peace; and the only People left, who seem at once able, and not averse, to wage War with the Romans, yet rejected the Temptation of independent Rule, with all the Baits of Affluence and Grandeur offered them, without asking, by powerful Patricians; when these Gauls thus preferred your Safety to their own Ease and Abundance; can you judge all this to proceed from aught but a Power altogether divine; especially as they might have vanquished us, without Arms, only by keeping Silence?

Now, therefore, Citizens, as public Thanksgiving is appointed at the Shrines of all the Gods, zealously solemnize the Festival; you, and your Wives, and your Children. For, though many Solemnities have been frequently performed to the Deities, all justly due, therefore all very reasonable; surely none were ever more reasonable than now: Since by them you are snatched from the most merciless and most tragical Doom; snatched from it without Slaughter, even without Bloodshed; without an Army, nay, without one Conflict. Whilst you were yet cloathed in the peaceable Habit of Citizens, you proved Conquerors, with me only for your Leader, a Conqueror too, still wearing the City Robe!

Here, O Citizens, take a Review of all our civil Ruptures and Dissensions past, not only those of which you have heard, but such too as you yourselves remember, and have seen. Lucius Sylla subdued Publius Sulpicius, drove Marius out of Rome, (Marius, who had been the Preserver of this our State) forced many other brave Romans into Exile, and slaughtered many. Cneius Octavius, when Consul, by Force of Arms, expulsed Cinna his Collegue out of the City; and all this great Space, where we now stand, was filled with Piles of Carcases, and flowed with the Blood of Citizens. Next, Cinna proved Conqueror, aided by Marius; a Revolution accompanied with the Butchery of so many Romans of principal Lustre and Fame, that the great Luminaries of the State were thence extinguished. For this cruel Victory of theirs, Sylla took Vengeance; with what infinite Havock of Citizens, and what crying Calamity to the State, I need not recount. Marcus Lepidus quarrelled with Quintus Catulus, that very illustrious, very magnanimous Roman; and met his Fate, a Fate not so deplorable to the Commonwealth, as that of others, who perished with him.

Yet all these civil Broils, O Citizens, were such as tended, not so much to abolish the State, as to change the Government of the State. The Authors meant not, that there should be no Commonwealth, but that, the Commonwealth continuing, they should controul it; not to burn Rome to Ashes, but to bear Sway in Rome. The Result, however, of all such Dissensions was, that, though none of them aimed at the Overthrow of the Republic, yet they never terminated in the Reconcilement and Union of Parties, but ever in the Massacre of Citizens.

It is far otherwise in this present War against the Public; a War the most tremendous and merciless ever remembered; such a War as the greatest Barbarians never once waged with those of their own Nation; a War, where it was an essential Rule, settled by Lentulus, Catiline, Cassius, and Cethegus, that all, who for their own Safety were interested in saving the City, were deemed to be Enemies. In this War, Citizens, I have so acquitted myself, as to have preserved you all: At a Conjuncture when these your Enemies had concluded, that no more of you should survive, than could escape their unlimited Massacre; and that just so much of Rome should remain as universal Flames could not devour; I have preserved both City and Citizens safe and intire.

For all these signal Services, I ask of you, Citizens, no Compensation, as due to the Merit of them; no other Distinction of Honour, no other Monument of Applause, than the perpetual Remembrance of this Day. It is in your Affections I study to found and establish all my Triumphs, all the Trappings of my Glory, all my Fame and Splendor. No Monument void of Life, nothing passive and mute, indeed nothing of this sort attainable by Men of mean Merit, can bring me Delight. My Story and Deserts shall be for ever cherished in your Memories, O Citizens; be for ever flourishing in popular Fame, and confirmed and eternized in your Annals. I consider, therefore, this Anniversary, which I hope will prove eternal, as the joint Commemoration of the Deliverance of the State, and of my Consulship; together with the Merit of two Citizens contemporary in the Commonwealth; one who carried the Limits of your Empire as far as those of the Earth, and left it bounded only by the Skies; another who preserved the Seat and Capital of that very Empire.

But, since the same Lot and Advantages, attending those who have conducted foreign Wars, attend not my Conduct and Proceedings at home; because I am obliged to live amongst Men whom I have overcome and reduced; whilst the former leave the Enemy either utterly cut off, or utterly crushed; it is your Part, Citizens, to provide, that, as the worthy Services of others turn to their Benefit, mine may at no time tend to my Detriment. It has been my Care, that the bloody and execrable Purposes of the most determined Criminals should not possibly annoy you: It rests upon you to take care, that they hurt not me. In truth, to me in particular, Citizens, no Hurt can accrue from these Men. For, surely, powerful is the Protection of worthy Men, a Protection which is for ever assured to me; powerful is my Authority in the Commonwealth, such as, without uttering a Word, will always defend me; powerful is the Controul of Conscience; so powerful, that they, who despise it, when they would assault me, will betray themselves. Such, too, Citizens, is the Vigour of my own Spirit, that I not only never shrink in my Pursuit of the most desperate Criminal, but even voluntarily pursue all the Guilty to Justice.

Now, suppose the whole Rage of our domestic Enemies, after I have diverted it from you, should recoil upon me alone; it will belong to you, Citizens, to consider, in what Situation you will, for the future, leave those, who, for your Preservation, expose themselves to personal Hate, and all kinds of Danger.

To myself, what further remains to be now attained, to heighten the Enjoyment of Life? For, when you have thus honoured me with this high Dignity, when such Glory too crowns the Merit of my Administration, can I possibly behold any thing yet nobler to tempt me to aspire still higher?

One thing, Citizens, I shall certainly do; I shall in a private Station maintain and dignify all my Proceedings in the Consulship; that if I have incurred any Rancour by preserving the Commonwealth, it may only serve to gall the Rancorous, and to heighten my Praise. To sum up all; in all my future Conduct in the State, I shall ever have before my Eyes my past Services to it, and so behave, that they may appear to have been the Effects of public Spirit, and not produced at random.

As it is now Night, Citizens, be it your Part to pay your Adorations to Jupiter, (yonder represented) the Guardian of this City, and your Guardian; then depart to your several Abodes; and, though all Danger be already averted, yet secure them with the same Watch and Guard as on the Night past. That you be not longer obliged to that Task, nay, that, for the future, you continue in uninterrupted Repose, I, Citizens, undertake to provide.

THE FOURTH ORATION OF CICERO AGAINST CATILINE. Spoken in the SENATE.

I PERCEIVE all your Faces turned towards me, Conscript Fathers, all your Eyes fixed upon me. I perceive you all anxious, not only for your own and the public Peril, but, though that were already dissipated, still anxious for mine also. Such Affection to me exhilarates me even in Distress, and yields me Pleasure under Anguish. But, by the immortal Gods I beseech you, divest yourselves of such partial Concern; think not of my Security; study your own, and that of your Children. Since, by the Terms and Circumstances of my Consulship, I am exposed to bear all Adversities, all Afflictions, and the keenest Sufferings, I will bear them all, not only undauntedly, but frankly, if by all my Labours I can but ascertain the Dignity of the Roman State, and your particular Saferies. Such, Conscript Fathers, hath been my Lot as Consul, as to have been no-where exempt from deadly Snares, and the Pursuits of Assassins; not amidst the Tribunals, where all Right and Justice is dispensed; not in the Field of Mars, a Place hallowed by solemn Auspices for the Election of Consuls; not in the Senate, the highest and common Refuge of all Nations; not at Home, the common Retreat of all Men; not in my Bed, ever sacred to Repose; not, finally, in this Vehicle of Dignity, the Chair of State.

In many Instances I have dissembled what I knew; in many I have exercised Patience; in many, Compliance; and in many, to case you of your Fears, I have undergone real Pain myself. If, indeed, the immortal Deities have determined, that I shall conclude my Consulship by rescuing you, Conscript Fathers, and the whole Roman People, from tragical Carnage; your Wives and Children, and the venerable Vestals, from Barbarity and Woe; the Temples and Tabernacles of the Gods, nay, this our glorious Country, alike interesting to us all, from horrible Conflagration, with all Italy from War and Desolation; I am ready to yield to any Lot, which Fortune shall assign me. For, if Publius Lentulus, convinced by the Augurs, believed that his Name was destined to bring Perdition upon the Commonwealth; have not I cause to rejoice to find my Consulship reserved, as it were, by Fate, for the Preservation of the Commonwealth?

Take care, therefore, of yourselves, Conscript Fathers; study the Welfare of your Country; secure your own Lives, your Wives, your Children, and your Fortunes; defend the Persons and Dignity of the Roman People; and relinquish your Tenderness, drop your Anxiety, for me. For, first, I have Cause to hope, that the Gods, who preside over this City, will all concur to reward me according to the Measure of my Services to it. Next, if any Fate unforeseen should befal me, I shall die with a Spirit altogether firm and resigned. Indeed, no brave Man can ever die ignominiously; no Man, who has borne the Consulship, prematurely; no wise Man, meanly. Not that I am hardened against Nature; far otherwise: I am sensibly touched with the Sorrow of a very dear, a very affectionate Brother here present; and with that of those, whom you now behold, all in Tears, surrounding me. My Soul, too, is often dragged back to my Family, by a Wife expiring under Pangs, by a Daughter crushed with Dread and Woe, by a little Son, whom, methinks, I see the Commonwealth clasping in her Arms, as a Pledge for my faithful Ministry; as also by my Daughter’s Husband, now standing in my View, and awaiting here the Issue of this Day. All these Thoughts affect me: Yet I yield to the better Choice, that all these Objects of my Tenderness escape safe with you, though I should fall a Victim to Violence; rather than that they, and all of us, be swallowed up in the final Overthrow of the Republic.

Exert, therefore, Conscript Fathers, your Endeavours for the Safety of the Commonwealth: Cast your Eyes around you; watch on every Side against approaching Storms, such as, without your special Precaution, will overwhelm you. For the Objects of your present Deliberations you have not a Tiberius Gracchus aiming to be a second time chosen Tribune of the People; not a Caius Gracchus, striving to excite Commotions, in order to carry the Agrarian Law; not a Lucius Saturninus, under Prosecution for killing Caius Memmius, and subjected to the Severity of your Judgment. Higher Criminals await your Sentence, Criminals already in Bonds, Accomplices of Catiline, such, who remained here behind him, on purpose to restore him, by reduceing Rome to Ashes, and by butchering you all. The Proofs against them are in your Possession, their Signets, their Letters under their own Hands, and indeed their several Confessions, that they had urged the Allobrogians to revolt, animated the Slaves to rebel, pressed Catiline, with his Army, to advance; and formed a Scheme so effectually to murder all without Exception, that not a Soul should be left to mourn over the Ashes and late Grandeur of the Commonwealth; none to bewail the dreadful Catastrophe of so glorious an Empire.

All these Facts the Witnesses have verified, all these Facts the Parties have owned; and upon them you have already founded many Determinations. First, you have unanimously presented me your Thanks in solemn Strains; nay, you have testified, that, by my Courage, and unwearied Pains, a Conspiracy formed by abandoned Men was disclosed. Next, you have compelled Publius Lentulus to relinquish the Office of Prætor. Then you have given Orders to have him and the rest, whom you tried, committed to Custody: What likewise is chiefly remarkable, as it is an Honour which never was bestowed upon any Roman in Civil Office before me, you have ordained Days of public Thanksgiving to be solemnized in my Name. Lastly, you Yesterday awarded grand Recompences to the Allobrogian Deputies, and to Titus Volturcius. All which Proceedings tend directly to shew, that those, whom you have by Name ordered into Durance, are already judged by you, without any Scruple, worthy of Condemnation. I determined, however, to represent it to you anew, Conscript Fathers; that you may both comprehend the Fact, and ascertain the Measure of Punishment. What Information is due from me as Consul, I will freely give you.

I long since perceived many Instances of raging Licentiousness in the Commonwealth; these, too, daily increased, and inflamed by an Accession and Mixture of fresh Corruptions and Violence: But that a Conspiracy so dreadful, so deadly, was framed against Rome by Roman Citizens, I never once conjectured. Time and Danger press you: Which Way soever your Inclinations and Propositions tend, you must finally determine and declare them before Night. By the Evidence produced before you, you perceive the prodigious Strength and Size of the Treason. If you suppose, that in it there are but few Co-operators, you are grievously deceived. The Source of this Evil is spread beyond all Conception: It hath not only flowed over all Italy, but even passed over the Alps, and, by silently gliding into many Provinces, still prevails in them. It is an Evil not to be crushed by a Course of Sufferance and Procrastinations. Whatever Method of Punishment you determine, the Punishment itself must be forthwith inflicted.

Hitherto I see but two Propositions offered, one by Decius Silanus, for dooming to Death those who endeavoured to destroy the Commonwealth; the other by Caius Cæsar, exempting them from Death, but subjecting them to all the Rigour and Anguish of every other terrible Punishment. Both of them, acting suitably to their great public Dignity, and to the Importance of the Question, contend for a Sentence extremely severe. Silanus judges, that it behoves us not to allow the Conspirators a Moment to live, and breathe common Air; Conspirators, who laboured to bereave us all of Life, us and the Roman People; Conspirators, who strove to extinguish the Empire and Sovereignty of Rome, nay, the Name and Memory of Romans. He recounts, too, how frequent a Practice it was in this Commonwealth to inflict such Doom upon guilty Citizens.

Cæsar conceives, that the immortal Deities have not instituted Death as a Punishment, but either as the necessary Condition of Nature, or as an everlasting Deliverance from all Fatigues and Woe: Hence wise Men never encounter it with Regret; brave Men frequently with Pleasure. He, therefore, consigns the Criminals over to Chains, nay, to endless Chains; and, under such, to be committed apart to the municipal Cities: A new Chastisement, yet, in truth, suitably grievous for their diabolical Crimes.

This Scheme, however, infers Violence offered to these Cities, if you oblige them to be answerable for the Prisoners; at least, infers a Difficulty upon them how to secure the Prisoners, if you make it but a Request to the Cities. You may determine this Point how you please: For I will undertake to convince Cæsar, by such Arguments as, I hope, will weigh with him, that it suits not with his great Figure in the State, to oppose what you think proper to ordain for the common Preservation of all Men.

To his Proposition he adds a heavy Penalty upon the Citizens of these municipal Towns, if any of the Prisoners escape. He adjudges them to be dreadfully guarded, and offers rigorous Sanctions, (all worthy of such blood-thirsty Profligates) that no Man may be able, by Application either to the Senate, or to the People, to alleviate their Sufferings. He even divests them of Hope, the sole, the common Consolation of Men under the forest Misery. He likewise advises their Estates and Fortunes to be confiscated, and publicly sold, and leaves these guilty Men their Life only; since, were he to bereave them of that, he should, by one short Pang, deliver them from a Train of Afflictions, both in Body and Spirit, and from all the lasting Sufferings due to their Cruelties. Thus it was, that, to awe and restrain wicked Men in the Course of their Lives, the Antients contended, that future Torments were ordained for the Impious; as they conceived, that, if the Dread of such were taken away, Death itself would not be dreaded.

Here, Conscript Fathers, I perceive which Way my own particular Advantage lies. If you take the Proposition of Cæsar, who in it has taken what is reckoned the popular Part in the Commonwealth; I perhaps have less to apprehend from any popular Outrage, after he shall be known to have offered and defended such a Proposition: Whereas, if you take that of Silanus, I doubt I shall incur great Difficulty. But let all Considerations of Dangers to myself yield to the Interest of the Commonwealth. For, from Cæsar too we have had, what well became his own Dignity, and the great Lustre of his Ancestors, such a Proposition, as abundantly assures us of his unalterable Zeal for the Commonwealth. It is, in truth, well known, what Difference there is between the Lenity affected in popular Harangues, and a Spirit truly anxious for the People, and employed for their Preservation. Some, I observe, are now absent; such, who, aiming at a popular Character, would avoid joining in Judgment against the Life of a Roman Citizen.

He, Cæsar, the other Day, declared for committing Roman Citizens to Prison, declared for solemnizing Days of Thanksgiving, in Honour of me; nay, Yesterday declared for distinguishing the Witnesses with grand Recompences. It, therefore, can be a Mystery to none, what Sentiments he has all along entertained concerning this Prosecution, and the whole Affair; He, who hath already adjudged Imprisonment to the Criminals, public Thanks to the Impleader, and Rewards to the Witnesses. Yet still Cæsar is aware, that the Sempronian Law secures the Lives of Roman Citizens: But he is likewise aware, that whoever is an Enemy to the Roman Commonwealth, can by no means be a Roman Citizen; nay, that the Author of the Sempronian Law paid his Life as an Atonement to the Commonwealth, even by an Ordinance of the People.

Neither can such a Man even as Lentulus, however signal for Largesses, and profuse Expence, pass with Cæsar for a popular Man, especially when, with a Spirit so pestilent and blood-thirsty, he had devised to butcher the Roman People, and reduce Rome itself to Ashes. Thus Cæsar, the mildest and most moderate of all Men, never once pauses about consigning Publius Lentulus to Bonds and Darkness, without Redemption or End; nay, he annexes a penal Restriction, without Limitation of Time, that no Man shall venture to mitigate such Punishment, lest such a Man may thence boast his popular Merit, or hereafter grow popular by a Step so ruinous to the Roman People. Besides, he subjoins the Confiscation of their Possessions, whence, as their Souls may be gnawed with Torments and Anguish, so may their Bodies with Want and Beggary.

Thus, therefore, it is; if you adopt this Proposition of Cæsar’s, I shall, in recounting it to an Assembly of the People, be furnished by you with a Companion, who is very amiable and dear to them: If you prefer that of Silanus, you will still find it easy to defend yourselves and me from the Imputation of Cruelty; nay, I will procure it to be approved, as implying the lighter Punishment. Though, to say Truth, Conscript Fathers, how is it possible to commit Cruelty in punishing such black and stupendous Treason? For, my declared Judgment about it, is what my Spirit really dictates. Neither doth my Ardour on this Occasion arise from any Barbarity of Heart, (for who is more humane than I?) but even from uncommon Mildness and Mercy, from pure Zeal to secure our Commonwealth, that I may continue to enjoy, with you, all its Blessings and Privileges.

For, methinks, I behold this Imperial City, the Light and Glory of the Earth, the Refuge of all Nations, finally swallowed up in one sudden Blaze. My Soul presents me with a View of my Country buried under her own Ruins; with the deplorable Piles of Citizens butchered and unburied! Full in my Eye appears Cethegus, flaming with frantic Vengeance, and quenching it in your Blood. When my Imagination, next, represents Lentulus exercising lawless Sway, a Lot for which he avows to have trusted to the Fates; under him, the Traitor Gabinius, adorned with Purple; then Catiline, arrived with his Army; I shrink with the Horror of what follows; Matrons wailing, Virgins and tender Youths frighted and flying, and even the holy Vestals violated.

These are affecting Calamities, and full of Woe; and, because they appear very sensibly such to me, I therefore act with Acrimony and Fervour towards the Men, who laboured to introduce these affecting Calamities. Suppose the Father of a Family found his Children butchered, his Wife murdered, and his House burnt by a Slave; whether would he, in adjudging that Slave to the most rigid and painful Doom, be accounted merciful and tender, or very inhuman, and very barbarous? To me he would appear altogether savage and absurd, if he forbore to mitigate his own Pangs and Sufferings, by the Sufferings and Pangs of his guilty Slave.

Thus, in our Proceedings with these Criminals of State, Criminals, who purposed to slaughter us all, us, our Wives, and our Children; Criminals, who strove utterly to raze our several Dwellings, without Exception, and this our City, the great Head and Centre of our Commonwealth; Criminals, who intended to have settled the Nation of the Allobrogians upon the Ruins of Rome; to have brought Barbarians into their native Country, first laid desolate by Fire; if we treat them with the utmost Rigour, we shall be esteemed compassionate; if we be sparing of Rigour, we can never escape the everlasting Reproach of the most comprehensive Cruelty, in exposing to Perdition our native State, and all our Fellow-Citizens.

Will any one impute Cruelty to Lucius Cæsar, that very brave Man, and very affectionate to the Commonwealth, for publicly declaring the other Day, in the Senate, that Publius Lentulus, though Husband to his Sister, a Lady of shining Character, ought unquestionably to suffer Death; nay, for declaring it in the Presence and Hearing of Lentulus? He alledged the Example and Fate of his own Grandfather, slain by Order of the Consul, who caused even his Son, yet a Youth, to be executed in Prison, though purposely sent to him on Commission from his Father. What Offence had they committed, resembling the present? In what Scheme had they engaged for the utter Destruction of the Commonwealth? There then prevailed in the Commonwealth a Spirit of Popularity for courting the People by public Grants: Thence followed a Struggle of Parties; and, upon that Occasion, the Grandfather of this very Lentulus, an illustrious Roman, took Arms, and fell upon Gracchus; nay, was even grievously wounded; all to prevent the least Concussion to the State. The present Lentulus applies himself to extirpate the very Foundations of the State, invites an Invasion from the Gauls, rouses the Slaves to rebel, calls home Catiline, consigns us Senators to be butchered by Cethegus, all the other Citizens to be massacred by Gabinius, the City to be set on Fire by Cassius, all Italy to be ravaged and plundered by Catiline.

Here is Barbarity indeed, tremendous in its Nature, prodigious in its Size! Nor can I conceive, how, in your Proceedings against it, you should possibly fear to have passed any Resolution too rigorous. Surely, you have much more Cause to fear having appeared cruel towards our common Country, by too tender a Punishment, than thought unrelenting by the Asperity of whatever Doom we pass upon such determined and implacable Enemies. I cannot, however, smother what I hear: A Rumour which flies abroad, hath reached my Ear, raised by such as seem to apprehend, that I am not furnished with sufficient Power and Assistance to execute what you are this Day about to ordain.

All Precautions, Conscript Fathers, are taken, all necessary Strength provided, all Measures of Safety concerted, not only with my utmost Circumspection and Vigilance, but rather by the superior Ardour of the Roman People, all zealous to preserve the Roman Empire in its intire Splendour, and their own Persons and Fortunes in full Security. All Men attend to assist us, those of every Rank, and every Age: They throng all the great Forum; throng all the Temples round the Forum; nay, all the Avenues to this very Quarter, and this Temple. Indeed, ever since the Founding of Rome, this Cause is the only one yet known, where the Opinions and Wishes of all intirely agree: I except those Men, who, finding themselves destined to perish, were resolved rather to involve the whole Community in their Doom, than perish by themselves. Such Men I freely except, and distinguish from the rest; since I am persuaded, that they are not to be numbered even amongst bad Citizens, but only amongst the most cruel and pestilent Enemies. As to all the others, immortal Deities! in what Multitudes, with what Zeal, with how much Vigour, do they all concur to maintain the public Dignity and Welfare!

What need is there to mention the Roman Knights, Men, who, whilst they consent, that you preside in the public Councils, and excel in Rank, yet vie with you in Affection to the Commonwealth? They are now, after many Years, recovered, from their antient Rupture, to Union and Reconcilement with this our Body; and, on this Day, by this interesting Cause, unanimously attached to us. This is a Conjunction of such Moment, that, if we can but always maintain it, as it is now confirmed under my Consulship, I here undertake to you, that no intestine or domestic Harm shall henceforth, in any Instance, embroil the State.

I perceive, that the same Zeal hath animated these very brave Men, the Tribunes of the Exchequer, to assemble for the Defence of the Commonwealth; with the whole Body, too, of Scribes, who, happening to meet in great Numbers there, forsook their Pursuit of Debts, and Attendance for Gain, all watchful for the common Safety. We have here, with all the rest, to aid us, the whole Body of such as are free-born Romans, even the most young and tender. In truth, who is the Man, to whom these. Temples of the Gods, the Aspect of the City, the Enjoyment of Liberty, nay, the common Light and Air, and even the very Soil, of our common Country, do not prove, not only very dear, but even lovely and delightful?

What, next, deserves our Consideration, Conscript Fathers, is the public Spirit of such as were not born, but made free; Men, who, having, by their Merit, obtained the Right of Citizens, sincerely hold this to be their native Country; a Country, which some, who were born in it, nay, born to all the Lustre and superior Privileges in it, hold, not for their Country, but for a State full of Enemies.

But why need I recount the several Ranks of Men, who, either from their private Fortunes, or from their common Engagements to the Public, or for their Love of Liberty, (a Blessing so charming!) are all roused to exert themselves, in Defence of their Common Welfare? There is not a Slave, who, if his Lot of Servitude be but supportable, does not see the bold Disloyalty of natural Citizens with Abhorrence; does not wish the Continuance of our Establishment; does not manifest as much Zeal as he dares, and is allowed, towards the public Security.

If, therefore, any of you chance to be alarmed with the Report, that a prostitute Instrument of Lentulus is running from Shop to Shop, in hopes, by Bribes, to corrupt the Minds of the Indigent and Unwary; this Expedient is, indeed, devised and tried: But none are found, either so wretched in their Condition, or so utterly depraved in their Inclinations, as to comply: They are, on the contrary, desirous to preserve their humble Habitations, their slender Fare, the Product of their daily Earnings and Labour, with their mean Lodging, and little Bed; and, finally, their present Course of Life, endeared to them by Freedom and Indolence. Indeed, by far the greatest Part of such who live in Shops, or, rather, as we must needs own, all of them in general, are zealous for public Tranquility: Since their whole Stock, their whole Industry and Gain, is supported by the Resort of Citizens; the Whole thrives by public Quiet. Now, if such their Gain be subject to be reduced and impaired by keeping their Shops shut, what must be the Consequence, if they were burnt?

From the Roman People, therefore, Conscript Fathers, no Aid or Defence will be wanting. To You it belongs, so to act, that you may not seem wanting to the Roman People. You have a Consul, who, surviving numberless Dangers, and bloody Snares, nay, delivered out of the very Jaws of Death, is still reserved for your Preservation, rather than that of his own Life. All Orders of Men agree to secure and protect the Commonwealth: To this great End they all contrive; all exert their best Zeal and Wishes; all express their Vigour and Testimony. Your Common Country, beset by diabolical Conspirators, armed with Fire and Sword, applies to You in a supplicant Posture: To You, as her Protectors, she recommends herself; to You the Lives of all the Citizens; to You the Castle and Capitol; to You the Altars of the Houshold Gods; to You the Fire of the Vestals; that holy Fire, never to be extinguished; to You all the Temples and Tabernacles of the Deities; to You the Walls of Rome, and all her Dwellings.

You are, moreover, this important Day, to pass Judgment upon your own Lives, upon those of your Children and Wives, upon the Fortunes of all, upon your Mansions, and domestic Hearths. You have a Leader, intirely vigilant for you, intirely thoughtless about himself; a Qualification which does not always occurr. You have all Ranks, all Men, indeed, the Roman People, universally concurring in the same Sentiment; a Union, such as, in any public Proceeding, was never seen, till this very Juncture.

Recollect what a Tragedy one single Night had well-nigh produced, even the final Overthrow of this Empire, founded by such a painful Succession of Struggles and Fatigues; the Extinction of public Liberty, established by a long Course of heroic Actions; with the utter Dissipation of all Wealth and Treasure, all procured and accumulated by the signal Bounty of the Gods! That no room be henceforth left, not only for accomplishing such dreadful Treason, but even for devising it, is the Business of your present Deliberations. Observe, that I have not offered these Considerations to fire your Zeal, (for, in Zeal, you almost surpass me) but to let my Voice, which ought to be the foremost in the State; testify, that I had spoken what became the Duty of a Consul.

Here, Conscript Fathers, before I come to my concluding Inference, I shall offer a few Particulars concerning myself. You perceive the Band of Conspirators to be extremely numerous; as I do, that, let their Number be ever so great, I have incurred the mortal Enmity of just so many Men, as there are Conspirators; a Band, however, which I hold for base, impotent, contemptible, and forlorn. But, suppose, that, in time to come, these Conspirators, animated by the Fury and Villainy of some successful Parricide, should prevail against your Authority, and that of the State; still, Conscript Fathers, I shall never be sorry for the Course of my Conduct and Counsels. Perhaps they threaten me with Death; a Lot appointed to all Men: And, in this Life, no Man ever attained to so much Applause, as, by your Decrees, you have honoured me withal. To others you have decreed public Festivals, for having well served the Commonwealth: To me, for having saved it.

Let Scipio be still renowned; He by whose Conduct and Bravery Hannibal was driven out of Italy into Africa again. Let the other Scipio, called the Second Africanus, be complimented with high Fame; He who overthrew Carthage and Numantia, Two Cities bearing implacable Enmity to this our Empire. Let the Praise of a signal Commander ever follow Lucius Paulus Æmilius; who, to honour his Triumph, made King Perses, in Chains, accompany his Chariot; a Prince, formerly, so very powerful, and so very splendid. Let Marius be covered with eternal Glory; he, who twice delivered Italy from Invasion, and the Dread of Thraldom. Be Pompey yet preferred to all others whomsoever; a Roman whose Virtues and Atchievements are bounded only by the utmost Regions visited by the Sun.

Surely, amidst the Praises of all these, some room will be left for mine! Unless it be judged a nobler Task to conquer distant Provinces, whither we may afterwards have recourse, than so to guard the State, whilst they are absent, that, the City being safe, they may have a Place whither to bring back their Laurels. One Advantage, indeed, attends conquering Abroad, more than at Home; for foreign Enemies, when quite subdued, either become Slaves, or, when received into Grace, judge themselves under the Tie of Gratitude: But when those of the same Community are so smitten with any Phrensy, as once to entertain Enmity against their Country, though you may defeat their Purposes to destroy the Commonwealth, you can never after restrain them by Force, nor pacify them by Favours.

Hence I perceive myself involved in an everlasting War with reprobate Citizens. Their utmost Violence, however, I trust easily to repulse from me and from mine: Such is my Confidence in your Support, and that of all worthy Men, and in your and their remembering what dreadful Perils surrounded us; Remembrance which will for ever cleave to the Minds and Conversation, not only of this People, who have felt the Deliverance, but even to those of all Nations. Neither will any Violence, wheresoever, be able to break the Union between You and the Roman Knights, or dissolve the Conjunction of all good Citizens.

In this Situation, Conscript Fathers, all that I request of you, in place of the Command of the Army, in place of the Province, both which I slighted and resigned; in place of the Triumph, which, with the other Displays of Honour, I rejected, purposely here to guard the City, and your Lives; in place of all Dependencies, and Claims of Hospitality in the Provinces; Advantages, which, as Consul, I employ the public Aid to maintain, with as much Labour as I do to acquire: For all these Considerations; for all the Instances of my singular Attachment to you; for all the Proofs which you see of my indesatigable Assiduity to save the State; I request nothing else of you, but only to retain the Impression of this Period of Time, and of the Transactions throughout my Consulship. As long as such Impressions continue rivetted in your Minds, I shall think myself surrounded with a Bulwark. Should the Violence of wicked Men frustrate my Hopes, and prevail against me, to You I recommend my little Son: It will prove abundant Security to him; not only to his Person, but even to his Reputation, that you remember him to be the Son of that Citizen, who, at his own single Peril, preserved this our whole City and Empire.

As you, therefore, tender your very Lives, Conscript Fathers, with those of the Roman People, your Wives and Children; as you tender your Sanctuaries, your Temples, and holy Places, your Habitations, and all the Dwellings in Rome; as you tender your Empire, the public Liberty, and the Preservation of Italy, and, indeed, the whole Commonwealth; attend to what you do, and decree, as you have determined to decree, with Circumspection, and with Vigour. You have a Consul, who, without pausing, will not only fulfil your Decrees, but, whilst his Life lasts, will set himself, with all his Might, to maintain and execute whatever you shall decree.

THE WAR AGAINST JUGURTHA.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of CHOLMONDELEY.

My Lord,

WHEN I have told the World, as I now do, that the Whole of this Work lay long under Your Eye and Examination, You will pardon me, for leaving the World to presume, that You did not disapprove it. From the same Motive, a Motive, perhaps, selfish enough, I chearfully inscribe to Your Lordship the following Part of it, the famous Jugurthine War. It is thus that I am encouraged to present the Whole to the Public; and even frankly to leave all my Readers to take, what all my Readers will take, the Liberty of judging for themselves, in spite of all that I, or, even all that Your Lordship can say, in Defence of Your Judgment against Theirs. One Thing I presume confidently to hope, That most of my Readers will like it the better, for being informed, that Your Lordship did not dislike it. You will do me the Justice to own, that where-ever You proposed any Alterations, I was always ready to make them: Had You proposed many more, I fansy both my Readers and I should have found our Account in it.

If I do an injudicious Thing, in thus directing the Thanks of the Reader, where he finds Cause for any, not to myself, but to Your Lordship; by doing it, I still reap one Advantage; I think, a superior Advantage; that my Writings will appear to all my Readers to stand well in Your Opinion; at least, that I myself do. What Writer could desire a better Patent for general Approbation? Perhaps some of my Readers may think, that I am now pleading that Patent. I own I am; and claim the Benefit of it.

Fine Discernment, and just Taste, great Vivacity, much Reading, great Acquaintance with Business, and with Men, all joined to natural Candour, are the great Qualifications for judging of Books and Style; and such Writings as please a Judge so qualified, come before the Public with a competent Recommendation; and claim a Right to please All such Readers as are equally qualified to judge, and equally disposed to be pleased. Let me add, that he who is the quickest at discerning Faults, is often the least forward to expose them; and they who are most forward, are not always the most sagacious. Which of these Two Characters is most to be desired by a Reader, I leave every Reader to determine; and, for his further Inducement, as well as Encouragement, refer him to that of Your Lordship.

I knew a Man, who, at the Age of Forty, was learning Greek, on purpose to translate Thucydides; because he knew, without knowing Greek, that Mr. Hobbs had not translated that Greek Author well. It is probable, that the Person who told him so, if he were in earnest, knew as little as himself, either of Thucydides, or of Mr. Hobbes, who has most excellently translated that celebrated Historian; though his Language, in that Translation, be not so free as in his other Writings; a Fault (if it be one) intirely owing to his adhering to the Manner, as well as to the Sense, of the Original.

Your Lordship knows, that there is nothing so absurd, nothing so spiteful and stupid, as the Censure frequently passed upon Writings. The grossest Ignorance often sets up for Censure; the foulest Language often pronounces it: Yet such Grossness, and such Stupidity, are not more offensive than false Delicacy, and a Mind wrongly turned; nor are they half so ridiculous. A late celebrated and gentle Doctor of Gresham used to give it as his Opinion of Archbishop Tillotson, and Mr. Dryden, (both very excellent Writers of English, besides their other Merit) “That, indeed, they were able, but not delicate Writers:” And then, to explain himself, added, “That they had Strength, but wanted Saftness.” As if Strength excluded Elegance, or Elegance availed any thing without Strength.

My Lord, I venture to assert, what Your Lordship can so well demonstrate, That Sprightliness of Expression is Beauty of Expression. Ease and Force are so far from hurting, that they help and recommend each other; and have the least Influence when apart. So just, so natural, and necessary it is, to join Vigour to Elegance, and Elegance to Vigour! A harsh Style is unpleasing and tiresome: A smooth Style, without Life, is nauseous.

How many Volumes lie cheap and undisturbed in Stalls, without one Blemish in them, either in Fluency or Grammar? The last Qualification, particularly, is the great Boast, and constant Refuge, of dull Men and Pedants; though often wanting in the noblest Writers, Lord Clarendon, Mr. Locke, Mr. Trenchard, and many other great Men, subject to Inaccuracies in Grammar, and even in Spelling; as I have often found in their Manuscripts, some of them still to be seen.

Your Lordship is perfectly acquainted, how much the same Observation holds in public Speeches; some very strong, as well as very elegant, without being very correct; many very elegant, and very correct, but without Force, and without Use.

The great Difficulty in imitating Horace and Tacitus, seems to arise from the Rapidity of their Thoughts and Expression, as well as from their curious Choice of Phrases. For these Two, amongst the several Latin Classics, appear, to me, to have the most glowing Style. There is great Force in that of Sallust; but, I think, a Force not equal to Theirs. There is a great deal of it in Pliny the Elder. It is the great Talent of Demosthenes; and by it he fired and governed his Hearers. In it no Writer, antient or modern, no Poet, no Orator, ever exceeded Shakespear or Milton. There are admirable Strains in Otway and Rowe. Fontenelle is full of lively and striking Images; and no Man more so, than Savil Marquis of Halifax. Mr. Trenchard excels in strong Thoughts, and ardent Expression: And Bishop Atterbury’s Style hath great Elevation and Fire.

It may here, perhaps, look invidious, either to mention, or to omit, Mr. Addison, so justly admired for his beautiful Imagination, and polite Expression; and for his Works, so universally read, so deservedly applauded, many of them inimitable: A glorious Character, and abundant Merit! though, in Tragedy, and some other Subjects, his Style should not be found so powerful as that of some few Others. Whether it be so, or not, Your Lordship can tell.

By saying so much of so many Writers, I had, indeed, almost forgot, that I am writing to Your Lordship, who have read so many, and judge so justly of all. Permit me, however, to add, for the sake of my less-observing Readers, that, to recommend Dignity by Ease, Ease by Dignity, both by Force, is the great Perfection of Speaking and Writing. I could give Instances of each Sort; but, in doing it, I should be tempted to produce one, which, I fear, Your Lordship would not like to see produced, however others might like, and may even expect it. To withdraw myself, therefore, from the pleasing Temptation, I here cease to write. I shall never cease to be, with high and sincere Regard,

My Lord,
Your most Humble,
and most Obedient Servant,

August 30th, 1743.

T. Gordon.

THE WAR AGAINST JUGURTHA.

IT is unjust in Men to complain of human Nature, as if it were frail, fleeting, and rather actuated by Chance, than by Virtue. For, by different Reasoning, you will find nothing more noble, nothing more perfect; and that Men fail more in exerting their Talents, than doth human Nature in her Continuance and Power.

The Soul alone forms and controuls the Lot of human Life; and, where it travels to Renown by the Paths of Virtue, is always found sufficient, prevailing, and even rewarded with Glory, and far from needing the Aid of Fortune; since Integrity of Life, Assiduity, and Address, with other worthy Accomplishments, are out of her Reach, either to bestow or take away. But when the Soul is depraved by vicious Passions, and, resigning itself to Effeminacy, and sensual Delights, plunges into a fatal Course of Debauchery, and has thus wasted, in Sloth, all its Vigour, Time, and Parts, the Frailty of Nature is blamed. For it is the Custom of Men, to impute all the Evils of their own carning to Occurrences, and the Course of Things.

Now if Men would engage in righteous Pursuits, with the same Zeal which they exert in such as are uninteresting, unavailing, nay, such as portend their Ruin, they would be no more subject to be ruled by Fortune, than Fortune to be ruled by them; nay, they would then soar to such Elevation, as, from a Condition of Mortality, to become, through Glory, immortal.

Indeed, as Man is framed of a Body and a Soul, it follows, that all our Actions, all our Pursuits, participate of one or the other. Hence Beauty of Person, abundant Wealth, with bodily Strength, and every Endowment of the same Sort, soon pass away; whilst all illustrious Productions of the human Soul are, like the Soul itself, eternal. I add, that the Advantages of the Body, and of Fortune, as they had certainly a Beginning, have as certain an End: Indeed, whatever hath a Rise, hath likewise a Fall; and whatever hath the Faculty of Increasing, contains also the Principles of Decay. The Soul, ever immortal, nor ever subject to perish, is the Controuler of human Kind; actuates and comprises all Things; yet is itself comprised by nothing. Hence the greater Cause of Wonder at the Frowardness of such who waste their Life in Luxury and Sloth, abandoned to sensual Joys; and suffer their Reason, the most sublime and god-like Faculty cleaving to mortal Men, to deaden in Indolence, neglected and unimproved; especially, since the Mind is capable of so many, and such various Accomplishments, whence the highest Fame is to be obtained.

But, by such Pursuits, I mean not Magistracy, or public Sway, or, in a Word, any Share in the Government of the State; Stations which seem to me, at this Conjuncture, far from eligible: Since neither do our Preferments follow Virtue, nor are they who have gained them by base Means, the more secure, or the more honourable, for possessing them. Indeed, to rule over your Country, or your Parents and Kindred, against their Inclination, however you may succeed, and though you could even reform Abuses, is an invidious Situation, and full of Danger; especially, when all public Innovations ever threaten public Slaughter, Exile, and every hostile Calamity. Besides, to struggle for Power without Success, and to reap, by continual Fatigue, nothing but public Abhorrence, is Infatuation beyond measure; unless we suppose any Man possessed with a Spirit so infamous and frantic, as to sacrifice his Honour, and his Liberty, only to gratify the impotent Lust of a Few to govern All.

Now, amongst other Functions which employ the Talents of Men, the Registry of Things is of high Moment; though I forbear to inlarge upon its Excellency, since many have already shewn it; nor would I be thought vain, in extolling an Employment in which I myself am ingaged. I, however, expect, that there will be some, who, because I have determined to spend my Days far from any Share in the Administration, will call this my Undertaking, in itself so great and important, a lazy Vocation: It will be, at least, so called by those who account it the highest Task in Life, to salute the Multitude by their particular Names; and, court, by feasting them, their Favour. But if these Men will recollect, first, during what Conjunctures I obtained Promotion in the State; next, What great Men then failed in their Pursuit of it; then, What sort of Men have been since admitted into the Senate; they will surely conclude, that it was upon just Ground, and from no Want of Spirit, that I changed my Design; and that higher Benefit will accrue to the Commonwealth from my Recess, than from all the popular Efforts and Caballings of others.

For I have often heard, that Quintus Maximus, and Publius Scipio, with other illustrious Chiefs of our State, were wont to declare, that, when they beheld the Images of their Progenitors, they found their Minds passionately fired to Acts of Virtue and Renown. Not that the Wax, or any Figure formed of it, could produce such powerful Emotions: It was only the Recollection of the famous Exploits done by their Forefathers, which roused, in the Breasts of these excellent Persons, such Ardour as they could never subdue or extinguish, till, by virtuous Deeds, they had gained equal Applause and Immortality.

A different Character belongs to the present Race. Amongst them all, who is found otherwise to vie with his Ancestors, than in Wealth and Profusion? But never in Acts of Probity and Praise. Even Men, originally obscure, such as formerly used, by superior Merit, to anticipate Nobility, at present grasp at public Dignities and Command, rather by dark Devices, and by Money lawlesly got, than by any fair Recommendations: As if the Consular Authority, that of Prætor, and all the other great Offices, did, of themselves, convey Glory, and great Name, and derived not their Estimation from the Ability of such as administer them. But, whilst I am reviewing, with Regret and Shame, the depraved Habits of my Country, I have rambled too far, and too freely. I now return to my Undertaking.

I am going to give the History of a War, which the Roman People maintained against Jugurtha King of the Numidians: A Subject which I chuse, because, in the first place, it was in itself raging and tragical, and the Victory long wavering; next, because the haughty Sway of the Nobility was then first checked: A Struggle which produced universal Confusion of all Things, divine and human; with such Party-rage as ended in a domestic War, and the Desolation of Italy. But, before I enter directly upon my Task, I shall go somewhat backwards, and trace certain Events; whence all that follows will derive Clearness, and additional Light.

During the Second Punic War, in which Hannibal, Commander of the Carthaginians, wasted the Strength of Italy, beyond what had been known, since the Roman Power had become formidable, Scipio, afterwards, for his noble Atchievements, surnamed Africanus, received Masinissa, King of the Numidians, into the Friendship and Alliance of the Romans; a Prince who performed, on their Behalf, many glorious Exploits; for which, when Carthage was subdued, and Syphax taken Prisoner, whose Dominions in Africa were vast, and his Sway mighty, whatever Cities and Territories of his had been taken by Masinissa, were confirmed to him, by the Roman People, as their Gift: Insomuch that our Alliance with him always continued very honourable on his Part, and very beneficial on ours. When Death put an End to his Reign, his Son Micipsa succeeded him; at that time his only Son, as his other Two Manastabal, and Gulussa, had been carried off by Distempers. Micipsa had Two Sons, Atherbal and Hiempsal; but entertained, in his Court, and bred up, upon the same Foot with his own, a Son of his Brother Manastabal, called Jugurtha; one whom Masinissa had left in a private Condition; for that he was born of a Concubine.

This Jugurtha, when he grew up, with all the Advantages of a graceful Person, great Strength, and, above all, a superior Genius, suffered not himself to be impaired by the Baits of Indolence and Luxury; but, following the Bent of the Nation, enured himself to ride, to draw the Bow, to vie with his Companions in the Race; yet still continued dear to All, though, in Glory, he surpassed All. Add, that he was assiduous in the Chace, always foremost, or with the foremost, in wounding the Lion, and other wild Beasts; and continually performing Deeds of Praise; but never boasting of such Deeds.

Though Micipsa, at first, rejoiced in all this, from an Opinion, that the Merit of Jugurtha would prove to the Glory of his Reign; yet, when he beheld him, in the Prime of Life, improving daily more and more, himself now stricken in Years, together with the tender Age of his Children, he was terribly alarmed, and his Mind torn with many Perplexities. He considered, with Dread, the Mind of Man, ever thirsting after Power, and headstrong in the Gratification of Ambition; as also the Temptation arising from his own great Age, and from the render Years of his Children: A mighty Temptation! such as even transports Men otherwise moderate and calm: Besides the flaming Zeal of the Numidians towards Jugurtha; whence, were he, by Artifice, to take away his Life, he feared, lest an Insurrection, or even a Civil War, might ensue.

Whilst he was thus pressed with Difficulties on every Side, perceiving himself unable, either by Force or Guile, to destroy a Man so dear to his People, he purposed to expose him to the Hazards of War, and thence try what Fortune would produce; since Jugurtha was daring in his Person, and passionate for military Glory. Micipsa, therefore, who was dispatching Succours of Horse and Foot to the Romans, then engaged in the Siege of Numantia, sent him, as their Commander, over to Spain; in hopes, that, either from an Ostentation of his Bravery, or the Rage of that desperate Enemy, he could not fail to perish. But the Issue wholly contradicted his Conjecture: For Jugurtha, who had a Genius full of Vivacity and Discernment, as soon as he had learned the Temper of Publius Scipio, General of the Romans, as also the Character of the Enemy, exerted such infinite Vigour, with such infinite Attention and Care, added to his extreme Modesty in obeying Orders, and his Readiness to face all Dangers; and thence acquired, on a sudden, such high Esteem; that he was adored by our Army, and an Object of Dread to the Numantians. He was, doubtless, at once brave in Battle, and sage in Council; Qualities extremely hard to be found in the same Man; since Precaution usually falls into Timidity, and Boldness into Rashness.

Hence the Roman General chiefly employed Jugurtha to execute all his most perilous Attempts, held him amongst his intimate Friends, and cherished him daily more and more, as one who, in all his Projects, in all his Undertakings, never failed of Success. With these Advantages there concurred great Liberality of Heart, and a Spirit very able and artful: Whence he had gained a great Number of Romans to a close Friendship with him. There were, indeed, then in our Army, many, (some of them amongst the old Nobility, others Persons newly raised) with whom Wealth was preferable to Virtue and Honour; all of factious Behaviour, very powerful at Rome, and more distinguished by their Figure, than by their Integrity, amongst our Confederates. These Men inflamed the Mind of Jugurtha, (of itself nowise indifferent to Power) by strong Assurances, ‘That, were Micipsa to die, He alone would enjoy the Kingdom of Numidia; it was He who possessed the highest Worth; and, at Rome, all Things whatever were to be obtained by Money.’

Now, after the Sacking of Numantia, when Scipio determined to send back the auxiliary Troops, and to return himself to Italy, he distinguished Jugurtha with magnificent Presents, and equal Compliments, before the whole Army assembled; then led him into his own Pavilion, and there, secretly, warned him, ‘Rather publicly to court the Favour of the Roman People, than by private Application to particular Romans. It were, therefore, best, to forbear humouring such Men by his Bounties. It was a perilous Attempt, to purchase from a Few what appertained to All. If he would but persist in the Exercise of his own fine Accomplishments, both Glory and Royalty would fall, of course, to his Share; whereas, if he unduly hurried to grasp them, his very Largesses would push him headlong into Destruction.’

When Scipio had so spoken, he dismissed him with a Letter to Micipsa, in the following Strain: ‘Thy Nephew Jugurtha hath manifested the highest Merit, during the Siege of Numantia; an Information which, I am well aware, will yield Thee much Joy. To me he is very dear, for his signal Services: I shall use my best Endeavours that he be so, likewise, to the Senate and People of Rome. In truth, I congratulate with Thee on this Occasion, according to the Measure of my Friendship for Thee. In him Thou possessest a Man worthy of Thee, as also of his Grandfather Masinissa.’

The King, therefore, when he found the Contents of Scipio’s Letter to agree with all that he had learned from common Fame, was so affected with the great Merit, as well as with the great Credit, of the Man, that he dropped all his former Purposes towards him; and, henceforward, strove to secure him by the Force of Favours: He even strait adopted him; and, by his Will, appointed him Joint-heir, with his Sons, to the Kingdom. A few Years afterwards, when, wasted with Age and Distempers, he perceived his Life near its Close, he is said to have discoursed to Jugurtha, in the Presence of his Kindred and Friends, as likewise of Atherbal and Hiempsal, to this Purpose:

‘When thou wert yet a tender Infant, bereft of thy Father, without Hope, destitute of Means, I took thee, as my own, under my Care, and brought thee up in Royal State; as I conceived, that, in return for such Benefits, I should prove equally dear to thee, as if I were thy own Father. Neither hast thou frustrated these my Hopes: For, without recounting thy other Exploits, which are many and memorable, thou hast lately brought with thee, from Numantia, such abundant Glory, as derives Honour upon me, and even upon all Numidia. By thy brave Conduct thou hast made the Romans, before our Allies by Treaty, now our Allies in Affection. Thou hast restored in Spain the former Renown of our Family there. To say all (what is the most arduous Task amongst the Sons of Men) by the Lustre of thy Merit thou hast even vanquished Envy. In the mean time, since the Course of Nature is putting a Period to my Life, I request, I adjure thee, by this Right-hand, which I here present thee, and by the inviolable Faith of a Prince, to shew Tenderness to these my Sons, by Blood thy near Kinsmen; by my Favour in adopting thee, thy Brethren; nor to bestow thy Affections upon Strangers, preferably to those who are united to thee by Blood.

‘Monarchies are sustained, not by Armies, nor by Treasures, but by the Assistance of Friends cordially attached to the Monarch; Friends whom you cannot acquire by the Force of Arms, or of Gold: They are, indeed, only produced by a Course of Kindness and Fidelity. Now, upon whom can the Tie of Friendship be stronger, than upon one Brother to another? Or what Stranger can be found faithful to one, who proves an Enemy to his own Blood? I, in truth, bequeath you a Kingdom, well-established and strong, if you prove virtuous and agree together; but weak and tottering, if you act unworthily, and differ. For small Communities increase by Coalition; the mightiest perish by Disunion.

‘It is, however, more incumbent upon Thee, Jugurtha, than upon these thy Brethren, seeing thou surpassest them in Years, and in Wisdom, so to concert Measures, that no such Dissention happen: For, in all Quarrels whatever, the Strongest, even where he has suffered Wrong, is still reckoned to have done it, merely because he is most able. Now, for your Parts, Atherbal and Hiempsal, mark well, and reverence, this extraordinary Person: Imitate his brave Character; and be it your constant Endeavour, to avoid the Reproach that will follow you, if I should appear to the World to have been more happy in adopting Sons, than in begetting them.’

To all this, Jugurtha, acting a Part suitable to the Occasion, replied with Professions full of Duty; though he was apprised, that those of the King were all feigned; and he himself had conceived Purposes widely different from his Words. In a few Days after, Micipsa died; and the Princes, having celebrated his Funeral with great Magnificence, suitable to the Royal Mode there, had an Interview to regulate all public Affairs.

There Hiempsal, the Youngest of the Three, of a Spirit naturally violent, and before accustomed to manifest his Scorn of Jugurtha’s mean Birth by his Mother, seated himself on the right Side of Atherbal, to hinder Jugurtha from sitting between them; a Place esteemed the most honourable amongst the Numidians: Nay, it was with great Difficulty that he removed to the further Side, in Compliance with his Brother’s pressing Representations, that he should yield to superior Age. Then, as they fell into various Reasonings about the Direction of the State, Jugurtha, amongst other Overtures, made one, To rescind all the public Acts and Regulations of Micipsa for Five Years backwards; for that, during all that Space, he was under Dotage, and his Faculties utterly impaired. To this Hiempsal immediately answered, ‘That he was intirely of the same Sentiments; since it was but within these Three Years, that Micipsa had, by Adoption, intitled Jugurtha to a Partnership in the Sovereignty.’

This Expression sunk deeper into the Breast of Jugurtha, than any then apprehended: So that, from thenceforward, as he was under the constant Agitation of Rage and Fear, he was continually studying the Destruction of Hiempsal, and employing all his Thoughts, by what deadly Snares to effect it. But, as insidious Methods were found to operate slowly, and as his implacable Spirit felt no Remission, he determined to execute his Purpose by any means whatsoever. The Princes, at their first Meeting, which I have just mentioned, agreed, as a Remedy against mutual Contests, to divide the public Treasure; and to ascertain to each, by fixed Limits, his Portion of Empire: Insomuch that, for executing both these Designs, certain Times were settled; but the Distribution of the Treasure was to take place first.

In the mean time, the Princes retired severally to certain Towns nearest to that where the Royal Treasure lay: Hiempsal, particularly, to Thirmida, where he happened to lodge in the House of one who was principal Mace-bearer to Jugurtha; nay, one who had ever been been far in his Confidence and Favour. Jugurtha, therefore, finding this Man presented to him by Chance as a proper Instrument, loaded him with mighty Promises, and, by Force of Persuasion, engaged him to repair thither, feigning only to see his House, and then procure counterfeit Keys to the Gates; for the true Keys were constantly carried to Hiempsal. He concluded, that, whenever Matters were ripe, he would come himself, accompanied with a powerful Band.

The Numidian soon fulfilled his Orders; and, agreeably to the Scheme, introduced the Soldiers of Jugurtha by Night. They, the Moment they had Possession of the House, ran in Parties to search for the Prince; slew all whom they found asleep, with all such as they met; examined every obscure Place, forced open all that were fast, and filled the Whole with Uproar and Affright. Hiempsal, the while, was discovered, lurking in a Loft belonging to a Servant-maid; whither he had fled upon the first Tumult, full of Dread, and unacquainted with the Place. The Numidians carried his Head to Jugurtha, according to their Orders from him.

The News of a Murder so enormous instantly flew over all Africa. Terror seized Atherbal, with all who had lived under the Sovereignty of Micipsa: The Numidians formed Two Parties; the greater Number adhered to Atherbal, but all the best Soldiers to his Rival. The latter, therefore raised an Army as numerous as possible, subdued several Cities, some by Force, others by Consent, and pushed for the intire Monarchy of Numidia. Atherbal, though he had dispatched Ambassadors to Rome, to apprise the Senate of the Murder of his Brother, and of his own distressed Situation; yet, confiding in the Number of his Men, would risque a Battle; but, upon the first Encounter, he was routed; and fled for Shelter to our Province, and from thence proceeded to Rome.

When Jugurtha had thus accomplished his Views, and was Master of all Numidia, as soon as he paused, and reviewed his Misdeeds, he began to dread the Wrath of the Roman People: Neither conceived he any Hope against their Vengeance, but in the Avarice of the Nobility, and in his own Treasure. He, therefore, in a few Days, sent Ambassadors to Rome, with great Sums of Money. To them his Orders were, first, By ample Presents, to secure his former Friends; then, To engage new: In a Word, To spare no Cost to purchase whoever could be purchased.

Now, when the Ambassadors were arrived at Rome, and, in pursuance of the King’s Orders, had conveyed mighty Presents to such with whom he had lived in Intimacy and Hospitality; as also to others who then bore chief Sway in the Senate; so vast a Change ensued there, that Jugurtha, lately an Object of Abhorrence, was suddenly grown into special Favour and Regard amongst the Nobility; insomuch that many of these, some gained by Bribes, others in Hopes to be bribed, applying to every Senator apart, laboured to prevent any rigorous Resolutions against him. Then, when the Ambassadors were sufficiently secure of their Cause, a Day was assigned for the Senate to hear both Parties. It is related, that before them, Atherbal spoke in this manner:

‘Conscript Fathers, it was my Father’s Orders to me, in his last Moments, that I should consider myself as vested only with the Administration of Numidia, since the Title and Sovereignty were, indeed, Yours. He added, that I should endeavour to render all possible Aid to the Roman People, whether in Peace, or in War; should esteem you as my Kindred, consider you as supplying the Place of Relations and Affiances. If I observed these Conditions, he said, that, in your Friendship, I should find Armies and Wealth, with every Stay and Support to my Monarchy. Whilst I was setting myself strictly to perform these Injunctions of my Father, Jugurtha, a Man, of all that the Earth bears, the most barbarous and sanguinary, despoiled me of my Kingdom, with whatever else I possessed, in utter Defiance of your Authority, nor regarding, that I am the Grandson of Masinissa, and, from my Birth, a Friend and Confederate of the Roman People.

‘The Truth is, Conscript Fathers, seeing I was to fall to this Degree of Wretchedness, I earnestly wish I could have sought your Aid, rather on account of my own Merits, than those of my Forefathers; especially, that I could have merited such Aid from the Roman People, without wanting it, or, at worst, have received it as my Due. But, since Innocence proves rarely its own Defence, and as it lay not in my Breast to direct the Heart of Jugurtha, to You, Conscript Fathers, I have fled for Refuge.

‘What is my severest Misery, I am constrained to be burdensome to you, without ever having been serviceable. Other Kings, your Confederates, have been either subdued by your Arms, and then received into your Alliance, or, urged by Perils at Home, have implored your Friendship. Our Family commenced Allies to the Roman People during the War with Carthage; a Period, when the Roman Honour was more to be courted, than the Roman Fortune.

‘Consider me, O Conscript Fathers, as sprung from that Family; nor suffer the Grandson of Masinissa to apply in vain for Succour from you. If, in order to obtain it, I had no Argument to urge, besides my deplorable Fortune, that I, very lately a King, redoubtable in my Descent, in my Wealth, and in Royal Renown, am now covered with Variety of Wretchedness, beggarly, forlorn, and waiting for Assistance from others; it still became the Majesty of the Roman People, to curb Oppression, and to suffer no Man to extend his Dominion by Iniquity and Violence. Consider me in yet a stronger Light, driven out of the very Possessions, which the Roman People conferred, as their Gift, upon my Ancestors; those very Possessions, from whence my Father, and his Father, joining their Forces to yours, expulsed Syphax and the Carthaginians. They are the Effects of your Bounty, that are rent from me, Conscript Fathers: In my Sufferings you are insulted.

‘Alas! my deplorable Fate! Is this the Return to thy Generosity and Favour, O my Father! that Jugurtha, He, whom thou didst place upon the same Foot with thy own Children; He, whom thou didst leave equal Partner with them in thy Kingdom, is, of all others, the bloody Instrument to extinguish thy Race for ever? Shall our House never enjoy Tranquillity and Rest? Shall we be for ever visited with a bloody Lot; with the murdering Sword, with Flight and Expulsion?

‘Whilst the Power of Carthage subsisted, we were of course exposed to Hostility and Violence. The Enemy was at our Doors; You, our Friends, were far from us; our whole Reliance upon our Arms. After Africa was rescued from that pestilent Tyranny, we chearfully enjoyed a State of Peace: For, indeed, we had no Enemies, though still disposed to treat as such, whomsoever you should command us; when, on a sudden, Jugurtha, hardening his Heart to Cruelty, and glorying in Pride and Butchery, murders my Brother, who was also his near Kinsman, and seizes his Principality, as the Prize of the Murderer. Then, seeing he could not circumvent me by the same bloody Snares, he attacked me openly, whilst I, confiding in your supreme Power, apprehended any thing, rather than Violence and War; drove me from my Houshold, and my Country; reduced me to be an Exile, and a Wanderer; such as you behold me, destitute of all Comfort, and so overwhelmed with every Species of Wretchedness, as to find more Safety anywhere, than in my own Dominions.

‘My own Judgment was, Conscript Fathers, what I have often heard my Father declare, that whoever applied themselves with Zeal to merit your Amity, undertook, indeed, a heavy Task, but, by it, rendered themselves secure, beyond all others. Whatever lay in the Power of our Family to do for you, we have done, so as always to aslist you in all your Wars. It is in your Power, Conscript Fathers, to settle our Family in a State of Security. Our Father left behind him us Two Brothers, and, adopting Jugurtha for a Third, thought to engage him to us inviolably by such high Acts of Favour. One of the Two he has already butchered: I, who remain, have, with Difficulty, escaped his accursed Hands.

‘What shall I do? Or whither, thus forlorn, had I best have recourse? I am deprived of all Succour and Defence from those of my Lineage. Old-age has subjected my Father to the Lot of Nature: Jugurtha, against every Tye of Duty and Nature, has traiterously shed the Blood of my Brother. The rest of my Kindred, my Friends, and the Allies of my House, he has caused, where-ever he took them, to perish by various Dooms, all very tragical; some nailed to the Cross, some thrown to savage Beasts. Such of them, as are left to breathe, (very few in Number) are shut up in Dungcons, dark and hideous, there, in utter Woe, and Anguish, to protract a Life worse than Death.

‘Indeed, if I yet possessed intire whatever I have lost; if such Persons and Fortune, as now persecute me, proved now, as formerly, all smiling and friendly; I should still have recourse, for Help, to You, Conscript Fathers, whenever any public Disaster unawares befel me; to You, whom it behoves, as possessing such infinite Puissance and Empire, to protect the Cause of Justice every-where, and to remove all Oppression. In my present Distress, to whom shall I repair, or what other Assistance implore; a solitary Vagabond, driven an Exile from my native Country and Abode; a wretched Prince, destitute of all princely Fortune? Shall I apply to such People and Potentates, as are, to a Man, the sworn Enemies of our House, ever since we became your Friends? Can I possibly seek Relief from any Quarter, where there are not still remaining numberless Monuments of the Ravages committed by my Forefathers, warring on your account? Or, can any of those, who were once your Enemies, shew the least Compassion to me?

‘Add to all this the constant Documents of Masinissa to us his Descendants, that, postponing all other Nations whatsoever, we should cultivate Union only with the Roman People, nor admit of any other Engagements, or any other Confederacies; that in your Friendship we should ever find abundant Protection; and, if evil Fortune should hasten the Downfal of your Empire, we, too, must perish with you. You are still, by your own Magnanimity, and the Appointment of the Deities, mighty and opulent. All things tamely yield to your Power; all your Undertakings prosper: Whence you are able, with great Ease, to redress and avenge the Wrongs done to your Friends.

‘One Thing only I fear; lest some here, too little knowing the Spirit of Jugurtha, may be misguided by their Favour for him. Such, I am informed, are employing indefatigable Pains in his Behalf, forming Intrigues in the Senate, and importuning particular Senators, that you may decree nothing against him, whilst he is absent, and before you have heard his Defence; for that my Grievances are all forged, and that I only feign a Necessity for flying, when I might have remained with Security at home.

‘O that I could see Jugurtha here, just so circumstanced, and practising just such Fiction; him, by whose inhuman Iniquity I am exposed to these extreme Miseries! O that, in time, either You, or the immortal Gods, would manifest such Regard for the Affairs of Men, that the Parricide, who triumphs and flourishes in his Guilt and Enormities, may be doomed to suffer every racking Woe; and atone, by a Course of Agonies, for his unnatural Behaviour to his adopting Father; for spilling the Blood of my Brother; and for all the deplorable Calamities, which he has brought upon me!

‘Here, O my Brother, ever dear to my Soul! what though thou wert bereft of Life, even in thy Youth, by one, too, from whom, of all Men, it was never to have been apprehended; still I esteem thy Fall rather Matter of Joy, than of Wailing; since, by it, though thou hast lost thy Kingdom, thou hast likewise escaped Expulsion, Exile, Poverty, and all the various Miseries under which I groan. Behold me, who survive thee, plunged, forlorn, into a Sea of Affliction! driven from my paternal Throne! exposed a sad Spectacle of the Mutability of all Things human! perplexed, and uncertain what Course to take; whether I shall prosecute Vengeance for thy crying Wrongs, whilst I myself want Help to redress my own; or whether I shall try to recover my Kingdom, when my own Lot of Life or Death lies yet in the Breast and Power of others. What I wish for myself, is, by a voluntary Death, to find an honourable Issue to all my Evils and Sorrows; since I cannot live amongst Men without Scorn, should they see me despairing under my Misfortunes, and tamely submitting to Oppression.

‘Under this Difficulty, therefore, when I cannot live, but with Regret, nor die, but with Reproach, I adjure you, Conscript Fathers, by Yourselves, by your Children and Parents, by the Majesty of the Roman People, to succour the wretched Atherbal; to oppose Oppression; and not to suffer the Kingdom of Numidia, which is your own, to be contaminated by Usurpation, and by the total Slaughter of our Royal House.’

As soon as the King had done speaking, the Ambassadors from Jugurtha, relying more upon the Force of their Presents, than upon the Righteousness of their Cause, returned a short Answer, that ‘Hiempsal was slain, by the Numidians, for his Cruelty: Atherbal, who had recourse to War, unprovoked, after he was vanquished in it, complained, that his oppressive Pursuits had failed him. Jugurtha only requested the Senate, not to believe him changed from what he had approved himself at Numantia, nor lay more Stress upon the bare Words of his Enemy, than upon his own Actions and Conduct.’ Then both Atherbal and the Ambassadors withdrew; and the Debate immediately began.

All the Patrons of Jugurtha, as also a great many corrupted by their Influence and Authority, treated with Scorn whatever had been alleged by Atherbal; but exalted, with high Strains of Praise, the Bravery of Jugurtha, solicited for him, pleaded for him, and, indeed, exerted all their Endeavours, every way, to defend the Crimes and Infamy of another, as if they had been vindicating their own Character and Fame. In Opposition to these, there were some few, who, preferring Justice, and good Conscience, to Money, proposed it, as their Advice, To succour Atherbal, and severely to revenge the Murder of his Brother. He who urged this with the greatest Keenness, was Marcus Æmilius Scaurus, a Man of high Quality, of a restless Spirit, full of Faction, passionate for Power, and Honours, and Riches; but, withal, very dextrous in concealing his Vices. Scaurus, observing the King’s Treasures to be distributed to the Senators, in a way so open and shameless, as to be publicly infamous, apprehended, what usually happens on the like Occasion, that such prostitute Venality would rouse popular Indignation; and, therefore, now restrained his natural Passion for Money.

In the Senate, however, that Party prevailed, who hearkened to Price and Influence, rather than to Right. A Decree was made, appointing Ten Commissioners to divide the whole Dominions possessed by Micipsa between Jugurtha and Atherbal. The leading Man in the Commission was Lucius Opimius, one highly distinguished, and, then, of prevailing Credit in the Senate; because he had, when Consul, slain Caius Gracchus, and Marcus Fulvius; and, by furious Havock amongst the Populace, terribly avenged the Nobility upon the Plebeians. Jugurtha well knew Opimius to be one of his Patrons at Rome, yet received and courted him anew, with the most studied Caresses, presented him liberally, promised him copiously, and, indeed, gained him so effectually, that he came to prefer the King’s Interest to his own Reputation and Conscience, and to every near Concern. Jugurtha accosted the other Commissioners with the same Arts, and gained most of them: To some few their Faith and Honour proved dearer than Money. In dividing the Kingdom, that Part of Numidia which is bounded by Mauritania, and excels in Men and Soil, was assigned to Jugurtha. Atherbal had the other Share; indeed better provided with Harbours, and more improved with Buildings, but of much more Shew than of Strength and Importance.

My Undertaking seems here to require me briefly to describe the Situation of Africa, and to present a short Account of such Nations there, with whom we have ever maintained Amity or War. Of the other Countries and People, such as excessive Heat, or the Rigour and Pain of Travelling, or even mighty and unhospitable Desarts, have rendered less accessible and frequented; as I want sufficient Information about them, I shall attempt no Account at all. What I have to say of the rest, I shall dispatch very succinctly.

In the Partition of the Globe, most Writers consider Africa as a third Part of the Whole. There are but very few who divide it into Two Parts only, namely Asia and Europe, and in Europe include Africa. It is bounded, on the West, by the Streights which join the Ocean to our Sea; on the East, by immense Plains, proceeding in a continual Slope; and called, by the Natives, Catabathmos. The Sea of Africa is tempestuous, and unfurnished with Harbours; the Soil fruitful in Corn, kindly to Cattle, barren of Trees: Here the Sky yields little Rain; the Earth few Sources of Water. The People have hale Bodies, are very fleet, and easily bear Fatigue: Most of them die only of Age; unless it be such as the Sword or wild Beasts destroy; for few are cut off by Discases. Of destructive Creatures they have, indeed, great Store.

Concerning the original Inhabitants of Africa, and such as afterwards passed thither, with the Manner of their intermixing together, I shall here subjoin a very short Account, different, I own, from the current Opinion with us, but taken from their Books, said to have been those of Hiempsal, as the same were explained to me, agreeably to the constant Persuasion of the Natives. For the Truth, however, of the Relation, let the Authors of it be answerable.

The first Possessors of Africa were the Getulians and Libyans; a Race altogether brutal and savage, eating the Flesh of Beasts, or seeding upon wild Herbs, like Cattle; subject to no Rules or Discipline, nor to social Laws, nor to any Authority or Ruler whatsoever. As they lived roaming and vagabond, where-ever Night constrained them to rest, there they found their Mansion. But after Hercules died, as the Africans conjecture, in Spain, and his Army, formed of divers Nations, now bereft of their Leader, coming soon to disperse, whilst numerous Competitors to succeed him in the Command started up on all hands, such of his Followers as were Persians, Medes, and Armenians, sailed over to Africa, and possessed themselves of the Territory lying along our Sea; the Persians settling more Westerly than the rest, and nearer to the Ocean. These latter made themselves Dwellings of their Ships turned upside-down: For the Country yielded no Timber; nor was there an Opportunity of procuring it, by Money, or Traffick, from Spain; such was the great Distance by Sea, and such their Language, not understood there, as to restrain them from all Intercourse in Trade. By degrees, they mixed, through Intermarriages, with the Getulians; and, because they rambled continually hither and thither, seeking out and trying fresh Pasture, they called themselves*Numidians. Moreover, the Houses of the Numidian Peasants, by them called Mapalia, or Huts, are, to this Day, shaped like the Hulls of Ships, long and narrow, the Covering of the Roof swelling in the Middle, and sloping at each End.

Now, the Libyans, whose Abode was near the African Sea, chose to incorporate themselves with the Medes and Armenians: For the Getulians lay more to the Sun; indeed, almost under his perpendicular Rays. The Libyans had reared Cities very early; since, as they were separated from Spain only by the Streight, they held mutual Commerce with that Country. By little and little the Name of the Medes was lost, in the barbarous Language of Libya, and corruptly turned into that of Moors.

Now the Persians suddenly rose to great Power and Prosperity; insomuch that, because of their mighty Numbers, the Youth left their Parents; and, under this new Name of Numidians, took Possession of the Regions which border upon Carthage, and are still called Numidia. Thenceforward, continuing to support each other, they brought, by Force or Fear, the Nations on every Side under their Dominion. Thus they procured to themselves high Reputation and Glory; more especially those of them who advanced farthest along our Sea-coast; for that the Libyans were sound less warlike than the Getulians.

At last, the lower Africa was almost intirely occupied and ruled by the Numidians; and the Conquered, becoming all one People with the Conquerors, were called by the same Name. Afterwards arrived the Phœnicians; some sent from Home, to case their native Country, oppressed with Numbers; others, from Ambition, decoyed away the Populace, with Design to govern them; and many were led by a Passion for Novelty and Change. The Phœnicians, founded Hippo, Adrumetum, Leptis, and other maritime Cities, which soon became powerful and flourishing, and proved, some of them, a Support, others an Honour, to those from whence they sprang. For, concerning Carthage, I hold it more just to speak nothing, than to speak but little; seeing it is also time to pursue another Task.

From the Plains of Catabathmos, (which are the Boundaries separating Egypt from Africa) following the Sea-coast, the first City is that of Cyrene, a Greek Colony from Thera. Next are the Two Syrtes: Between them stands Leptis; and then the Altars, raised to the Two Brothers Phileni, which limited the Dominions of Carthage towards Egypt: Afterwards are found other Punic Cities. All the other Territories, quite to Mauritania, are occupied by the Numidians. The Moors are situated nearest to Spain. Above Numidia, as I have learned, live the Getulians; some in Huts, others wild and roaming. Beyond these are the Ethiopians; and, further on, Regions utterly scorched by the Rays of the Sun. Now, during this War, the Roman People had Governors of their own, in most of the Punic Cities, and in the Territories lately belonging to Carthage. Great Part of the Getulians were subject to Jugurtha; so were the Numidians, as far as the River Mulucha. The Moors were all under the Sovereignty of Bocchus, who knew nothing of the Romans, farther than their Name; neither was He before known to Them, by any Intercourse of War or Peace. I have now discoursed of Africa, and its Inhabitants, sufficiently for my present Purpose.

After this new Partition of the Numidian Monarchy, by the Roman Deputies, and their Return Home, when Jugurtha, contrary to what he dreaded, found his Usurpation and Parricide crowned with high Rewards, he held for certain, what he had learned from his Friends at Numantia, That all Things whatsoever were subject to Sale at Rome. He was also animated, by the Offers of Assistance from such as he had lately loaded with Liberalities; and thus determined to seize the Principality of Atherbal: He was, indeed, himself extremely daring, and a complete Warrior; but he whose Destruction he sought, was meek, spiritless, of a gentle Temper, and obnoxious to Violence; more subject to be terrified, than to create Terror.

He, therefore, on a sudden, invades his Territories, at the Head of a powerful Band; takes numerous Captives, Flocks and Herds, and other Booty; sets Fire to the Dwellings; and, scouring with his Horse from Quarter to Quarter, ravaged all, as an open Enemy. He then returned home, with all his Prisoners and Spoil: For he judged, that Atherbal would be so sharpened by Resentment, as to seek Redress by Arms, and thence furnish Pretence for a War. But he, besides that he thought not himself a Match for Jugurtha in War, and, withal, relying more upon the Friendship of the Romans, than upon his own Subjects, sent Deputies to complain to Jugurtha of such Outrages: And, though these Deputies returned with Answers full of Insult and Scorn, yet he determined, rather to suffer all Things, than have recourse to War, which he had tried before to his Loss.

Neither thus could he allay the Lust of Usurpation in Jugurtha; as one who had, in his own Mind, already conquered the intire Dominions of Atherbal: Insomuch that, ceasing his late Incursions by predatory Bands, and forming a great Army, he made open War at the Head of it, and, avowedly, pushed for the Sovereignty of all Numidia. With this View, on every hand as he marched, he seized Towns, ravaged the Country, and committed universal Plunder; striving, at once, to heighten the Courage of his own Men, and the Consternation of his Enemy.

Atherbal, when he perceived himself so pushed, that he must either abandon his Kingdom, or try, by Arms, to defend it, yielding to Necessity, levies Forces, and marches against Jugurtha: So that both Armies encamped by the City of Cirta, not far from the Sea; but as it was very late in the Day, no Engagement immediately ensued; nor till most of the Night was past: Then, just upon the Dawn of Day, Jugurtha’s Soldiers, upon a Signal given, assailed the Intrenchments of the Enemy; where, falling upon some searce awake, upon others just betaking themselves to Arms, they utterly vanquished and routed them. Atherbal, accompanied with a few Horse, escaped to Cirta; and, had not such of the Citizens as were Italians, in great Numbers, repulsed the pursuing Numidians from the Walls, upon the same Day had been begun and concluded the War between the Two Kings.

Jugurtha, thus disappointed, begirt the City; and, by Towers, and covered Galleries, and every other Engine of Battery, laboured to force it; as he was eager to take it, ere the Deputies, whom he had learned to have been dispatched to Rome, by Atherbal, before the Battle, were arrived there: But, as the Senate were first advertised of the War, they sent, forthwith, into Africa, Three Embassadors, all young Men, with Orders, to repair to each of the Two Kings; and, in solemn Form, declare to them the express Will and Appointment of the Senate and People of Rome; ‘That they should forbear contending at Arms; and refer their Differences rather to the Decision of the Civil Tribunal, than to that of the Sword: Thus they would act suitably to the Dignity of Rome, as well as to their own respective Interests.’

The Ambassadors arrived in Africa, with great Expedition; the more, because, at Rome, whilst they were preparing to depart, a Report had arrived both of the Fight, and of the Siege of Cirta; though it was but a feeble Report, not much credited. When they had declared their Commission to Jugurtha, he answered, ‘That, by him, nothing was held higher, nothing dearer, than the Authority of the Senate: From his tender Years, he had bent his Endeavours to gain the Esteem of all Men of distinguished Merit. He had procured the Friendship of that excellent Person, Publius Scipio, by virtuous Actions, not by base Practices. Micipsa, from the same Recommendations, and no Want of Children of his own, had adopted him Coheir with them to his Sovereignty. Yet still the brighter and braver his Course had been, the less could his Soul brook Insults and Wrongs. Atherbal had contrived Snares against his Life: When he had discovered them, he applied himself to defeat the intended Parricide. The Roman People would act neither wisely nor uprightly, were they to restrain him from pursuing the common Righr of Nations. Finally, he would very soon send to Rome certain Deputies; such as would explain and adjust all Affairs whatsoever.’

Thus he and the Deputies parted; nor were they allowed any Access to Atherbal. Jugurtha, as soon as he conceived the Deputies to have left Africa, and seeing that Cirta, from the Strength of its Situation, could not be taken by Assault, invests it with a Trench and Palisade, builds Towers, and furnishes them with armed Men. He was also Night and Day trying all Schemes, both of Force and Artifice; now to tempt the Garison with great Rewards; anon to terrify them with Boasts of his Power; still rouseing the Courage of his own Men, by pathetic Speeches. He, in truth, exerted all his Art and Industry in all Points.

Atherbal, finding himself, and all his imperial Fortune, reduced to extreme Peril, his Enemy implacable, no Hopes of Relief, and, through Scarcity of Provisions, an Impossibility of protracting the War, chose, from amongst those who had accompanied him in his Flight to Cirta, Two of the most remarkable for Activity and Spirit; and, by many high Promises, as well as by the sad Representation of his Sufferings, engaged them to venture, by Night, through the Enemy’s Intrenchments, directly to the next Shore, and thence to Rome. The Two Numidians, in a few Days, executed their Orders: Atherbal’s Letter was presented to the Senate, and there read, in the following Strain:

‘It is not my Fault, that I am thus become a frequent Suitor to you, Conscript Fathers: The Fury of Jugurtha forces me; a Man possessed wirh such a Passion to destroy me, that he regards neither your Resentment, nor even that of the immortal Gods. It is my Blood which he seeks above all Things: Insomuch that, though I am an avowed Friend and Confederate of the Roman People, I have been besieged by him for near Five Months: Neither do the mighty Favours conferred upon him by my Father Micipsa, nor your awful Decrees in my Behalf, conduce at all to succour me. I am even unable to declare, whether Famine, or the Sword, doth most keenly assault me.

‘Such, however, is my unhappy Situation, as to discourage me from multiplying Complaints against Jugurtha; since I have had already sad Experience, what little Belief is given to the Words of the Miserable: Yet I will add, that I perceive his Aim to be much higher than me; and that he can never hope at once to enjoy your Friendship, and my Kingdom: For which of these he is most solicitous, is a Doubt to no Man. For, first, he murdered my Brother Hiempsal; then chased me out of my paternal Kingdom. Suppose these Barbarities to be only interesting to our Family, and nowise affecting you: He now possesses, by Violence, a Kingdom which is yours: So that I, who was, by you, established Monarch of Numidia, am, by him, shut up and besieged. What Regard he pays to an Embassy from you, delivered him by your own Deputies, my many Streights and Perils abundantly declare. What remains, but that you have present recourse to Arms; since by these only he can be reclaimed?

‘For myself, I would much rather chuse, that all these my present Representations to you, with all the Complaints which I have already made before the Senate, were alike false and groundless, than have them thus verified by my own deplorable Sufferings. But, since I am doomed, by Fate, to be a Spectacle of the bloody Iniquities of Jugurtha, I do not now implore you to redeem me from Death, nor from Distress, but only to preserve me from falling into the Hands of my cruel Enemy, and from the Agonies of the Rack. About the Kingdom of Numidia, which, indeed, belongs to you, direct such Measures to be taken as you best approve. In the mean time, rescue me from his savage Vengeance: To this I conjure you, by the Majesty of the Roman State, by the sacred Faith of mutual Friendship and Alliance, if any Veneration yet remains amongst you for your antient Confederate, my Grandfather Masinissa.’

When this Letter was read in the Senate, there were some Senators who proposed, to have an Army dispatched into Africa, Succours to be transmitted to Atherbal, and that the Senate should forthwith proceed to pass some Judgment upon Jugurtha, for having disobeyed their Orders, conveyed to him by their Deputies. But the King’s wonted Advocates there persisted, with notable Vigour, to oppose any such Ordinance against him: So that it happened in this, as in most Instances, that public Utility was forced to submit to private Interest. Ambassadors were, however, chosen, of Age and Dignity; such as had exercised the highest Offices; particularly, Marcus Scaurus, whom I have already mentioned, a Person of Consular Rank, and then Prince of the Senate.

These, perceiving the popular Indignation raised, and, being, moreover, earnestly implored by the Numidians, embarked within Three Days; and, quickly arriving at Utica, wrote to Jugurtha, ‘To come to them, with all Speed, into the Roman Province; for that they were sent to him by the Senate.’

He, when he had learned, that Men of such signal Eminence, who bore high Sway at Rome, were purposely come to cross his Pursuits, was distracted between Fear, and Thirst of Power. He dreaded the Indignation of the Senate, if he obeyed not their Ambassadors; but still his Soul, blinded by Ambition, drove him headlong to accomplish his bloody Undertaking. In his unbounded and unrelenting Spirit the criminal Counsel prevailed: Thus he assaulted the Town with his whole Army, on every Side; and strove, with all his Might, to force an Entrance; as he chiefly hoped, that, having thus separated the Enemy’s Forces, he should have a Chance for Victory, either from Strength or Stratagem. As the Event disappointed his Hopes, and as he could not effect what he had studied, to get Possession of Atherbal, before he met the Ambassadors, he would not, by more Delays, incense Scaurus, of whom he had exceeding Awe; but, accompanied with a few Horse, proceeded into the Roman Province. Yet there, though he heard the high Menaces denounced against him, in the Name of the Senate, for still persevering in the Siege, after a long Debate, the Ambassadors departed without Success.

When all this came to be known at Cirta, the Italians there, by whose Bravery only the Town was defended, persuading themselves, that the awful Power of the Roman People would procure certain Impunity to their Persons after a Surrender, counselled Atherbal, To yield himself, and the Place, to Jugurtha, stipulating only for his Life; for that the Senate would effectually interpose in whatever else concerned him. Atherbal was aware, that any Expedient of any kind was rather to be trusted than the Faith of Jugurtha; yet, considering, that they who advised him had Power to force him, if he refused, submitted to what the Italians proposed, and surrendered. The first Fury of Jugurtha fell upon Atherbal, whom he strait put to Death upon the Rack: Then his Soldiers butchered, on all hands, all the Numidian Youth, and all the foreign Traders without Distinction.

At Rome, when Intelligence of this arrived there, and began to produce Debates in the Senate, the same Men who had been the King’s former Champions in it, laboured to qualify the Horror of his Guilt, often by Intrigues, and Application to particular Senators, and often gaining Time by long Speeches and Cavilings. In truth, had not Caius Memmius, Tribune of the People elect, a Man of great Spirit, and a determined Foe to the mighty Sway of the Nobility, thoroughly apprised the Roman People, whither all this tended; even that, by the Intrigues of a small Cabal, Jugurtha might obtain Impunity for his crying Crimes; it is certain, that the public Horror against him would have vanished by their studiously protracting the Proceedings: So mighty was the Force of Favour, and that of the King’s Treasure.

But the Senate, who were struck with their own criminal Omission, and dreaded the Resentment of the People, in Compliance with the Sempronian Law, now decreed to the ensuing Consuls Numidia and Italy for their Provinces, the former to Lucius Bestia Calpurnius, Italy to Publius Scipio Nasica; for these Two were already nominated to the Consulship: Next, Forces were inrolled for an Army to be transported immediately to Africa; and an Ordinance made for their Payment, and for all the Appointments and Expence of the War.

Now when Jugurtha had Information of these Proceedings, so opposite to his Hopes, as an Opinion had strongly possessed him, That at Rome all Things whatsoever were obtainable by Money, he dispatched away his Son, accompanied with Two trusty Minions, on an Embassy to the Senate, furnished with the same Orders given to his former Ambassadors, sent thither after the Assassination of Hiempsal, ‘That they should, with Treasure, tempt all Sorts of Men.’ These were already advancing towards Rome, when Bestia had recourse to the Judgment of the Senate, ‘Whether they esteemed it proper to admit the Deputies of Jugurtha within the Walls?’ And it was decreed, ‘That, unless they came to deliver up both their King and Kingdom, they must quit Italy within Ten Days.’ This Resolution the Consul signified, as he was ordered, to the Numidians. Thus they returned without any Point gained.

Calpurnius, the while, having completed his Army, chose for his Lieutenant-Generals, such Persons as were, at once, signal in Quality and Caballing; Persons of sufficient Weight to justify whatever wrong Measures he might take: Of that Number was Scaurus, of whose Spirit and Conduct I have above given an Account. In truth, the Consul himself had many valuable Recommendations, both of Mind and Body, but all rendered fruitless by predominant Avarice: He was a Man capable of every Fatigue, of vigorous Spirit, of abundant Forecast; no-wise untrained in War, never to be moved by Peril, nor disconcerted by Surprize.

The Legions, marching through Italy to Rhegium, were transported to Sicily; thence to Africa: So that Calpurnius, who, indeed, had early furnished himself with all necessary Provisions, invaded Numidia with notable Vigour, took a Multitude of Prisoners, and stormed several Cities. But no sooner had Jugurtha begun, by his Emissaries, to tempt him with Treasure, and to represent to him the severe Discouragements and Hazards attending the War which he had undertaken, than his Soul, frail with Avarice, quickly yielded. He, however, engaged Scaurus with him, as a Sharer and Adviser in all his Measures: For though Scaurus, at first, even when most of his Faction were already corrupted, had opposed that King’s Cause with all his Might; yet now, by the Force of a mighty Sum, he deserted a Course of Justice and Honour, for one of Injustice and Venality.

In truth, Jugurtha, at first, aimed only at purchasing Time, and a Cessation of War; as he thought, that, in the mean while, by the Aid of his Friends, or that of his Money, he should find Success at Rome: But when he learned, that Scaurus had engaged in the Cause, he entertained high Hopes of gaining a final Peace; and thence determined, in Person, to concert the several Articles with these his Patrons. In the Interval, as a Pledge for his Security in coming, Sextus the Quæstor was dispatched, by the Consul, to Vacca, a Town where the King then was: For which Journey another Pretence was furnished; that of receiving a Quantity of Grain, which Calpurnius had publicly ordered the Deputies of Jugurtha to provide; since he was to grant them a Cessation of Arms, till the Treaty for Surrender was concluded.

At last, Jugurtha, pursuing his Scheme, entered the Roman Camp; where, after a short Address to the Council of Officers, to extenuate the Abhorrence of his Proceedings, he proposed to yield himself up to the Romans. The Conditions were all settled afterwards, in private, with Bestia and Scaurus. Next Day, his Surrender, all secretly concerted, was formally accepted, as if it had been concluded, after regular Debate, by the general Concurrence of Voices. There were, therefore, delivered to the Quæstor Thirty Elephants, a Number of Horses, with some Cattle, and a moderate Sum of Money; all agreeably to the Injunction from the Council of Officers. Calpurnius then proceeded to Rome, to assist at the Election of Magistrates. In Numidia, the while, and in our Army there, absolute Tranquillity reigned.

Now, when the Transactions in Africa were, by common Fame, divulged, as also under what Management they had passed, the Behaviour of the Consul was loudly canvased in all Companies and Assemblies at Rome: The People declared their Detestation: The Senate was sorely perplexed: Nor could it certainly be inferred, whether they would confirm the infamous Treaty, or condemn the Ordinance of the Consul.

What principally obstructed them from pursuing just and virtuous Counsels, was the great Sway and Influence of Scaurus; because he was affirmed to have been the Prompter and Associate of Bestia. During this Irresolution, and these Pauses of the Senate, Caius Memmius, whom I have before mentioned, as a Man of a bold and a free Spirit, and a declared Enemy to the mighty Sway of the Nobility, had recourse to the People; and, in their Assemblies, urged them, by pathetic Speeches, to vindicate their own Wrongs; warned them, never to abandon the Commonwealth, never to forsake the Cause of Liberty: He strongly represented all the Acts of Power of the Nobility, many very imperious, many very barbarous; and earnestly pursuing his Purpose, was daily, by all Methods, inflaming the Minds of the Populace.

Now, seeing the Eloquence of Memmius was, at this Juncture, in high Renown, and of powerful Influence, at Rome, I have judged it expedient, to transcribe one of his Speeches, out of many; and, above all, that which, upon the Return of Bestia, he made to an Assembly of the People, in the following Strain:

‘Were not my Passion for the Commonweal superior to all Things, there are many Considerations to withdraw me from this my Adherence to you, Romans; Considerations indeed! The terrible Puissance of the opposite Party; your own servile Patience; a scandalous Failure of all Justice; above all, Innocence and Integrity rather exposed to Danger, than attended with Recompence and Honour. For it is painful to me to recount, how, for Fifteen Years past, you have proved the Scorn of a few Grandees! how infamously your great Champions have perished, first undefended, then unrevenged! As if your wonted Vigour were overcome by Effeminacy and Stupidity; since, even now, you rouse not yourselves to make a Stand against your Enemies, though thus lying at your Mercy: Nay, even now, you are awed by those whom, by improving the present Conjuncture, you should cause to tremble.

‘Yet, though this be the sad Course of Things, still my Zeal forces me to encounter all the Power of the Cabal; not will I fail boldly to exercise that Liberty which my Father conveyed down to me: Indeed, in your own Hands it lies, O Romans, whether I exercise it fruitlessly, or with certain Advantage.

‘Still I mean not to persuade you, by Arms, to remove so many Wrongs; though it be what your Forefathers have frequently done. Here is no need of Violence; none of retreating out of Rome; since they must inevitably fall headlong in their own wild Pursuits. After the Assassination of Tiberius Gracchus, whom they charged to have aimed at Sovereignty, they doomed many of the Roman People to Executions, Racks, and Banishments. After the Murder of Caius Gracchus, and that of Marcus Fulvius, they doomed great Numbers of your Body to perish in Dungeons: Neither was it the Authority of the Law, but their own good Pleasure, that at last stayed the Progress of both these Massacres.

‘But be it so, that the restoring their Rights to the People, was to introduce single Sovereignty; be it so, that it was lawful, even by spilling the Blood of Roman Citizens, to redress what could not be otherwise redressed: Yet, remember, with what secret Regret you have, for a Series of Years, beheld the public Treasure robbed; beheld the Tribute from powerful Kings, Tribute from great independent Nations, all paid to a few of the Nobility; beheld those Few, Masters of all public Honours, of Rule without Controul, of Wealth without Bounds.

‘Nay, they hold it a small Matter, to have committed so many and so high Excesses with Impunity: They, therefore, as their last Effort, have betrayed to the common Enemy the Laws of the State, the Majesty of You the Roman People, with whatever is dearest to the Gods and to Men.

‘Neither, for all these enormous Doings, do the Authors of them feel Remorse or Shame: Quite otherwise; they pass daily in your View with magnificent Pomp; all proudly displaying, some their Pontifical, some their Consular, nay, some their Triumphal Dignities: As if such Dignities, so placed, were real Marks of Honour, and not the Trappings of Usurpation and Rapine. Slaves, purchased with Money, submit not to the unjust Commands of their Masters: Can you, that are Romans, born to command, tamely endure the Yoke of Slavery!

‘But who are they who have thus ingrossed the Commonwealth to themselves? The most criminal and guilty of all Men; their Hands dyed with Blood; enormously rapacious; of matchless Wickedness, and matchless Arrogance; Men who convert Faith and Honour, public Trust, and public Spirit, in a Word, whatever is just or unjust, into Traffick and Gain. Some of them derive their Security from the Murder of your Tribunes; others from the lawless Arraignments of your Brethren; most of all from their having butchered you in a Body: Insomuch that whoever hath done you the highest Mischief, is in the highest Safety. Instead of fearing you, after so many Crimes, from your Want of Spirit they make you fear them. As they all agree in the same Objects of Hate, Avidity, and Fear, they are thence all linked together in a common Band of Union; such a Union as, amongst worthy Men, constitutes Friendship, but, amongst guilty Men, proves only Faction and Conspiracy.

‘Doubtless, were You as zealous for your Liberty, as They are passionate for Tyranny, neither would the Commonwealth be rent piece-meal, as it is, nor the Honours in your Gift be conferred upon the most confident and assuming, but upon the most deserving. Twice did your Forefathers withdraw their Obedience from the Senate, and retire, under Arms, to Mount Aventine; in order to obtain equal Laws, and to establish the Dignity of the People: Will not you struggle, with your utmost Might, to maintain the Liberty which they have delivered down to you? Nay, will you not struggle with the more Ardour, as it is higher Infamy to abandon Blessings once procured, than never to have procured them?

‘Here some of you will desire to know my own Opinion: It is, That you punish those who have sacrificed the Commonwealth to a public Enemy: I do not mean by tumultuous Force, or any sudden Violence; a Method of Vengeance, indeed, more befitting Them to suffer, than You to inflict; but by strict Process and Arraignment, and even by the Evidence of Jugurtha himself: For, if that King have really delivered himself up, you will find him obsequious to all your Commands; whereas, if he reject them, you will clearly discern, what sort of Peace and Submission this is, from whence there accrues, to Jugurtha, Impunity for all his tragical Crimes; mighty Wealth to a few Grandees; and to the Roman State such mighty Loss and Disgrace.

‘But, possibly, you are not yet tired with the Domineering of these Men; nay, postpone any Change whatever to the late Course of Things; when Kingdoms, Provinces, Law, and Right, the public Tribunals, and all Decision of Process, with War and Peace; finally, every thing, divine and human; depended upon the sole Will of a Cabal: Whilst You, even You, the People of Rome, though still found invincible to your foreign Enemies, still confessed Lords of the World, continued satisfied, that you were allowed to live: For, in this general Bondage, was there one of you daring enough to resist it? For myself, though I judge it notorious Infamy in a Man, to bear an Insult tamely; yet I should, with Temper, see you spare the most guilty Offenders, because they are your Fellow-citizens; were not your Mercy to Them manifestly tending to your Own Destruction.

‘So determined, in truth, are these Men, that you will have gained little with them, by a Remission of their Enormities past, unless you bereave them of all Power to repeat them. Nay, eternal Anxiety would abide you, when you perceived, that you must either remain constant Slaves, or be constantly supporting your Liberty by Arms. For what Hope is there of any mutual Confidence and Union between Them and You? They study to be Lords; You to be free: They to oppress you; You to restrain Oppression: In short, they treat your Confederates like public Enemies; your Enemies like Confederates. Can there ever be Peace and Reconciliation amongst Minds of widely estranged from each other?

‘I, therefore, warn and exhort you, never to suffer Iniquity so high and insupportable to escape condign Vengeance. This is not a Charge of robbing the Exchequer, nor of Violence and Extortion upon our Confederates; Crimes very heinous, but grown habitual, and thence accounted for nothing. Behold now the Authority of the Senate, behold your own sovereign Power, both basely betrayed to a very dreadful Foe: The Republic has been exposed to Sale in our Assemblies at home, and in our Armies abroad; Crimes so daring, that if they be not prosecuted if they be not punished in the Persons of the Criminals, what other Choice remains, than to live under Bondage to those who committed them? For the Power of an absolute King is no more than to do what he lists.

‘After all, my Intention, O Romans, is not to raise a Wish in you, rather to find these your Fellow-citizens to have acted corruptly than worthily: I only warn you, that you do not, by pardoning the Wicked, expose the Righteous to perish. I add, that it behoves a State, to be rather forgetful of Services than of Injuries. A worthy Man, neglected, becomes only less active; whilst a bad Man, unchecked, grows daily worse. Besides, when Wrongs and Oppression cease, you will seldom need Recourse to Champions and Assistance.’

By frequently repeating these and the like Reasonings, Caius Memmius prevailed with the Roman People to send Lucius Cassius, then Prætor, on a Commission to Jugurtha; that, by pledging the public Faith to that Prince, he should bring him to Rome; whence, by the Testimony of Jugurtha in Person, the Iniquity of Scaurus and others, who had been purchased with Money to betray their Trust, might be exposed to full Light, Whilst these Measures were taking at Rome, the Officers left by Bestia to command the Army in Numidia, imitating the Conduct of their General, committed very many and very crying Enormities. Some, bribed by the King’s Money, restored him his Elephants; others sold him his Deserters; the rest plundered Places under Compacts of Peace with the Romans. So violent was the Spirit of Rapaciousness; which, like a Pestilence, had seized them all.

Now Cassius the Prætor, authorized by this popular Ordinance, gained at the Suit of Memmius, to the great Surprize and Abasement of the Nobility, proceeded to Jugurtha; and persuaded him, though under much Fear, and, from the Alarms of a guilty Mind, distrusting his own Cause, ‘That, since he was already bound, by surrendering himself up to the Roman People, he should now resolve, rather to try their Commiseration, than their Resentment and Power.’ He likewise plighted to him his own Faith; which Jugurtha esteemed an equal Security to that of the Public: In such high Estimation at that time was the Character of Cassius.

Jugurtha, therefore, accompanied Cassius to Rome; divested, however, of all Royal Magnificence, and in a Dress the most adapted to raise Compassion. But though he had naturally a very bold Spirit, and was hardened by all those upon whose Guilt and Sway he had relied, in perpetrating all his Iniquities, above recited; yet, at the Expence of a mighty Sum, he purchased the Aid of Caius Bæbius Tribune of the People; as one who had Impudence to support him, in spight of Law, and all Attacks whatsoever.

Now when the People were assembled by Caius Memmius, notwithstanding their Rage against Jugurtha was so high, that some of them loudly doomed him to Irons, as did others to Execution, like a public Enemy, according to the rigorous Usage of Antiquity, unless he discovered his Associates at Rome; yet Memmius, more studious to maintain the Dignity of the Roman People, than to humour their Fury, applied himself to calm their Uproar, and to appease their Spirit: He declared himself determined to observe inviolably the public Faith plighted to that Prince. At last, when Silence ensued, he caused Jugurtha to be brought forth; and then, pursuing his Speech, he recounted all his black Proceedings, in Rome, as well as in Numidia; exposed his foul Ingratitude to his adopting Father, with the Butchery of his Two Brothers: He declared, that the Roman People, though well apprised by whose Aid, and by what Instruments, he had gone through the Whole, still insisted upon particular Information from the King himself. If, in making it, he proved explicit and sincere, he had much to hope from the Clemency and plighted Faith of the People of Rome: If he suppressed the Truth, he would not only be disappointed in saving his Accomplices, but destroy himself, and all his Hopes, for ever.

When Memmius had concluded his Speech, and Jugurtha was ordered to answer, the Tribune Bæbius, whom I have mentioned to have been gained to his Interest by Money, injoined the King to be silent: Nay, though the whole Multitude, then assembled, were dreadfully enraged, so as to menace him with terrifying Looks and Cries, nay, with Efforts of Violence, and whatever else popular Indignation inspires, he had the extreme Impudence to brave it all. Upon this Mockery the People separated. Hence Jugurtha, Bestia, and the rest, though at first all terribly alarmed by this popular Prosecution, became now the more sanguine and secure.

During this Conjuncture, a certain Numidian was found at Rome, his Name Massiva, Son of Gulussa, and Grandchild of Masinissa: He, having, in the War amongst the Three Princes, joined against Jugurtha, when he afterwards saw Cirta surrendered, and Atherbal murdered, had fled out of Africa. This Numidian was persuaded, by Spurius Albinus, who, with Quintus Minutius Rufus for his Collegue, had succeeded Bestia in the Consulship, to make Suit to the Senate for the Kingdom; as he was descended from Masinissa, and Jugurtha was pursued by universal Abhorrence for his Barbarities, and under daily Dread of his Fate.

That Consul, who had a mighty Passion for directing the War, studied rather to promote public Commotions, than to see them composed. It was to his Lot the Province of Numidia had fallen; as had that of Macedonia to Minucius. When Massiva began to pursue his Suit, Jugurtha, who found the Succour of his Friends to fail him, some of them restrained by Guilt and Remorse, others by public Infamy and Dread, gave strict Orders to Bomilcar, his closest and most faithful Confident, ‘That, by the Power of Money, whence he had conquered numerous Difficulties, he should engage Assassins to dispatch Massiva; and to do it with the utmost Secrecy; but, if cautious Means proved ineffectual, to take any Method whatever to destroy him.’

Bomilcar forthwith complied with the King’s Commands; and, employing Persons well-skilled in such dark Adventures, discovered the Course of his Rambles and Sallies, with all his set Times and Haunts; and, when Things were ripe, concerted the Manner of the Assassination: When, therefore, the Gang were all properly posted to execute the Murder, one of them attacked Massiva; but so rashly, that, though he effectually slew him, he was himself seized; and, finding himself pressed by many, especially by Albinus the Consul, offered to confess all.

Bomilcar was arraigned, rather upon the Principles of eternal Reason and Justice, than according to the Law of Nations; for he accompanied a Prince who had come to Rome, on Security of the public Faith. Jugurtha, though manifestly guilty of this glaring Murder, spared no Efforts to baffle the Truth; till he perceived, that the Horror of the Crime surpassed the Power of Favour, and of all his Treasure: Insomuch that, notwithstanding he had, upon the Arraignment of Bomilcar, engaged the Persons of Fifty of his Friends, as Sureties, that Bomilcar should abide his Trial, he sent him secretly away to Numidia; as he preferred the Safety of his Crown to that of the Sureties: For he apprehended, that his other Subjects would be deterred from yielding him Obedience, were Bomilcar left to be executed.

In a few Days he himself withdrew, upon an Order to him from the Senate, To depart out of Italy. Upon his leaving Rome, it is reported, that, having cast his Eyes frequently back thither without uttering a Word, he, at last, pronounced it, ‘A City abandoned to Venality; and ripe for Perdition, whenever an able Purchaser appeared.’

As the War was the while revived, Albinus hastened to transport into Africa Subsistence and Pay for the Soldiers, with whatever else was necessary for the Use of an Army; and arrived himself presently amongst them, with Design speedily to terminate the War, either by beating the Enemy, or by a Treaty of Submission, or by any other Means, before the Return of the Time, then approaching, for the annual Election of Magistrates. Jugurtha, contrariwise, interposed perpetual Delays; urging now one Pretence, anon another; sometimes made Offers of an intire Surrender; then, presently, affected great Fear and Distrust; retreated, when pressed by the Foe; and, soon after, attacked, in his turn, that he might not dishearten his Men.

Thus he deluded the Consul, and gained Time, by a Succession of Hostilities and Stipulations. Nay, there were those, who conjectured Albinus to be privy to the King’s Measures: Nor could they believe, that, after such warm Preparations, the War could be so easily protracted, unless more through Fraud than Indolence.

Now, as the intervening Time was elapsed, and the popular Elections were at hand, Albinus, leaving his Brother Aulus to command in the Camp with the Authority of Prætor, returned to Rome. At this Juncture the Republic was sorely rent, by the Turbulence and Contention of the popular Tribunes there. Two of these, Publius Lucullus, and Lucius Annius, though opposed by all their Collegues, struggled to be continued in their Magistracy: This Contest prevented the holding any Assembly for Elections during the whole Year. From this Protraction of Time, Aulus, left, as has been said, in the Camp with the Commission of Proprætor, became inspired with Hopes of either terminating the War, or, at least, of forcing the King, by the Terror of his Army, to present him with great Treasure; and, therefore, leading the Soldiers out of their Winter Quarters, undertook an Expedition in the Month of January.

Thus, by mighty Marches, under all the Inclemency of the Season, he reached as far as Suthul, a City in which the King’s Treasury was placed; a City, both from the Sharpness of the Weather, and the Strength of its Situation, so secure, as not to be taken, nor even to admit of a Siege: For, besides that it was founded upon the Summit of a steep Rock, and fortified with strong Walls, the Plains that surrounded it were so flooded by the Winter Inundations, as to form an inaccessible Marsh. But, for all these Difficulties, Aulus, whether as a Feint, to terrify the King, or, blinded by his rapacious Spirit, to master the Town for the sake of the Treasure, framed moving Galleries, raised Trenches, and dispatched all other Measures necessary to such an Enterprize.

Jugurtha, well apprized of the great Weakness and Vanity of the Proprætor, practised many Wiles to heighten his Phrenzy. He was continually dispatching Envoys with humble and supplicating Proposals; whilst he himself, feigning Fear and Flight, roamed at a Distance, with his Army, through wild Forests, and difficult Passes. At length, by frequent Offers of surrendering upon Articles, he so deluded Aulus, that, yielding to the Snare, he abandoned Suthul to pursue the King; who, appearing still to retreat from him, drew him into remote Territories utterly unknown to the Romans; that thence they might be exposed to all his dark Devices: He, therefore, dispersed dextrous Emissaries amongst our Men; such as were Night and Day debauching them from their Duty; bribing the Centurions, and Officers of Horse, some to desert directly to him; others, upon a Signal given, to abandon their Posts.

When he had thus far pushed his Projects, and found them successful, he at once rushed upon the Camp of Aulus; and, during the Dead of Night, invested it with a great Host of Numidians. As the Roman Soldiers were astonished with the unusual Alarm, some grasped their Arms; some sought Places to hide in; some few animated such as they saw dismayed. In all Quarters there prevailed Surprize and Affright: The Enemy assaulted in mighty Numbers: Thick Clouds heightened the Darkness of the Night: Dreadful Peril pressed on every Side; nor, in a Word, could it be determined, whether it was safest, to maintain their Ground, or to fly. At length, a whole Cohort of Ligurians, Two Troops of Thracian Horse, and certain common Men, deserted to Jugurtha; who had, by his Agents, seduced them, as I have just recounted: Nay, a Centurion of the first Rank, belonging to the third Legion, delivered up a strong Post, which he had undertaken to defend; and thence furnished a Passage to the Enemy into the Camp; whither the whole Host of the Numidians now furiously rushed. Our Army betook themselves to an infamous Flight; most of them even threw away their Arms, and retired to a neighbouring Hill.

What withheld the Enemy from improving their Victory, was Darkness, and the Allurement of Plunder in the Camp. Next Day, Jugurtha, at a Conference with Aulus, acquainted him, ‘That, though he held him and his Army fast shut up, under the double Pressure of Famine and the Sword; yet, remembering the Slipperiness and Mutability of all Things human, if the Proprætor would enter into a Treaty of Peace with him, he would release them all unhurt in their Persons; only obliging them to pass, like Captives, under a Gallows, and withal to retire out of Numidia in Ten Days.’ Conditions very grievous to undergo, and glaring with Infamy; yet, as by these they were all relieved from the Dread of Death, Peace was concluded upon such Terms as the King prescribed.

Now, when these Transactions were divulged at Rome, Fear and Sorrow seized the City. Many mourned for the faded Glory of the Roman Empire; others, unexperienced in the Events of War, dreaded Danger to their Liberty: All were incensed against Aulus, especially those who had themselves often served with Renown in War, that, at the Head of an Army, he sought his Security rather from infamous Submission, than from manly Defence.

Upon these Considerations, the Consul Albinus, who, from the miserable Misconduct of his Brother, feared public Abhorrence, and thence much Peril to himself, had recourse to the Senate for their Judgment concerning the late Treaty; yet omitted not, the while, to gather Recruits for the Army. He demanded Succours from the Latins and Confederates; and pushed with Vigour all Measures for War. The Fathers decreed, as they ought, ‘That, as neither the Senate nor the People had ever given any Authority to treat, no such Treaty could possibly be made.’

The Consul, finding himself restrained, by the Tribunes of the People, from transporting to Africa what Forces he had prepared, sailed thither himself a few Days after: For the whole Army had, according to the Agreement, retired out of Numidia; and were now in their Winter Quarters in our Province. When he arrived there, he had, indeed, an ardent Passion to march against Jugurtha; and thence soften the popular Asperity towards his Brother: But, having learned the Temper of the Soldiery, that, besides their Abasement from the late Rout, they were void of Discipline, and sunk in Licentiousness and Debauchery; he concluded, upon a full View of his Motives and Discouragements, that it behoved him to attempt nothing.

At Rome, the while, Caius Mamilius Limetanus, one of the Tribunes, recommended to the People the Form of an Ordinance, ‘For arraigning all such as had encouraged Jugurtha to disregard the Decrees of the Senate; all such as, in their Embassies to him, or in their conducting the War against him, had accepted Money from him; all such as had been concerned in restoring him his Elephants and Deserters; together with all who had presumed to enter into Capitulations with the public Enemy concerning Peace or War.’

They who were alarmed by this popular Ordinance, durst not openly oppose it: Some were conscious, that they deserved it; others feared sinking under the Heat and Odium of Party: Insomuch that both Sorts avowed their Approbation of this and the like Prosecutions. Yet, by secret Caballing amongst their Friends and Dependants, chiefly amongst those of Latium, and the other Confederates in Italy, they contrived many Obstacles to defeat it. But it is wonderful to recount, how passionately the Populace espoused, with what mighty Ardour they directed, authorized, and passed, the Ordinance; in truth, rather from Hatred to the Nobility, against whom all this terrible Chastisement was contrived, than out of any Zeal for the Commonweal. So irresistible was the Fury of Party!

Now, whilst the rest of the Nobility were struck with Dismay, Marcus Scaurns, who had been Lieutenant-General to Bestia, as I have above related, brought it to pass, during the general Uproar and Agitation over the whole City, between the tumultuous Rejoicings of the Populace, and the Fear and Flight of his Brethren the Patricians, that, as the Mamilian Ordinance appointed Three Trustees for putting it in Force, he himself was chosen one of them. The Arraignments followed; and were, indeed, conducted with great Asperity, by a Course of Violence, in Condescension to the mad Clamour and Caprice of the Multitude: So that, what the Nobility had often done, the Commonalty at this Conjuncture did; and exercised superior Fortune with notable Insolence.

It must be owned, that this Distinction of the People and Senate into opposite Factions, with all the evil Courses following, arose at Rome, not many Years before; and was the Effect of profound Repose, and of the profuse Enjoyment of whatever passes amongst Men for the prime Blessings of Life. For, before the Destruction of Carthage, the People and Senate proceeded with much Quiet and Concord in the joint Administration of the State: Neither was there any Struggle between Citizens and Citizens for Priority in excessive Splendor, or excessive Sway. Common Dread of Enemies abroad preserved decent Demeanour in the whole Community: But, as soon as that Dread forsook the Minds of Men, then instantly rushed in Ambition and Debauchery, Excesses which Prosperity delights in. Insomuch that what they had so passionately wished, in public Danger and War, a State of Peace and Repose; now they had obtained it, proved more destructive and calamitous than either; since, thenceforth, the Nobility began to turn their Dignity into Tyranny; the People their Liberty into Licentiousness: Individuals, considering only themselves, studied nothing but to ingross Property, and to usurp Power.

Thus, whilst, by one Party or the other, the Means of Power were boldly claimed, seized, and usurped, the Commonwealth, lying between both, was rent and defaced. It must, however, be owned, that, in the Efforts of Faction, the Nobility proved much more prevalent: The Authority of the Populace, as it is loose and diffused, was found to be of inferior Force in the Hands of a Multitude. Hence War abroad, and Civil Affairs at Rome, were only conducted by the Sway of a Few: In their Disposal lay the Treasury, the Provinces, the several Magistracies, public Dignities and Triumphs. The Commonalty were oppressed with Penury, and with serving in the Armies, where all the Plunder of the Foe was purloined by the Generals, and a few Grandees. Nay, the Parents and little Children of these very Soldiers were, at the same time, driven out of their rightful Settlements, if they chanced but to border upon any Man of Sway.

In this manner did Power, supporting Rapaciousness without Measure or Restraint, swallow, contaminate, and lay waste, all Things: A Power which proved utterly regardless of whatever was just, or whatever was sacred; and thus hurried headlong to its own Perdition: For, the Moment that, from amongst the Nobility, there arose such as preferred genuine Glory to unrighteous Rule, the State was in an Uproar; and such Civil Feuds ensued, as if the Universe had been tumbling into a Chaos.

For, after Tiberius Gracchus, and his Brother Caius, Men whose Ancestors had, by their Service in the Punic and several other Wars, procured signal Advantage to the Commonweal, attempted to recover to the People their ancient Liberties, and to expose to public View the Iniquity and Encroachments of a few domineering Grandees; the Nobility, conscious of their own Guilt, and thence sorely dismayed, had recourse sometimes to the Aid of our Italian Allies, and to such as enjoyed the Rights of Latium; sometimes to the Roman Knights (whom the Hopes of a Confederacy in Power with the Patricians had detached from the Interest of the Commonalty); and, thus assisted, set themselves forcibly to defeat the Pursuits of the Gracchi. First they assassinated Tiberius; in a few Years after, Caius, who was reviving the Attempts of his Brother, and with him Marcus Fulvius Flaccus: The first, whilst yet invested with the sacred Character of Tribune; and the Two last, with the Triunviral Authority of settling Colonies. Without doubt both Brothers were too vehemently bent to triumph over their Adversaries, and wanted a Spirit of Moderation; since it is more eligible to yield to Opposition, than, by unjust means, to conquer it.

The Nobility, having thus prevailed, exercised their Prosperity just according to their own wanton Caprice; and, dooming Numbers of Citizens to Execution, Numbers to Banishment, opened to themselves, for the time to come, a much greater Source of Dread than of Power: A sort of Politics which hath usually brought several mighty States to Perdition; whilst the factious Subjects strove, by whatever means, to subdue each other, and to inflict terrible Vengeance upon such as were subdued. But Time would fail me sooner than Matter, were I, minutely, or in a Manner suitable to so copious a Subject, to recount the cross Pursuits and Animosities of our Parties, with a Detail of the Proceedings of our Citizens: I, therefore, resume my Design.

After the Treaty made by Aulus, and the infamous Flight of our Army, Metellus and Silanus, now chosen Consuls, having shared the Provinces between them, Numidia fell to Metellus; a Man of vigorous Spirit; his Reputation unblemished; nay, equally valued by both Parties, though he opposed that of the People.

He, as soon as he began his Function, bent all his Thoughts upon the War, which he only was to conduct: For he considered, that, in all other Duties of that Magistracy, his Collegue bore an equal Part. He, therefore, made fresh Levies (for he could not depend upon the old Army); called together Succours from all Quarters; provided Store of Arms, of Horses, and of all other warlike Implements and Weapons; as also abundant Magazines of Victuals; finally, whatever else Experience finds serviceable in a War which required various Management, and craved many Things to support it. It must be owned, that, in accomplishing all these Measures, he was assisted, with notable Zeal, by the Senate; whence followed that of our Allies; particularly of all those of the Latin Denomination: Nay, our confederate Kings, unasked, supplied him with Forces: In a Word, he found the same warm Concurrence from all Orders of Men at Rome. So that, all Things being furnished and concerted according to his own Wishes, he proceeded to Numidia, followed with high Hopes from all his Fellow-citizens; not only for his excellent Accomplishments, but chiefly as he possessed a Soul never to be subdued by all the Stimulations of Riches. It was, indeed, from the Rapaciousness of our Magistrates, that all our Efforts in Numidia had, till this time, been baffled, and those of the Enemy successful.

Now, when he arrived in Africa, he had delivered to him the Army of the Proconsul Spurius Albinus; a spiritless Army, and unwarlike; neither able to suffer Fatigue, nor to encounter Danger; more petulant with their Tongues, than prompt with their Hands; spoiling our Friends and Allies, yet bearing to see themselves the Spoil of the public Enemy; trained neither to obey Command, nor to regard the Rules of Decency: So that there accrued more Anxiety to the General from the scandalous Insufficiency of the Men, than any Support, or, indeed, any Confidence, from their Numbers. But though, by the annual Elections being postponed, Metellus not only saw the Summer already far advanced, but considered the Minds of the Romans, bent upon the Issue, and thence full of Expectation from him; yet he determined to engage in no Operation of War, till he had first restored the ancient Discipline, and forced the Soldiers to endure Labour, by enuring them to it.

For, after Albinus, utterly dismayed with the Overthrow of his Brother Aulus and his Army, had formed a Resolution not to stir out of the Province, during so much of the Summer as he continued in Command, he kept the Soldiers chiefly confined within the same Camp, till Stench and Contagion, or Scarcity of Forage, constrained him to shift: Moreover, in the Camp no regular Watch was kept, nor Guard posted; such as the Laws of an Army always require: The Men abandoned their Ensigns, just as they listed: The low Retainers to the Camp, in Conjunction with the Soldiers, wandered abroad Nights and Days, ravaging the Fields, forcing and robbing the Farms, and vying with each other in the Droves of Beasts and Captives; all which they turned into Traffick with the Merchants for Wine, and such other Gratifications: Nay, they even sold the Grain given them at the public Expence, and lived upon Bread bought from Day to Day. To sum up all, whatever Excesses in Luxury and Effeminacy the Tongue can express, or the Fancy feign, were found in that Army: Nay, more and greater were found.

Now, in contending with all this Disorder and Distress, Metellus appears, to me, to have approved himself a Man no less great and wise, than in his Schemes and Operations of War: So just was the Temper and Balance which he held, between his Address to win the Hearts of the Soldiers, and his Severity in punishing them: By an Edict, which he published at first, he removed the principal Incitements and Supports of Effeminacy, by ordering, ‘That none should presume to sell, in the Camp, either Bread, or any other Victuals ready dressed: No Refuse-retainers should follow the Camp: No common Soldier should entertain any Slave, or any Beast of Burden, either in the Camp, or on a March.’ To other Excesses, too, he applied proper Restraints with great Address. Besides, he was daily shifting Stations; taking his Route through cross and unpractised Places, with the same Circumspection as if an Enemy had been at hand; caused, every Night, an Intrenchment to be made, and a Palisade to be raised, quite round the Camp; posted many Guards; changed them frequently; nay, constantly visited them all round in Person, accompanied by the Generals under him. With the same Vigilance, during a March, he was now in the Front, then strait in the Rear, anon in the Centre; still careful, that no Man should forsake his Rank, that they should be all found keeping close by their several Standards, and that every Man should at once carry his Victuals and his Arms: Insomuch that, rather by restraining Enormities, than by punishing them, he established sound Discipline and Vigour in the Army.

As Jugurtha, the while, had learned, from his Emissaries, what Measures Metellus was pursuing, and having been withal convinced, at Rome, of his untainted Honour, he came to distrust the Tendency of his own Affairs; and now, at length, seriously sought to be admitted to an absolute Submission: He, therefore, dispatched certain Envoys to the Consul, with a Tender of his Offers and Requests, and a Power to deliver up All to the Roman People, without any other Reserve or Concession, than that of his own Life, and the Lives of his Children.

Now Metellus, who had always found the Numidians to be a faithless Race, full of Fickleness, and eager for Revolutions, applied to the Envoys one by one; and when, by artfully sifting each apart, he perceived them all to be such Instruments as he wanted, he engaged them, by the Force of mighty Promises, to deliver him up Jugurtha, alive, if possible; or, if that failed, to kill him, and to bring, at least, his Carcase. For a formal Answer to their Embassy, he called them publicly before him; and there declared what Conditions he ordered them to carry to their King. Then, in a few Days, he advanced to Numidia, at the Head of a well-spirited Army, breathing War and Conquest: There, far from any Desolation, or the usual sad Symptoms of War, the Country-houses were full of Inhabitants; in the Fields the Flocks were feeding, and the Husbandmen all employed. From the Cities and Hamlets the King’s Officers advanced to meet the Consul; declaring their Readiness to furnish him and his Army with Grain, with Carriages and Convoys, and, indeed, to comply with whatsoever he should chuse to injoin them. Yet, for all this, Metellus relaxed not his Care; but, just as if the Enemy had been close by him, kept his Ranks, as he marched, compact and firm; and caused the Country, on all hands, to be viewed a great Way round; as he believed all these Signs of Submission to be only for Amusement and Shew, all concerted to cover some pernicious Plot of Jugurtha’s.

Metellus, therefore, accompanied with the Cohorts lightly armed, and a choice Band of Slingers and Archers, kept always in the Front; whilst Caius Marius, his Lieutenant-General, at the Head of the Cavalry, supported the Rear; and, on each Wing, he disposed the auxiliary Horse, commanded by the Tribunes of the Legions, and the Colonels of the Cohorts; with Design that, as the light Foot were mixed amongst these, the Enemy’s Cavalry, on whatever Quarter they attacked, might be certainly repulsed. For such was the subtile Spirit of Jugurtha, so signal his Abilities, as a Captain, and so complete his Knowlege of the Country, that it remained a Doubt, whether he were more mischievous, remote or near; when professing Peace, or when making open War.

Not far from the Route, which Metellus kept, there was a Numidian City, called Vacca; by much the most renowned for Commerce in all the Kingdom; and in it were many Italians, as well such who dwelt constantly there, as such who resorted thither for Traffick. Here the Consul established a Garison; either to try whether the same would be quietly borne, or that he was pleased with the Convenience and Situation of the Place. He likewise ordered the Natives to bring him thither Quantities of Grain, with other Necessaries for prosecuting the War: For he was convinced, that, from such a Conflux of Traders, and such Plenty of Stores, his Army would be amply supplied, and the Post itself serve to secure the Execution of the Measures already concerted.

During these Transactions, Jugurtha, redoubling his Applications to the Consul, still sent Ambassadors after Ambassadors, with repeated Supplications, imploring Peace; nay, reserving only his Life, and that of his Children, offered to surrender whatever else he had. The Consul, without either granting or denying the King the Peace which he thus intreated, sent him all these his Ambassadors back again, as he had the first; awaiting, the while, the Execution of what they had undertaken; for he had first engaged them all to betray their Master into his Hands.

When Jugurtha compared the Words of Metellus with his Actions, and perceived himself assailed, in his turn, by Devices like his own, since, whilst he was presented with the Sound of Peace, he was, in Fact, pursued with all the Fury of War; when he saw himself bereft of so powerful a City, his Territories well known by the Enemy, the People, in general, urged to revolt; thus constrained by his desperate Fortune, he determined to try the Chance of a Battle. With this View, having learned the Route taken by the Romans, and gathering Hopes of Victory from the Advantages which the Country afforded him, he formed a numerous Host of all Sorts of Men, and, by private Ways, out-marched the Army of Metellus.

In that Part of Numidia which had fallen to the Share of Atherbal, was a River, flowing from the South, called Muthul: Parallel to this is a Mountain, about Twenty Miles distant, and of equal Extent; naturally desert, and never subjected to human Culture. In the intermediate Space, about the Middle, arises a Hill immensly high; all covered with Olives, Myrtles, and other Trees, such as grow in a dry and sandy Soil: The Plain itself is destitute of Water, and thence barren; except such Parts as join to the River; and in these are found many Groves, with numerous Herds and Inhabitants. Of this Hill, which flanked the Romans, as they marched from the Mountain to the River, Jugurtha took Possession, forming his Men in a thin, but long Front; and, committing to Bomilcar the Command of the Elephants, and of Part of the Foot, with Instructions how to act, he sat down himself nearer the Mountain, with all the Horse, and the Flower of the Infantry.

He then passed through the several Divisions of Foot and Horse; warning and conjuring them all, ‘That, rousing their wonted Bravery, and remembering their late Victory, they should defend themselves, and their native Kingdom, from the Avidity of the Romans. They were only to encounter such as they had already first vanquished, and then forced to pass, like Captives, under a Gibbet; such as, possessing still the same dastardly Spirits, had changed nothing but their Leader. For himself, whatever Measures it was incumbent upon a General to take for the Security and Success of his Army, he had taken; and, particularly, gained them the Advantage of the Ground; whence they, who knew it well, were to engage with those who were Strangers to it: He had thus provided against an unequal Attack from Numbers upon a Few, or from Soldiers of superior Skill upon such as were raw. They should, therefore, upon the Signal given, assail the Romans with Vigour: This Day would either close all their Labours, and secure the Fruit of all their Victories, or introduce a dreadful Train of Calamities.’ Next, addressing himself, Man by Man, to all such as he had formerly distinguished, for any signal military Exploits, with Honours, or pecuniary Gifts; he urged them to remember what Proofs of his Grace they had received; then pointed them out as Patterns to others. In a Word, applying to all, suitably to the Character of each, here promising, there threatening, anon adjuring, he animated the Whole.

Metellus, the while, descending from the Mountain with his Army, as yet unapprised of the Motions of the Enemy, at last descries their Station upon the Hill. He, at first, was at a Loss to guess what meant a Spectacle so unusual; for the Numidians were posted, Men and Horses, in the Coppice; but, through the Lowness of the Bushes, not quite concealed, nor yet enough discerned; since, by the Obscurity of the Place, as well as by their own Lurking and Contrivance, they had disguised themselves, and their Standards: But, soon perceiving it to be the Enemy in Ambush, he, for a small Space, stayed his March; and, changing the Disposition of his Army, trebled the Flank next the Foe, dispersed the Archers and Slingers amongst the small Bands of Foot, placed his whole Cavalry on the Wings, and, having encouraged them by a short Speech suitable to the Exigency, led them, in this new Order, down towards the Plain.

But, when he observed the Numidians moved not, nor offered to stir from their Hill, he apprehended, both from the Heat of the Season, and the great Scarcity of Water, that his Army would be distressed by Thirst: He, therefore, ordered his Lieutenant-General Rutilius, with a Detachment of Horse, and the Cohorts lightly armed, to advance to the River; there to pre-occupy Ground proper to encamp on: For he judged, that the Enemy would, by continual Skirmishing, especially by attacking him on the Flank, strive to obstruct his Progress, and hold his Men continually harrassed under Toil and Thirst; since they thus distrusted their Success in a Battle. He then advanced with the rest of the Army; but with a gentle Pace, suitably to the Conjuncture, and the Ground; just as he had done in descending from the Mountain; having posted Marius in the main Battle, and himself on the Left Wing, at the Head of the Cavalry; which, in the Manner they marched, was come to be the Front.

Jugurtha no sooner perceived the Rear of the Romans advanced beyond the first Rank of the Numidians, but he sent a Detachment of Two thousand Foot, to possess the Part of the Mountain from whence Metellus had just descended; that the same might not serve the Romans for a present Refuge, if they fled, nor afterwards for a Place of Security: Then instantly, sounding to Battle, he assailed the Romans; and, whilst many of his Men slaughtered our Rear, others pressed our Right and Left: They came on with Fury, fought with Vigour, and every-where disconcerted our Ranks; even where they were opposed by the bravest Men; who found themselves baffled by an Attack so irregular and uncertain, were wounded from afar, and could not return Blow for Blow, or engage Hand to Hand: For the Numidian Horse, pre-instructed by Jugurtha, whenever any of the Roman Troops advanced against them, retreated immediately; not in close Order, or, indeed, in a Body, but all scattering as wide as possible. Hence, when, notwithstanding all this, they could not divert us from pursuing them; yet, as they surpassed us also in Number, they beset us in the Rear, or in the Flank, and, assaulting us there, put us into great Disorder: And when, in order to escape us, the Hill seemed more secure and inviting than the Plain, their Horses easily retreated thither, as they were daily enured to pass through Thickets; whilst a Situation so steep and difficult withheld ours from following them.

In truth, from the whole Transaction there arose a Spectacle strangely diversified and perplexed; very lamentable, very shocking; some yielding, others pursuing; all dispersed, and separate from their Fellows; no Observance of Ranks, none of Standards; each grappling with Danger, and repulsing the Foe, just as either happened to occur; a wild Mixture of Arms and Darts, of Men and Horses, of Enemies and Fellow-citizens; nothing conducted by Concert, nor by Authority, but blind Chance governing all. Insomuch that, though the Day was already far advanced, the Event was still very doubtful.

At length, when both Sides were spent with the Violence of Heat and Fatigue, Metellus, perceiving the Numidians to attack with abated Vigour, rallied his Men by little and little; and, having restored their former Compactness and Ranks, ranged Four Legionary Cohorts against the Numidian Infantry, who, overcome with Weariness, had, for the greater Part, retired, for Repose, to the higher Ground. He, moreover, besought and exhorted the Soldiers, ‘On no Account to be daunted; nor suffer a flying Enemy to carry the Victory: They themselves, if they turned their Backs, had neither Intrenchments nor Castles to retire to: In their Arms alone all their Hopes and Security rested.’

Neither was Jugurtha, the while, unactive. He was going continually about from Quarter to Quarter: He animated his Forces; again and again renewed the Attack; and, at the Head of some chosen Troops, tried every possible Expedient; seasonably reinforced his own Men, where most pressed; furiously urged the Romans, where they wavered; and, by Flights of Darts from afar, diverted such who still stood firm.

In this manner was the Field contested between the Two Generals, both consummate Officers; themselves of equal Abilities, but their Forces unequal. Metellus commanded brave Soldiers in a perverse Situation: Jugurtha possessed all other Advantages, but that of Soldiers. At length the Romans, convinced that no Place of Refuge was left them; that the Enemy still shunned all Occasions of engaging; seeing withal the Night approach, bravely advanced up the Hill, according to the Orders of the General, and gained it. The Numidians, bereft of their Ground, were immediately routed, and fled; yet very few slain. What saved most of them, was their own Swiftness of Foot, and the Country quite strange to their Enemies.

During these Transactions, Bomilcar, whom I have already mentioned to have been appointed by Jugurtha to command the Elephants, and Part of the Foot, no sooner observed Rutilius to have marched by him, but, by gentle Movements, he drew out his Men into the Plain; and there, without Interruption, imbattled them according to the Exigency of Time and Place; whilst the Roman Lieutenant-General was marching full Pace to the River, whither he was sent forward by the Consul. Neither did Bomilcar fail to inform himself what Steps the Romans took on every Side. Now, when he had learned, that Rutilius was already encamped, and void of all Apprehension; perceiving, moreover, the Uproar to increase in Jugurtha’s Host, and thence solicitous, lest the Lieutenant-General, upon discovering the Distress of our Men, still dangerously engaged in the Fight, might move to their Relief; he presently changed the Order of his Battle; which, distrusting the Sufficiency of his Soldiers, he had formed of a Body extremely condense; but now loosened and extended it in Front, in order to hinder Rutilius from marching.

In this Order he advanced directly towards the Camp of Rutilius. The Romans there beheld a mighty Dust to arise on a sudden: For, the Bushes which covered the Country obstructing their View of the Numidians, they, at first, supposed it to be the Effect of the Wind, raising and driving the dry Soil. Presently, when they saw it continue in equal Agitation and Thickness, and approach nearer and nearer, in proportion to the Motion of the Army, perceiving what it portended, they armed, with great Celerity; and arrayed themselves, as they were ordered, before their Camp.

When the Enemy drew near, they encountered on both Sides with mighty Shouts. The Numidians maintained the Combat just as long as they trusted to the Aid of the Elephants: The Moment they saw these Beasts hampered amongst the Arms of Trees, vanquished and surrounded by our Men, they fled outright: Indeed, the greater Part, having cast away their Arms, escaped, unhurt, by the Advantage of the Hill, or of the Night, which now approached. Four Elephants were taken: All the rest, Forty in Number, were slain.

For the Romans, however tired with their March, with fortifying their Camp, lastly, with the Battle; and however pleased with the Issue; yet, as Metellus tarried beyond their Expectation, they advanced to meet him, in regular Array, and full of Spirit: Since such was the Subtilty of the Numidians, as to leave no room for Inactivity, none for Remissness. When they were near met, both Sides, deceived by the Darkness of the Night, and mistaking the Noise, which each made, for that of an approaching Enemy, mutually occasioned no small Commotion and Alarm: Nay, from this rash Conceit, deplorable Mischiefs were like to have followed; had not certain Horsemen, purposely sent out by each, discovered the true Cause. Hence sudden Gladness succeeded Fear: Now the Soldiers, full of Joy, calling to one another by Name, mutually recount their late Exploits, and hear them recounted; and every Particular extols his own brave Archievements to the Skies. Such is the Course of human Things! After Victory the very Cowards are allowed to boast: A Defeat brings Blemish even upon the Brave.

Metellus, who continued Four Days in the same Camp, carefully cherished the Wounded; presented the usual military Rewards to such as had well acquitted themselves in the late Battles; commended the whole Army, purposely assembled; and publicly thanked them; then exhorted them ‘To pursue, with equal Bravery, what remained further to be accomplished; a Task which they would find very light. They had already fought so as to gain abundant Victory: Their future Fatigues would only be to accumulate Wealth and Plunder.’ He omitted not, however, the while, to dispatch away Deserters, and other proper Instruments, ‘To discover where Jugurtha lay; how he was employed; whether he were still Master of an Army; and how he bore his Defeat.’ In Fact, the King had withdrawn into woody Desarts, Places fortified by Nature; and there already assembled an Army, in Number of Men larger than his former, but spiritless and raw; more practised in Tilling and Pasture, than in War; a Consequence which arose from hence, That, upon a Defeat, none of the Numidians follow their King, except his Horse-Guards only: All the rest retire whither their several Inclinations lead them. Neither doth this infer any Stain upon their Service. Such are the Habits and Genius of the Nation.

When Metellus had thus learned, that the Spirit of the King was still resolute and untamed; that the War was to be renewed; a War, too, subject to be conducted just according to the Pleasure and Caprice of Jugurtha; when he likewise foresaw upon what cruel Terms he must engage Enemies, that suffered less in being defeated, than he in defeating them; he determined, upon the Whole, to pursue the War, not, as usual, by regular Attacks and Battles, but in a far different Manner. He, therefore, directs his March into the most opulent Regions of Numidia; lays the Country utterly waste; takes a great Number of Castles and Towns, such as were carelesly fortified, or had no Garison to defend them, and burns them all; orders all the Youth to be slain; leaves every thing else as free Spoil to the Soldiers. Such Dread followed this Proceeding, that Numbers of Hostages were sent to him; Grain, with whatever else an Army required, was abundantly supplied; and, wherever he judged expedient, Garisons were allowed to be placed.

These were Measures which alarmed the King far more sensibly than the late Battle, so ill maintained by his Men. For now he, whose only Hopes consisted in flying before us, was forced to follow us; and, though unable to defend his own Territories, yet constrained to make War in those possessed by the Romans: Nevertheless, he formed a Design, which appeared most eligible to him in his present Streights; and, ordering the Body of the Army to remain encamped together, he himself, at the Head of a chosen Detachment of Horse, pursued Metellus; and, as he marched by Night through Ways utterly unfrequented, his Coming was quite concealed. Thus he fell, with great Suddenness and Surprize, upon such of our Forces as roamed over the Country: Of these the most Part, being found without Arms, were slain: Many were made Prisoners; nor did a single Man escapeunhurt. Nay, before any Succour could reach them from the Camp, the Numidians, as they were pre-instructed, had retired to the neighbouring Hills.

During these Transactions, mighty Joy arose at Rome, upon Tidings of the glorious Progress of Metellus; for that ‘He had conducted himself, and his Army, according to the strict Rules of the Ancients: Under all the Disadvantage of Soil and Situation, he had yet conquered by pure Fortitude and Ability: He even possessed the Enemy’s Country; and Jugurtha, lately elevated by the base Conduct of Aulus, was, by Metellus, driven, for a Refuge, to Flight, and the Desarts.’ The Senate, therefore, decreed Publick Thanks and Oblations to the immortal Gods to be solemnized, for so many successful Archievements.’ The City was now filled with Rejoicings, as hitherto with Anxiety for the Result of the War; and Metellus was the great Subject of popular Applause. Hence he strove with the stronger Efforts to obtain a final Victory; pushed and quickened every Measure; yet still with special Precaution against all Surprize from the Enemy; and always remembering, that ever after Glory marches Envy. Thus the more celebrated he was, the more circumspect he became; nor, since the late unforeseen Attack from Jugurtha, did he suffer his Army to spread loosely in quest of Plunder. Upon every Occasion of procuring Provisions or Forage, all the Cavalry, supported by Bands of Foot, were employed as Convoys to secure it. One Part of the Army was led by himself; the other by Marius. Indeed, the Country was more terribly wasted by Fire, than by Depredations. The Army, thus divided, always encamped in Two different Places, and, upon any Exigency, rejoined; but marched and acted apart, the further to extend popular Dread and Flight.

All this while Jugurtha followed them upon the Hills, and carefully sought some favourable Juncture or Situation, to assail them. Whenever he heard what Routes they intended, there he destroyed the Forage, and the Springs, of themselves very rare. Now he presented himself to Metellus, anon to Marius; sometimes assaulted their Rear; then, in an Instant, retreated to the Hills; but, appearing again, made a Feint, this Moment to fall upon one Quarter, by-and-by upon another; never venturing to engage, yet never ceasing to alarm them; still only aiming to frustrate the Attempts of the Romans.

The Roman General, perceiving the Design of the Enemy to be only to harrass him with continual Artifice and Surprize, and to elude all Occasion of Battle, formed a Design to besiege a mighty City; indeed, the Bulwark of the Kingdom on that Side, known by the Name of Zama; as he judged, that Jugurtha would do what was incumbent upon him, and advance to relieve his People there, hardly pressed by an Enemy, and thence an Engagement would ensue.

But Jugurtha, having learned, from Deserters, what was determined, by mighty Marches reached there before Metellus; and, applying to the Inhabitants, exhorted them bravely to defend their Walls, and strengthened them with a Reinforcement of the Roman Deserters; who, as they durst not betray him, were the most determined of all the King’s Forces. Besides, he promised, in due Time, to return to their Relief in Person, at the Head of an Army.

When he had thus settled Measures there, he withdrew into Places the most solitary and unfrequented; where, soon after learning, that Marius was, with a few Cohorts, detached from the Army as it marched, to bring Provisions from Sicca; a Town which, first of all others, had revolted from the King, immediately after his evil Success in Battle: Thither he now advances by Night, accompanied with the Flower of his Cavalry; and fell upon the Romans, just as they were returning through the Gate. He, at the same time, cried to the Townsmen with a loud Voice, ‘To beset the Cohorts in the Rear: Here was an Occasion offered to them, by Fortune, for a glorious Archievement: If they performed it, he should thenceforth enjoy his Kingdom, as would they their Liberties, without Molestation or Alarm.’ Nay, had not Marius, with notable Celerity, advanced the Standards, and got clear of the Town, doubtless the whole Inhabitants of Sicca, at best the greatest Part, would again have changed their Allegiance: Such a strange Spirit of Instability actuates the Numidians in all their Conduct! But the Troops of Jugurtha, who, animated and supported by him, had, for a small time, continued the Combat, as soon as they found themselves urged by the Romans with superior Vigour, retired in open Flight, when but few had yet fallen.

Marius proceeded, and arrived before Zama. The Town was built in a Plain, stronger by Bulwarks than by Situation, destitute of no necessary Stores, abounding in Arms, and in Men. Now Metellus, when he had concerted all his Measures, suitably to the Juncture and Undertaking, encompassing the Walls with his Army, assigned to his Lieutenants their several Stations and Command: Then strait, upon the Signal given, arose a loud and universal Shout. Yet all this dismayed not the Numidians: Full of Fierceness, and resolute in their Defence, they waited the Attack, without Surprize or Uproar. The Encounter followed: In it the Romans fought, each according to his particular Bent; some at a Distance, with Stones and Slings; some attacked and retired, others supplied their Place: Here they undermined the Walls; there they planted Ladders against them; all passionate to engage the Enemy Hand to Hand.

The Townsmen, to defeat so many Assaults, rolled down great Stones upon such as ventured nearest; and darted sharp Stakes and Javelins, with flaming Torches of Pitch and Sulphur. Nor, indeed, did such of our Men, who kept far off, find Security in their Cowardice; for most of them were wounded by missive Weapons, thrown by Engines, or by Force of Arm. So that the Cowards shared equal Danger with the Brave; but with unequal Glory.

Whilst this bloody Struggle was still subsisting at Zama, Jugurtha, with a mighty Band, assails, by Surprize, the Roman Camp: Nay, so utterly negligent were those left to guard it; indeed, apprehending any thing, rather than an Attack; that he even forced his Entrance at one of the Gates.

Our Men, struck with sudden Dismay, all tried to secure themselves, each according to his different Character: Some had recourse to Flight, others to their Arms; and a great Part were wounded or slain: In Fact, amongst all that Multitude of armed Men, there were only Forty found, who shewed the Spirit of Romans. These, closing together, posted themselves upon a rising Ground, from whence the most furious Efforts of their Enemies could not drive them; nay, what Darts and Javelins were thrown at them, they returned with more Success; as a Few could aim with more Certainty than a superior Number. Or, if the Numidians ventured a nearer Attack, then these few exerted their invincible Bravery; slaughtering, routing, and putting them to Flight, with wonderful Spirit.

Metellus, the while, as he was pursuing the Assault of Zama with the utmost Vigour, heard an Uproar and Shouts behind him, like those of an Enemy; and, turning his Horse, perceived Men flying towards him; a sure Indication, that they were his own. He, therefore, instantly dispatched the whole Cavalry with Expedition to the Camp; and, anon, Caius Marius, with the confederate Cohorts. He even besought him with Tears, ‘By the Dearness of their mutual Friendship, by that of the Commonweal, not to suffer such Infamy to stain a victorious Army, nor the Enemy to escape, without repaying them due Vengeance.’ Marius executed his Orders with great Dispatch.

Now Jugurtha, attacked in his Turn, found himself and his People embarrassed in our Intrenchments: Some of them flung themselves over the Palisade: The rest, in Crouds pressing to get out, as the Passages were too narrow, and each strove to be first, all hampered and obstructed one another: So that, after a great Loss of Men, he retired to strong and inaccessible Places. Metellus, having failed in this Attempt upon the Town, returned with his Army to the Camp.

The next Day, before he left it, to return to the Assault, he drew out all his Horse without the Camp; with Orders to guard that Side exposed to Insults from Jugurtha: The Guard of the Gates, and the Posts adjoining, he distributed amongst the Tribunes. He then advanced towards the Town, and assaulted the Walls the same Way as the Day before. Then Jugurtha, rushing from his Covert, all on a sudden assails our Men. Those of the advanced Ranks were somewhat affrighted, and put into Disorder, but quickly succoured by the rest; nor could the Numidians have maintained their Ground a Moment longer, had not their Foot, now mingled with their Horse, made great Havock amongst us: For the Horsmen, relying on Aid from the Foot, did not here, as their Horsmen were wont, advance and retire by turns, but steadily pushed forward, grappled with our Troops, and broke them; then left them, nigh quite vanquished, to be dispatched by their Foot, who found it an easy Task.

During this very Time, mighty was the Conflict at Zama. Wherever any of the Consul’s Lieutenants, or wherever any Tribune was posted, there each exerted the highest Bravery; all rather trusting for Victory to their own personal Atchievements, than to any Aid from their Fellows. The Townsmen, too, acquitted themselves with equal Ardour; boldly repulsing the Assailants, and every-where warmly engaged in all the Methods of Defence. In truth, both the Besiegers and the Besieged sought more eagerly to destroy their Enemies, than to shield and protect themselves. Various and confused were the Cries that continually arose; here of Exhortations, there of Joy, elsewhere of Groans. The Clangor of Arms reached the Sky; on all hands Darts flew thick and fast.

Now wherever they who maintained the Walls, found the Vigour of the Assailants ever so little to abate, they stood still, with great Earnestness, to behold the Battle between the Cavalry: Nay, you might have perceived them now exulting, anon dismayed, according to the various Success attending the Arms of Jugurtha; and, just as if they could have been distinctly heard or seen by these their Countrymen and Friends, some warned and advised them, others urged and exhorted them, at least beckoned to them with their Hands, and swayed their Bodies hither and thither, as if they, too, had been actually throwing Darts, or avoiding them.

Marius, who commanded on that Side, observing this, artfully slackened his Attack, and feigned to seem hopeless of Success. He even left the Numidians at Leisure, without Interruption or Alarm, to view the King thus engaged. Then, whilst their Eyes and Attention were fixed with much Zeal upon their Friends, he made a sudden and vehement Effort to master the Walls; nay, the Soldiers had already, by their scaling Ladders, nigh gained the Battlements, when the Besieged flew to their Defence, and poured upon the Besiegers whole Vollies of Stones and Fire, besides Showers of all Sorts of deadly Weapons. Our Men, for some time, maintained themselves against all: Anon, as several of the Ladders broke, and such who stood upon them were, by tumbling headlong, mortally bruised, the rest disengaged themselves, and retreated each as he could; hardly any unhurt, most of them covered with Wounds. Night soon after separated the Combatants, both at the Siege and in the Field.

Metellus, seeing his Enterprize fail, the Town not taken, Jugurtha resolved never to engage, unless by Surprize, or in Posts of Advantage, and the Summer already spent, departed from before Zama; and proceeded to place Garisons in the several Cities which had revolted to him; at least, in such as were naturally strong, or well fortified; then settled his remaining Forces, for the Winter, in those Parts of our Province, where it joins to Numidia. Neither did he consign his Time there, as others had done, to Inaction, or a Course of Delicacy: For, having tried how slowly the War was advanced by Fighting only, he concerted how to defeat the King by domestic Treason; and, instead of Arms, to employ against him the Treachery of his Confidents.

He, therefore, applies to Bomilcar, with infinite Promises; and, indeed, strait prevailed with him to come to a private Conference. There Metellus pledged his Credit, ‘That, if he would deliver Jugurtha into his Hands, either alive or dead, he would secure to him absolute Pardon from the Senate, together with the certain Enjoyment of his whole Fortune.’ For Bomilcar had attended Jugurtha, as his Minister, to Rome; and, falling under Prosecution there for the Murder of Massiva, had fled thence from Justice, and abandoned his Sureties; and, as he held the highest Trust with the King, he had the greatest Opportunity to betray him. The Consul found it not difficult to engage the Numidian in the Undertaking; for he was a Man naturally faithless, and now terrified with the Apprehension, that, were Peace made with the Romans, he himself should be excepted, and surrendered into the Hands of the Executioner.

This Man, who watched for the first convenient Hour, finding Jugurtha full of Anguish, and deploring his sad Lot, accosted him with a Flood of Tears; then warned and adjured him to consider, ‘That it was time to consult the Interest and Well-being of himself, of his Offspring, and of the People of Numidia; a People so devoted to him, and such Sufferers for him. In every Encounter he had been vanquished; the Country was desolate; great Numbers of his Subjects were made Captives, great Numbers slain; and the Strength of the Monarchy exhausted. Already he had abundantly tried both the Bravery of his Men, and the Inclination of Fortune. It now behoved him to beware, lest, whilst he thus lingered, the Numidian Nation might have recourse to Measures of Safety for themselves.’

By these and the like Representations, he brought the King to yield to an absolute Submission. Immediately Ambassadors were sent to the Roman Commander, to declare, that Jugurtha was prepared to comply with whatever he should injoin; nay, to surrender himself, and his Kingdom, without Reserve, to the Disposal of the Consul. Metellus forthwith summoned to Council, from their Winter Quarters, all who were invested with the Rank of Senators; and heard the Advice of these, and of others, whom he judged proper to consult.

The Consul, thus proceeding according to antient Rules, and following an Order of Council then made, sent Deputies to Jugurtha, commanding him, ‘To deliver over to the Romans Two hundred thousand Weight of Silver, all his Elephants, with a certain Number of Horses and Arms.’ As all this was executed without Delay, he further ordered ‘All our Deserters to be brought him in Chains.’ Indeed, most of them, in Obedience to the Order, were soon so brought: The rest, (very few) upon Jugurtha’s first Advances towards a Surrender, had fled into Mauritania, for Protection from King Bocchus.

Now, when Jugurtha, already bereft of his Arms, his Forces, and his Treasures, came next to be summoned to Tisidium, there to deliver up his Person to the Consul, his Mind began to waver and recoil, and his guilty Conscience to dread suitable Punishment. Under this Hesitation he spent several Days. Now, shocked with a continual Course of Calamities, he esteemed all Events whatever more eligible than War: Anon, he reflected what a dreadful Fall it was, from Sovereignty to Bondage: The Result was; that he chose to renew the War, when he had just divested himself fruitlesly of so many and so mighty Sources of Strength. At Rome, too, during this Juncture, the Senate, having met to deliberate concerning the Distribution of Provinces, had decreed Numidia to Metellus.

At this time Caius Marius, who happened to be at Utica, as he was offering Victims to the Gods, was apprised by the Diviner, ‘That mighty and marvelous Events were presaged to him: He should, therefore, pursue whatever Designs he entertained, with full Confidence in the Gods for their Accomplishment: He might try Fortune as freely as he pleased; all his Efforts would be prosperous.’ The Truth is, he had been long before transported with a vehement Passion for the Consulship: He was even abundantly furnished with every Qualification for acquiring it, except only that of an ancient Family: He had great Assiduity, great Probity, masterly Knowledge in War, infinite Spirit in Battle, exemplary Sobriety, a Soul superior to Wealth and Voluptuousness, and only thirsting after Glory.

He was born at Arpinum, and reared there till just past his tender Age. From that Moment he gave himself up wholly to the Life of a Soldier; without once engaging in the Study of the Grecian Eloquence, or in the Delicacies of Rome. Hence, in a little time, this warlike Genius, by a worthy Course of Improvements, grew an accomplished Officer: So that when he first sued to the People for the Office of military Tribune, though few of them knew his Face, his Character was so well known, that he gained it by the concurring Voices of all the Tribes: Then, when he had discharged this Magistracy, he opened his Way gradually to others; and, in every Post of Power, his Conduct was such, that he still was esteemed to merit a greater.

Yet this Man, so very deserving, till this time, (for afterwards Ambition transported him beyond all Measure) had not dared to solicit for the Consulship: For, though, at this Juncture, the People conferred all the other Dignities of State, that of Consul was by the Nobility confined to themselves: Every new Man, however shining his Character, however signal his Merits, was, by them, held to be unworthy of that supreme Honour; nay, as it were, a Person unhallowed.

Marius, therefore, when he perceived the Answer from the Diviner to co-operate with the Bent of his own Soul, applies to Metellus for Leave to go to Rome, there to sue for the Consulship. Metellus, though amply distinguished with Virtue, Honour, and every Recommendation pleasing to a worthy Man, yet possessed a Spirit full of Disdain, and great Haughtiness; the common Failing of the Nobility! So that, as he was, at first, struck with Pretensions so unusual, he expressed great Admiration at his Views; and advised him, as in Friendship, ‘Not to enter upon Measures so unwarrantable, nor suffer his Mind to soar above his Station: It became not all Men to aim at all Things: He ought to rest content with his present Circumstances. In short, he ought to be aware how he demanded of the Roman People what they had Reason to refuse him.’ When he had offered these and the like Objections, and found the Mind of Marius utterly unyielding, he promised to comply with what he asked, as soon as the Situation of public Affairs enabled him. After these and the like Replies, as Marius persisted in his Importunity, he is said to have answered, ‘You need be in no Hurry to go: It will be early enough for you to sue for the Consulship, when my Son is of Age to join with you.’ This Youth was then serving under his Father, without any Command, and not yet Twenty Years old.

This Rebuke fired Marius, who was passionate to obtain the Consular Dignity, and, therefore, equally incensed against Metellus: So that he was driven headlong by Anger and Thirst of Power, two very mischievous Counsellors. He spared no Attempt, no Language, that had the least Tendency to gain the Multitude, and his Ends: He forbore all his usual Strictness over the Troops under his Command in Winter Quarters: He discoursed amongst our Traders, then in great Crouds at Utica, concerning the War, in a Style that highly aspersed Metellus, and highly exalted himself: ‘That, were but half the Army consigned over to him, he would, in a few Days, have Jugurtha in Chains. It was the Policy of the General to prolong the War; as he was a vain Man, possessed with kingly Pride, and fond of holding Command.’ All these Suggestions appeared the more solid to those Traders, as, by the Continuance of the War, their Fortunes were much impaired; and, to an impatient Spirit, no Haste whatsoever seems sufficient.

There was, moreover, in our Army, a certain Numidian named Gauda; who, as he was the Son of Manastabal, and Grandson of Masinissa, had been, by King Micipsa his Uncle, appointed his next Heir after his immediate Successors. This Man, one broken with Distempers, and thence impaired in his Faculties, aiming at Royal Rank, had made Suit to Metellus for a Seat next that of the Consul; nay, afterwards, for a Troop of Roman Horse for his Guard, and was refused both; the Seat, because it belonged to none but those whom the Roman People distinguished with the Title of Kings; the Troop of Horse, because of the Scandal accruing to the Roman Horse, were any of them assigned as Bodyguards to a Numidian. In the Heat of this Discontent, Marius accosted him; and, urging him to apply for Vengeance against the General for such Indignities, tendered him his own Interest to procure it. He even intoxicated the Man, greatly weakened in his Faculties by Diseases; extolled him, in a soothing Discourse, ‘As a Monarch, a grand Personage, the Grandson of Masinissa; one who, were Jugurtha once taken or slain, would, without any Obstacle, sway the Sceptre of Numidia: An Event which would presently follow, if he himself were sent as Consul to conduct that War.’

Thus not only this Numidian, but even the Roman Knights, the Roman Soldiers, nay, the Body of Traders, became all engaged, some by the Arts of Marius, most of them by their Hopes of Peace, to write to their several Friends at Rome concerning the War, with keen Imputations upon Metellus, and to require Marius for his Successor. Hence, great Numbers of Men joining to solicit the Consulship in his Behalf, this Concurrence of Voices proved altogether honourable to him. Besides, at this very Conjuncture, the People, who, by the Mamilian Law, had quite sunk the Power of the Nobility, were proceeding to confer the great Offices upon Plebeians. Thus all Things contributed to the Advancement of Marius.

Jugurtha, the while, when once he had dropped his Purpose of surrendering, and again begun the War, concerted all his Measures with wonderful Attention, and pursued them with infinite Dispatch. He levied an Army: Whatever Cities had revolted from him, he strove to redeem, by Threats of Vengeance, or high Offers of Compensation. He fortified what Places he still held: In room of the Arms, and warlike Stores, which, to obtain a Pacification, he had abandoned to the Romans, he caused others to be made or purchased; enticed the Roman Slaves; strove, by Money, to corrupt such of the Romans as were in Garisons: Indeed, he left nothing unattempted, no Quarter without Commotion, and made restless Efforts every-where.

One Consequence of all this was a Conspiracy at Vacca; where Metellus had placed a Garison, immediately upon the first Overtures of Jugurtha for a Pacification. The principal Citizens, teized with Solicitations from the King, and hitherto no-wise disaffected towards him, combined together to relieve the City. For the Populace, like the Populace every-where, above all in Numidia, were eager for all public Changes, prone to Sedition and Disorder, and Enemies to Peace and Repose.

After they had settled their Scheme, they fixed the Execution for the third Day following; because it was a public Festival, to be celebrated throughout all Africa; and thus more resembled a Season of Pastime and Jollity, than of Distrust and Alarm. When the Day came, the Conspirators severally invited the Roman Officers to their Houses, the Centurions, the military Tribunes, nay, even Titus Turpilius Silanus, Governor of the City: So that each of them had his Guest; and all these Guests they butchered amidst the Feast; except only Turpilius; as they did next the common Soldiers, straggling at random, destitute of Arms, and (as it was a Day of Rejoicing) remote from all Coercion from their Officers. The Populace joined in the Massacre; some at the Instigation of their Superiors; the rest animated by a natural Passion for such savage Proceedings: For, to Them, all Tumults, and violent Revolutions, were greatly pleasing; though ignorant of what was transacting, or from what View it began.

The Roman Soldiers, beset with Peril so alarming, unknowing whence it proceeded, at a Loss how to behave under it, fled in Dismay towards the Castle; for there their Standards and Bucklers lay; but found the Castle shut, and guarded by the Enemy. Nor could they escape out of the Town, as the Gates were shut before the Massacre began. To complete their Calamity, the Women and Children strove to surpass each other, in pouring down upon them, from the Roofs of the Houses, Stones, and such other terrible Materials as the several Places presented.

Thus bereft of all Resource against Danger in so many Shapes, and the bravest Men unable to withstand the Assaults of the weakest Hands, they all yielded alike to the same common Slaughter; the Worthless and the Worthy, the Daring and the Timid, without Distinction, and unrevenged.

During a Massacre so furious, whilst the Numidians breathed unrelenting Cruelty and Slaughter; nay, when the Town was on all Sides shut; Turpilius the Governor escaped; the single Italian that did so; he even escaped unhurt: Whether such singular Fortune befel him from the Humanity of his Host, or from Collusion, or from pure Chance, I have not been able to learn: However it were, since, in a Calamity so afflicting to the State, he preferred an infamous Life to Honour and Fame, he must be considered as a wicked Man, branded with lasting Ignominy.

Metellus, after he had learned the Disaster at Vacca, for a short time, forbore, in the Fulness of his Anguish, to appear in public. Anon, his Indignation rising in proportion to his Grief, he used infinite Assiduity to take due Vengeance. He, therefore, drew out the Legion which wintered with him in the same Quarter; as also all the Numidian Cavalry that he could possibly assemble; and, marching, just as the Sun set, at the Head of this Detachment, all lightly armed, arrived, next Morning about the third Hour, in a certain Plain, encompassed with small Eminences.

There, as the Men were all spent with so excessive a March, and even refusing further to obey him, he apprised them, that they were no more than a Mile from the City of Vacca; that it was incumbent on them frankly to sustain their remaining Task; a Task so interesting; even to avenge the tragical Fate of their Fellow-Citizens; all brave Men, all miserably massacred: He added a ravishing Bait, an Offer of the whole Plunder. When he had thus rouzed their Courage, he directed the Cavalry to form a Line in Front; the Infantry to march in as close Order as possible; and all the Banners to be concealed.

The Inhabitants of Vacca, when they observed an Army advancing towards them, conceived, at first, what the Fact was; that it was Metellus; and shut their Gates. Anon, when they saw, not only that, in the Country where they passed, no Devastation was committed, but withal, that the foremost Ranks consisted of Numidian Horse, they next conjectured it be Jugurtha; and issued out with huge Joy to meet him. Instantly, upon the Signal given, our Forces, Foot and Horse, flew to the Attack: Some slaughtered the common Herd, who had poured in Crouds out of the City; others ran to secure the Gates; others mastered the strong Towers. Indeed, a Passion for Revenge, and Hope of Plunder, quite overcame all Sense of Weariness.

Thus the People of Vacca triumphed no more than Two Days in their bloody Treachery: This City, so mighty and opulent, was subjected without Reserve to Vengeance and Rapine. Turpilius, who, though Governor of the City, had alone, amongst so many, procured Safety by Flight, as I have above recounted, was ordered, by Metellus, to appear, and make his Defence: As he failed in clearing himself, he was condemned, doomed to be scourged, and punished capitally; a Sentence which he underwent as a Native of Latium.

About this time, Bomilcar, he by whose Solicitation Jugurtha had made an Offer to surrender, from whence he afterwards relapsed, through Fear, was eagerly set upon a Revolution, and even contriving by what Device to destroy the King: For he was already distrusted by Jugurtha, and himself filled with equal Distrust. He, therefore, employed his Thoughts Night and Day in plotting: At length, after having examined all Sorts of Schemes, he assumed Nabdalsa for his Associate; a Man of illustrious Quality, signal for his great Wealth, and beloved by his Countrymen; a Man who usually commanded an Army apart from that of the King, and conducted all Affairs discretionally, where Jugurtha, oppressed with others, could not dispatch them, or was engaged in dispatching greater. From all which he acquired much popular Renown, as well as much Weight and Opulence.

Now these Two having agreed only upon the Day for executing the Conspiracy, and leaving all previous Measures to be adjusted occasionally, as Occurrences should arise, Nabdalsa repaired to the Army; which, by the King’s Orders, he kept stationed in the Neighbourhood of our Winter-quarters; thence to restrain the Roman Forces from ravaging the Country with Impunity: But, as he returned not at the appointed Time, (for he was, indeed, dismayed at an Enterprize so black and daring, and Fear still obstructed his coming) Bomilcar, who was at once animated by his own Impatience to perpetrate his Design; and also full of Distrust of his Accomplice, lest, deserting their late Engagements, he should seek his own Safety in a Discovery; wrote to Nabdalsa, by such as he could confide in; upbraiding him with Effeminacy, and a dastardly Spirit; calling to witness the Gods by whom he had sworn, and warning him, ‘Not to convert to his own Perdition the ample Offers of Metellus: The Doom of Jugurtha was certainly at hand: The only Difficulty to be determined, was, whether he were to perish by a brave Stroke of theirs, or by one from Metellus: He should, therefore, consult his own Soul, which Alternative to prefer; a great Recompence, or a Rack.’

It so chanced, that, when this Letter was brought to Nabdalsa, he was retired to his Bed for Rest, after much Exercise and Fatigue: At first, after he had perused what Bomilcar alledged, sore Anguish seized his Spirit; then, what is usual to Minds overwhelmed with Cares, Sleep surprised him. In his Service he entertained a certain Numidian of tried Fidelity, at once his Favourite and his Secretary; indeed, privy to all his Counsels and Designs, except the last: This Man, when he heard, that a Packet was come, judging that, according to Custom, there would be Occasion for his Hand, or even for his Counsel, went into that Part of the Pavilion, where, finding his Master asleep, with the Letter lying negligently behind his Head on the Pillow, he took it, and read it attentively; and, thence learning the Conspiracy, instantly hasted away to the King.

Nabdalsa soon after waked; but, as he could not find the Letter, and learned withal, from certain Deserters, the several Circumstances as they had passed, his first Attempt was to have his Accuser pursued and intercepted: Failing in this Expedient, he strait repaired to the Presence of Jugurtha, there to try to appease him. He averred, that he himself had laid a Scheme to disclose the Whole, and was prevented only by the Treachery of his Officer: With Eyes full of Tears he conjured him, ‘By their mutual Confidence and Amity, by his many faithful Services past, not to hold him suspected of so black a Treason.’ To all this the King answered very graciously; far differently from what he thought. As he had already seen Bomilcar executed, with many others whom he had discovered to have been engaged in the Conspiracy, he now smothered his Vengeance; lest, by continuing to sacrifice such popular Subjects, he might excite an Insurrection.

From henceforward Jugurtha never enjoyed one Day or Night with a quiet Mind; never judged himself secure in any Place, nor with any human Creature, nor at any Time; equally distrusted his Subjects and his Enemies; was wary and watchful every-where; started and trembled at every Noise; passed his Nights now here, now there, often very unsuitably to the Dignity of a King: Sometimes suddenly roused from his Sleep, and snatching his Arms, he raised an Alarm during the Dead of Night. Thus his Fears, like a Phrensy, constantly worried and transported him.

Now Metellus, when he was, by Deserters, apprised of the Doom of Bomilcar, and the Discovery of the Conspiracy, concerted anew all his Measures, and proceeded with the same Ardour as if the War were but just beginning. Marius, continually reizing him for Leave to return home, was now dismissed by him, as a Man whom he knew to serve against his Inclination, to be actuated with personal Enmity towards him, and, upon all these Accounts, not fit to be trusted by him.

Moreover, at Rome, the Populace, having learned in what different Strains the Letters were written from Africa, concerning Metellus and Marius, readily agreed to whatever was said of both. The illustrious Quality of the General, hitherto a Motive for reverencing him, was become the Ground of popular Despight; whilst his Competitor derived popular Favour from the Obscurity of his Race: But still the Partiality of the different Parties had greater Influence than the Excellencies or Defects of the different Men. Besides that, the factious Magistrates intoxicated the Multitude, arraigning Metellus of capital Crimes, in all their Speeches to the People; and magnifying, beyond Bounds, the Merit of Marius. At length, the Croud became so transported, that the Artificers and Boors, a Tribe who derived their whole Worth and Substance from the daily Earnings of their Hands, abandoned their several Occupations, and flocked from all Quarters to attend the Person and Interest of Marius; as they were, indeed, more anxious for his Promotion, than for Necessaries of Life to themselves.

Whilst the Nobility were thus depressed and awed, the Consulship, which had been confined to their Body, during a long Succession, was conferred upon a new Man. After this Point was gained, when the People came to be asked, in a numerous Assembly, by Manlius Mantinus one of their Tribunes, To whom they pleased to commit the Conduct of the War against Jugurtha? they, with one Voice, assigned it to Marius: Indeed, the Senate had, not long before, decreed Numidia to Metellus; a Decree now rendered abortive.

During these Transactions at Rome, Jugurtha found himself quite bereft of his Confidents and Counsellors. He had, indeed, himself doomed most of them to perish: The rest, dreading the same bloody Lot, had fled, some to the Romans, some to King Bocchus. Now, as he saw it impossible to maintain the War without the Aid of Ministers and Officers, and yet held it exceeding perilous to risque the Fidelity of new, after having experienced such enormous Treachery in the old, he continued under sore Agitations of Mind, wavering and perplexed: Nor could any Incident, nor any Scheme, nor any Person, be, in any measure, approved by him. Every Day he shifted his March; every Day filled the Posts of Authority anew. Now he marched against the Enemy; anon retreated to the Wilderness: Oftentimes placed all his Security in Flight and Concealment; presently after in Resistance and Battle. Nor could he determine which he ought most to distrust in his People, their Want of Courage, or their Want of Fidelity: Insomuch that, on what Side soever he sought a Resource, he beheld nothing but Grief and Discouragement.

Whilst he was thus hesitating, Metellus, on a sudden, presents himself to View with his Army. Jugurtha improved what Time he had to dispose and embattle his Numidians; and instantly the Combat ensued. In that Quarter where the King fought in Person, the Conflict was for some time maintained: The rest of his Troops, elsewhere, were routed, upon the first Encounter, and put to Flight. The Romans gained all their Arms and Standards, with a certain Number of Prisoners. In truth, the Numidians, in all their Battles with the Romans, had found more Defence from their Speed, than from their Weapons of War.

Jugurtha, after this Overthrow, desponding still more and more of his Fortune, accompanied by the Deserters, and Part of his Cavalry, reached the Desarts; and then Thala, a City very strong and opulent. There the King’s Treasure was chiefly kept; there his Children were educated with very princely Care and Appointments.

As soon as Metellus was apprised of this, although he had learned, that, between the adjoining River and the City, he had a March to undertake of Fifty Miles, all through a parched and dreary Wilderness; yet such were his Hopes of terminating the War by the Reduction of that City, that he attempted to brave rhe rudest Obstacles, and even to triumph over the Stubbornness of Nature. He, therefore, orders all the Beasts of Carriage to be lightened of their usual Burdens, and to be laden only with Bread-corn for Ten Days, together with leathern Bottles, and other Implements proper for carrying Water. He, moreover, provided whatever domestic Beasts the neighbouring Territory afforded; and loaded them with Vessels of every Kind, mostly of Wood, procured from the Numidian Cottages. Besides, he commanded the adjoining Natives, who had yielded to him after the Defeat of the King, to furnish themselves with what Water they could possibly carry, and bring it him at a particular Time and Place, with which he then acquainted them. For a Supply to himself, he loaded his Beasts with Water from the River; which, though so remote from Thala, was yet the nearest River to it, as I have already related.

Thus furnished and prepared, he advanced towards Thala. When he was arrived where he had directed the Numidians to attend him, and had just pitched and fortified his Camp, such a Flood of Rain is reported to have fallen, as would of itself have more than sufficed the Army. Here was also brought such Store of Provisions as surpassed all Expectation: For the Numidians, like most other Nations, who have submitted to new Masters, had officiously exceeded in the Measure injoined. The Soldiers, out of Devotion, chose chiefly the Water which fell from the Heavens; and, by it, their Resolution was greatly heightened, as thence they conceived themselves under the immediate Guardianship of the immortal Gods. The next Day’s March brought them before the Walls of Thala, to the great Surprize of Jugurtha: The Inhabitants, who had thought themselves abundantly secured by the desperate Difficulties found in approaching them, were, indeed, astonished at an Event so terrifying and unparalleled; yet with not the less Courage prepared for Resistance. The same resolute Temper was seen in our Forces.

The King believed, that nothing now was too difficult for Metellus to accomplish; since such was his Vigour, as to have triumphed over all Efforts from Men and Arms; over Climates, Situations and Seasons; nay, over, what controuls all other Things, Nature herself. He, therefore, stole out of the City in the Dark, with his Children, and great Part of his Treasure. From henceforward, he never staid in one Place above a Day or a Night: His Pretence was Variety of Business, which hurried him hither and thither: But the Truth is, he lived under constant Dread of treasonable Attempts; which he reckoned to evade by the Quickness of his Motions; since such Designs, he thought, were only formed when Leisure and Opportunity presented.

Metellus, when he observed the Citizens bent upon fighting for their Defence, the City withal strong, both by Situation and Bulwarks, begirt it with a Trench and Palisade; then ordered moving Machines to be rolled to all convenient Stations, Mounds to be raised upon these Machines, and upon the Mounds Turrets; such as might serve to protect the whole Work, and those who conducted it. Against all these Preparations the Citizens contrived others; and exerted wonderful Activity and Spirit: Indeed, no Effort was left untried by both Sides. At length, the Romans, after a tedious Siege of Forty Days, added to their infinite former Toils, and to the many bloody Conflicts which had sorely exhausted them, gained Possession of the bare City. The whole Spoil was destroyed by the Deserters: These Men no sooner perceived the Walls shaken by the Battering-rams, and their own Lot desperate, than they removed from the City the Gold and Silver, with whatever else is esteemed of Value, into the Royal Palace: There they surcharged themselves with Wine and Feasting; then committed all to the consuming Flames, the Wealth, the Palace, and their own Lives. Thus they underwent, of their own Accord, the worst Doom, that, after a Defeat, they could have dreaded from their Enemy.

Just upon the Taking of Thala there came Deputies from the City of Leptis to Metellus, intreating him to send them a Garison and a Governor; because a Man of Quality there, extremely factious, his Name Hamilcar, was labouring to overthrow the present Government in it; and, as neither the Authority of the Magistrates, nor Fear of the Laws, availed to restrain him, sudden Ruin threatened a Community joined in Alliance with the People of Rome, unless Metellus sent them present Succour. It must be owned, that the People of Leptis had, from the Beginning of the War with Jugurtha, applied first to Bestia the Consul, afterwards directly to Rome, suing for Admission to Friendship and Confederacy. From that Time, having obtained their Suit, they ever continued our worthy and faithful Allies, ever chearfully complied with all the Orders of our successive Commanders there, Bestia, Albinus and Metellus. So that they easily procured from the General what they requested of him. He dispatched for the Guard of Leptis, Four Cohorts of Ligurians, and Caius Annius for Governor of the City.

The Founders of this City were Sidonians, such as, flying by Sea from the Rage of intestine Arms, landed on this Shore, where it is situated between the two Syrtes; Places which derive their Denomination from their Quality. These are two Bays almost in the Extremity of Africa, naturally alike, differing only in Size. Round the Shores of these, the Sea is exceeding deep; elsewhere it varies, and is deep or shallow, according to the occasional shifting of the Soil below. For when the Sea swells, and is furiously agitated by the Winds, the mighty Billows sweep along the Slime and Sand, and even huge Stones: Insomuch that when the Winds change, so does the Bed of the Waters; and from this their Force, in dragging and shifting their Channel, they are called*Syrtes.

The only Change which the Leptinians have undergone, is that of their native Language; occasioned by their intermarrying with the Numidians. Their Civil Institutions, and Domestic Customs, are still mostly such as they originally derived from Sidon: All which they the more easily retained, because they lived far remote from the Influence of the Numidian Court: Indeed, between them and such Territories of Numidia as are well peopled, there are infinite Desarts.

Here, since by the Story of the Leptinians I am led to discourse of these Regions, it seems not impertinent to recount a famed and marvellous Adventure of two Carthaginians: The Place reminds me of it.

Whilst the Carthaginians exercised Sovereignty over most Parts of Africa, the Cyrenians too were very mighty in Power and in Wealth. Between them there extended a great sandy Plain, quite uniform, without River or Mountain, whence to ascertain and distinguish their Boundaries: An Inconvenience which held them involved in constant and raging War. Now after their Armies, nay their Fleets too, had been frequently routed and put to flight by Turns, and they were both well exhausted; as they came to apprehend, lest a common Enemy might attack the Conquerors as well as the Conquered, thus equally low and reduced, they came first to a Truce, then to an Accommodation; namely, to dispatch certain Persons from each City, at a stated Time, and to hold the Place where they met, for the common Bounds between the two States. Two Brothers bearing the same Name, that of Philænus, were deputed from Carthage, and travelled with infinite Celerity. Those from Cyrene advanced more slowly, whether from Inactivity or from Mischance, I know not. It must be confessed, that those Regions are as liable as the Sea, to be agitated with vehement Tempests, and thence, at times, unpassable. For in these dreadful Plains, destitute of Shelter, and of every green Thing, when the Wind blows fiercely, the dry Sand, thus hurled from the Earth, and driven by a mighty Hurricane, fills the Mouths and Eyes of the Travellers, and, bereaving them of their Sight, stops their proceeding.

When the Cyrenians perceived, that they were surpassed in Speed, and foresaw a terrible Doom to abide them at home, as the Authors of such public Detriment; they reproached the Carthaginians with Perfidy, as having left Home before the limited Time: They wrangled, strove to frustrate the mutual Stipulation, and declared they would incur all Risques rather than yield and return. Now, when the Two Brothers from Carthage desired them to propose any Expedient that was but equal and fair, the Greeks from Cyrene offered them the Option, ‘Either of being buried alive in that very Place, where they contended to fix the Bounds of their State; or of suffering the Cyrenians to proceed as much farther as they chose, upon the same Terms.’ The Two Brothers accepted the Condition, and devoting their Persons and Lives to the Benefit of their Commonweal, were thus buried alive in that very Spot. There the Carthaginians reared Altars, sacred to these Brothers, besides other Solemnities instituted in Carthage itself, to perpetuate their Honour. I now return to my Subject.

Jugurtha, who after the Taking of Thala, judged nothing a sufficient Defence against Metellus, passing through immense Desarts, attended by a few Followers, arrived amongst the Getulians, a brutal Race, altogether barbarous, and then unacquainted even with the Name of Romans. Of these he amassed a huge Host, accustomed them by degrees to move in Ranks, to follow their Standards, to obey Orders; nay, to perform all other Military Functions. Moreover, by great Presents, and greater Promises, he allured such as had most Sway with King Bocchus, to espouse his Cause there; and, applying to that Prince, by their Intercession, prevailed with him to undertake a War against the Romans. This was the more easily accomplished, as it humoured the Resentment of Bocchus; who, at the Beginning of our War with Jugurtha, had sent Ambassadors to Rome, without Success, to desire mutual Friendship and Alliance; an Alliance highly seasonable and advantageous at such a Conjuncture; but obstructed by a few Grandees, who, blinded with the Lust of Lucre, made it their Custom to turn into Sale every public Counsel and Question, whether honourable or infamous. Some time before, too, Bocchus had married a Daughter of Jugurtha; though such an Alliance, in truth, be held but of small Importance amongst the Numidians and Moors: For, they all have a Plurality of Wives, each in Proportion to his Ability, some Ten, others more; their Kings therefore more than any. In such a Multiplicity of Women, the Heart of Man is necessarily distracted: Insomuch, that none of them being considered as his Companion, they are all treated with equal Contempt.

The Kings with their Armies met at a Place settled by Consent. There, after the Solemnity of pledging their mutual Faith, Jugurtha set himself to inflame the Spirit of Bocchus, by representing the Romans ‘As abandoned to all Injustice, to Avarice without Bounds; as common Enemies to human Kind; furnished with the very same Cause for making War upon Bocchus, as upon himself, and upon so many other Nations; even the ardent Lust of Domination: Hence their Antipathy to all independent Sovereigns. At present they pursued Him as an Enemy, as lately they had the Carthaginians, as also King Perses. Henceforward, whatever Potentate appeared most opulent, would, for that Reason, be treated by the Romans as their Foe.’

When he had offered these and the like Invectives, they bent their March to Cirta; because in this City Metellus had lodged all his Booty, Prisoners, and Baggage. From hence Jugurtha conceived an Opinion, that he should abundantly find his Account, either in taking the Town, or in fighting the Romans, if they came to relieve it. Such was the Craft of the Man, who therefore thus hasted to Action, purely to deprive Bocchus of all Views of Peace; lest, if Delays intervened, he might chuse Measures far different from those of War.

When the Roman General had learnt the Confederacy between the Two Kings, he was not forward, as before, when he had only to deal with Jugurtha, so often vanquished by him, to meet the Enemy in Battle at all Adventures. He therefore awaited the Approach of the Kings, in a well-fortified Camp, not far from Cirta. For, as the Moors, now joined with the Numidians, were an Enemy altogether strange to us, he deemed it the better Choice to reserve himself till he were acquainted with their Character, and only to fight when he found it advantageous.

In the mean time he was informed from Rome, that the Province of Numidia was conferred upon Marius: For he had before heard of his Advancement to the Consulship. With both Tidings he was sorely mortified, far unsuitably to the Rules of Decency, or indeed of Dignity, so as neither to restrain Tears, not to moderate his Tongue. So over-weakly did so great a Man sink under Vexation of Mind, though otherwise distinguished for every noble Quality and Acquirement. This Failing was by some ascribed to Haughtiness; by others, to a worthy Spirit, exasperated by contumelious Usage; by many to Anguish, to see the Victory, won by him, snatched from him. To me it hath been fully proved, that he was more irritated by the Promotion of Marius, than by his own Wrongs; and that he would have born his Removal from the Province with much less Regret, had any but Marius succeeded him in it.

His Indignation therefore restraining him from making any further Efforts in War, and esteeming it Folly to venture his own Person to advance the Interest of another, he dispatched certain Deputies to King Bocchus, to warn him ‘Against becoming an Enemy to the Roman People, without any Injury received from them. He had now a glorious Opportunity of joining with them in a League of Friendship; a Choice to him much more advantageous than that of War. Whatever Assurance he placed in the Greatness of his Forces, still he ought not to risque what was certain for what was uncertain. Any War was easily undertaken, but none brought to an Issue without very afflicting Incidents: He who had Power to begin it, had not also Power to conclude it. It was easy for any one, even for a Coward, to stir it up; but at the sole Pleasure of the Conquerors, when to suppress it. He should therefore study the Security of himself, and his Kingdom; and, on no Account, blend his own flourishing Fortune with the desperate Fate of Jugurtha.’

The King’s Answer was courteous; ‘He too desired Peace, but pitied the calamitous Lot of Jugurtha: If he also were to be included, a general Pacification would ensue.’ Again the Roman General sent his Deputies, with Answers to the Pretensions of Bocchus, who acquiesced in some Particulars, and rejected others. In this manner, by sending and returning Deputies, Time passed away, and the War was protracted without any Action, agreeably to the Design of Metellus.

Marius, as I have related, had been created Consul by the People, with all the Symptoms of flaming Affection; and, having next, by a popular Ordinance, been appointed Governor of Numidia, he, who had been long before exasperated against the Nobility, now braved them with high Insolence and Asperity: Sometimes he insulted particular Grandees, sometimes the whole Body. He was continually repeating, ‘That he had ravished the Consulship from them, as Spoil from a defcated Enemy;’ with many other Boasts, all to magnify himself, and to mortify them. In the mean while, it was his principal Attention to be furnished with whatever the War required: He demanded Recruits for the Legions; he drew Succours from Foreign Nations, from Kings and confederate States. He invited, moreover, all the bravest Men to be found in Latium, most of them well known to him by having served with him; insomuch that very few of them depended, for their Recommendation, upon Hearsay. Nay, such was his Address and Court, even to the discharged Veterans, that he induced them to arm again, and accompany him.

Neither did the Senate, though known to be his Enemies, dare to deny any Suit of his. Besides, they felt secret Joy in decreeing him a Body of Recruits; for they presumed, that the Populace would not bear to inlist, and then Marius must either remain disabled from pursuing the War, or lose the Hearts of the Commonalty. But such Expectations were quite disappointed; so vehement a Passion for attending Marius had seized most of them. Every Man promised himself to return with certain Victory, and enriched with Spoil; with the like pleasing Fancies, which now turned their Heads. Indeed, Marius had by his Speech elevated them in no small Degree. For, when the several Ordinances for granting all his many Suits, had passed, and his next Study was to raise Men, he assembled the People; and taking this Occasion for animating them to the Service, and withal for lashing the Nobility, as he was wont, he harangued in the following Strain.

‘I know, Romans, that most who are your Suitors for high Dignities, recommend themselves by a Conduct very different from what they observe when they have obtained them. In the Pursuit, they are indefatigable, condescending, and gentle: In the Possession, they consign themselves to Indolence and Haughtiness. To me, the contrary Conduct seems just. For, in proportion as the general Interest of the State is of more moment than the particular Offices of Consul or Prætor, higher Assiduity is required in administrating the Commonwealth, than in courting its Preferments.’

‘I am by no means unacquainted to what a high Task I am destined by this your generous Choice of me. To concert Measures for conducting the War; yet still to favour the Treasury; to oblige those to serve, whom it behoves you not to offend; to be exercised in continual Attention to all Transactions at Rome, and elsewhere; and to discharge all these Duties amidst a Combination of malignant Men, for ever thwarting you, for ever caballing against you, furnishes out an Undertaking more trying and painful, O Romans, than can well be conceived. Besides, when others prove faulty in Office, they find ready and powerful Protection, in the ancient Lustre of their House, in the brave Exploits of their Ancestors, in the great Credit of their Family, very potent, and widely allied; finally, in the Zeal of numerous Dependents and Retainers. To me no Resource remains, but in Myself only; such, too, as it is highly incumbent on me to preserve, as well by the Firmness as by the Integrity of my Conduct: Any other Support would fail me.

‘I am aware also, Romans, that all Eyes are fixed upon me; that all worthy, all unprejudiced Men, cordially espouse me; as they are pleased with my successful Efforts to serve the Commonweal. I am aware, too, that the Nobility are devising Ways to destroy me: Whence it behoves me to exert the greater Vigour; not only that you be not misled by them, but that all their Malice may be baffled. From my Childhood upwards, my Life has been so seasoned with Toils and Perils, that they are become habitual to me. As I had long served you disinterestedly, before your Favours reached me, it is far from my Heart, O Romans, to discontinue serving you now, when such noble Retribution is made me. Those Men, who, from Ambition, assume the Guise of Virtue to gain Power, find it difficult to exercise Moderation in it: In me, who have applied my whole Life to the most laudable Courses, the Habit of Well-doing is converted into Nature.

‘It is your Pleasure to ordain me General against Jugurtha; an Ordinance bitterly resented by the Nobility. Pray, consult your own Judgment once more, whether it were not better to alter your Choice; and to appoint, for this Undertaking, or for any other like it, one of that Herd of Nobles, a Man of very ancient Descent, abounding in the Images of his Ancestry, and utterly unacquainted with the Service: See how, under such an arduous Undertaking, he will shrink and hurry; and, ignorant himself of every Branch of his Duty, take a Plebeian for his Instructor in the Whole. Thus it hath, for the most part, happened, that the Man whom you appoint your General, is obliged to look out for another General to direct him: Nay, I myself, O Romans, know some, who began, after they were Consuls, to read the History of our Forefathers, and to study our military Precepts taken from the Greeks. Strange Inversion of Order and Time! For though the bearing Office be later than the Election to Office; yet, in the Nature of Things, Qualification and Sufficiency precede the Election.

‘Now, Romans, compare me, who am new in Preferments, with these Men, swelling with their high Quality. Whatever they are wont to gather from Hearsay, or from Reading, I have seen transacted, or transacted myself: What they have learned from Books, I have learned in the Service. Judge, from hence, whether real Actions, or bare Speculation, are most to be regarded. They scorn Me, as a Man of modern Dignity; I Them, as Sluggards of ancient Lincage: I am only upbraided with my Fortune; They with their flagitious Doings. In my Estimation, Nature is ever the same, shared in common amongst all Men; and whoever most excels in heroic Virtue, excels most in Quality. Suppose it were possible to inquire of the Fathers of Albinus and Bestia, Whether they would have chosen to have given Birth to Me or to Them? what do you believe would be their Answer, but that they would wish to have had for their Sons the most valuable Men?

‘But suppose the Nobles have any Ground to despise me: They have the same to despise their Progenitors; Men who derived their original Nobility, as I do mine, from military Virtue. They behold with Envy my public Dignity: Let them envy, too, my long Course of Fatigues, my Morals void of Blemish, and my constant Perils; for by these only I gained it. In truth, these Men, blind with Insolence, lead such Lives, as if they were above accepting the public Dignities in your Gift; yet sue for them as confidently, as if, by their Course of Life, they had deserved them. Surely they are greatly deluded, at once to aim at Two Things so opposite; the Enjoyment of sensual Riot, and the Recompences due to heroic Virtue! What is equally strange, when they entertain you with Harangues, or make them in the Senate, most of their Eloquence is bestowed in boasting of their Ancestors; as by recounting the brave Exploits of these, they think to derive great Lustre upon themselves: But the Reverse ensues; since the more brightly the Lives of their Forefathers shone, the greater Scandal redounds upon their own unmanly Deportment. The Thing is plainly this; the Glory earned by dead Ancestors is like a great Light attending their Descendants; and suffering none of their Actions, good or evil, to lie concealed. I bear the Want of all such hereditary Lustre, O Romans: But, what is infinitely more noble, I can recount to you Deeds of Renown; Deeds atchieved by myself in Person.

‘Behold now how unjust these Men are! Whilst they arrogate to themselves high Distinction from the heroic Actions of others, they will allow me none from those done by myself: And all because I have no Images of Ancestry, and my Nobility is no older than myself. It is, surely, much more laudable to introduce Nobility into a new Family, than to debase the Nobility of an old.

‘Still I am aware, that, if they would reply to what I now say, they would do it with abundant Strains of Eloquence, with notable Art and Correctness: Yet I could not forbear speaking, as I was urged by the bitter Contumelies, which, upon all Occasions, they threw, not upon me only, but upon you, ever since you so highly distinguished me. I was, indeed, afraid, lest some might attribute my Silence to inward Conviction; though my own Heart persuades me, that no Speech whatever can annoy me, since, if the Speaker utter Truth, he cannot but commend me; if he deal falsly, my Life and Conduct will confute him.’

‘But since they arraign your Determination, in conferring upon me the supreme Magistracy, as well as a Task of the highest Moment, consider over and over, whether you ought not to change your Mind and your Orders. I can make no Display of the Images, of the Triumphs, or of the Consulships, of my Progenitors, as Pledges for well-executing public Trust: But, were it required, I could produce military Gifts and Distinctions great Store; Spears, Standards, Collars, and other Monuments of Service; besides Scars of Wounds, all honourably received before. These are my Images, these the Proofs of my Nobility; not bequeathed to me, like an Inheritance, (the only Title which they have to theirs) but such as I myself have earned by a Succession of Toils and Perils without Number.

‘My Language, too, is unpolished: Of small Concern is that to me. Virtue and Merit display themselves with abundant Clearness. To these Men the Art of Talking is necessary; thence to disguise their infamous Doings. Neither have I been instructed in the Learning of the Greeks: Little, surely, did I like such Instruction, as what never improved the Authors of it in any Degree of manly Virtue. Let it suffice, that I have learned such Lessons as are more interesting to the Commonweal; to wound the Foe; to lead Bands of Men to the Charge; to be fearless of all Things but Infamy; equally to undergo Cold and Heat; to repose myself upon the bare Ground; to endure at once Hunger and Fatigue. These are the Documents which shall animate my Soldiers; nor shall they ever find me treat them rigidly, and myself sumptuously; they shall never see me borrow my Glory from their Vigilance and Toils. Such shall be my Rule over them; Rule profitable to the Republic; Rule suited to the Equality of Citizens! Indeed, to subject the Army to merciless Service, whilst you live in all Delicacy yourself, is acting the Tyrant, not the Leader.

‘By pursuing Measures like these, your Ancestors gained immortal Glory to themselves and the Commonwealth. Upon their glorious Services the Nobility rest themselves, without the least Resemblance of Character; nay, despising us, who claim such Resemblance, they demand of you the Enjoyment of all public Dignities, from no Title of personal Merit, but as due to their Birth: A prodigious Strain of Arrogance! But in it they are widely deceived. Their Ancestors left them whatever was in their Power to leave; Riches, Images, and their own signal Renown: Their superior Genius and Virtue they left them nor; nor was it possible: It is a Qualification which can never be presented, never received as a Gift.

‘They report me to be a rough Man, my Manners low and coarse; because I want Skill curiously to direct a Banquet; have ne’er a Buffoon in my Train; and pay no higher Wages to the Slave that dresses my Meat, than to a Slave that looks after a Farm. Every Part of this Accusation I freely acknowledge, O Romans, to be true: For I learned from my Father, and other venerable Men, that Things of Delicacy were the Appurtenances of Women; Labour and Activity the Portion of Men: That all virtuous Minds entertained a higher Passion for Glory than for Riches; and that, in Arms, not in gaudy Living, true Ornament was found.

‘But, let the Nobles still do what delights them, still pursue what they hold so charming; riot in Love, riot in Wine; spend their old Age, where they wasted their Youth, in Banquetting; and continue under irredeemable Bondage to their Bellies, and most impure Organs: To Us, let them leave Sweat and Dust, and such other Hardships, as, to Us, they are more pleasing than all the Allurements of Feasting. Yet even this they refuse: For, after having contaminated themselves with all Sorts of Crimes and Impurities, they, the most detestable of all Men, strive to snatch away the public Rewards due to worthy Men for serving the Public. Thus it comes to pass, by a Course of the most crying Injustice, that the vilest Practices of Intemperance and Effeminacy prove no Obstacles to those immersed in them; yet threaten the unoffending Commonwealth with Destruction.

‘Since I have thus answered these Men, as far as the Vindication of my own Character required, though not so fully as their guilty Conduct deserved, I will now speak somewhat concerning the Administration of the Government: And, what is first to be considered, comfort yourselves, O Romans, with Assurance of Success in Numidia; since you have now crushed whatever hath proved the Security of Jugurtha till this very Hour; namely, the Rapaciousness, the Insufficiency, and Arrogance, of our Commanders against him. There is also an Army there well acquainted with the Country; but, surely, more brave than fortunate; for great Numbers of them have fallen Sacrifices to the Avarice or Temerity of their Generals. All you, therefore, who are of Age for Service, fly to assist my Endeavours with yours, and assume the Guardianship of the Commonweal: Nor let any of you fall into Apprehensions for himself, from the tragical Fate of others, or from the Pride of the late Commanders: I will be always present with you, in all your Marches, in all your Encounters; first concerting Measures for you to execute, then assisting you in the Execution.

‘In a Word, as you act, I shall act, and as you fare, I shall fare, in every Instance. Let me add, that, by the Favour of the Deities, all Things are ripe to meet our Wishes, Victory, Spoil, and Glory: Nay, were all these Acquisitions uncertain, or even remote, still it is incumbent upon every worthy Citizen to succour the Commonweal. To say Truth, no Man ever became immortal by Sloth and Lukewarmness. It was never yet the Wish of a Father for his Children, that they might never die; but rather that they might spend their Lives like useful and honourable Men. To what I have said I should still add more, if Words had Force to render Cowards brave; for I think I have, to the Valiant, spoken sufficiently.’

Marius, when he had made this Speech, perceiving the Minds of the People altogether elate and complying, immediately ordered his Provisions, Money, Arms, with all the other Appurtenances of War, to be embarked; and directed the Whole to sail, under the Command of Aulus Manlius his Lieutenant-General. He himself was busied, the while, in levying Men: Nor, in doing it, had he Regard to the primitive Rules of inrolling only those of certain Classes, but accepted all inclined to the Service; most of them such, indeed, as, by the Laws of the State, were, for their extreme Poverty, exempted from carrying Arms. There were some who attributed this his Conduct to the Scarcity of Men better qualified: Others ascribed it to a Design of making his Court to the Rabble; since, from them, he first derived his Fame, and now his Promotion. Besides that, the most seasonable Assistants to any Man who is grasping after Power, are ever the Needy and Desperate; such as, having no Property of their own, are under no Concern to secure it; but hold for honourable whatever is gainful.

Now Marius, setting Sail for Africa, accompanied with a Number of Troops something exceeding what were decreed him, landed in a few Days at Utica. There the Command of the Army was transferred to him by Publius Rutilius Lieutenant-General to Metellus: For Metellus had chosen to shun any Meeting with Marius; as he would not, in Person, see, what he could never bear to hear.

The Consul, having completed the Number of his Legions and auxiliary Cohorts, marched into a fertile Territory, abounding in Plunder: Whatever Spoil was taken there, he wholly bestowed upon the Soldiers. He next assailed such Fortresses and Towns as were not very strong, either by Nature, or in numerous Garisons. There followed many Encounters in several Places; most of them light. During all this Service, the late Recruits learned to join in an Onset without Fear: They saw such as fled, either killed or taken; the Bravest, every-where, the most secure: They saw, that it was by Arms, that public Liberty, our common Country, our Parents, and all Things in general, were protected; that, by Arms, Glory and Riches were procured to Particulars. Thus, in a short time, the new Men came to match the Veterans; and the Whole were found equally adroit and brave.

As to the Two Kings; as soon as ever they had learned, that Marius was arrived, they parted; and withdrew each into remote Places, hardly to be approached. Such was the Counsel of Jugurtha: For he hoped, that, as his Enemies would thus come to disperse, they would furnish him an Opportunity of falling upon them; since the Romans, like most other Nations, when their Fears ceased, would act with more Remissness, and less Regularity.

During these Transactions, Metellus, upon his Return to Rome, was received there, contrary to what he expected, with Hearts full of Affection and Transport; and, now that popular Prejudice and Disgust were vanished, he proved as dear to the Plebeians as to the Nobility.

Of Marius, too, it must be owned, that he exerted notable Quickness, as also notable Prudence, in learning the Measures of the Enemy, and in pursuing his own; in devising what might conduce to advance or frustrate either; in discovering the separate Marches of the Two Kings; in contriving how to baffle all their Machinations and Snares. In his own Quarters he suffered nothing remiss; no Abatement of Duty; and nothing quiet and secure in theirs: Insomuch that, as he frequently assailed not only the Getulians, but Jugurtha, too, in Person, when either he or they were carrying off the Plunder of our Confederates, he always routed both: Nay, not far from Cirta he even forced the King to cast away his Arms, and fly.

Yet, when he reflected, that all these Efforts produced only Smoak and Applause, but nothing to terminate the War, he resolved to lay Siege, by turns, to all such Towns, as, either in Strength of Garison or Situation, contributed most to the Benefit of the Enemy, and to his own Detriment; with Design, either thus to divest Jugurtha of all his Resources of Strength, if he suffered them to be taken; or to bring him to a Battle, if he attempted to relieve them. For from King Bocchus he had frequently received Deputies, signifying ‘how much he sought the Amity of the Roman People; and that no Sort of Hostility was to be apprehended from him.’ It was never discovered, whether he only feigned this pacific Disposition, thence to fall upon us unawares with more certain Slaughter; or whether he followed the Impulse of his own Spirit, naturally variable, prompting him, by sudden turns, now to War, anon to Peace.

The Consul, pursuing his Resolution, advances against the strong Towns and Castles; and gained them from the Enemy; some by Force, some by Fear, others by advantageous Conditions. In truth, his first Enterprizes were but moderately bold; as he judged, that Jugurtha, for the Protection of his Subjects, would risque an Encounter: But, having learned, that he continued at a great Distance, and was occupied in different Counsels, Marius thought it a seasonable Juncture to proceed to higher and more daring Adventures.

There stood, in the midst of boundless Desarts, a great fortified City, named Capsa, reported to have been founded by the Libyan Hercules. The Citizens, too, were accounted faithfully devoted to Jugurtha, for their large Immunities under him, and his gentle Government over them. Against their Enemies they were defended not only by powerful Bulwarks, by Magazines of Arms, and Numbers of Men, but by a greater Security than all, the dreadful Regions round them: For, except the Fields adjoining to the Town, on all Sides there stretched a dismal Tract; bare, barren, every-where void of Water, every-where infested with Serpents, whose Rage, like that of other wild and devouring Creatures, is sharpened by Famine: Add, that the Poison of Serpents, so deadly in its own Nature, is inflamed by nothing more than by Thirst.

Marius had a vehement Desire to master this Town; not only for the Advancement of the War, but because it was an arduous Undertaking: Moreover Metellus had acquired great Glory from the takeing of Thala; a Town not much different in Situation and Defence, except that a little Way without the Walls of Thala several Springs arose; whereas the People of Capsa had no more than one, and that within the City, without farther Supply, except from Rain. This Inconvenience is the more supportable here, and in all the other inland Parts of Africa, where rustic Habits prevail; since the Numidians, for Meat and Drink, satisfy themselves chiefly with Milk and Venison, without wanting so much as Salt, or, indeed, any other Stimulation to Appetite: Amongst them the sole Purpose of Eating is to resist Hunger; of Drinking to allay Thirst; never to gratify Intemperance and Luxury.

The Consul, in this Undertaking, took all possible Precaution and Informations; but relied, I presume, principally upon Aid from the Gods; since it was impossible that he could contrive any Scheme of his own, thoroughly to surmount so many alarming Difficulties: Nay, further Discouragement arose from the Scarcity of Corn; since the Numidians are much more solicitous about Grass for their Cattle, than the Production of Grain. Besides that, whatever had been then produced, they had, by Orders from the King, conveyed into Places of Defence; as it was now the Close of the Summer, a Season when the Ground is utterly parched and unbearing.

In proportion, however, to his Condition and Means, he concerted Measures with abundant Foresight and OEconomy. The Care of conducting all the Cattle, which, during some preceding Days, had been taken in Plunder, he committed to the auxiliary Horse. He ordered Aulus Manlius his Lieutenant to advance with the light Cohorts to the City Laris, where he had placed his military Chest, and his Stores: What he openly declared was, that he would himself rejoin them there in a few Days, after an Excursion in Pursuit of Spoil. Such was the Method which he took to conceal his Enterprize, and then marched directly towards the River Tana.

During this March, he distributed daily a certain Number of Beasts amongst the Army, so many to a Company of Foot, so many to a Troop of Horse, in equal Proportions; and caused withal Bottles to be made of their Hides: So that, by this Management, he at once compensated for the Scarcity of Corn, and provided such Implements as were soon to become necessary, though none then knew his Intentions. At length, when, in Six Days March, they had arrived at the River, they had already made vast Store of such Bottles. Having there pitched and slightly secured his Camp, he ordered the Soldiers to refresh themselves with Food, and be ready to move precisely with the setting Sun, to leave all their Baggage behind them, and to encumber themselves, and their Beasts of Burden, with nothing else but Water.

The Moment the Time was elapsed, he decamped; and, having marched the whole Night, encamped again in the Morning. Next Night he renewed his March; and the Third, long before Dawn, he came to a Place full of small Hills, not above Two Miles from Capsa: There he lay in wait with his Forces, concealing himself and them with all possible Closeness and Care: But, as soon as Day appeared, and the Numidians, far from apprehending any Enemy, had left the Town in great Numbers, he strait commanded the whole Cavalry, as also the swiftest of the Foot, to fly towards Capsa, and seize the Gates: He himself instantly followed with great Ardour and Dispatch, and suffered not a Man to stray after Plunder.

When the Inhabitants perceived what Dangers beset them, Amazement seized them: The Calamity was unexpected, and their Dismay terrible. To heighten it, many of their Fellow-Citizens were without the Walls, and already in the Hands of the Enemy. Thus they were forced to capitulate, and to surrender themselves and the City. It was nevertheless burned to the Ground; all the young Men in it put to the Sword; all the rest sold to Caprivity: The Plunder was distributed amongst the Soldiers. This severe Course, undoubtedly repugnant to the Laws of War, proceeded from no Spirit of Rapine, or of Treachery in the Consul; but was only taken because the Place was advantageous for Jugurtha, and to us scarcely accessible; the Citizens an unsteady Race, void of all Faith, hitherto never to be curbed, either by Benefits, or by Terrors.

From the Date of an Enterprize so daring, yet executed by Marius without Loss or Disaster to his Men, his Name, great, indeed, and celebrated, for some time past, became still greater, still more celebrated. All his Proceedings, even such as were not over-cautious, were attributed to his heroic Abilities: His Men, all mildly used, nay, enriched by him, sounded his Praises to the Skies: The Numidians dreaded him, as a Being more than human: In short, all our Confederates, and all our Enemies, believed that he possessed the Spirit of a Deity; at least, that the Favour of the Deities presaged him Success in all Things.

Now the Consul, after the happy Issue of his late Expedition, advanced against other Towns. In taking some few of them he found Resistance from the Inhabitants: In many more he found the Effect of the tragical Execution at Capsa, no Inhabitants at all; and all the Towns thus deserted he committed to the Flames. Thus Wailing and Slaughter filled all Quarters. At last, when he had conquered many Places, most of them without Loss of Blood, he attempted another Adventure, which, though not attended with such complicated Hazards as that at Capsa, yet portended not inferior Difficulties.

Not far from the River Molucha, which is the common Boundary between the Kingdoms of Jugurtha and Bocchus, in the midst of a vast Plain, stands a Fort, of a moderate Size, upon the large Level of a Rock infinitely high; on every Side formed by Nature as desperately steep as human Art and Labour could have made it, except one Path extremely narrow.

To take this Place, Marius exerted all his Application and Might, because the King’s Treasure was kept in it. But, in this Enterprize, Chance proved more prevalent than Counsel; for the Castle was abundantly supplied with Men, Arms, Provisions, and even with Water from a Spring: Besides, the Situation was such as to defy the Use of Mounds and Turrets, and all the Machinery of a Siege: The Avenue to it was remarkably streight; and, on each Side, a frightful Precipice: The moving Galleries were dragged against it with infinite Hazard, always without Success: For, when they approached ever so little, they were instantly consumed by Fire, or crushed with heavy Stones. The Soldiers could neither stand, steadily, to advance their Works, such was the Hardness and Steepness of the Rock; nor assist at the Batteries, such was the Execution from above. The bravest Men were certainly slain, at least wounded; and thence the Fears of all the rest redoubled.

Now Marius, who had thus wasted many Days, and much Toil, was, in great Anguish, debating with himself, whether to relinquish his Enterprize, as it proved utterly unprosperous, or to await the Interposition of Fortune, which he had often tried with Success. Whilst he was yet under this Ferment of Spirit, which for several Nights and Days had sorely distracted him, a certain Ligurian, a common Soldier belonging to the auxiliary Cohorts, happening to go out of the Camp in Search of Water, perceived Shell-snails crawling amongst the Rocks, on the Side of the Fortress, opposite to that where the Assault was made. As he gathered one, then another, and still continued climbing in Pursuit of more, he had insensibly reached almost to the Summit of the Mountain. There, when he saw that Quarter quite solitary and neglected, from a Propensity inherent in Men, of visiting Objects unknown, he was prompted to proceed. Luckily, in that very Place, there grew out of the Precipice a great Oak, which, bending downward at a little Distance from the Root, then rising again, towered strait upwards, as all Trees naturally do.

The Ligurian, still mounting, now upon the Branches of the Oak, then upon the prominent Rocks, at last found himself high enough to survey, at leisure, the Position and Frame of the Castle: For, all the Numidians were earnestly engaged on that Side where the Attack was made.

When he had well proved and examined whatever he judged would be, anon, conducing to the Execution of his Purpose, he returned the same Way; yet not at random, as he mounted; but constantly pausing, and examining carefully every Step and Difficulty on every Side. He then hastened to Marius, and, acquainting him with what he had performed and discovered, urged him to attempt the Fort, on that Quarter where he himself had ascended: He even offered to be at once the Guide, and the Foremost to face the Danger. Marius dispatched away, along with the Ligurian, such as he had then about him, to examine the Grounds of his Proposal. These made very different Reports; some, that the Undertaking was difficult; others, that it was easy; each agreeably to his particular Judgment. The Spirit of the Consul was however revived; so that he prepared a Guard of Four Centurions with their Companies, to which he joined Five Trumpets, the nimblest that could be found in the Army; and, commanding the Whole to submit to the Directions of the Ligurian, he assigned the Day following for the Undertaking.

Now when all things necessary were provided and contrived, he advanced to the Place at the Time ordained. Add that the Centurions, forewarned by their Guide, had changed their Dress and Armour, marching with their Head and Feet both bare, in order to enjoy a freer View, and to mount the easier over the Rocks. They carried their Swords over their Shoulders, as also their Bucklers, which were of the Numidian Sort, framed of Leather; because they were lighter, and, when struck, not sharply resounding. The Ligurian, always marching foremost, girt Cords round the projecting Cliffs, and such old Roots of Trees as appeared above the Surface, thence to aid his Fellows in climbing. From time to time, with the Help of his Hand, he raised those who were daunted at a March so singular and shocking. Whereever the Ascent proved yet more violent, he eased them of their Arms, saw them mount before him, then followed, bearing their Arms himself. Where the terrible Declivities seemed threatening, even to their best Efforts, he tried, and demonstrated, with infinite Patience and Care, how passable they were; and by ascending, then descending, over and over, inspired the rest with Courage, and then strait retired to make way for them.

Thus, after much tedious and painful Labour, they gained the Castle, which was quite unguarded on that Side; for the Enemy were then, as on the Days preceding they had been, engaged in the opposite Quarter. Marius, as soon as he was advertised of the Success of the Ligurian, though he had already, by continuing the Attack all Day long, thoroughly employed and amused the Numidians, yet now particularly heartened the Soldiers with fresh Exhortations. He even rushed out of his Galleries, formed his Men into the Fashion of a Shell, and made them thus advance against the Fort: Nay, at the same time, effectually to dismay the Enemy, all his Engines, all his Archers and Slingers, poured, from a proper Distance, continual Vollies. The Numidians, who had so often crushed to Pieces, nay, burnt to Ashes, the Roman Galleries, were grown so secure as not to keep, for Protection, within the Bulwarks of the Castle; but passed whole Nights and Days without their Walls. There they boldly reviled the Romans, charged Marius with Phrensy, threatened our Troops with Bondage to Jugurtha; and, indeed, from being successful, were become extremely insulting.

Now, whilst the Conflict was maintained on both Sides with surious Efforts; here in a Struggle for Glory and Empire, there for Life and Liberty; on a sudden, the Trumpets from behind sounded an Onset. Then it was, that the Women and Children, who had come out to behold the Engagement, betook themselves first to Flight, as did next such as were nearest the Walls, and at last the whole Body, the Armed as well as the Unarmed. As soon as this appeared, the Romans exerted fresh Ardour, urging and overthrowing the Enemy, often only wounding, without staying to kill; then, mounting over the Heaps of Slain, and all vying one with another in quest of Glory, they flew to gain the Bulwarks, with such Earnestness, that not a Soul stopped for Plunder. Thus accidental Success justified a wild Attempt of Marius, who gained great Praise from a rash Action.

During the Progress of this Undertaking, Lucius Sylla arrived in the Camp with a great Body of Horse, raised in Latium, and amongst our Allies; for which purpose he had been left at Rome by Marius. Since, therefore, this Incident concerning so extraordinary a Man invited me, it seemed pertinent to subjoin a short View of his Genius and Qualifications. For I shall nowhere else enter into the History of Sylla: Besides that Lucius Sisenna, though the best and most accurate of his Historians, seems to me to have recounted it with very defective Freedom.

Sylla sprang from a Patrician Race of eminent Lustre; but the Family was sunk in Obscurity, through the Degeneracy of his late Ancestors. He was equally and excellently accomplished in all the Learning of Greece and Rome; of a daring Spirit, passionate for Pleasures, more passionate for Glory; voluptuous during Recess from Affairs, but never suffering his Affairs to be retarded by his Gayeties, except in the Instance of his Divorce, in which he ought to have studied more Decency. He was very eloquent, very able; very complaisant in his Friendships; of profound Reach in disguising his Pursuits; profuse of every Bounty, of Money above all. He was indeed happy beyond all Men, before he became Master in our civil Dissensions; his Fortune, however great, never surpassing his Ability: So that many have doubted, whether he were more Fortunate, or Brave. In what Strains his consequent Proceedings are to be recounted, whether with greater Shame, or with greater Horror, I am unable to say.

When Sylla was arrived in Africa, and had, with his Cavalry, joined Marius in his Camp, as I have above recounted, he, who was hitherto raw and unpractised in War, improved so as in a short while to become a most accomplished Warrior. Add his engaging Affability to the Men; his great Liberality to all that asked, with his voluntary Bounties to others; his Shyness to receive Favours, his great Eagerness to repay them, greater than if they had been a Debt in Money; his Refusal of any Return for Benefits conferred; as indeed what he most aimed at was, by Gifts and good Offices to engage all Men; his Condescension in discoursing with the common Men, either ludicrously or gravely; his Assiduity in accompanying them on all Occasions, in their Marches, in their Works, and in their Guard; his Forbearance, at the same time, to court the Croud by the usual base Method of wounding the Character of the Consul, or of any other deserving Man. His great Aim was to suffer none to surpass him in Conduct, or in Bravery; and in both these he surpassed almost all others. By this Address, and these Abilities, he became, in a short time, highly endeared to Marius and the whole Army.

Now Jugurtha, seeing himself divested of Capsa, and other Places, of great Strength in themselves, and of great Importance to him, as also of vast Treasure, sends Ambassadors to Bocchus, to press his coming with his Forces into Numidia; for, that this was a proper Juncture for engaging the Romans. Upon Information that Bocchus paused, wavering between the Motives for War and those for Peace; he again, with great Gifts, purchased his most powerful Confidents: Nay, to tempt the Moor himself, he promised him a Third of Numidia, on condition, that either the Romans were driven out of Africa, or, by a Treaty with them, he recovered his whole Dominions. Bocchus, allured by such an Accession of Territory, advanced strait to Jugurtha. So that immediately upon this Conjunction of their Armies, they assailed Marius, then marching into Quarters for the Winter, near the Close of the Evening: For, they presumed, that, were they defeated, the approaching Night would secure them, and prove no Detriment, if they conquered; since they perfectly knew the Country; when, let the Result be what it would, the Darkness must, on the contrary, distress the Romans.

Whilst, by manifold Advices, the Consul was advertised of the Approach of the Enemy, the Enemy were in full View: Nay, before the Army could be formed, or the Baggage piled together, even before the Signal could be given, or any proper Orders distributed, the Moorish and Getulian Cavalry rushed upon them; not in Battle-array, not observing any Rule of engaging, but in several Crowds, just as Chance had huddled them together. Our Men, though most of them were startled with an Assault so unforeseen, yet, recalling their former Bravery, boldly wielded their Arms, all ready to encounter the Foe, or to protect against the Foe such as were yet not armed. Many mounted on Horseback, and advanced to meet the Enemy. The whole Action was conducted more like a Fray of Robbers than a Battle; Horse and Foot jumbled together at random, without Standards, without Ranks: Many were bereft of Life, many of their Limbs: Numbers, keenly attacking in Front, perished by being themselves attacked in Rear. Neither Bravery nor Arms proved an equal Defence; for the Enemy infinitely exceeded in Numbers, and thence every-where encompassed us. At length, the Romans, where-ever they met together in Parties, as Accident or Place happened to mingle them, both the Veterans and the late Recruits, (these, too, having learnt War by Practice, and the Example of the former) formed themselves into globular Bodies. Thus, guarded by a Front every Way, they withstood all the Fury of the Enemy.

Marius, during all this severe Conflict, continued void of Dismay; nor was his Spirit less elate and vigorous than before. Accompanied by his own Troop, which he had filled with Men chosen rather for their Valour than from any personal Friendship, he scoured through all Quarters; here succouring his own Men hardly pressed, there attacking the thickest and busiest of the Enemy in Person. Thus he assisted his Soldiers with his Sword; since, in a Combustion so universal, he found it impossible to direct like a General. Already the Day was closed; yet the Barbarians slackened nothing in their Efforts: They even pushed with redoubled Ardour, in pursuit of Orders from the Two Kings, who conceived the Darkness to be only advantageous to themselves.

Marius therefore, as the best Measure under so many Difficulties, chusing to provide a Place of Refuge for his Men, ordered Possession to be taken of two Hills contiguous to each other: In one, though not affording Space sufficient for an Encampment, there flowed a Spring plentiful of Water: The other seasonably served for a Camp; for, as it was, for the greatest part, exceeding high and steep, it required but small Labour to fortify it. He directed Sylla, with the Cavalry, to pass the Night by the Spring: He himself, having by degrees reassembled his scattered Forces, whilst the Enemy still remained in no less Disorder, led them all strait to the other Hill.

Thus the Two Kings, constrained by the Difficulty of the Ascent, forbore any further Attack, yet suffered not their Forces to retire, but, besetting both Hills, pitched all round them with their ill-concerted Multitudes. Then, kindling many Fires, they passed most of the Night in Riot usual to Barbarians, rejoicing, bounding to and fro, and uttering terrible Shouts. The Two Princes also, their Commanders, exulted highly, and behaved like Conquerors, because they had not been forced to fly.

All this wild Deportment was easily perceived by the Romans, from their higher Situation in the Dark; and greatly raised their Spirit. As Marius, particularly, had gathered high Assurance from the weak Conduct of the Enemy, he ordered a profound Silence to be kept; nor would he even suffer, what was always used, the Change of the Guard to be sounded. At last, as soon as Day appeared, when the Enemy, now utterly fatigued, were just fallen fast asleep, he directed all the Trumpets, both of Horse and Foot, in the whole Army, to sound at once to Battle, all the Men, at the same time, to give a mighty Shout, and sally down furiously upon the Foe.

The Moors and Getulians, suddenly roused by a Noise so strange to their Ears, and so frightful, were bereft of all Ability, either to fly, or to handle their Arms, to contrive, or to act: So that, struck with the Uproar and terrible Shouts, destitute of all Aid from their own Commanders, fiercely gored by our Forces, they sunk like Men benumbed, under all this alarming Tumult, Astonishment, and Dread. In a Word, they were utterly cut off and routed, most of their Arms and Ensigns of War taken, and more Men slain in this Engagement, than in all the foregoing; for Sleep, and extraordinary Dismay, had obstructed their Flight.

Marius now proceeded, as he had begun, in his March towards Winter Quarters in the Maritime Towns; as in these he had determined to fix them for the Conveniency of Provisions; himself still unchanged by his Victory, and become neither Negligent nor Imperious; but, with the same Circumspection, as if the Enemy had been in View, marching his Army in the Form of a Square. Sylla commanded the Cavalry on the Right, Aulus Manlius on the Left, at the Head of the Slingers and Archers, together with the Ligurian Cohorts. In the Front and Rear he had placed the Tribunes over the Infantry, lightly armed. The Deserters, as Men of small Account, yet perfectly skilled in the Situation of these Regions, were employed Abroad, to discover which Way the Enemy bent their Course. Besides, he so diligently contrived and attended to every Incident, as if he had committed no Trust to any other Person whatsoever. He was incessantly moving and visiting every Individual, extolling these, chiding those, as they severally deserved. As he kept himself continually armed, and prepared for Action, he obliged his Soldiers but to perform what he himself practised.

Neither was his Circumspection smaller in fortifying his Camp, than in conducting his March. The Guard of the Gates he committed to the Cohorts of the Legions: That without the Gates to the Cavalry of our Confederates. He likewise posted other intermediate Guards upon the Lines and Bulwarks: Besides, he was constantly visiting them all round, from no Diffidence, that his Orders would be neglected, but that the Men might find all their Fatigue lightened, when they saw their General bore as much as They. In truth it must be owned, that not only now, but during all the rest of the War against Jugurtha, he held his Army under due Restraints, rather by the Shame of Offending, than by the Fear of Punishment: A Conduct which many attributed to his Views of Popularity: Some derived it from Habit; because, having been hardened in a Course of Fatigues from his Childhood, these, and what else others hold for Instances of Misery, passed with him for Pleasures. Upon the Whole, by such Deportment the Business of the State was conducted with as much Success and Dignity, as had his Command been ever so stern and unmerciful.

Thus they continued their March, when at length, on the Fourth Day, not far from the City of Cirta, they perceived the Scouts approaching on all Sides with violent Speed; whence it was inferred, that the Enemy were near: But, as they returned from Quarters quite different, yet all agreed in the same Account, the Consul, for a while, at a Loss how to marshal his Army, resolved to alter nothing: And, thus fixed against all Events, awaited the Enemy in the same Order, and upon the same Spot. Thus he baffled the Views of Jugurtha; who had distributed his Forces into Four Bands, from a Persuasion, that, to one or other of these, the Romans would certainly be exposed to be successfully attacked in the Rear. Sylla, the while, upon whom the Enemy first fell, having, by a Speech, heartened his Men, putting himself at the Head of some Troops ranked extremely compact, boldly assailed the Moors: The rest of the Cavalry, without moving from their Posts, defended themselves from the Shafts thrown at a Distance, and certainly slew whoever ventured Hand to Hand.

Whilst the Horse thus fought, Bocchus assailed the Rear-band of the Romans, with a Body of Foot lately brought him by Volux his Son; such as, having lingered in their March, were not in the former Engagement. Marius was just then in the Front of the Battle, because there Jugurtha was making an Onset with his most numerous Body: But that Prince, having learned the Arrival of Bocchus, in an Instant wheeled silently about, attended only by a few Men, to our Infantry; where, addressing himself to them in Latin, which he had learned at the Siege of Numantia, he cried with a loud Voice, that ‘Their Fighting was no longer to any Purpose; for he was just come from killing Marius with his own Hand.’ He at the same time waved his Sword, all dyed with the Blood of one of our Foot, whom he had slain, during the Encounter, with great Bravery. When our Soldiers heard this, a Report so tragical shocked them more than suited with their small Credit in the Veracity of the Reporter. The Barbarians, too, breathed fresh Ardour; and, more furiously than ever, urged the Romans, already damped and disconcerted, and just betaking themselves to Flight, when Sylla, who had utterly overthrown all before him, in his Return from the Rout, assaulted the Moors on the Flank. Bocchus instantly fled.

Jugurtha still continued strenuously to sustain his Troops, as he was solicitous to preserve a Victory well-nigh gained, till he saw himself inclosed, both on the Right and Left, by our Troops; then, leaving all about him slain, he burst single through the Enemy’s Horse, and escaped amidst a Shower of Darts. At this very time, too, Marius, who had finally routed the Numidian Cavalry, was flown to succour his own; for he was told, that they had recoiled. And now the Foe was, on all Hands, intirely defeated.

Then it was, that, all over these extended Plains, might be seen a Spectacle very shocking and horrible; here Men flying, there pursuing; many killed, many taken; Horses and Men together prostrate and perishing; great Numbers sorely wounded; and thence unable to fly, but still alive; and thence impatient of being left; some striving to rise, and forthwith falling again, languishing and forlorn. In a Word, the whole Soil was covered, as far as the Eye could discern, with Darts, and Swords, and Carcases; and, in all the intermediate Spaces, with Blood and Gore.

Marius, now a Conqueror undisputed, proceeded to the Town of Cirta; whither, from the first, he meant to bend his March: Here, Five Days after the last Rout of the Barbarians, Ambassadors from Bocchus applied to him; with a Request, in his Name, to the Consul, to send any Two of his Friends, such as he intirely confided in, to the King; who wanted to confer with them upon Points not only touching his own Interest, but also that of the Roman People. Immediately the Consul deputed Lucius Sylla, and Aulus Manlius: These Two, notwithstanding it was at his own Desire they went, yet judged it advisable to accost him with a Speech, to reconcile his Spirit to Peace, if he appeared to disrelish it; or, if to desire it, then to rouze him with the more Ardour to conclude it. Sylla, therefore, to whom Manlius gave Precedence, on the score of his Eloquence, not of his Seniority, addressed himself to Bocchus in the following short Discourse:

‘King Bocchus, it is a sensible Pleasure to us, to find, that the Gods have disposed such a princely Person as Thee to chuse Peace rather than War; and no longer to contaminate thy own shineing Character, by involving it with That of Jugurtha, a Man of all others the most detestable. By this good Disposition thou dost also release us from the painful Necessity of equally pursuing you Both with the Sword: Him, for his infinite Guilt and Crimes; Thee, for Thy Mistake in assisting him. Let me observe, that the Roman People, even in the Infancy of their Power, whilst they were yet abundantly streightened, always judged it better Policy to procure Friends, than Subjects; always esteemed it safer to rule People by their own Consent, than by Compulsion. To Thyself, particularly, no Alliance whatsoever can be more commodious than Ours: One Reason is, that we are so remote, as to minister no Apprehension of Injury whatsoever; yet always prepared to furnish equal Proofs of Friendship, as if we lived contiguous. As another Motive, We have so many Nations obedient to our Sway, that we wish not for more. As to the Number of mutual Allies, neither We, nor any other State, can ever boast enough.

‘In truth, I wish that Thou hadst at first chosen to pursue the present Course; for then, assuredly, thou wouldst, long ere now, have received many signal Benefits from the Roman People; even many more than the Calamities thou hast since suffered from their Arms. But, since Fortune, which, indeed, mostly controuls the Transactions of Men, has so determined, that thou shouldst as well prove the Force of our Enmity, as of our Friendship; be quick to snatch the Occasion which she now presents, and to accomplish what thou hast so well begun. Thou hast in thy Hands many Expedients, many Opportunities; such as will enable thee to retrieve all thy wrong Measures by a seasonable and obliging Conduct. For a Conclusion, Let one Reflection never escape thy Thoughts; That, in an Intercourse of Generosity, the Roman People are never to be vanquished. Of their Power in War, Thou thyself hast made Trial.’

To all this Bocchus replied with great Complacency, and very courteous Words: He offered withal a brief Apology for having offended the Romans, ‘That he had recourse to Arms from no Spirit of Enmity, but purely to defend his own Dominions. He could not bear to let Marius ravage that Part of Numidia, which, by the Right of War, belonged to Himself; as what he had, with his Sword, conquered from Jugurtha: Nay, he had previously requested to be admitted to an Alliance with Rome, by Ambassadors purposely sent; and was rejected. He was willing, however, to pass over old Discontents; and, with the Consent of Marius, forthwith to renew his Suit to the Senate by a fresh Embassy.’ Presently, when his Offer was accepted, the fickle Spirit of the Royal Barbarian was again changed by his Confidents, all corrupted by great Presents from Jugurtha; who, having learned the Deputation of Sylla and Manlius to Bocchus, became filled with Apprehensions of what was really projecting against him.

Marius, during this, having fixed his Army in Winter Quarters, set out with a Detachment of Cohorts lightly armed, and Part of the Cavalry, into the Desarts; there to besiege a Royal Tower, where Jugurtha had placed for a Garrison all the Roman Deserters. And now again Bocchus, by a fortunate Impulse, resumed his former Sentiments. Whatever was the Cause, Retrospection to his late Defeats in Two Battles, or the Persuasion of some other Confidents, such as Jugurtha had not debauched, he singled out from amongst all his Train of Courtiers Five Ambassadors; Men not only of tried Integrity, but of the most signal Abilities: These he dispatched on a Commission to Marius; and afterwards, if Marius approved it, to Rome; with absolute Authority to treat at large, and to terminate the War upon any Conditions.

The Ambassadors, as they travelled with great Dispatch to the Winter Quarters of the Romans, were beset on the Road, and utterly plundered by Getulian Robbers: So that, greatly affrighted, and destitute of all their Equipage, they arrived at the Quarters of Sylla, with whom the Consul, when he began his Expedition, had left the Command of the Army, under the Title of Proprætor. Their Reception from him was not what such faithless Enemies deserved, but full of Respect and Liberality.

This obliging Usage so charmed the Barbarians, that they not only held for mere Forgeries, whatever they had heard of the Avarice of the Romans; but took Sylla, from his many Acts of Munificence towards them, to be their special Friend. For there were many, even in those Days, utterly ignorant that Bounties ever flowed from selfish Views. With such, no Man passed for Liberal, who was not reckoned equally Benevolent; and all Presents were thought to flow only from Benignity of Heart. To him, therefore, they explained their Orders from Bocchus; nay, asked him to assist them with his good Offices and Counsel. They likewise discoursed, in high Strains, of the Opulence, the Honour, the Power of their King; and urged every other Argument, which they judged either interesting or conciliating. When Sylla had assented to all their Demands, and taught them how to reason with Marius, how afterwards with the Senate, they still continued there Forty Days in Expectation of Marius.

The Consul, having failed in the Purpose of his Expedition, when he returned to Cirta, and was apprised of the Arrival of the Ambassadors, sent them Orders to attend him, and with them Sylla. He summoned too Lucius Bellienus the Prætor, from Utica; as likewise, all who bore the Rank of Senators, where-ever to be found. In Concert with them, he examined the Instructions from Bocchus to his Ambassadors, whence they were furnished with Powers to proceed to Rome, and with Orders to apply to the Consul for a Suspension of Arms, during the Interval. These Overtures were approved by Sylla, and, indeed, by most of the Council. Some few there were, who proposed Measures much more violent; Men, in truth, little acquainted with the Course of Human things, which are still fluctuating, never fixed, always changing for the Worse.

Now the Moors, having obtained their whole Suit, Three of them proceeded to Rome, in the Train of Caius Octavius Rufo, the Quæstor, who had brought Money for the Army: Two returned back to the King, who from them learnt, with great Pleasure, the whole Detail of their Transactions, but, above all, the signal Benevolence, and partial Regard, shewn by Sylla: His Ambassadors at Rome implored Pardon of the Senate, for the Misconduct of the King; alleged, that he had been seduced by the perfidious Wiles of Jugurtha; then proceeded to sue for Admission into mutual Friendship and Alliance. To all which, they received this Answer:

‘It is the constant Principle of the Senate and People of Rome, to be forgetful neither of Favours nor of Injuries. They, however, forgive the Transgressions of Bocchus, because he declares his Remorse. Mutual Alliance and Friendship will be granted him, when he has deserved them.’

When Bocchus was acquainted with what had passed, he intreated Marius, by a Letter, to send him Sylla, that, by his Counsel, the Pretensions on both Sides might be settled. Sylla was presently sent, with a Guard of Horse and Foot, and Slingers from the Islands Baleares; besides a certain Number of Archers, and a Cohort from Pelignum, lightly armed for the sake of Dispatch: Yet, by such light Arms, they were as effectually secured, as by any other, against the Enemies Darts; because these are made very slight. When they had marched Four Days, without any Surprize, on the Fifth, Volux, the Son of Bocchus, presented himself, all on a sudden, in the open Plains, at the Head of a Thousand Horse, who, as they moved hastily and without Order, raised in Sylla, and all his Men, at once an Apprehension of a much greater Number, and of their hostile Purposes. They therefore prepared themselves all to a Man, adjusted their Arms, and resolutely expected the Combat; sensible indeed of some Danger, but armed with superior Hopes, as Men already victorious, engaging with such as they had often vanquished. In the mean time, the Horsemen, sent out for Information, reported, as they had found, all to be pacific.

Volux, as soon as he arrived, accosted Sylla, declaring, that he was sent by his Father to receive and to guard him. They then joined and marched together that Day and the following, without any Alarm. But in the Evening, when they had already encamped, the Moorish Prince ran to Sylla, and, with a Face of Consternation, told him trembling, what he said he had learnt from his Scouts, ‘That Jugurtha was at a small Distance from the Camp:’ He withal asked, and even urged, the Quæstor ‘To fly away privately with him in the Dark.’ Sylla, with great Disdain, professed ‘Himself incapable of fearing a Numidian so often routed: He had abundant Confidence in the Bravery of his Men: Nay, though certain Destruction were at hand, he would stand firm, rather than, by an infamous Flight, betray such as he was trusted to lead, only to save a Life at best subject to many Uncertainties, and liable, perhaps, very soon after, to be snatched away by a Disease.’

Yet when the Prince moved him to decamp, and march during the Night, he approved the Proposal, and forthwith gave Orders, that, when they had supped, they should kindle a great Number of Fires in the Camp, and then issue forth in profound Silence at the first Watch of the Night. When they had marched the whole Night, all thoroughly tired, as Sylla, at Sun-rising, was making Lines for a Camp, the Moorish Horsemen informed him, that Jugurtha had gained Ground of us, and was encamped about Two Miles further. When this was divulged, it failed not to fill our Men with terrible Dismay, as they believed themselves betrayed by Volux, and caught in an Ambush. Some even averred, that ‘He should be doomed to capital Vengeance; since so foul a Traitor could not in Justice escape unpunished.’

Sylla, indeed, entertained the same Jealousy; yet restrained them from offering him any Violence. He exhorted them ‘To be of good Courage: A few brave Troops had frequently fought with Success against a numerous Host: The less Care they should take of their Security in the Time of Battle, the more secure they would be. It ill suited any Man, who had his Hands furnished with Arms, to seek Aid from his Heels, which were always unarmed; and to turn his Back, which was blind and defenceless, towards the Enemy, when urging Peril called most for Weapons and Eyes.’ Then solemnly appealing to the Almighry Jove, To witness the Guilt and traiterous Dealings of Bocchus,’ he commanded Volux to depart the Camp, as one engaged in hostile Designs.

The Prince besought him with Tears, ‘To entertain no such Distrust. In his own Conduct there was no Sort of Guile, but rather much Subtlety in that of Jugurtha, who, in continual Pursuit of Intelligence, had learnt his Rout. But still, as he was by no means mighty in Numbers, and for his whole Hopes and Support depended upon Bocchus, ’twas his Opinion, that he would not venture any glaring Attempt, where the Son of Bocchus was to behold it. Whence he judged it the best Course, to pass confidently through the Heart of his Camp. For himself, he was ready to accompany Sylla, single and separate from his Moors, whom he would order either to move on before, or to remain where they were.’ In a Situation so distressing, this Counsel prevailed. They therefore instantly advanced, and passed by Jugurtha, unmolested; for as they came up altogether unexpected, the Surprize kept him wavering and irresolute. In a few Days after, they reached the Place assigned.

There, a certain Numidian, named Aspar, frequented the Court of Bocchus, with whom he enjoyed great Confidence and Freedom, as a Minister whom Jugurtha, upon Advice that Sylla was invited to a Conference with the King, had first dispatched thither, to support his Interest, and to dive, with all possible Address, into all the Views and Measures of Bocchus. That King, at the same time, had for a Favourite, Dabar, the Son of Massugrada, and descended from Masinissa, but by his Grandmother not of equal Quality, for his Father was born of a Concubine. The Moorish King, who held him in exceeding Dearness and Trust, for his many and pleasing Talents, having moreover found him, upon many former Occasions, well-affected to the Romans, sent him strait to declare to Sylla, in his Name, ‘That he was disposed to comply with whatever the People of Rome required. He left it to Sylla to appoint the Day, the Place, and even the Hour of Conference: He had entirely reserved all Difficulties and Pretensions to be decided solely by Himself and Sylla. Nay, an Ambassador there from Jugurtha ought to minister no Distrust; since he was admitted purely to facilitate the general Treaty, as the only Means to defeat the insidious Devices of that Prince.’

Yet I am well informed, that Bocchus acted a double Part, more like a faithless African, than agreeably to his fair Professions, thus deceitfully amusing both the Romans, and the King of Numidia, with Hopes of Peace; and that he had frequent Struggles within himself, whether he should deliver up Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha. His Inclinations led him to be against us: His Fears inclined him to be for us.

Sylla answered, ‘That he should say very little before Aspar. Whatever he had else to offer, he should communicate in Secret to the King alone, at least admit very few to be present.’ He withal explained to Dabar, what Answers he expected from Bocchus, in the Presence of others. The Interview followed, at which Sylla declared, ‘That he came commissioned by the Consul, to demand of him, Whether he meditated Peace or War?’ The King, as he was pre-instructed, directed Sylla to meet him again Ten Days thence; he had yet come to no Result, but would then return him a full Answer. So that they retired severally, each to his own Camp. But, when the Night was far advanced, Bocchus sent secretly for Sylla: None were suffered to be present besides trusty Interpreters; only Dabar, as a Man of perfect Honour, and employed as an equal Mediator, was sworn, by Consent, to make faithful Representations to both. Then the King immediately spoke thus:

‘I never conceived it possible to see myself under Obligations to a private Subject, I who am the mightiest Prince in this Part of the World, and the most opulent of all the Princes whom I know. And true it is, that, before I knew thee, Sylla, though I was wont to extend my Protection and Aid to great Numbers, at their own Request, to many of my own Option, I myself needed the Favour of no Man. Such absolute Independency is now lessened; a Change, for which others usually Mourn, and I Rejoice. It will always avail me, always be my Boast, once to have had Occasion for thy Friendship, since nothing is dearer than That to my Soul. For Proof of what I say, accept of my Troops, my Arms, my Treasure, and, indeed, whatever else thy Soul desires; use them all as thy own: Nay, even then, still reckon, that, as long as thou livest, I shall never have sufficiently requited thy Favour: My Gratitude will be still fresh and undischarged; nor, so long as I can know the Object of thy Pursuits, shalt thou ever pursue in vain. For ’tis my Principle, that less Disgrace accrues to a Monarch, from being vanquished in Arms, than in Generosity.

‘Now hear what I have shortly to allege concerning your Commonwealth, for which thou comest hither as a Minister. Against the People of Rome I never made War, and always intended never to make any. What I did was by Arms to defend my own Confines against Invasion and Arms: An Undertaking which I now drop, since such is your Pleasure. Prosecute the War against Jugurtha just as to you seems meet. Beyond the River Molucha, the settled Boundary between me and Micipsa, I shall not pretend to pass, nor will I permit Jugurtha to cross over to my Side. As a further Condescension, if you have aught else to ask, worthy of Bocchus and the Roman State, you shall not return with a Denial.’

Sylla was very brief, and very modest, in his Answer, to all that concerned himself: Upon the public Business of Peace and Negociation, he reasoned copiously; and particularly assured the King, ‘That what he proposed, would be accounted, by the Senate and People of Rome, no Gratification to them, since they were Masters in the Field. It was incumbent upon him, to perform something which should appear more conducing to their Advantage than to his own; a Task extremely feasible, as he had Jugurtha at his Mercy. If he delivered up to the Romans this their Enemy, he would then hold them indebted for a mighty Service; and in Return, without asking, be gratified with their Amity, their Alliance, and the free Grant of whatever Part he claimed of Numidia.’

At first, the King persisted in refusing the Condition. He pleaded ‘The Ties of Blood, those of Intermarriage, those of mutual Leagues.’ He urged ‘His Fears too of alienating the Hearts of his People, should he be seen forfeiting his Faith; since Jugurtha was as much their Darling, as the Romans were their Aversion.’ In the End, when long and incessantly pressed, he relaxed, and promised ‘To conform in all Things to the good Pleasure of Sylla.’ They next settled, by what Arts to conduct the mock Treaty of Peace, for which the King of Numidia ardently longed, as quite disheartened with his Fate in the War. Thus, when they had thoroughly framed their Intrigue, they parted.

Bocchus, next Day, called for Aspar, the Minister of Jugurtha; and told him what Dabar had learnt from Sylla, and he from Dabar, that on certain Terms the War might be concluded: He should therefore go and discover the Purposes of his King. The Minister repaired, with much Joy, to the Camp of Jugurtha; where amply furnished with Instructions from him, he returned to Bocchus, having travelled with such Speed, that in going and coming he spent but Eight Days. He reported to the Moorish King, that ‘Jugurtha was forward to yield to every thing required of him, but loth to trust to Marius only; since there had been many Pacifications made with Roman Generals, never ratified at Rome. If Bocchus would effectually consult the Interest of both Kings, and have the Peace sure and confirmed, he should procure a Congress of all the Parties, there to treat jointly about a general Pacification, and then deliver up Sylla to Jugurtha. If he had but such a great Officer in his Possession, then indeed a valid Peace would ensue, under the Sanction of the Senate and People of Rome: Nor would they ever suffer a Person of his high Character to remain in the Hands of the Enemy, through no ill Conduct in him, but for discharging his Duty to the Commonwealth.’

The Moorish King, after long Discussion and Balancing within himself, at last declared his Assent to this Proposition. Whether his Hesitation proceeded from Perfidy, or from Perplexity, is not clear. In truth, the Inclinations of Princes, as they are generally impetuous, are also unsteady, and subject to thwart one another. Now, as a Time and Place were settled for a Treaty, Bocchus, in the Interval, frequently called, now for Sylla, anon for the Minister of Jugurtha, caressed each, and made the same Promises to both. Thus they were equally pleased, and filled with equal Hopes. But the Night preceding the Day appointed for the Treaty, the Moorish King, after he had called together his Counsellors, and then, his Mind suddenly changing, sent them all away again, is reported to have had many and strong Conflicts within himself; insomuch that the frequent Changes of his Visage, and external Agitations, corresponding with the Distractions of his Spirit, manifested his Agonies, though he said nothing. At last, he sent for Sylla, and, conformably to his Counsel, prepared to deceive and seize the Numidian Prince.

When the Time came, and Bocchus was advertised, that Jugurtha was already near at Hand, he, accompanied by Sylla, and a few of his own Courtiers, went strait out, under Shew of Respect, to meet him as far as a rising Ground, in full View of such as were purposely posted to seize him. Thither came the Numidian Prince, attended by most of his Houshold, but without Arms, as it had been agreed; when instantly, on a Signal given, they who lurked for him, issued forth, and all at once encompassed him. His Train were put to the Sword. He himself was bound, and delivered to Sylla, who carried him away to Marius.

About this time, Quintus Cæpio, and Marcus Manlius, our Generals, had an unfortunate Battle with the Gauls: Whence all Italy was filled with great Dismay. It had been ever a traditionary Opinion amongst the Romans, and now no less strong, that to their own heroic Bravery all Nations else must yield; but, in engaging against the Gauls, they were not to aim at Glory and Conquest, but only at the Preservation of the Commonweal. When therefore it was known at Rome, that the War in Numidia was terminated, and that Jugurtha was on the Way thither in Chains, Marius was chosen Consul, even in his Absence, and appointed Commander in Gaul. On the First of January, he triumphed with exceeding great Glory. Indeed, at this Juncture, the City of Rome placed in him all her Hopes and Defence.

THE SPEECH OF M. Æmilius Lepidus, the Consul, AGAINST SYLLA.

Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, a turbulent Man, after the Year of his Consulship was expired, strove to be chosen Consul for another Year; and, for that Purpose, took Arms, and mastered great Part of Italy. He was defeated, and fled to Sardinia, where he died. Sylla had long before resigned the Dictatorship; though, in this Invective, Lepidus treats him as still Tyrant of Rome, probably because he still retained very great Influence there.

WHEN I reflect upon that Clemency and Probity of Yours, O Romans, which have raised you to the highest Pitch of Greatness and Renown over the Face of the whole Earth, and, at the same time, carry my Views to the Usurpation of Sylla, I am filled with the utmost Dread and Horror: For I am apprehensive, that your Backwardness to believe any one guilty of such Crimes, as you cannot think of without the highest Abhorrence, will lead you, unawares, into a fatal Snare (especially since he places all his Confidence in Treachery and Dissimulation, and draws his whole Security from a Persuasion, that, if your Apprehensions of him fall short of the Blackness of his Designs, he may thence be enabled to reduce you to so low a Condition, as to give up the Defence of your Liberty); or if you should foresee the Dangers that threaten you, I am afraid you will be more engaged in guarding against Them, than in executing Vengeance upon the Author of them.

The Instruments of his Dominion are not only Men of Rank and Figure, but such as have before them worthy Examples of illustrious Ancestors to copy after: And yet these very Men are now purchasing the Power of Tyrannizing over you, at the Expence of their own Liberty; and chuse those Conditions upon injurious Terms, rather than Freedom under the best System of equal Laws. Amazing Degeneracy and Baseness! The illustrious Offspring of the Æmilii, the Bruti, and Lutatii, born to demolish the virtuous Acquisitions of their brave Ancestors! For what was their Motive to take up Arms against Pyrrhus, against Hannibal and Antiochus, but the Defence of Liberty, and the secure Enjoyment of each Roman’s Property, and that the Laws only, and not the Will of any one Man, might be the Controuler of our Actions? But all these Advantages this outrageous Plunderer, this Romulus, detains as a Prey taken from a foreign Foe; and, unsatiated as he is with the Destruction of so many Armies, the Slaughter of a Consul, and other Commanders, who fell the Victims of his triumphant Arms; his Successes add Fewel to his Rage, contrary to other Conquerors, whose prosperous Fortune generally melts their Fury into Pity and Compassion. And yet he stops not here: He has even decreed Punishments to Children unborn, whose unhappy Lot it is, to have their Misery fixed and determined before their Birth. A singular Instance of Cruelty, not to be met with in any of the Histories of Mankind! And this savage Oppressor exults and rages hitherto with Impunity; Impunity derived only from the enormous Flagrancy of his Crimes: Whilst you are deterred from vindicating your Liberty, by the impotent Fear of adding to the Weight of your Bondage. But such Apprehensions must not discourage Romans: You must rouse to Action, and resist the Usurpation, or all you have will become the Spoil of this Oppressor: Think not of Delay, nor expect Relief from Prayers and Wishes. But perhaps you flatter yourselves, that now at last, satiated with Power, or ashamed of his Tyranny, he will tamely Resign what he has violently Ravished from you. Sylla Resign! That is too dangerous a Step for him to take, who has proceeded so far, as to esteem no Measures glorious, but what conduce to his Safety, and to account every Action honourable, that can any way support his Tyranny. From him, therefore, it is in vain to expect that sweet Tranquility and Peace, which, when attended with Liberty, many virtuous Men prefer to the Blaze of Honours, acquired by a Life of Hurry and Fatigue. Such is now your Situation, my Countrymen, that you must either resolve to hold the Reins of Government, or submit to the Yoke of Slavery; either awe and terrify your Opposer, or be awed and terrified by him. What else remains? Is there any thing, Human or Divine, that has escaped his Pollution? The People of Rome, not long since Lords of the World, now robbed of their Authority, their Dignity and Jurisdiction, reduced as they are to a State of Insignificancy and Contempt, are denied that small Pittance of Corn, which is the usual Allowance of Slaves. Our numerous Allies and Friends of Latium are, by the Tyranny of a single Person, bereft of those Privileges of Roman Citizens, which you thought fit to confer upon them, for their great Services and brave Exploits: And the Minions of his Power have seized, as the Reward of their Villainy, the paternal Inheritances of the unoffending Plebeians. Behold all Law, all Jurisdiction, the Revenue, the Provinces, and tributary Kings, all brought under the sovereign Arbitration of one Man! Nay, even the Life and Death of every Citizen are at his absolute Disposal: And you have seen him offering human Victims; and, at the Tomb of his deceased Friends, shedding the Blood of Roman Citizens.

Are you Men?—What then remains, but resolutely to exterminate the Tyranny, or bravely to die in the virtuous Attempt? since, by the Decree of Nature, all must die at last; nor can even Bulwarks of Iron secure us from the Stroke of Death; and none but a Dastard, of the most effeminate Spirit, would tamely yield to the Extremity of Misery, without making some Effort to repel the Calamity.

But whilst I lament to see my Country become the Spoil of a Faction, Sylla represents me as a seditious Man: He tells you, that I love Discord, and would promote Wars and Tumults; and he has this Reason for it, because I demand the Restitution of the Laws of Peace! Yes, it must be so; because there is no other way left to secure your Authority, but to permit Vettius Picens, and Cornelius the Scribe, with infamous Profusion, to squander the Substance which others have acquired with Honour and Reputation—to give your Approbation of the Proscriptions of Citizens, guiltless of all Crimes, but that of having an affluent Fortune—to allow the Torturing of so many illustrious Men—the Depopulation of the City, by Banishment and Slaughter—and the exposing to Sale the Wealth of the miserable Citizens; or lavishly bestow it on his Creatures, as was the Spoil taken from the People of Cimbria.

He farther objects against me, that I myself am in Possession of a Share of the Goods of the Proscribed. Yes, I am: But, that I am, is one of the highest Instances of his Tyranny: For neither could I, nor any other Roman, have been secure, if in this Case we had strictly adhered to the Rules of Equity. However, those things, which, under the Awe of his Tyranny, I was constrained to purchase, I am ready to restore to the lawful Owners: For it is far from my Intention to enrich myself with the Spoils of my Fellow-Citizens. No—Let it suffice, that we have endured other dire Effects of our tumtuluous Rage and Infatuations; Roman Legions encountering Roman Legions; and those Weapons, which were before employed only against foreign Foes, now turned against ourselves. ’Tis time, at last, to close the Scene, and put an End to this tragical Outrage and Villainy: But, tragical as it is, Sylla is so far from feeling any Remorse, that he glories in the Perpetration of it; and wants only more Power, to proceed to higher Acts of Tyranny. But it is not so much my Concern what Opinion you entertain of his Character; my Fear is, lest you should want Resolution to exert yourselves speedily; and, whilst you look upon each other in Doubt and Suspense, to see who will lead to the Onset, you should unhappily be anticipated; not so much by his superior Strength, which is greatly impaired, as through your own Indolence and Inactivity; and so fall absolutely under his Power, before you attempt to reduce him under yours, and even before he has the Confidence to flatter himself with the Hopes of such Success. For, except a few corrupted Minions of his Power, who approves of his Measures? Nay, who does not wish a total Change and Revolution, except in that one Instance of the Spoils of Victory? The Soldiers, perhaps you’ll say. Yes, the Soldiers doubtless, whose Blood was spilt to enrich Tarrula and Scyrrus, the vilest of Slaves! Or will those espouse his Interest, to whom, in Competition for Magistracy, even Fusidius was by him preferred; Fusidius, that detestable Pathic, that infamous Disgrace to every high Office to which he has been elevated? These Reflections give me room to hope for Assistance from the victorious Troops, who must at length be sensible, that they have got nothing by a long Scene of Hardships, by all their Wounds and Bruises, but an oppressive Tyrant: Unless they will say, that they took the Field to demolish the Tribunitial Power, that very Power raised and supported by the Virtue of their Ancestors; or to divest themselves of all Jurisdiction and Authority. Gloriously indeed they were recompensed for their past Services, when, sent back to their Woods and Morasses, all the Portion they could obtain was Hatred and Reproach, whilst the Spoils of Conquest were engrossed by a few!

How comes it then, that such Numbers follow him; that he still appears with an exulting Spirit, and confident Mien? How! Because Success palliates his Villainy: The Moment Fortune turns against him, he will become as much the Object of Contempt, as he is now of Terror. There can be no other Reason, unless his Declaration of establishing Peace and Harmony; for those specious Names has he given to Treachery and Parricide. Nay, he has the Assurance to affirm, that the Romans can never see an End of their Civil Wars, unless the Expulsion of the Plebeians from their paternal Inheritances, the most cruel of all Depredations that can be committed upon Fellow-Citizens, be confirmed; unless all that judicial Power and Authority, which was once lodged in the Roman People, be vested in himself only. If you allow this to be establishing Peace and Harmony, why, then, give your Assent to every Method of embarrassing the Commonwealth; then, approve its Downfal; tamely submit to the Terms of an imperious Master; embrace this peaceable Settlement, on the easy Condition of Bondage and Servility; and by no means let Posterity want a Precedent to instruct them, how the People of Rome may be so wrought upon, as to purchase their own Ruin with the Price of their own Blood!

For myself, though the high Authority with which I am invested, is sufficient to support the Honour of my Family, my own Dignity, and the Protection of my Person, yet has it never been the Aim and Intention of my Life, to pursue my own private Interest only: The Liberty of my Country, though attended with Perils, is to me far more inviting, than a State of Subjection with all its Allurements of Tranquillity.

And if now, my Countrymen, you approve of my Sentiments, come on; and, with the Help of the propitious Gods, rise up and follow your Chief; follow Marcus Æmilius your Consul, and he will shew you the Way to recover your Liberty.

THE SPEECH OF L. PHILIPPUS AGAINST LEPIDUS.

Lucius Philippus, a Senator of Consular Quality, was the Author of this Speech against Lepidus; who was raising a Civil War, in order to obtain a second Consulship, as hath been observed before.

THERE is nothing, Conscript Fathers, that I so ardently wish, as to see the Commonwealth established in Tranquillity; or that, in every Article of Danger, there may never be wanting Men of ready Abilities to rise up in her Defence; and that, in the End, all the Machinations of her Enemies may recoil upon their own impious Heads. But, instead of this, we are embarrassed, on all Sides, with Seditions; Seditions raised by those very Men, whose Duty it was to have guarded us against them. And such, in short, is our Situation, that the Weakest and Basest among us usurp the Direction of Affairs; and Men of Virtue and Abilities are constrained to execute their Decrees. For now we must enter into War; now we must actually take the Field, though it be intirely against your Sentiments and Inclinations; for no other Reason, but because it is agreeable to the Will and Pleasure of Lepidus: Unless you are resolved, that you will subject Yourselves to the Hardships of War, to procure Peace and Tranquillity to Another(a) .

Amazing Supineness and Neglect! Can You, Fathers, to whom the Administration of Affairs is committed, be thus remiss in your Duty? Do you not see M. Æmilius, the most abandoned of all Criminals, a Creature so abject, that it will ever remain a Doubt, whether his Villainy or his Cowardice claim the Pre-eminence—Do you not see him advancing against your Liberty, at the Head of an Army; rising from that Contempt which lately covered him, and spreading Dread and Terror all around? whilst You, scarce daring, at last, to utter your stifled Sentiments, and, opposing his Attempts with feeble Words and prophetic Auguries only, barely discover your Inclinations to Peace, but have not the Spirit to maintain it; little considering that this tame irresolute Conduct, in Support of your Decrees, weakens Your Authority, in proportion as it diminishes His Fears. Nor, indeed, can you justly complain of this: You, who have suffered him, by Violence, to usurp the Consulship; and rewarded his Sedition with the Government of a Province, and the Command of an Army. But, if his Crimes are thus regarded, what Recompences would you have found great enough to repay his Services, had he really deserved well of you? But, perhaps, you will tell me, that such as have stood firm in their Attachment to him, and decreed Overtures of Peace, and Terms of Accommodation, to be offered him, have, by their Compliance, secured his Favour and Protection: So far from it, you see, he holds them in the utmost Contempt, looks upon them as unworthy of any Share in the Administration, and fit only to become the Prey of superior Abilities; since they now betray as much Weakness in suing for the Restoration of Peace; as they did before in suffering it to be ravished from them.

For myself, I confess, as soon as I perceived that Etruria was engaged in his Conspiracy, that the Proscribed were called in to his Assistance, and the Constitution rent in Pieces by Venality and Corruption, I apprehended these Evils called for speedy Redress; and therefore, in Conjunction with some others, I went over to Catulus, in Support of his Measures.

There was, indeed, a Party, biassed to the Æmilian Family by their eminent Services to the State, and influenced by an Opinion, that the Romans derived their Glory and Greatness from a Spirit of Lenity, who would not even then allow, that Lepidus had taken any Steps that called for violent Opposition; and, when he had taken up Arms, without your Authority, and against your Liberty, every one regarding only the Security of his own Person and Fortune, weakened the Strength of public Councils.

But, at that Juncture, Lepidus was viewed only in the Light of a public Robber, attended by the slavish Followers of a Camp, and a few desperate Assassins; such abandoned Hirelings, as prefer the daily Wages of Villainy to the Security of their Lives. But now he is actually invested with the Authority of Proconsul; an Authority not purchased with Money, but freely conferred by You, with proper Legates, obliged by Law to execute his Commands. Whilst Men of the most profligate and abandoned Characters, of all Ranks and Orders, daily list themselves under his Banner; Men wrung with Difficulties and Distresses, enraged with Lust of Rapine, and slung with keen Reflections on their crying Villainies; Men who are ever easy and satisfied in the midst of Tumults and Seditions; ever restless and disquieted in the midst of Peace and Tranquillity. These are they who are perpetually exciting public Confusion, and sowing the Seeds of Civil Broils and Insurrections; base Instruments as they were; first, of Saturninus; next, of Sulpitius; then, of Marius and Damasippus; and now, at last, of Lepidus’s traiterous Conspiracies. And what further aggravates our Calamity, not only Etruria, but all the Soldiers, who survived the last War, are animated to take up Arms in his Cause; no Methods are left untried, to engage the Two Spains on his Side; and Mithridates, in the very Frontiers of out tributary Provinces, waits only for a favourable Conjuncture to open a War. In short, nothing seems wanting to complete the Ruin of the Empire, but an able and experienced Commander to conduct the Enterprize.

I beseech you therefore, I earnestly conjure you, Conscript Fathers, to call up all your Attention; and suffer not this licentious Evil to spread its Influence to such Members of the Republic as are yet sound and uncorrupted. For if you still permit the Base and Unworthy to engross all Honours and Employments, you will find it a difficult Task, to bring Men to the Observance of unrewarded Virtue.

In this Posture of Affairs, will you hesitate and linger till an Army again advances against your Gates, till the Enemy ravage your City with Fire and Sword? For to such an Outrage it is more reasonable to believe he may be driven, than it was to have imagined, that, in the midst of public Tranquillity, he durst have had recourse to Arms, in Violation of all Laws, Human and Divine, under the specious Pretence, indeed, of redressing his own Grievances, or those of his Fellow-Citizens; but in reality, for the Destruction of public Liberty, and the Subversion of a legal Establishment.

Distracted, indeed, he is in his Mind, and tortured with raging Desires, and guilty Dread; ever irresolute in his Determinations, ever restless and disquieted, now pursuing one Scheme, then another: He has by no means a Relish for War, and yet trembles at the Apprehensions of a Peace: And though he is sensible he cannot continue the Progress of his licentious Pursuits; yet still he makes his Advantage of your Inactivity.—Inactivity, did I say? I protest to you, Conscript Fathers, I am at a Loss what Term to use; whether I should call it Fear, or Pusilanimity, or Infatuation, that when you see imminent Perils, like uplifted Thunder, threatening your Heads, you idly wish to escape the impending Destruction, but make not the least Effort to shun the Stroke.

Call back to your Remembrance, I beseech you, how much the Temper of these Times is changed from the former! Then all Machinations against the Commonwealth were industriously concealed from public View; all Attempts in her Favour were openly avowed: And this Conduct gave the Lovers of their Country an eminent Advantage over her Enemies. But now the public Tranquillity is as openly attacked, as it is secretly espoused: The Parricide is become formidable in Arms, whilst you, Conscript Fathers, tremble under Fears and Alarms!

What is it that you mean? Surely you are not weary; surely you are not ashamed to pursue a steady Conduct! Or are you influenced by the Professions and Declarations of Lepidus, who is constantly calling out for the Restitution of Rapine, and yet, all the while, injuriously detains the Property of others?—Disclaims, in Words, all military Violence, and yet is endeavouring to subdue us by the Force of Arms; talks of establishing the Constitution, when, at the same time, he refuses to give up his usurped Dominion—And insists upon the Restitution of the Tribunitial Authority to the Plebeians; as if that were the only Method of extinguishing the Heat of our Animosities, which first inflamed them!

Thou most abandoned, thou most shameless Profligate of all the human Race! Are then the Distresses and Grievances of the Citizens become the Objects of thy Care, who art not in Possession of the least Property, but what was obtained by Acts of Violence and Hostility? Thou art now pushing thy Way to a second Consulship, as if thou hadst actually abdicated the former: Under the specious Pretence of Peace, thou hast involved us in a War, by which we are robbed of the real Peace we were before in Possession of! Rebel, as thou art, against Us! Traitor to thy own Party; and a Foe to all virtuous Men! Hast thou, by Perfidiousness and Perjuries, injured Men, and violated the Honour of the immortal Gods; and dost thou feel no Shame, no Compunction for these Enormities? Since then this is thy Character, this thy Turn of Mind, hearken to my Admonition; Stand firm to thy Purposes; still hold thyself in Arms, and never entertain a Thought of delaying thy traiterous Designs; for that would be of no other Use, but to disturb thy own Breast, and keep us in anxious Suspense.

Citizen of Rome thou art no more; neither the Provinces, nor the Constitution, nor the Gods of our Country, will any longer allow thee that Title. Go on then, in thy Progress, with all possible Expedition, that thou mayest the sooner meet with a Recompence suitable to thy Deserts.

But You, Conscript Fathers, how long will you defer the necessary Preparations for the Defence of the Commonwealth? How long will you content yourselves to resist the Force of Arms with feeble Words only? Already Forces are levied against you; Money is raised by all the Methods of public and private Extortion; Detachments are drawn from our Garisons to other Posts; and tyrannous Lust tramples upon all Law and Order. And you, all the while, content yourselves with insignificant Decrees, and fruitless Overtures. For, be assured, the more eagerly you sue for Peace, the more ardently will he push on the War; when he apprehends, that, though Justice and Equity come not in to his Aid, your Cowardice supports his Cause. For whoever professes a Detestation of Seditions, and the Effusion of Roman Blood, and, upon that Consideration, would persuade you to pacific Measures, does, in effect, declare, that when you have it in your Power to reduce Others to the Ignominy of a Defeat, you should tamely suffer Yourselves to be reduced to that shameful Situation. Thus are you exhorted to enter into pacific Measures with him, that he may be the better enabled to carry on a War against you.

If these Counsels are acceptable to you; if you are become so stupidly insensible, that, forgetting Cinna’s enormous Crimes, who, upon his Return into the City, trampled upon the Dignity of this august Assembly, you will nevertheless put yourselves, your Wives and Children, under the Power of Lepidus; of what Use are all your Decrees! Why do you call upon Catulus for Aid? In vain will Catulus, or any other virtuous Man, apply Remedies to our Evils, whilst you are thus remiss. Go on, therefore, in your own way—Fly for Refuge to Cethegus, or seek Protection from any of those Parricides, who wait, with Impatience, for an Opportunity of renewing the Scene of Desolation and Rapine, and advancing, once more, with armed Forces against the Gods of Rome.

But if the Defence of Liberty, if just and honourable Sentiments, inspire your Hearts, then enter boldly into Resolutions worthy of such a Cause; and rouse up the Spirits of the Brave and Virtuous. You have, at your Devotion, a new-raised Army, and Colonies of veteran Troops; you have all the Nobility, and the most able and experienced Commanders, to support your Cause; and Success, Fathers, is ever found to attend on superior Merit. All that Strength, which our Remissness only hath enabled him to gather, will, in an Instant, be dissipated upon the Return of our Vigour.

Upon these Considerations, I am induced to declare my Opinion, since Lepidus, at the Head of an Army, raised in Defiance of our Authority, advances towards our Gates in an hostile Manner, that Appius Claudius, Inter-rex, and Q. Catulus, Proconsul, and the rest of the chief Magistrates, be appointed to defend the City, and impowered to exert any Endeavours whatsoever, that the Constitution may not suffer any Prejudice.

POMPEY’s LETTER TO THE SENATE.

This Letter of Pompey’s was sent from Spain, where he commanded against a very formidable Enemy, the famous Sertorius, a great and able Man, under Proscription, and many Disadvantages, yet long a Terror and Scourge to the Roman Armies sent against him, even under Pompey and Metellus: Nor was he subdued at last by Force, but by the Treachery of one of his own Officers, a vain Man, ambitious of being in his Place, which he was very unable to hold.

HAD I, with infinite Peril and Toil, manifested my Enmity to You, to my Country, and her Gods; as often as I have by a successful Conduct, from my early Youth, subdued your most inveterate Enemies, and rescued you from Destruction; you could not, Conscript Fathers, have entered into any Resolutions against me, in my Absence, more severe than the Difficulties to which you have now reduced me; exposed as I was, at an Age unripe for such a Service, to the Rage and Fury of a most formidable and bloody War; and now perishing with a whole Army of brave and deserving Men, perishing with Hunger, (of all kinds of Death the most grievous) without any Endeavours on your Part to relieve us.

Was it for this the People of Rome sent out their Children to Battle? Are these the Recompences for all their Wounds, and Contusions, and the Streams of Blood they have shed in Defence of the Republic? Tired out with sending unsuccessful Legates, and fruitless Petitions, I have utterly exhausted all my own private Fortune, and, with that, even all my Hopes and Expectations: And, in the Space of Three whole Years, I have scarce been allowed the Subsistance necessary for One. In the Name of the immortal Gods, do you imagine, that my private Fortune is equal to a public Treasury? Or that I am able to keep up, and maintain, an Army without any Allowance of Provisions or Pay?

I must confess, indeed, that, when I undertook this Expedition, I was prompted more by Inclination than by Judgment. For when you had conferred upon me a bare Command, unsupported by any Supplies of Money, in Forty Days I raised an Army. And when the Enemy was then pressing upon the Frontiers of Italy, I instantly dislodged them, drove them from the Alps into Spain, and opened a Passage over those Mountains, far more commodious for us than that through which Hannibal penetrated. Then I reduced Gaul to your Obedience, the Pyreneum, Laletania, and Ilergetum. And when that victorious Commander Sertorius advanced against me, I sustained the Onset with Troops unexperienced in War, and much inferior in Number to the Enemy. Nor did I ever repair to Towns for my Winter Quarters, to gratify a Passion for Popularity; but encamped in the Field, surrounded on all Sides by desperate and bloody Enemies.—Have I any Occasion to recount the Battles I have fought?—All my Winter Marches?—All the Cities I have razed, or those I have reduced to Obedience?—No!—Actions shew themselves to more Advantage, than any Eloquence can set them forth. That I forced the Enemies Camp at Sucro—How successful I fought at the River Durius—That I defeated Herennius the Enemies General, routed his whole Army, and razed the City Valentia to the Ground—These are Facts well known to you all, and need no Illustration. And, for all these Services, You, O grateful Fathers, recompense me with Distresses, with Hunger, and Famine!

Thus, by your Neglect, am I reduced to the same Exigencies with the Enemy: Both of us utterly destitute of Subsistence. It is in the Power of either Army, to march into Italy without Opposition. Let me therefore exhort you, let me beseech you, Fathers, to call up all your Attention; and compel me not, by the Extremity of Difficulties, to provide for my own Safety without the Sanction of your Authority.

As for the Hither Spain, not in Possession of the Enemy, it is a Scene of Desolation, plundered, pillaged, and utterly despoiled by myself and Sertorius: The Cities, indeed, upon the Sea Coast, have yet escaped; but they are rather a Burden and Charge, than any Support to me. As for Gaul, that Country was utterly exhausted last Year, by the Supplies drained from thence, for the Support of Metellus’s Army: And this Year the Harvest has failed, and scarce yields the Inhabitants sufficient Provisions for the Support of Life.

As for myself, not only my own private Fortune is entirely consumed, but, with That, my Credit too is exhausted. You, Conscript Fathers, are my last Resort; and, if I am not relieved by you, it will not be in my Power to prevent that Misfortune, which I now forewarn you of; the Army will unavoidably march hence, and transfer the Scene of War into the very Bowels of your Country.

THE ORATION OF LICINIUS, the Tribune: Addressed to the PEOPLE.

This Speech abundantly explains itself. It was an Effort of a Tribune, to depress the Patrician Power, by raising the Tribunitial Power: For this End, it was expedient to flatter and animate the People, and to revile the Grandees.

WERE you insensible, O my Countrymen, of the Privileges transmitted down to you by your Forefathers, and the Servitude imposed on you by Sylla, it would then be necessary for me, to enter into a particular Dissertation on the Nature of our Republic; and point out to you the Grievances which provoked the Plebeians to take up Arms, and withdraw from the Senate; and by what Methods they were enabled, at last, to settle a Tribunitial Jurisdiction. But I have now nothing to do, but exhort and animate you, and lead the Way for the Re-establishment of your Liberty.

I am very sensible, how unequal the Contest is, in which I have engaged; a single Person, unassisted as I am, vested with the Name, but not the Authority of Magistracy, attempting to crush an Usurpation, supported by all the Wealth and Power of the Nobility: Nor do I forget, how much greater Security criminal Men find in Combination and Confederacy, than the Innocent, in their separate Endeavours. But, notwithstanding this, I am not only animated by the Assurance I have of your best Endeavours, an Assurance sufficient to lift me above the Dread of such Apprehensions; but also by a settled Persuasion, that the Brave will ever find greater Satisfaction, even in an unsuccessful Struggle for Liberty, than in a passive Submission to the servile Yoke. And, yet, so far have most of your Tribunes been drawn from their Duty, by the alluring Prospects of Advantage, and the Hopes of ingratiating themselves with the Fathers, that the very Authority established for your Security, they have employed to weaken and destroy it; esteeming the Wages of Treachery above the Glory of unrewarded Integrity. Hence arises that exorbitant Growth of Power possessed by the Faction, who, under Pretence of taking upon themselves the Conduct of a War, have usurped the Disposition of the Revenue, all our Armies, all our Governments, and Provinces. And thus, with the Spoils of their Country, they have erected the Fortress of their Tyranny over it: Whilst you all the while, like a tame Herd, notwithstanding the Immensity of your Numbers, suffer yourselves to become the absolute, the wretched Property of a small Faction, who have robbed you of all the Acquisitions derived to you from the Virtue of your Ancestors, except the mighty Privilege of electing Magistrates, once your Guardians and Protectors, but now your Masters and Tyrants. Hence it is, that such Numbers are attached to Them: And yet, if you resolutely assert your Liberties, and recover your Jurisdiction, so few are there that have Resolution to adhere with Perseverance to the Cause they are engaged in, that the Generality of them will return to you: And then of course, all other Advantages will attend the Fortune of your superior Strength. If you are but steady and unanimous in your Proceedings, can there be the least Room to apprehend any Opposition from those, who stood in Awe of your Power, even when you had not the Spirit to exert it, when it was languid and disjointed? For, what was it but the Dread of your Authority, that enabled the Consul C. Cotta, even when the Faction was at the Height, to restore to the Tribunes, some of their ancient Privileges? And although they had the Confidence to fall upon L. Sicinius, the first who ventured to speak in Favour of the Tribunitial Power, whilst you scarce ventured to utter your Complaints in private; yet were they terrified and alarmed with the Apprehensions of your Vengeance, even before you discovered the least Resentment against such enormous Injustice. I am filled with the utmost Astonishment, when I consider this Conduct of yours towards Men, from whom, you must be sensible, you have not the least Grounds to expect Redress. When Death had removed Sylla out of your Way, that pestilent Parricide, that Enslaver of his Country, and you imagined there was an End of all your Calamities, then Catulus arose, a more implacable Tyrant than the former. After that, in the Consulship of Brutus, and Æmilius Mamercus, the public Tranquillity was disturbed by Tumults and Insurrections. Then C. Curio, usurping lawless Dominion, pursued your innocent Tribune even to Destruction. And with what Warmth and Fury Lucullus made Head against L. Quinctius the last Year, I need not inform you; yourselves were Witnesses to it; as you now are to the wild Uproar, and seditious Riots, raised against me. Vain and fruitless Proceedings, if they have any Intention of resigning their Power, before you attempt to compel them to it! Besides, it is manifest, whatever their Pretence be for taking up Arms, and engaging us in intestine Broils, the real Motive is to exercise Dominion over you. Hence it is, that although in other Gratifications, whether Licentiousness, Avarice, or Resentment, their Desires may have been flagrant and impetuous, yet these were but temporary Passions: One only has been permanent and lasting in them all; and that is the ardent Desire of abolishing the Tribunitial Authority, that Weapon put into your Hands by your brave Forefathers, for the Guard and Support of your Liberty.

I beseech you, therefore, I earnestly conjure you, to call up your Attention, and let not the Misapplication of Names any longer cherish an indolent Inactivity; nor give to base Servitude the softening Appellations of Peace and Tranquillity, the Reality of which, whilst you thus criminally pervert the Nature of Things, you will not be in so good a Condition to obtain, as you might have been, had you remained intirely passive and silent.

A wake then, my Countrymen, from this Lethargy; and remember, that unless you break the servile Chains about your Necks, they will draw you into closer Bondage: For it is ever the Nature of Tyranny to strengthen its Security by adding to its Oppressions.

It is my Opinion then, that the first Step you should take, is, to reform the present Bent and Disposition of your Minds: Courage and Alacrity are in your Tongues, Indolence and Pusilanimity in your Hearts: For the Moment you quit these Assemblies, you quit all Thoughts of vindicating your Liberty. Your next Step is, to resolve, that as you are superior in Strength, you will exert that Superiority, and assert the Privilege of rejecting, or accepting, as it best suits your Interest, those laborious Offices you now undertake, at the Command, and for the Service, of others. This is all I would exhort you to: I call you not to those exalted Degrees of heroic Bravery, by which your Ancestors procured the Institution of Tribunes, and a Law for their Admission to the first Offices in the State, unencumbered with the Necessity of having the Elections confirmed by the Fathers.

You expect, I suppose, Assistance from Almighty Jove, and leave the Redress of your Grievances to the immortal Deities; insensible all the while, that by every Compliance with the lordly Injunctions of the Consuls, and the Decrees of the Senate, you strengthen their Hands, and confirm their Authority. Thus you co-operate to your own Undoing, and become the willing Instruments of adding Weight to your Chains.

But do not imagine, O Quirites, that by all this I mean to fire your Resentment, or to rouse you to vindictive Measures. No: The Expedient I propose, requires not Action; neither do I exhort you to Tumults and Discord, as is injuriously given out: So far from this, that my only View is to put an End to all our Broils. And even though they should refuse to comply, still I would not excite you to Arms, nor encourage a Secession. All I advise, is, that you would not be so liberal of Roman Blood, and no longer shed it in their Cause. Leave these great Rulers to themselves: Let them conduct their usurped Authority, and exercise it their own Way: Let them hunt after Victory and Triumphs, and, assisted by a Train of Images, and a Band of Statues, let them pursue Mithridates, pursue Sertorius, and the Remnant of the Exiles; but never, my Fellow-Citizens, never let the Peril, the Toil, and Burthen fall upon You, who reap no Share in the Advantages: Unless, perhaps, you allow your Services to be amply rewarded, by the late unexpected Law for the Distribution of Corn. Amply rewarded indeed, by a Law which has put to Sale the Liberty of each Individual, and valued it at the mighty Price of Five Bushels of Grain! A Quantity not exceeding the Proportion allowed to the miserable Prisoners confined in our Gaols. For, as that poor Allowance serves just to keep those Wretches alive, but prevents not the Decay of their Strength and Vigour, so neither is so small a Pittance sufficient to maintain your Families, and relieve you from domestic Cares. And those among you, who are so indolent as to depend upon this pitiful Support only, must find themselves miserably disappointed. But was this Distribution ever so ample and magnificent, yet when you consider it offered as the Price of Liberty, how stupidly insensible must you be, to swallow the Bait, and, to your own manifest Prejudice, voluntarily acknowledge an Obligation to them, for bestowing on you what was your own before! This is the only Expedient they have to acquire sovereign Dominion. By no other is it possible for them to succeed; no other will they ever attempt. You must resolve, therefore, to be upon your Guard; you see the Artifice, you see with what View they would allay the Heat of your Resentment, and, by soothing and caressing, would persuade you, that nothing can be done till the Return of Pompey; the Man, whom, when awed by his Presence, they receive with Applauses, and even stoop to exalt in Triumph on their Shoulders; but, the Moment his Absence removes their Dread, they boldly fall upon his Name, and mangle his Reputation. Nor do these Assertors of Liberty (for so they style themselves) feel the least Confusion or Shame, though they are sensible, it is notoriously manifest, that, notwithstanding the Association of their Numbers, they depend upon the Concurrence of a single Person; and that, without Pompey, they neither dare redress your Grievances, nor are able to support their own Power.

As for Pompey, I know him well; and am fully convinced, that a Youth of such Honour and Renown will think it more eligible to rise to Greatness with your free Consent, and willing Suffrages, than to partake with them in the Usurpation of lawless Sway. Nay, I doubt not, he will be found the most forward to cherish and restore the Tribunitial Power.

There was a Time, O Quirites, when every Individual among you depended upon the conjunctive Strength of the whole Community, and not the Whole upon one Individual: There was a Time, when no single Person had it in his Power, to rob us of any Rights and Privileges, or confer any upon us. But I have said enough: It is not want of Information that obstructs your Progress: It is, I know not what, a Stupefaction, a Lethargy, which so benumbs your Senses, that neither the Prospect of Glory, nor the Dread of Infamy, can rouse your Spirits! For the sake of gratifying a slothful Indolence, you invert the Nature of Things, and flatter yourselves, that you range in the ample Space of Liberty, because you feel not the Lashes of servile Stripes, and have still leave to walk where you please, without Restraint. Singular Favours, indeed, of your potent and wealthy Masters! But even this scanty Portion of Liberty, is not granted to your Fellow-Citizens in the Country: They feel the Lash; they fall the Victims of contending Powers; and are yielded up to the Governors of Provinces, as their absolute Property: If they take up Arms, it is to aggrandize others; if they conquer, other Men reap the Glory and Advantage; and which Side soever triumphs, still the unhappy People become the Spoil of Victory. Nor is it possible to prevent the Increase of this Misery, so long as these Oppressors are more attentive and vigorous for the Support of their Tyranny, than you are for the Recovery of your Liberty.

THE LETTER WHICH Mithridates, King of Pontus, SENT TO Arsaces, King of Parthia.

Mithridates, so long and so terribly an Enemy to the Romans, willing to take an Advantage of the domestic Broils in Rome, especially after the Death of Sylla, and during their War with Sertorius and the Pyrates, in this Letter, sollicits Arsaces to assist him, in his present Designs and Measures, against the Republic.

King Mithridates to King Arsaces, Health.

WHEN a Prince is sollicited to engage in a confederate War, at a Time, when his own Affairs are prosperous and undisturbed, he should first consider maturely, what Prospect there is of the Continuance of that Tranquillity; next, whether such an Engagement would be consistent with the Principles of Equity, his own Security and Glory; or, on the other Hand, injurious to his Reputation. Now, as to You, O Arsaces, were you secure of the uninterrupted Enjoyment of Peace; were not the Romans an Enemy desperate in their Designs, and ready at hand to execute them; and did not the Conquest of such a People assure you of eternal Renown; I would not make so bold a Venture, as to sollicit your Alliance; nor vainly expect, that, whilst you sit secure in the Enjoyment of a prosperous Fortune, you should make yourself a Partner of my unhappy Distresses. But your Resentment against Tigranes, on account of the late War, and my present unprosperous Situation, the only Consideratious which, at first View, may seem to have a discouraging Aspect, upon a closer Examination, you will find to be the very Motives, which should induce you to a Compliance: For that Prince, under the Apprehension of the Weight of your Power, and the Dread of your Vengeance, will readily submit to any Terms of Alliance, which you shall think fit to propose. And in me you will be sure to find a Man, whom Fortune, by repeated Losses, and fatal Experience, has fully instructed in all the Arts of wholsome Counsel and Advice. And, although I am not now one of the most powerful Monarchs, yet, from my Example, you will learn to establish yourself in the more secure Enjoyment of your Possessions: A Circumstance ever acceptable to Men in high Felicity.

The People of Rome have constantly had one and the same Motive for their Enmity to all the Nations, all the States, and Sovereignties of the Earth; it is the insatiable Passion for Riches, and universal Empire, that rouses them to Acts of Hostility. It was this, that prompted them to take up Arms against King Philip; and, when Antiochus came to his Relief, they, seeming to affect an Alliance with that Prince, artfully diverted him from succouring the Macedonian, by the Concession of the Asiatic Territories; a Concession they were the more willing to make, as the Carthaginian Power then threatened their Security. Yet no sooner had they subdued Philip, but they turned their Arms against that very Antiochus, robbed him of Ten thousand Talents, and tore from him all the Country on this Side Taurus.

Their next Attack was upon Perses, the Son of Philip; and, after various Battles, fought with various Success, they entered into Treaty with him; and though, upon the Altars of Samothracia, they pledged the Roman Faith, for the Security of his Person, yet did these fraudulent Deceivers, these original Inventors of base Subterfuges, put an End to the Life of that Prince, by depriving him of the necessary Refreshment of Sleep.

As for Eumenes, whose Friendship they now so ostentatiously glory in, him they infamously betrayed, and made that Treachery the Price of a Peace, concluded between them and Antiochus. After this, when they had appointed Attalus Protector of the conquered Territory, they loaded him with such heavy Impositions, and treated him with such Indignity, that, from the Grandeur of Sovereignty, they debased him to the lowest State of Servility. And when they had, in Defiance of Truth and Equity, forged an impious Will, in their own Favour, his Son, Aristonicus, falling into their Hands, they dragged him, ignominiously, along the Streets of Rome in public Triumph, for having dared to attempt the Recovery of his paternal Possessions. No less than all Asia then became the Object of their Desires. In short, Nicomedes was no sooner dead, but they instantly seized all Bithynia, though it was universally allowed, that a Son of Nusa, whom they had recognized as Queen, was actually then living. And, amongst all their Hostilities, what need have I to mention their Designs against me? Separated, as I am on all Sides, from their Empire, by wide Dominions, and extensive Provinces, yet, hearing that I had a full Treasury, and a Spirit that would not tamely yield to lordly Oppressors, they stirred up Nicomedes to draw the Sword against me; fully apprised, at the same time, of their base Intentions, and having before publicly declared, what is since found to be true, that Crete and Egypt, the only Countries then free from their Oppressions, would not long escape them.

Against these injurious Attempts I raised my vindictive Arms, drove Nicomedes out of Bithynia, recovered that Part of Asia which they had torn from Antiochus, and rescued Greece from the intolerable Yoke of Slavery. These prosperous Beginnings would soon have been crowned with a happy Completion, had not Archelaus, the vilest of Traitors, prevented my Progress by his treacherous Concessions to the Enemy. And as for those Princes, who either had not the Spirit to take up Arms, or were so scandalously artful, as to rest their Security upon my unassisted Efforts, they now groan under the grievous Consequences of such an infamous Neutrality. Ptolemy wards off the impending Blow at the daily Expence of his Treasury; and the Cretans have already once felt the Fury of these Invaders: A Fury, which nothing but the Extirpation of that People can ever appease.

As for myself, I confess, that, when the Miseries of their civil Wars had daawn their Attention from me, I could not look on that Interval as any Proof of Amity or Peace, but rather a Suspension of present Acts of Hostility; and therefore, though you were too remote to assist me, and though all the neighbouring States shrunk under the Dread of the Roman Power, yet, contrary to the Advice of Tigranes, who now at last acknowledges my Resolution was just, I again took up Arms; and at Chalcedon, in a Land-Engagement, I obtained a complete Victory over Marcus Cotta, the Roman General: And, with the same Success at Sea, I engaged their Fleet, and despoiled them of all their goodly Ships. After this, I invested Cyzicus with a powerful Army; but, whilst I lay before that City, I found myself reduced to the utmost Extremity, for want of Provisions; no Relief being sent me from any of the adjacent Countries, and the tempestuous Season admitting of no farther Supply by Sea. Compelled by this Necessity, and not by any superior Force of the Enemy, I quitted the Siege; and, in my Return home, had the Misfortune to be shipwrecked on the Coasts of Parium and Heraclea; where the Flower of my Army, and the best of my Ships, perished in the tempestuous Waves.

When I arrived at Cabira, I reinforced my Troops; and, after several Skirmishes with Lucullus, we were both reduced to the utmost Exigence, for want of Subsistence. But at this Juncture, Cappadocia, a Country, which had hitherto escaped the Ravages of War, lay open to Lucullus; whilst I, finding every Place around me pillaged and laid waste, was obliged to retire to Armenia: Thither did these Spoilers pursue me, instigated not so much by any personal Enmity to me, as an inveterate Passion for the Subversion of all the Sovereignties of the World. The Success of this Pursuit they boast of as a mighty Victory, ascribing to their own Merit, what was intirely owing to the ill Conduct of Tigranes; who led our Troops into a narrow Pass, where the Streightness of the Place would allow no room for Action to such crouded Multitudes.

Consider now, I conjure thee, should these Romans triumph over me, would my Defeat make thee more able to check the Progress of their Arms? Or dost thou imagine, that with my Destruction their Hostilities would cease?—I know thou art a powerful Prince, powerful in the Multitude of Subjects, in Arms, and in Treasure; and on this Consideration it is, that thou art sought after both by me and the Romans: By me, with a View to an Alliance; by them, with a View to Plunder.

But Tigranes proposes to repel these Invaders, without drawing any Forces from your Dominions; and thinks, that, in some remote Territory, he shall be able to make an End of the War, with my Troops only; Troops so long enured to Battle, and so fully instructed in military Discipline. But if his Advice be followed, whether our Arms or theirs prevail, your Affairs will, in either Case, be greatly embarrassed.

What! Dost thou not know these Romans? Hast thou not been informed, that these Oppressors pursued their Conquests to the West, till the Ocean put a Stop to their wanton Ravages, and then they turned their Arms to this Quarter of the World? Dost thou not know, that from their Original, all their Possessions, their Lands, their Habitations, their Wives, and Dominions, were all the Spoils of injured Nations? Fugitives and Vagabonds as they were, the Refuse of divers Nations, having no Country they could lay a just Claim to, no Subjects they had any Right to controul, they have now erected to themselves a mighty Empire, upon the Ruins of Mankind. Such is their unbridled Ambition, that nothing Human, nothing Divine, can check their impetuous Outrage. All their Friends and Allies, all People and Countries, whether weak, or powerful, whether situated near them, or in distant Climes, they distress, they exhaust, they plunder, and destroy; ever treating, in an Hostile manner, such as do not tamely yield to their Tyranny, and especially those who sway the Royal Sceptre. For as the general Practice of Nations shews, that the Biass of Mankind is strongest towards a Monarchical Government, very few Countries giving the Preference to a Popular one; hence it is, that they look upon us as Rivals of their Glory, and are ever jealous, that we shall omit no Opportunity of vindicating the Kingdoms of the World. From such Robbers, what canst thou expect; thou, O Arsaces, who art Master of Great Babylon, and Lord of the mighty Persian Empire; a Country so celebrated for its Riches and Affluence? What, but well-disguised Fraud for the present, and open Hostilities hereafter? Their Enmity is indeed universal, and against every Nation of the World is the Roman Sword sharpened. But against such they point their keenest Rage, from the Conquest of which they can promise themselves the greatest Spoil and Plunder. It is by such daring, such outrageous Oppression, it is by successive Wars, and Streams of Blood, that they have made their Way to Empire and Greatness. Pushed on by this Spirit, they are determined absolutely to finish the Destruction of the World, or perish in the Attempt: And perish they must unavoidably, if you with your Troops in Mesopotamia, and I with mine in Armenia, block up their Army on every Side, and so cut off all Supplies of Men and Provisions. That they have hitherto escaped, is a Circumstance to be ascribed intirely to our fatal Mistakes, and remiss Conduct.

Hearken then, I conjure you, to these Admonitions, and be persuaded to comply with my Request. All you can possibly gain by a Neutrality, is, the protracting of your own Ruin, till mine is completed. But surely you must think it more eligible, by an Alliance with me, to secure yourself of Victory and Triumph.

Marcus Cotta, an eminent Orator, and formerly a great, though not always a successful Commander, and now Consul, makes this Speech to satisfy and calm the People, who were enraged against him, because public Affairs, without any Fault of his, went ill abroad; and, which was the natural Consequence, Want and Distress prevailed in Rome. The Populace thought their chief Magistrate, even this able and good Magistrate, answerable for all: He, therefore, appeals to them in this fine Speech; the Speech of a wise and a brave Man to an unreasonable Multitude.

MANY, O Quirites, are the Difficulties and Perils that have embarrassed me in the Administration of Civil Affairs at Home; many, in the Course of the War Abroad. Some of these I found unsurmountable; and, therefore, yielded to Necessity: Against others I stemmed the Torrent; and, by the Aid of the Gods, and my own vigorous Endeavours, I was able to triumph over them; and, in my whole Conduct, I spared no Application of Mind in forming Resolutions, no Toil or Pains in executing them. The Vicissitudes of Fortune did, indeed, alter my Power and Abilities; never my Heart and Inclination. But, such is my present unhappy Situation, that not only my good Fortune, but every other Consolation has forsaken me: And, besides all this, Old-age, an Infirmity grievous enough in itself, presses upon me with additional Weight, and doubles my Afflictions. But thus miserable as I am, and in the Decline of Life, yet can I not hope to put an End to my Calamities by an honourable Death. For, if I have been a Traitor to you; if, after having been twice restored again to a new Life of Dignity and Honour, I have, notwithstanding abandoned the Care of my Country, this supreme Dignity, and the Honour of my Houshold Gods; what Torture severe enough can be inflicted on me whilst living, or what suitable Vengeance pursue me when dead? A Crime so execrably heinous calls for Torments more fierce than those related of the infernal Regions. But you are no Strangers to my whole Life and Conduct; and know how I have acquitted myself, from my early Manhood, both in a public and a private Station. My Purse was always open, my Counsel and Advice free; and I was ever a willing Advocate to plead the Cause of all who desired it. Whatever Eloquence I was Master of, whatever were my Talents, they were never employed in the little Arts of Deceiving, nor exerted to the Prejudice of my Fellow-Citizens: And though my greatest Ambition was to conciliate Favour and Friendship in a private Capacity, yet have I incurred the highest Odium, on account of the public Character I bore. And though I, and, with me, the Constitution itself, fell under the Power of victorious Oppression, yet, when I was not only overwhelmed with a Torrent of Distresses, but saw also fresh Storms ready to burst on my Head; then did you, generous Quirites, restore me to my native Country, and my Gods: Yes, and invested me, at the same time, with the highest Dignity in the State. For such unparalleled Generosity, could I, (but it is impossible!) could I lay down a Life for every Individual separately, still even such a Requital would fall short of the mighty Obligation. For, as to Life and Death, they seem the Appointments of fixed Fate, and the settled Laws of Nature; but Freedom from Ignominy and Disgrace, an undiminished Fortune, and unblemished Glory, are the generous Offerings of voluntary Kindness: As such they are conferred, as such they are received.

Consider now, Quirites, you have appointed me your Consul, at a time when our Affairs, both Civil and Military, are embarrassed with the most intricate Difficulties. Our Generals in Spain demand fresh Supplies of Men, of Arms, and Provisions; and, indeed, the present Juncture seems absolutely to require it: For, as the Allies have revolted, and Sertorius has retired beyond the Mountains, our Troops have neither an Opportunity of coming to Action, nor of furnishing themselves with necessary Supplies. The formidable Strength of Mithridates obliges us to keep an Army on Foot in Asia and Cilicia, and in Macedonia our Enemies overspread the whole Country; nor are the maritime Coasts of Asia less infested with hostile Troops. And, in the midst of all these Embarrassments, our Revenue is so small, and, by reason of the Confusions and Distractions of War, the Remittances so uncertain, that it is found scarce sufficient to support even a very inconsiderable Part of our Expences: For which Reason we have been obliged to reduce the Number of the Transports, which we kept for the Conveyance of Provisions to our Armies.

To which Streights and Difficulties if I have been any way accessory, either by Design, or Remissness, fall this Instant upon me with just Vengeance, and inflict what Punishment you think suitable to such Enormity. But if the uncontroulable Power of adverse Fortune, a Power to which all Men are equally obnoxious, has occasioned these Disasters; why will you enter into Resolutions unbecoming the Roman People, the Honour of your Consul, and the Dignity of your Republic?

As for me, if the Sacrifice of a Life, which, in the Course of Nature, cannot be protracted much longer, will remove any Obstruction to your Happiness, I do not entreat you to spare it. Nothing can be more glorious to a brave Roman, than to die for the Roman People. Here I am: Behold Marcus Aurelius Cotta! Behold your Consul offering himself, as the illustrious Patriots of old have frequently done, in the critical Junctures of doubtful War! I solemnly offer, and willingly devote, myself to Death, to save my Country.—But, consider then, where will you find a Man to fill the vacant Post? For, if you make your Consul answerable for every fortuitous Event, if he must be accountable for the Civil and Military Conduct of his Predecessors, or suffer an ignominious Death for their Mistakes; surely, no Man of Merit will accept the Dignity upon such perilous Conditions.

As for me, remember, my Fellow-Citizens, if I fall, I fall not as a Criminal; nor do I die for the Violation of Justice. No! guiltless of all Crimes, I freely sacrifice my Life to preserve a People, to whom I owe the highest Obligations.

Let me then conjure you, Quirites, if you have any Regard for your own Happiness, any for the Glory of your Ancestors; let not Impatience under your present Disasters drive you to any Measures that may be prejudicial to the public Security.

Great as this extensive Empire is, great must be the Care and Sollicitude requisite to direct it; infinite the Difficulties which must attend the Administration; Difficulties which you must submit to, or give up all Expectations of seeing Peace and Affluence restored; Difficulties that cannot possibly be avoided, when the Sword is unsheathed in all Quarters of the World, and every Province, every Kingdom, Sea and Land, groan under the fatal Influences of raging War.

THE First Epistle of SALLUST TO CAIUS JULIUS CÆSAR: CONCERNING THE Regulation of the Commonwealth.

Some think, not without Ground, that these Epistles are placed and called wrong; that this is the Second, and the other should come First. It is questioned too, by some good Judges, whether they be genuine. It is my own Opinion, that they are. The Latin is pure, and appears to be that of Sallust; and the Strains in both are, like his, severe Invectives, many of them too true, but all very virulent, against the Administration before the Usurpation of Cæsar; many high Compliments, full of Flattery, upon that Usurper; and many Strokes of Self-sufficiency and Praise.

IT heretofore prevailed as an established Truth, that Kingdoms and Empires, and whatever other Objects Men eagerly pursue, were only the Gifts of Fortune; since they were often capriciously bestowed upon the Undeserving, and never enjoyed by any, without a sensible Diminution and Decay. But Experience has since convinced us, that Appius the Poet was not mistaken, when he said, that ‘Every Man is the Architect of his own Fortune.’ In you especially, Cæsar, is this Maxim verified; in you, who have so far surpassed all others, that sooner were Men wearied in celebrating your glorious Actions, than you in performing them. But still, as in the finished Works of Architecture, so in the Acquisitions of Heroic Virtue, the utmost Attention is required; if they are neglected, their Beauty will soon be impaired; or, for want of Care to support them, the noble Structures may fall to Ruin. For it is not without Reluctance, that any Man submits to the sovereign Authority of another; and, however just and mild he may be in the Exercise of such Power, still we are apt to be under Apprehensions of Oppression from him, whose Situation enables him to oppress when he pleases. Nor are such Apprehensions without Foundation; for those who get the Reins of Government into their Hands, are, in their Conduct, generally influenced by an absurd Maxim, ‘That the more base and degenerate the People are, the more secure is the Power of the Sovereign.’ But far different ought to be your Measures, Cæsar; and, as you yourself are Virtuous and Brave, who are to give Laws, it is highly expedient to make the People so, who are to receive them. For the worst of Men are always found the most impatient under the Restraints of Government.

Indeed, when I consider, that the Exercise of your Power, in the Course of the War, has been more gentle than that of others in the Times of Peace; when I see your victorious Troops demanding the Gratification of plundering the Conquered; and when I consider, that the Conquered are your Fellow-Citizens; I must confess, that these Difficulties, which you have to encounter in settling your Conquests, are greater than Any, before you, have met with. But out of these Difficulties you must resolve to extricate yourself, and settle the Commonwealth upon a firm Establishment for the future; an Undertaking to be effected, not so much by the Force of Arms, or by Triumphs over the Enemies, as by a Method much more noble, as well as difficult; by the wholsome Institutions of Laws, and the Sanctions of Discipline and Peace. An Affair, therefore, of such high Importance calls upon all, as well those of eminent Abilities, as those who are less distinguished, to communicate their Sentiments, and offer the best Advice in their Power: For it is my Opinion, that the future Happiness or Misery of Rome intirely depends upon the Methods you take in settling your Victories.

That this great End may be the more easily and effectually accomplished, I beg your Attention to the few Things, which occur to my Thoughts upon this Occasion.

You have been engaged, illustrious General, in a War against an eminent Adversary, a Man of immense Wealth, and boundless Ambition; but more distinguished by his Fortune, than any Prudence or Sagacity in his Conduct. Amongst his Adherents, some few followed his Arms, whose Enmity to you had no other Foundation, than the Injustice they had done you: Others were drawn to his Party by the Tye of Affinity, or some personal Obligation. Not one of them had any Share in his Power; for, could he have submitted to a Participation of Dominion, the whole World would not have felt the Shock of a devouring War. The rest of his Party; the vast Multitudes of the common People, that were in his Camp, were drawn thither, not so much by their own Judgment, as by the prevailing Example of others, whom they looked upon as more discerning than themselves. In this Juncture, a Set of Wretches, whose infamous Luxury had left nothing unpolluted, encouraged by malicious Reports, with the Hopes of seizing the Commonwealth, came over to your Camp, and there, without any Reserve, threatened Death and Rapine, and all the Miseries of unrestrained Licentiousness, to those who engaged in neither Party. But many of them, when they found you would neither cancel their Debts, nor suffer your Fellow-Citizens to be treated as public Enemies, withdrew from your Camp. Some few of them, indeed, still remained, imagining they should enjoy greater Ease and Security there, than they could in the City: So terrible an Apprehension had they of the Power and Rage of Creditors.

It is almost incredible what Numbers, and what Men of high Rank and Distinction, went over to Pompey also, upon the very same Motives; and, during the whole Course of the War, adhered to him, as a sacred and inviolable Sanctuary to People under such Difficulties and Distresses.

Now, as the Success of your Arms has made you the Arbiter of War and Peace; that you may put such an End to the one, as may be a Demonstration of your Regard to your Fellow-Citizens, and make the other as honourable and lasting as possible; consider well, what are the most adviseable Steps for the Regulation of your own Conduct; since it is on you only that this Affair intirely depends. It is my Opinion, that the rigid Exercise of Power tends rather to render it vexatious and uneasy, than firm and lasting: Nor is it possible for any Man to make himself an Object of Dread to the Many, but, at the same time, a reciprocal Dread of the Many must recoil upon himself. And to be in such a Situation, is to be eternally involved in a State of Warfare, on all Sides perilous: For, to whatever Quarter you betake yourself, no Security is to be found, surrounded as you are with continual Dangers, and alarmed with terrible Apprehensions. Very different is the Situation of those, whose Power is tempered with Mildness, and moderated by Humanity and Benevolence! Every thing around them appears fair, flourishing, and happy; and the very Enemies of the Nation shew them more Favour and Esteem, than those of a contrary Character meet with from their own Citizens. And can any one say, that I am prompted to give this Advice, by a partial Regard to the conquered Party, or a sinister View to detract from the Glory of your Triumphs? No doubt I deserve this Censure, for declaring, that such Treatment as foreign Nations, Nations naturally our Foes, have met with from us, and our Ancestors, ought not to be denied to our Fellow-Citizens; and that we Romans should not, like savage Barbarians, insist upon the Retaliation of Blood and Slaughter.

Have they then forgot the Reproaches they lately cast upon Pompey, and upon Sylla’s cruel Use of Victory? how Domitius, Carbo, and Brutus, with several others, were slain; that they fell not when under Arms in the Field, not in the Heat of Battle, by the common Calamity of War; but, after that was over, even when they were supplicating Mercy, they were most inhumanly murdered? Have they forgot how the People of Rome were, like so many Cattle, butchered in the Field of Mars? Bloody and inhuman has been the Use other Conquerors, before You, have made of their Victories! Dreadful were the Scenes of private Slaughters, unexpected Massacres, Women flying into the Bosoms of their Children, and Children into the Bosoms of their Parents, and, in all Quarters, our Habitations plundered and demolished! The very Men, who acted this bloody Part, would now persuade You to pursue the same Measures: As if the only Motive of the War had been, whether You, or Pompey, should have an arbitrary Power of oppressing Mankind; as if You had not restored the Commonwealth, but seized it as a Prey of your successful Arms; and as if the Flower of our Army, and the Choicest of our veteran Troops, took up Arms against Brethren and Parents, and some even against their own Off-spring, from this Motive only, that the most abandoned of Men might, from the Calamities of others, procure means to indulge their insatiable Appetites, or that their enormous Lives might reflect Dishonour on the worthy Men engaged in the same Cause, and so stain the Glory of their Conquests. I venture to speak thus, because I am persuaded you are no Stranger to the Conduct of every Individual amongst them; and how far they observed the Rules of Moderation, even when the Event of the War was yet uncertain; and how some of them gave such a Loose to Debauchery, and licentious Festivity, in the very Field of Battle, as Men of their Years could not have indulged themselves in, without a Blemish to their Reputation, even in a Time of Peace and Tranquillity.

I see no Occasion to say any more of the Disposition of Military Affairs.

As to the Establishing of Peace, since that is the great Point You and your Friends have in View; consider, in the first Place, I beseech you, the Nature of the Affair now under Deliberation: For thus, by distinctly separating the Arguments on both Sides, you will, of course, open a Way to right Measures. I own, when I reflect with myself, that whatever had a Beginning, has naturally a determined Period, I am persuaded, that whenever the fatal Destruction of Rome’s Empire approaches, it can only happen, when her Citizens are harrassed with intestine Wars: In that critical Juncture, when their Strength is enfeebled, and their Spirits exhausted, they will fall a Prey to some foreign Prince or State. But, were it possible to preserve Harmony amongst ourselves, the whole World, all the Nations of the Earth in Confederacy, would not be able to demolish or shake this mighty Empire. Therefore, to secure all the Advantages of Unanimity, and to remove and prevent all the Mischiefs of Divisions and Dissentions, is the great Point that requires your perpetual Attention. The best Way to effect this, is, to give a Check to the fashionable Vices of licentious Profuseness and Rapine; not by reinforcing those obsolete Laws, which the Depravity of the Times has rendered contemptible; but by obliging every Man to live within the Limits of his Fortune. For now a prevailing Custom has taught the Roman Youth, to look upon it as laudable and gallant Behaviour, to squander away, not only their own, but other Mens Fortunes; and to deny themselves, or their Dependents, no Sort of Gratification whatsoever. This they call Manly Conduct; this, true Greatness of Soul; whilst Modesty passes for Stupidity; and Moderation, as the Property of an abject inactive Spirit. Possessed with such Notions, when once engaged in a profligate Course, they run on with unbridled Fury; and no sooner do their old Supplies fail them, but they fall with impetuous Violence, sometimes upon our Allies, sometimes upon their Fellow-Citizens, disturb the Order and Tranquillity of Government, and, from the Ruins of the Old, would raise a new Constitution(a) .

Since, therefore, this is the present Situation of our Affairs, it seems to me absolutely necessary to crush the Power of the Usurers, that every Man may take upon him the Management of his own Affairs. To effect this, the only true and natural Method would be, to oblige the Magistrates, in their judicial Proceedings, to promote rather the Interest of the People in general, than to favour the narrow Interest of the Creditors, and to establish their Glory and Reputation upon their Endeavours to add Strength to the Commonwealth, and not on such Measures as tend to diminish it.

I am very sensible, what Disgust the first Advances in this Reformation will give, to those especially, who, after Victory, expected rather greater Latitude to their licentious Inclinations, than any stricter Discipline and Restraints. But if you regard more the true Interest, than the loose Desires of these Men, you will prevent their outrageous Intentions, and settle both Them, and Us, and all our Allies, in a firm State of Peace and Tranquillity. But, if the Youth are permitted to go on in their present Pursuits, then will Cæsar’s exalted Glory soon fall to the Ground; and Rome itself will fall with Cæsar. Give me leave to add, that it is with a View of procuring Peace, that Men of Sense and Understanding enter into War, and, under all the Toils and Hardships attending it, they are supported by the Prospect of future Tranquillity. If this great End be not effectually accomplished, what does it avail, whether you conquer, or are conquered?

Wherefore, in the Name of the immortal Gods, take upon you the Care and Protection of the Commonwealth, and bravely push through all Difficulties, with your wonted Vigour and Resolution: For either You, Cæsar; can heal the wounded State, or it will be in vain for any other to attempt the Cure. And what is that we now require at your Hands? You are not called to bloody Executions, to cruel and rigorous Proceedings; Methods which would sooner depopulate the State, than correct its Manners; but only to give a Check to the base Practices, and licentious Debauchery, of the Roman Youth. This, this only is the true Notion of Clemency; to prevent such Vices as deserve the Punishment of Expulsion; to put a Stop to extravagant Follies, and the Pursuits of false Pleasures; and to establish Union and Harmony in the State: Clemency it cannot be justly esteemed, to indulge the People in vile Courses, or to allow them the Gratification of a present Enjoyment, which is sure to be followed with future Misery.

I must confess here, I am sensible, that the Greatness of this important Undertaking raises Doubts and Fears in other Men; but, to me it gives the strongest Assurances of Success: For Matters of small Moment are below the Notice of so exalted a Genius. Great indeed is the Task, and great will be the Reward, if you accomplish it!

Now, one grand Point which demands your Attention, is, that the People, whose Minds are at present corrupted with Gifts of Corn, and other public Largesses, apply themselves to their respective Occupations: Such an Application would divert their Thoughts from giving any Disturbance to the Government: The Youth, also, should be taught to turn their Pursuits from riotous Expence, and the Thirst of Riches, to a Course of Industry, and the Study of Virtue. And this great End you will accomplish, by putting an effectual Stop to the Use which Men now make of Money, and stripping that fruitful Source of Evils, of the Esteem it has gained in the World. For, whenever I have examined by what Steps illustrious Heroes rose to the Height of Magnificence and Renown, by what Means any People inlarged their Conquests, and to what Causes the Ruin of mighty Kingdoms and States was to be ascribed; in either Case, I always discovered the same good or evil Cause, constantly producing the same good or evil Effect; and that the Successful were such as held Riches in Contempt, the Unsuccessful, such as coveted and admired them(a) . Nor, indeed, is there any possible Method to rise to Glory and immortal Fame, but by subduing the Thirst of Riches and sensual Pleasures, and giving a free Scope to the Exercise of the Mind; not fondly soothing and gratifying the Demands of unreasonable and corrupt Inclinations; but by inuring it to Labour and Patience, to wholsome Discipline, and valiant Exploits. A Man may raise a magnificent Palace in the Town, or Villa in the Country; he may furnish them with pompous Hangings and Statues, with other expensive Ornaments, and thus make every thing in them conspicuous, but himself; yet, from the Richness of such Decorations, he is so far from deriving any Honour or Glory, that he himself casts a Blemish upon their Lustre. And, as for such as are so abandoned, that they pass not a Day without twice overcharging their Stomachs, not a Night without dishonouring their Bed with polluted. Embraces; when once the Mind, designed by Nature to govern and controul, is thus become a Slave to degenerate Passions, in vain will they attempt to rouse her up to Exercise, when her Vigour is decayed, and her Faculties impaired. Men of this Character, having neither Spirit nor Abilities, must unavoidably confound and destroy themselves, and every Scheme they engage in. Now these, and all other Evils which afflict the State, together with the high Value and Esteem that is set upon Riches, would be effectually cured, if neither the Offices of Magistracy, nor any other things which are the Objects of Mens eager Pursuits, can hereafter be obtained by the Influence of Money. Proper Care should, at the same time, be taken, that Italy, and the Provinces, be put in a more secure Situation; an Affair which requires no great Penetration to accomplish: The same Remedy will answer, where the Evil is the same; for there too, as well as in the City, the public Ravagers have plundered and seized every thing they met with, forsaking their own Habitations, and, in Violation of all Justice and Equity, possessing those of other People. It is no less necessary to put a Stop to that unjustifiable Partiality, which has hitherto prevailed in our Army, where some of the People have been forced to bear the Fatigue of Warfare for Thirty Years, whilst others have been intirely excused from the Service. It is likewise my Opinion, that the Corn, which has hitherto been usually the Reward of the Worthless and Inactive, should be sent to our municipal Towns and Colonies, and there distributed to the Soldiers, when they return home, after their Discharge from the Service.

I have now, as briefly as the Case would admit, laid before you such Regulations, as appear to me, most conducive to the Good of the Commonwealth, as well as your own Reputation and Glory: And, I apprehend, it will not be improper for me, to add a Word or two in relation to this my Undertaking. There is scarce any Man, who does not believe himself furnished with all the Faculties, that make up a true and distinguishing Judgment; or, at least, endeavours to make the World believe so: But, certainly, all Men in general have so violent a Propensity to blast and condemn the Performances of others, that the Faculties of Speech are too flow, to utter the quick Suggestions of their Hearts. That I have laid myself open to such Men, is a Consideration, that does not, in the least, afflict me: Had I been silent on such an Occasion, I should have been less able to have borne the Reflection. For, whether you pursue the Methods I have pointed out, or others occur, which may be thought more adviseable, still I have the Pleasure of reflecting, that I have given the best Advice I was capable of, and contributed my utmost Assistance, towards the Regulation of the Commonwealth.

I have now nothing more to do, but to follow you with my earnest Wishes, that whatever Measures you pursue, may be attended with Approbation, and crowned with Success by the immortal Gods.

THE Second Epistle of SALLUST TO CAIUS JULIUS CÆSAR: CONCERNING THE Regulation of the Commonwealth.

I AM not insensible, how difficult and nice a Task he undertakes, who ventures to offer Advice to Princes and Governors; or to any one invested with high Authority. The Number of Counsellors, with which such Persons are surrounded, and the great Uncertainty of future Contingencies, which the most cautious and penetrating Politician cannot sufficiently guard against, are very discouraging Considerations: And, what makes the Office still more ungrateful, the worst-laid Schemes will frequently have a more prosperous Event, than the most rational and prudent Counsels. So capricious is the Sway of Fortune in the Disposal of almost all human Affairs!

But, notwithstanding these Discouragements, since my early Inclinations led me to the Study of State Affairs, and as I have, with the utmost Application, pursued that Knowlege, nor so much with a View to obtain Employments, which I have often seen procured by means the most base and unworthy; but rather that I might throughly inform myself of the Nature of our Constitution, Civil and Military; what is the true State of her Strength, with regard to her Men, her Arms, and her Revenue: Therefore, though I may, perhaps, suffer in my Reputation, and be thought too forward in the Attempt, yet my Regard to your Dignity and Fame, has, after mature Deliberation, prevailed with me above such Apprehensions; and I am determined to run any Hazard, where I have the least Prospect of an Accession to your Glory. And be assured, it was not without previous Consideration, nor so much with a View to the Circumstances of your Fortune, that I took up this Resolution, as because, among your other distinguished Qualities, I have ever experienced in you this most admirable one, that the Greatness of your Soul is more conspicuous in Adversity than Prosperity.—But the Fame of your illustrious Qualities is a Subject I need not expatiate on: It is already so great, that sooner were Men wearied in admiring and celebrating, than you in performing glorious Actions. Nor was it out of any fond Conceit of my own Abilities, that I have presumed to lay before you my Sentiments concerning the Commonwealth; but as your Thoughts have been hitherto taken up with another Scene of Business, with the Toils of a Camp, with Battles, with Triumphs, and military Commands, I thought it not unseasonable to awake your Attention to the Regulation of Civil Affairs: For if your only Aim and Intention be to gratify your Resentment against your Enemies(a) , and secure the Favour of the People, to enable you to triumph over the Opposition of the Consul, these are Views utterly unbecoming Cæsar’s Dignity and Virtue. But if you are still animated by the same Spirit which first prompted you to oppose the Faction of the Nobility, and rescue the Roman People from the Yoke of Slavery, a Spirit by which you were enabled, unarmed as you were, to baffle all the Attempts of your armed Adversaries, and to perform such great and glorious Exploits, that even your Enemies had nothing to object against you, but your superior Greatness: If the same virtuous Spirit still possess you, give your Attention to the Plan I shall propose for the Regulation and Government of the whole Commonwealth; which Plan I am persuaded you will find to be proper and adviseable, or, at least, to require little Variation.

Now since Pompey, either from a kind of Infatuation, or rather blindly bent upon opposing you, has been so rash and imprudent, as to pursue Measures which have, in the Event, given the Power into his Enemy’s Hands, it is, therefore, incumbent upon you to make use of that Power, and to restore the Commonwealth by the very Means which he made use of to subvert it.

The first Step he took, was that of committing to a few Senators an absolute Authority in the Direction of the Revenue, the sumptuary Laws, and judicial Proceedings; whilst the People, in whom the sovereign Power had before been lodged, were, with the Equestrian Order, left in a State of Subjection and Slavery. The judicial Authority is, indeed, agreeably to the original Institution, nominally vested in the Three Orders of the Republic; but the real Power is in the Hands of the Faction, who, with unbridled Dominion, controul all Things; who give to one Man, and take from another, dispose of every thing, just as they please; who insnare the Virtuous and Innocent, and raise none but their own Creatures to Posts of Honour: How notorious soever their Crimes be, how flagitious soever their Lives, and infamous soever their Reputation, this scandalous Insufficiency excludes them not from the Magistracy; and, thus exalted, they seize, they plunder, whatever they have an Inclination to: In short, their whole Conduct is like that of a victorious Army ravaging an Enemy’s City: Lust and Passion animate them; Licentiousness their only Law. But, under these afflicting Circumstances, it would, I own, be some Alleviation to our Misfortunes, to see Men of Abilities in Possession of arbitrary Dominion acquired by Bravery and Courage: But, instead of that, we see a despicable Faction of base cowardly Wretches, whose only Strength and Courage lie in the feeble Efforts of Words, Masters of sovereign Power, which fell into their Hands by mere Accident, or the Inactivity of others; and exercising that Power with extreme Arrogance and Cruelty. For, in any of our former Contests and Civil Wars, were ever so many and such illustrious Families extirpated? Did ever any before pursue their Conquests with such impetuous Fury, such exorbitant unbridled Licentiousness? Even Sylla, who thought the Laws of War gave an unlimited Licence to the Conqueror, though he conceived, that the Terror of Punishment added Strength to his Cause; yet was satisfied with a few Instances of Severity to his Enemies, and chose to win others to his Party by Lenity and Benevolence, rather than the Dread of Revenge. But such moderate Resentment suits not the sanguinary Temper of Cato(a) , Domitius, and the rest of that Faction. No less than Forty Senators, together with Numbers of young Men of promising Abilities, have, by their Orders, been butchered, like so many Victims destined to Slaughter; nor could the Blood of all these miserable Citizens glut the Thirst of those most implacable Tyrants. The doleful Cries of helpless Orphans, the feeble Weakness of aged Parents, the Groans of Men, and the Lamentations of Women, made not the least Impression on their unrelenting Hearts: So far from it, that they grew every Day more and more inflamed, both in their Words and Actions; and, by injurious Practices, degraded many from their Employments, drove many into Exile(b) . And is there any Occasion to shew how they are affected towards You? Base Cowards as they are, they would yet gladly sacrifice their Lives to procure your Disgrace and Ruin! Yes—Far less is the Pleasure they taste in that Sovereignty, which is even unexpectedly fallen into their Hands, than the Anxiety they feel, when they view your exalted Glory: For, to accomplish your Destruction, they would even run the Hazard of Slavery, and esteem it a more eligible Situation, than to see You the happy Instrument of raising the Empire of Rome, great as as it was, to the highest Pitch of Glory and Dominion.

These Considerations will convince you, how absolutely necessary it is, to use the utmost Care and Circumspection in forming your Schemes for the Establishment and Security of the Commonwealth. What occurs to me, I shall freely offer without any Reserve: But how far the Methods I shall lay before you are just and practicable, I leave to the Determination of your own Judgment.

By the primitive Constitution of Rome, as our Histories inform us, the People were divided into Two Orders, Patricians and Plebeians: Originally the Exercise of the supreme Jurisdiction was lodged in the former; but, as the latter were the stronger Body, this superior Force often excited them to withdraw to Mount Aventine, in Defence of their Liberties: The constant Effect of which Secession was, that the Power of the Patricians was diminished, the Rights and Privileges of the People augmented. But what contributed most to the Security of their Liberty was this; the Laws had their due Force, and the Power of the Magistrate was subservient to them. Nor was it then Affluence of Fortune, or an arrogant Passion for Precedence, but the Character of a regular Life, and gallant Exploits, that distinguished the Patrician above the Plebeian: Even Men in the lowest Station, whether occupying their Farms at home, or serving in the Wars, just provided with the necessary and decent Supports of Life, were amply satisfied themselves, and gave ample Satisfaction to the State. But when once they degenerated from these Courses; when, stripped of their Inheritances through Sloth and Poverty, they had no longer any fixed Abode; then it was that they began to invade other Mens Properties; then to exchange their Liberty for Gold, and put the Commonwealth to Sale.

Thus fell, by degrees, the antient Power of the Roman People, who had before been Lords of the World, and given Laws to all Nations; and they, who jointly exercised sovereign Authority, have, each Individual separately, sold themselves to Slavery and Bondage.

Now a Multitude, thus disposed, not only corrupted and degenerate in their Manners, but also, by their different Courses and Pursuits, so alienated from each other, as to be incapable of any Coalition and Unanimity, are, I apprehend, very ill qualified to assume the Government of the Commonwealth. But if the Number of Citizens be augmented, such a Regulation would rouse up a general Ardour in Support of the Commonwealth; for then one Party of the People would be as much animated with a Passion to preserve, as the other to gain their Liberty. These new-enfranchised Citizens, joined to some of the old ones, should, I think, be settled in our Colonies; by which means we shall not only be furnished with greater Supplies for recruiting our Armies; but the People, being then employed in useful Occupations, will no longer disturb and embroil the State.

I am not insensible, that, when you attempt the Execution of this Scheme, you will expose yourself to the Fury and severe Resentments of the Nobility; who will immediately take Fire, grow angry, and exclaim, that the very Foundation of the Constitution is undermined, that the antient Citizens are robbed of their Privileges, and reduced to a State of Slavery, and this free State converted into a regal Government, when any single Person assumes an arbitrary Power of augmenting the Number of Citizens.—I confess, indeed, it is my settled Opinion, that whoever attempts to render himself popular at the Expence of the Commonwealth, is guilty of a Crime, the grievous Effects of which will fall on his own Head: Yet, at the same time, I will venture to say, he who has not Resolution enough to undertake such Designs, as are at once beneficial to the Public, as well as his own private Interests, is justly chargeable with the Imputation of Indolence and Pusilanimity. When Marcus Livius Drusus was Tribune of the People, it was his fixed Purpose and Resolution, to exert his utmost Endeavours in Favour of the Nobility; nor did he, at first, ever enter upon any Measures, without their Assent and Authority. And yet those Sons of Faction, ever influenced by the Maxims of Treachery and Falshood, rather than Fidelity and Honour, no sooner considered what a Number of Men, should Drusus succeed, would owe the mighty Obligation to one single Person; and, as it is reasonable to imagine, when each reflected on his own base and persidious Heart, conceived, that Drusus would act in the same manner, they were conscious, they themselves should act in the like Situation; apprehending, therefore, that his Professions of such singular Regard to their Interest, was only an Artifice to raise himself to Sovereignty, they opposed him with the utmost Vigour, and frustrated all his Designs in their Favour. These Observations will incite in You the greater Attention and Care, to fortify yourself by all Friendships, all the Assistance and Support you can possibly procure.

To subdue a fair and open Enemy, is, to the brave and gallant Man, no mighty Difficulty: But, in avoiding or contriving secret Stratagems, and latent Perils, generous and noble Souls are by no means adroit and expert. For your better Security therefore, when you have augmented the Number of Citizens, as the Power of the People will be restored, let it be your principal Concern to cultivate good Manners, and, by a firm Coalition, unite the old and new Citizens. But the greatest Service you can possibly do to your Country, to your Fellow-Citizens, to Yourself and your Posterity, is, to extinguish that extravagant Passion for Riches, which is so prevalent amongst us; or, at least, give such a Check to it, as the Circumstances of the Times will permit. And unless this be done, neither in the City, nor in the Camp, neither in the Administration of public or private Affairs, can any due Order, any regular Occonomy be expected. For, where the Love of Money once prevails, it proves always too powerful for Discipline, and suppresses all good Dispositions; nor is the firmest Mind able to resist its Efforts; but, sooner or later, falls a Victim to the predominant Passion. Numerous are the Instances that occur in History, what Princes, what States, and Nations, have intirely owed, to the oppressive Weight of their Opulence, the Loss of those mighty Empires, which had been the glorious Acquisitions of virtuous Poverty. Nor is it at all surprising: For when an upright Man beholds one, of less Merit, more admired and applauded, more caressed and esteemed, upon no other Recommendation but a superior Fortune; at first, it has no farther Effect, than to rouse his Indignation, and stagger him with Perplexities: But when he has still every Day fresh Experience, that Pomp and Splendor triumph over genuine Glory and Honour; Wealth and Opulence, over Worth and Merit; his Mind is at last alienated; he deserts the Cause of Virtue, and flies to the Tents of Voluptuousness. It is doubtless the Love of Glory, that stimulates and supports Industry: Stript of that attracting Charm, Virtue, in herself, appears to Men with a very forbidding Aspect, and in a very unamiable Form. In short, where-ever Riches are in high Esteem, there all worthy Accomplishments, there Honour and Probity, Modesty and Chastity, must lose all their Regard, become neglected and despised. For, in the Pursuit of Virtue, Men are confined to one Road only, a Road, too, surrounded with Perils and Difficulties; but, in quest of Riches, great is the Latitude they take, and every one pushes forward what Way he pleases; and, by any means, Honourable or Dishonourable, strives to obtain his End. Above all things, therefore, you must determine to crush this prevailing Power of Gold. And, I am persuaded, that no one hereafter will judge a Man more or less qualified for judicial Offices, or the Administration of the Commonwealth, if you put the Election of Prætors and Consuls upon such a Footing, that real Worth and Merit, and not Wealth and Riches, must of necessity prevail in the Choice. As to the Appointment of Magistrates, it will be the safest and most convenient Method, to invest that Power in the People. If you confine it to a Few, you approach too near a regal Government: If you suffer the Elections to be carried by Bribery, that were base and dishonourable. It is my Opinion, therefore, that all of the first Class of the People should be intitled to the Privilege of standing Candidates for judicial Offices; but I think it adviseable, that their Number should be augmented. It is well known, that neither the People of Rhodes, nor any other free State, were ever dissatisfied with the Judgments of their Courts, where Rich or Poor, just as it fell out, were promiscuously joined together in all Consultations, even of the greatest, as well as the smallest Importance. But, as to the Election of Magistrates, the Law enacted by C. Gracchus, when Tribune of the People, is by no means to be despised; that, out of the Five Classes promiscuously, those Centuries, who were to give their Suffrages, should be chosen by Lot. When the People are thus reduced to an Equality, and Superiority of Fortune no longer gives superior Claim to Dignity and Honour, the only Contention that can then remain, will be, who shall surpass each other in Virtue and Merit. These Remedies, which I have prescribed, will, I apprehend, prove a very easy and effectual Cure, for the Evils attending Riches. For our Admiration, or Desire of any Objects, arises from the Use and Advantage we propose from them; it is from the Hopes of Gain, that Men are prompted to iniquitous Courses: Take away that Incitement, and you will find, no Man alive will be any longer a Villain, when a Villain can be no longer a Gainer. But whilst the Temptation to Riches remains, Avarice, like a savage Beast of the Desart, is insufferably outrageous and cruel: Which Way soever she flies, she lays waste whole Towns and Countries, Temples and Houses; confounds all things, Human and Divine, without Distinction: Nor Walls, nor Armies, are able to obstruct her impetuous Violence; she falls upon all in her Way, robs all she meets, robs them of their Reputation, their Chastity, their Children, Parents, and Country; all become the Prey of this universal Plunderer. And yet there is a Remedy for this mighty Evil: Follow the Advice I have given, take away all Esteem and Honour from Riches, and Virtue will instantly recover her Vigour, and be able to triumph over the Rage of this devouring Pestilence.

But though all Men, whether Friends or Enemies, allow this to be true; yet such is the factious Spirit of the Nobility, that you must expect violent Opposition from that Quarter. This is the grand Obstruction you will meet with; if you can remove That, by guarding yourself against their dark Deceit, and base Stratagems, all the rest of your Way will be smooth and easy. Base Stratagems I may justly call them: For were they influenced by any virtuous Principle, it would prompt them rather to emulate than envy the Worthy. But as Sloth and Indolence, and Dulness and invincible Stupidity, press heavy upon them, the only Efforts they can make, are clamorous Complaints, and invidious Reproaches, against that high Renown, which they look upon as a racit Reflection on their own infamous Reputations. But what Necessity is there to say any more about them? You want not to be informed of their Characters. You are no Stranger to M. Bibulus, the Man, who, by irresistible Courage, and great Abilities, forced his Way to the Consular Dignity! Yes——You must be sensible of this doubtless, because you know him to be a Creature, scarce endowed with the Faculty of Speech; who has, indeed, a Heart disposed to any Villainy, but not a Head to contrive and execute it! What is there to be apprehended from such a Man as this, a Man, to whom the very Consulship, the highest Office in the State, was the highest Disgrace? And, as to L. Domitius, what Magnanimity can there be in him, when every Part of his Body is defiled with some foul Vice, some detestable Crime or other; his Tongue with Falshood and Lyes, his Hands with Blood, his Feet with ignominious Flight; and his Pollutions, in other respects, are so abominably shameful, that even the bare Mention of them would be an unpardonable Indecency? Cato is the only Man amongst them, that has any sort of Merit: The Dexterity of his Parts, his Eloquence, his Artifice and Penetration, are no contemptible Qualifications: But they are no other, but what may be acquired by Grecian Discipline. The nobler Qualifications, Fortitude, Vigilance, and rigorous Assiduity, are not to be learned amongst the Greeks. For, can a People, who had neither Vigour nor Spirit to defend the Liberty of their own Country, be qualified to instruct others in those Arts and Accomplishments, that are necessary for the Support of Empire? As to the rest of the Faction, they are a Set of Noblemen so utterly insignificant, so excessively dull and senseless, that, like stupid Statues, their Names and Titles are their only Ornaments.

As for L. Posthumius, and Favonius, they appear to me not unlike the additional Lading which is taken into a large Ship, above the ordinary Burden: If she arrive safe at her Port, it may be of some Use; but, had the Mariners met with tempestuous Weather, those Goods would have been first thrown over-board, as they were of the least Value.

Having thus given you my Judgment and Opinion, concerning the Restitution of the Plebeian Power, and the Reformation of their Manners; I will now point out to you the Steps, which I apprehend it will be adviseable to take, with regard to the Senate.

No sooner was my Age and Reason ripe for Application, but I turned the Bent of my Thoughts to Literature, rather than to Exercise of Arms and Riding: And, as Nature had given me greater Strength of Mind than Body, I chose to inure the most able and vigorous Part to Fatigue and Labour. And, in the Pursuit of this Course, the Observations I have made, in my constant Application to Study, and the Informations of Men, as well as Books, have throughly convinced me, that all the Empires and States in the World have prospered and flourished, as long as they pursued wise and wholsome Counsels: But when Partiality, Fear, and Voluptuousness, corrupted those Counsels, their Strength soon began to decline; then they lost their Dominion, and, at last, their Liberty.

I confess, it is my settled Opinion, that whoever is the most illustrious in Figure, and has the greatest Share of Property in any State, is ever found to be most concerned about its Security and Preservation. As to others, they have but one Motive to engage their Attention, their Liberty. But the Man, who, by Virtue and Bravery, has acquired Riches, Fame, and Dignity, has those additional Incitements. And therefore, whenever he sees any Dangers threatening the State, the Apprehension alarms his Mind, rouses all his Thoughts and Cares, and excites his utmost Pains and Labour; his Liberty, his Glory, his Property, are at Stake, and he will defend them: His Vigilance is seen in all Places, his Activity in every Quarter: For, the more flourishing his Circumstances are, when the Constitution is secure, the more anxious, the more resolute and vigorous, will be his Endeavours, when he apprehends it to be in Danger. These Considerations convince me, that in a Constitution, where the People are to put in Execution the Determinations of the Senate, as the Body does the Dictates of the Mind, Prudence and Policy are indispensable Qualifications in the Fathers; Sagacity and Penetration, Talents unnecessary in the People.

It was the Observation of this Maxim, that enabled our Ancestors, when oppressed with grievous Wars, to hold out so long in Support of the Empire, after the Loss of infinite Numbers of Men and Horses, and even when their Money was exhausted. Such was their Magnanimity, that neither the formidable Strength of their Enemies, neither the Emptiness of their Treasury, nor any unprosperous Events, could subdue their invincible Spirits. The Acquisitions they gained by Virtue, by the same Virtue they secured to the End of their Lives. And this Success they owed, not so much to their military Capacities, as to the Wisdom and Solidity of their Councils. For in those happy Days, all the Members of the Commonwealth, firmly cemented together, acted as one Man; had no other Views, but her Welfare; entered into no Cabals, but against the public Enemies; and every Individual exerted his Abilities, both of Body and Mind, not to aggrandize himself, but his Country. Far different are the Practices which prevail in this Age; for now a Set of Noblemen, enervated with Indolence and Sloth, who never faced an Enemy in Battle, unexperienced in War, unacquainted with military Toils and Hardships, trained up to Faction only, within the Walls of the City, arrogantly usurp sovereign Authority over all the Nations upon Earth: Whilst the Fathers, whose salutary Counsels have hitherto preserved the State in all her Difficulties, now stript of all their Power and Vigour, are driven, like the Waves of the Sea, this Way or that, by arbitrary Impulse; one Day enact Laws, the next repeal them, just as it suits the Caprice, the Resentments, and Arrogance, of these lordly Oppressors; for that alone is allowed to be the Rule to estimate public Good or Evil.

But if now, in your Regulations, you restore to the Senators their common Privileges, and equal Liberty, or contrive for them some secret Method of giving their Suffrages, then would the exorbitant Power some of the Nobility possess, soon be diminished, and the Commonwealth would rise again and prosper. But though an Attempt to bring the Interest and Influence of the whole Body upon a Level, may be thought impracticable, since some of them made their Entrance into the World upon the Bottom of anticipated Honours and Dignity, and a numerous Train of Clients, whereas(a) the generality of the others, Senators not by Descent, but Creation, cannot have, in all respects, equal Influence and Advantages: Yet they should, at least, be freed from any Restraint of Awe or Terror in giving their Suffrages. When every one can thus act, as it were, in Obscurity, then the Dread of any Man’s arrogant Power, will no longer force him to comply with Measures prejudicial to his own Interest and Liberty. Liberty is a Jewel of high Estimation; the Worthy and Unworthy, the Coward and the Brave, equally love and admire it. But, admired as it is, we often see Men, alarmed by the Dread of superior Strength, tamely give up that inestimable Treasure to the Demands of a public Robber. Weak and infatuated Men! Liberty or Bondage is the Subject of Contention; and, whilst the Victory is yet uncertain, they receive the ignominious Yoke; the worst Lor that could have befallen them, had their Resistance been unsuccessful.

Two Expedients, therefore, I would propose, to confirm the Senatorial Power; first to augment their Number, and then to make it a Rule, that each shall give his Suffrage by Tablets. By the one, every Man, being skreened under the Protection of a Veil, will not be intimidated from the Freedom of acting agreeably to the Dictates of his own Mind. By the other, your additional Numbers will be an additional Service and Security to the State. For such is our present Situation, that our public Deliberations are very ill attended: Some few are engaged in judicial Offices; some are taken up with domestic Concerns, or the Service of their Friends; but the more general Cause of their Absence is, not so much any other Avocation, as the intolerable Arrogance of those lofty Oppressors, who have usurped such exorbitant Power. For now some of the antient Nobility, with a few of the new-created Senators, whom they have taken in as a farther Support to the Faction, censure, approve, and decree, by their own absolute Authority; and act, in every Instance, just as their own arbitrary Will inclines them.

But if you augment the Number of Senators, and oblige them to give their Suffrages by Tablets, then would those haughty Rulers soon abate their Arrogance, when they found they must be forced to submit to the Determinations of those very Men, over whom they before exercised such rigorous, such despotic Sway.

When you have examined these Expedients, you may, perhaps, ask me, What Number it is adviseable to add to the Senatorial Order; and in what Manner, and for what Purposes I would advise the Distribution of them into their several Parts, and distinct Offices; and, as I have proposed the committing the judicial Proceedings to the first Class of the People, in what Form they should be distributed, and what shall be the Number of each different Division? It would not be difficult to draw up a parricular Plan; but I thought it adviseable, first, to propose a general Scheme, and to have your Approbation of that, before I proceeded farther. If you think my Expedients just and true in general, you will find the rest very easy and obvious. I will not deny, that I have a strong Ambition to see the Justness and Propriety of these Regulations confirmed by their happy Consequences: For, from your Success and Prosperity, I shall expect to derive some Share of Glory and Reputation to myself. But yet far greater is my Desire, much more ardent my Passion, to see the Commonwealth restored, whatever Expedients are used, with as much Expedition as it can possibly be effected. Liberty is a Happiness I prefer infinitely above the highest Acquisitions of Fame and Glory. And let me intreat, let me beseech and exhort you, now that you have raised yourself to the highest military Renown, and gloriously triumphed over the warlike Nation of the Gauls, not to suffer the mighty Roman Empire, hitherto invincible, to perish and decay, or be dissolved by Civil Wars, or inveterate Discord. Should such a Calamity happen through your Fault, be assured, Cæsar, that neither Day nor Night will you be free from pungent Remorse; the Sense of such a corroding Guilt will ever disturb your Rest, and your afflicted Mind will be incessantly racked with Madness and Despair. For I look upon it as an incontestable Truth, that the Deity constantly inspects the Actions of all the human Race; nor will the Virtues or Vices of any one pass unregarded; but, agreeably to the different Nature of them, they will be followed with a different Retribution. These may not, indeed, be the immediate Effects, but they are the constant Expectation of every Man, arising from the Consciousness of his Actions.

Imagine now, that the Genius of Rome, attended by your Ancestors, were to accost you at this important Crisis: You would hear them delivering their Sentiments in the following Strain: ‘Remember, Cæsar, that it is from Us you derive your Descent, from a Race of brave and valiant Heroes. We gave thee Existence in this flourishing City, to be a Support to our Dignity, a Strength to our Establishment, and a Terror to our Adversaries. And, when from Us you received your Life, you received, with it, all the Acquisitions which were the Fruits of our infinite Toils and Perils, a Country the most powerful and extensive, a Place and Family the most illustrious in that Country; to all which, we took care to add many excellent Accomplishments, joined to an affluent Fortune, acquired with Honour; in short, all the Felicities that adorn a settled Peace, all the Rewards that crown a successful War. Think not, that, in Return for these extensive Obligations, we require from thee any Undertaking inconsistent with Virtue and Probity. No—What we expect at thy Hands, is, the Restoration of falling Liberty. Accomplish this, and every Corner of the Universe will instantly be filled with the Applause of such a virtuous Atchievement. What! though you have already given many illustrious Proofs of great Abilities, both in your civil and military Capacity, yet in this, Cæsar, thou art not singular; there are many brave magnanimous Spirits, who have arrived to the same Degree of Glory. But, if you would surpass all others, arise now, and rescue, from the Brink of Ruin, this most renowned, this mighty Empire. Then, indeed, wilt thou rise to matchless Greatness, and shine in unrivalled Lustre! But should a different Fate attend this State, should it perish through the Malignity of the Distemper that afflicts it; who sees not, that universal Wars, Desolation, and Slaughter, will attend her Fall? But if you feel a generous Ardour to do the most acceptable Service to Us and your Country, assert the Liberty of the Commonwealth, and save the sinking State. Then will succeeding Ages view thee exalted above all the human Race, and even after Death, with singular Felicity, gathering fresh Laurels of Praise. For it sometimes happens, that the Clouds of adverse Fortune cast a Shade on living Grandeur, and oftentimes the Blasts of Envy check its Growth. But, when the Hero yields to Fate, Malice and Detraction expiring with him, his Merit becomes more and more conspicuous, and daily rises to higher Degrees of Fame and Glory.’

Thus, Cæsar, I have presented you with a brief Plan of such Regulations, as, I apprehend, will contribute most to the public Good, and your own Interest. But, whatever Scheme you think proper to pursue, I beseech the immortal Gods, that it may have a prosperous Event, and that both You and your Country may reap the Fruits of your successful Endeavours.

FINIS.

[(a) ]Sir Walter ends his History with the Victory of Paulus Æmilius over Perseus King of Macedon; Anno Urbis 585.

[* ]About Five hundred Pounds, English Money.

[* ]Or Nomades, Pastors.

[* ]Formed of a Greek Word, which signifies to suck, or draw.

[(a) ]Or, Unless you chuse, for the bare Appearances of Peace, to bear the real Burdens of War. Nisi forte cui præstare pacem, & bellum pati, consilium est.

[(a) ]Res novas veteribus acquirit. See Cat. Conspiracy. Vetera odere, nova exoptant. To which the Author seems here to allude. But if res novas be not here applicable to the State, then it may be translated thus, And by any means, whatsoever, would raise a new Fortune to repair the Ruins of the old one.

[(a) ]Or, That the Conquerors were Men who held Riches in Contempt; the Conquered, eager Lovers of them.

[(a) ]Uti te ab inimicorum impetu vindices. Vindicare se ab aliquo—signifies, to avenge himself upon any one.

[(a) ]There seems to be some Mistake here in the Original. It seems more probable, that Cato, and the rest here mentioned, were put to Death by the contrary Party. It is certain it was not Cato of Utica.

[(b) ]Or,—grew every Day more inflamed; constantly laying Schemes, by false Accusations, and other injurious Devices, to degrade many from their Employments, to drive many into Banishment.

[(a) ]Cortius, and several others, read it, Cætera multitudo pleraque insititia est. N. B. Insititius, i. e. non nativus, sed aliunde accersitus—Alluding here, to those who were not Senators by Descent, but chosen by the Censors, &c.—novi homines.