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The Writings of George Washington, collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1889-1893). Vol. I (1748-1757).

Author: George Washington
Editor: Worthington Chauncey Ford

Part of: The Writings of George Washington, 14 vols.

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1755.

TO ROBERT ORME.

Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1755.

Sir,

I was not favored with your polite letter, of the 2d inst., until yesterday; acquainting me with the notice his Excellency, General Braddock,1 is pleased to honor me with, by kindly inviting me to become one of his family the ensuing campaign. It is true, Sir, that I have, ever since I declined my late command, expressed an inclination to serve the ensuing campaign as a volunteer; and this inclination is not a little increased, since it is likely to be conducted by a gentleman of the General’s experience.

But, besides this, and the laudable desire I may have to serve, with my best abilities, my King and country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, that I am not a little biassed by selfish considerations. To explain, Sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in the military profession, and, believing a more favorable opportunity cannot offer, than to serve under a gentleman of General Braddock’s abilities and experience, it does, as you may reasonably suppose, not a little contribute to influence my choice. But, Sir, as I have taken the liberty to express my sentiments so freely, I shall beg your indulgence while I add, that the only bar, which can check me in the pursuit of this object, is the inconveniences that must necessarily result from some proceedings which happened a little before the General’s arrival, and which, in some measure, had abated the ardor of my desires, and determined me to lead a life of retirement, into which I was just entering, at no small expense, when your favour was presented to me.

But, as I shall do myself the honor of waiting upon his Excellency, as soon as I hear of his arrival at Alexandria, (and would sooner, were I certain where to find him,) I shall decline saying any thing further on this head till then; begging you will be pleased to assure him, that I shall always retain a grateful sense of the favour with which he is pleased to honor me, and that I should have embraced this opportunity of writing to him, had I not recently addressed a congratulatory letter to him on his safe arrival in this country. I flatter myself you will favour me in making a communication of these sentiments.

You do me a singular favour, in proposing an acquaintance. It cannot but be attended with the most flattering prospects of intimacy on my part, as you may already perceive, by the familiarity and freedom with which I now enter upon this correspondence; a freedom, which, even if it is disagreeable, you must excuse, as I may lay the blame of it at your door, for encouraging me to throw off that restraint, which otherwise might have been more obvious in my deportment on such an occasion.

The hope of shortly seeing you will be an excuse for my not adding more, than that I shall endeavour to approve myself worthy of your friendship, and that I beg to be esteemed your most obedient servant.

TO ROBERT ORME.

Mount Vernon, 2 April, 1755.

Dear Sir,

The arrival of a good deal of company (among whom is my mother, alarmed at the report of my intentions to attend your fortunes,) prevents me the pleasure of waiting upon you to-day, as I had intended.1 I therefore beg, that you will be kind enough to make my compliments and excuse to the General, who I hope to hear is greatly recovered from his indisposition, and recruited sufficiently to prosecute his journey to Annapolis.

I find myself much embarrassed with my affairs, having no person in whom I can confide, to entrust the management of them with. Notwithstanding, I am determined to do myself the honour of accompanying you, upon this proviso, that the General will be kind enough to permit my return, as soon as the active part of the campaign is at an end, if it is desired; or, if there should be a space of inaction, long enough to admit a visit to my home, that I may be indulged in coming to it.

I need not add, how much I should be obliged by joining you at Will’s Creek, instead of doing it at an earlier period and place.1

These things, Sir, in whatever light they may appear to you at first sight, will not, I hope, be thought unreasonable, when it is considered how unprepared I am at present to quit a family, and an estate I was just about to settle, and which is in the utmost confusion.

I have enclosed you a letter from Colonel Fairfax to Governor Shirley, which, with his compliments, he desired might be given to that gentleman. He also sends his blessing to you, and desires that by being a good boy you may merit more of them. At present he entertains sanguine hopes of you; this for your comfort.

I herewith send you a small map of the back country, which, though imperfect and roughly drawn, for want of proper instruments, may give you a better knowledge of the parts designated, than you have hitherto had an opportunity of acquiring.

I shall do myself the honour of waiting upon the General as soon as I hear of his return from Annapolis. My compliments attend him, Mr. Shirley, &c., and I am, &c.

TO JOHN ROBINSON.1

Mount Vernon, 20 April, 1755.

Dear Sir,

I little expected, when I wrote you last, that I should so soon engage in another campaign; but, in doing it, I may be allowed to claim some merit, if it is considered that the sole motive, which invites me to the field, is the laudable desire of serving my country, and not the gratification of any ambitious or lucrative plans. This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going a volunteer, without expectation of reward, or prospect of attaining a command, as I am confidently assured it is not in General Braddock’s power to give a commission that I would accept. Perhaps with many others the above declaration might be construed into self-applause, which, unwilling to lose, I proclaim myself. But by you, Sir, I expect it will be viewed in a different light, because you have sympathized in my disappointments, and lent your friendly aid to reinstate me in a suitable command; the recollection of which can never be lost upon a mind, that is not insensible of, but always ready to acknowledge obligations.

This is the reason why I am so much more unreserved in the expression of my sentiments to you, than I should be to the world, whose censures and criticisms often place good designs in a bad light. But, to be ingenuous, I must confess I had other intentions in writing you this letter; for, if there is any merit in my case, I am unwilling to lose it among my friends, who, without this exposition of facts, might conceive that some advantageous offers had engaged my services, when, in reality, the case is otherwise, for I expect to be a considerable loser in my private affairs by going. It is true I have been importuned to make this campaign by General Braddock, as a member of his family, conceiving, I suppose, that the small knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquiring of the country, Indians, &c., was worthy of his notice, and might be useful to him in the progress of this expedition.

Colo. Carter Burwell,1 last Assembly, upon hearing that I had lost 50 odd pounds, during my acting as paymaster, desired I would petition the Committee of War, to have it refunded: assuring me, at the same time, that he would use his endeavors that the matter should be attended to. I declined it then, thinking it might not be well received as I had been allowed a commission. But if he should propose it at a future meeting, and it does not appear to carry with it the face of unreasonableness, I hope you will do me the favour to second him.

2 I must own, after meeting with the indulgencies I did, I should not have asked this, had it not been proposed by a member; and had I not been so considerable a loser in the service, in valuable papers, clothing, horses and several other things, some of which, and of no inconsiderable value, I carried out entirely for the publick use, and forbore mentioning of it before, as I knew you were greatly pestered with complaints of this sort from officers that were less able to bear them, tho’ more inconsiderable than mine. For I had unfortunately got my baggage from Will’s Creek but a few days before the engagement, in which I also had a valuable servant wounded, who died soon after. I thought it expedient just to mention these facts, that you might turn them to any advantage you see proper, or to drop it altogether, if you think the application is at all improper. I heartily wish a happy issue to all your resolves, &c.

TO WILLIAM BYRD.

Mount Vernon, 20 April, 1755.

Dear Sir,

I am sorry it was not in my power to wait upon you at Westover last Christmas. I enjoyed much satisfaction in the thought of doing it, when an unexpected accident put it entirely out of my power to comply either with my promise or inclination, both of which prompted me to make the visit.

I am now preparing for, and shall in a few days set off, to serve in the ensuing campaign, with different views, however, from those I had before. For here, if I can gain any credit, or if I am entitled to the least countenance and esteem, it must be from serving my country without fee or reward; for I can truly say, I have no expectation of either. To merit its esteem, and the good will of my friends, is the sum of my ambition, having no prospect of attaining a commission, being well assured it is not in Gen’l. Braddock’s power to give such an one as I would accept of. The command of a Company is the highest commission vested in his gift. He was so obliging as to desire my company this campaign, has honoured me with particular marks of his esteem, and kindly invited me into his family—a circumstance which will ease me of expences that otherwise must have accrued in furnishing stores, camp equipage, &c, whereas the cost will now be easy (comparatively speaking), as baggage, horses, tents, and some other necessaries, will constitute the whole of the charge.

Yet to have a family just settling, and in the confusion and disorder mine is in at present, is not a pleasing thing and may be hurtful. But be this as it may, it shall be no hindrance to my making this campaign.

TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Mount Vernon, 23 April, 1755.

Dear Sir,

I cannot think of quitting Fairfax,1 without embracing this last opportunity of bidding you farewell. I shall this day set off for Will’s Creek, where I expect to meet the General, and to stay, I fear, too long, as our march must be regulated by the slow movements of the train; which, I am sorry to say, will be tedious, very tedious indeed, as I have long predicted, though few believed. Alexandria has been honored with five governors in consultation; a favorable presage, I hope, not only of the success of this expedition, but of the future greatness of this town; for surely such a meeting must have been occasioned by the commodious and pleasant situation of this place, which prognosticates population, and the increase of a (now) flourishing trade.1

I have had the honor to be introduced to the several governors, and of being well received by them all; especially Mr. Shirley, whose character and appearance have perfectly charmed me, as I think his every word and action discover in him the gentleman and politician. I heartily wish the same unanimity may prevail amongst us, as appeared to exist between him and his Assembly, when they, to expedite the business, and to forward his journey hither, sat till eleven and twelve o’clock every night.

It will be needless, as I know your punctuality requires no stimulus, to remind you of an affair, about which I wrote some time ago; therefore I shall only beg my compliments to Mr. Nicholas and his lady, and to all friends who think me worthy of their inquiries. I am, &c.2

TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Winchester, 5 May, 1755.

Dear Sir,

I overtook the General at Frederick Town, in Maryland. From thence we proceeded to this place, where we shall remain till the arrival of the second division of the train, (which we hear left Alexandria on Tuesday last). After that, we shall continue our march to Will’s Creek; from whence, it is imagined, we shall not stir till the latter end of this month, for want of wagons and other conveniences to transport our baggage &c. over the mountains.

You will naturally conclude, that to pass through Maryland, (when no object required it,) was an uncommon, and extraordinary route for the General and Colonel Dunbar’s regiment to this place. The reason, however, was obvious. Those who promoted it had rather that the communication should be opened that way, than through Virginia; but I believe the eyes of the General are now open, and the imposition detected; consequently, the like will not happen again.1 Please to make my compliments to Colo. G. to whom I shall write by the next opportunity, and excuse haste. I am, &c.

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.1

Winchester, 6 May, 1755.

Dear Brother,

A very fatiguing ride and long round about, brought me to the General (the day I parted with you) at Frederick-Town. This is a small village, 15 miles below the Blue Ridge on the Maryland side of the Potowmack. From thence we proceeded to this place, where we have halted since Saturday last, and shall depart for Will’s-Creek to-morrow. I find there is no probability of marching the army from Will’s Creek, ’till the latter end of this month, or the first of next. You may easily guess, then, how heavily time will hang upon my hands.

I have met with much complaisance in this family, especially from the General, whom I hope to please without ceremonious attentions or difficulty; for, I may add, it cannot be done with them, as he uses and requires less ceremony than you can easily conceive.2

I have ordered the horse Gist, to Bullskin, and my own here, if serviceable, otherwise you must have both carried down, when Countess is sent up. I have conceived a good opinion of the horse Gist; therefore, I hope you will not let him want for proper care and good usage, if he should be sent instead of the grey’s, which will be the case if they are able to perform the journey.

I hope you will have frequent opportunities to particularize the state of my affairs, which will administer much satisfaction to a person in my situation. At present I have nothing to add, but my compliments to all friends, particularly to the worthy family at Belvoir, who I hope are in good health.

TO MAJOR JOHN CARLYLE.

Fort Cumberland, 14 May, 1755.

Sir:—

I overtook the General at Frederick-Town in Maryland, and proceeded with him, by way of Winchester, to this place,1 which gave him a good opportunity to see the absurdity of the route, and of damning it very heartily. Colo. Dunbar’s regiment was also obliged to recross at Connogogee, and come down within six miles of Winchester, to take the new road to Will’s Creek: which, from the absurdity of it, was laughable enough.

We are to halt here ’till forage can be brought from Philadelphia, which I suppose will introduce the month of June; and then we are to proceed upon our tremendous undertaking of transporting the heavy artillery over the mountains, which, I believe, will compose the greatest difficulty of the campaign. For as to any apprehensions of the enemy, I think they are more to be provided against than regarded, as I fancy the French will be obliged to draw their force from the Ohio to repel the attacks in the north, under the command of Governour Shirley &c, who will make three different attempts immediately.1 * * *

TO MRS. FAIRFAX.

Fort Cumberland, 14 May, 1755.

Dear Madam:

I have at last with great pains and difficulty discovered the reason why Mrs. Wardrope is a greater favorite of Genl. Braddock than Mrs. F—x, and met with more respect at the review in Alexandria. The cause I shall communicate, after having rallied you upon neglecting the means which produced the effect. And what do you think they were? why, nothing less, I assure you, than a present of delicious cake and potted wood-cocks! which so affected the palate as to leave a deep impression upon the hearts of all who tasted of them. How, then, could the General do otherwise than admire, not only the charms, but the politeness, of this lady!

We have a favourable prospect of halting here three weeks or a month longer, for waggons, horses and forage; it is easy to conceive, therefore, that my situation will not be very pleasant and agreeable, when I dreaded this (before I came out) more than all the other incidents which might happen during the campaign. * * *

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Fort Cumberland, 14 May, 1755.

Dear Brother,

As wearing boots is quite the mode, and mine are in a declining state, I must beg the favor of you to procure me a pair that is good and neat, and send them to Major Carlyle, who, I hope, will contrive [to forward] them, as quickly as my necessity requires.

I see no prospect of moving from this place soon, as we have neither horses nor wagons enough, and no forage for them to subsist upon, except what is expected from Philadelphia; therefore, I am well convinced, that the trouble and difficulty we must encounter in passing the mountain, for want of proper conveniences, will equal all the other difficulties of the campaign; for I conceive the march of such a train of artillery in these roads, to be a tremendous undertaking. As to any danger from the enemy, I look upon it as trifling, for I believe the French will be obliged to exert their utmost force to repel the attacks to the northward, where Governour Shirley and others, with a body of 8,000 men, will annoy their settlements, and attempt their forts.

The General has appointed me one of his aids-decamp,1 in which character I shall serve this campaign agreeably enough, as I am thereby freed from all commands but his, and give his orders to all, which must be implicitly obeyed.

I have now a good opportunity, and shall not neglect it, of forming an acquaintance, which may be serviceable hereafter, if I find it worth while to push my fortune in the military line.

I have wrote to my two female correspondents1 by this opportunity, one of which letters I have enclosed to you, and beg your deliverance of it. I shall expect a particular account of all that has happened since my departure.

I am, dear Jack,
Your most affectionate brother.2

May the 15th.

I was sent to Colo. Hunter3 for a supply of money, £4,000 sterlg. and arrived, as far as Winchester, on my way thither, on the day following, from whence I dispatched an express to him (fearing he might be out) to provide that sum, and to meet me with it at Williamsburgh. Proceeded myself thro’ Fairfax, where I was detained a day in getting horses.

At Claybourn’s Ferry (the 22d) I met the express I had sent, as he was returning, who brought a verbal message from Governour Dinwiddie, informing me that Colo. Hunter was gone to the northward, and that I would certainly be disappointed in my expectations of money: with this I acquainted Capt. Orme by letter, and proceeded on to Williamsburgh, where I arrived the same day, and met a Mr. Belfour, the partner of Colo. Hunter, with nearly the sum desired, which was completed the next day time enough for me to reach Chissel’s ordinary on my return. The 27th I arrived at Winchester, and expected to have met the troop of light-horse to escort me to the camp; but being disappointed in that, I engaged a guard of the militia, with which I set out on the 29th following, and arrived at the camp the 30th.

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Winchester, 25 May, 1755.

Dear Brother,

I came to this place last night, and was greatly disappointed in not finding the cavalry, according to promise. I am obliged to wait ’till it does arrive, or ’till I can procure a Guard from the militia, either of which, I suppose, will detain me two days, as you may with (almost) equal success, attempt to raise the dead, as the force of this country! and that from Will’s Creek, cannot be expected in less than the forementioned time, without they are now upon their march.

The drought in this Country, if possible, exceeds what we see below; so that it is very reasonably conjectured, they won’t make corn to supply the inhabitants: and as for tobacco, they have given up the expectation of making any.

The inhabitants of this place abound in news; but as I apprehend it is founded upon as bare a foundation as some I heard on my way down, I think it advisable to forego the recital, till a little better authority confirms the report. Then you may expect to have a narrative of it.

I should be glad to hear that you live in perfect harmony and good fellowship with the family at Belvoir, as it is in their power to be very serviceable upon many occasions to us, as young beginners. I would advise your visiting there often, as one step towards it; the rest, if any more is necessary, your own good sense will sufficiently dictate—for to that family I am under many obligations, particularly to the old gentleman.

Mrs Fairfax and Mrs Spearing having expressed a wish to be informed of the time and manner of my reaching this place (with my charge), you may acquaint them that I met with no other interruption than what proceeded from the difficulty of getting horses. After Mrs. F—x’s grew lame, I was obliged to get a fresh one every 15 or 20 miles, which rendered the journey tedious. I should have been more refreshed from the fatigues of my journey, and my time would have been spent much more agreeably, had I halted below, instead of being delayed in this place; but I little imagined I should have had occasion to wait for a guard, which ought to have waited for me—if either must have waited at all. * * *

P. S. As I understand the County of Fairfax is to be divided, and that Mr. Alexander intends to decline serving it. I should be glad if you could come at Colo. Fairfax’s intentions, and let me know whether he purposes to offer himself as a candidate. If he does not, I should be glad to take a poll, if I thought my chance tolerably good.

Majr. Carlyle mentioned it to me in Williamsburgh in a bantering way, and asked how I would like it, saying, at the same time, he did not know but they might send me, when I might know nothing of the matter, for one or t’other of the counties. I must confess I should like to go for either in that manner, but more particularly for Fairfax, as I am a resident there.

I should be glad if you could discover Maj. Carlyle’s real sentiments on this head; also those of Mr. Dalton, Ramsay, Mason, &c, which I hope and think you may do without disclosing much of mine, as I know your own good sense can furnish you with contrivances.

If you should attempt any thing in this matter, pray let me know by the first opportunity how you have succeeded in it, and how those gentlemen stand affected. If they seem inclinable to promote my interest, and things should be drawing to a crisis, you then may declare my intentions, and beg their assistance. If, on the contrary, you find them more inclined to favour some other, I would have the affair entirely dropped.

The Revd. Mr. Green’s and Capt. McCarty’s interests in this matter would be of consequence, and I should be glad if you could sound their pulse upon that occasion. Conduct the whole ’till you are satisfied of the sentiments of those I have mentioned, with an air of indifference and unconcern; after that, you may regulate your conduct accordingly to circumstances.

Capt. West, the present Burgess, and our friend Jack West, could also be serviceable, if they had a mind to assist the interest of, Dear Jack, Your loving brother.

30 May [1755].

Upon my return from Williamsburgh, I found that Sr. John St. Clair, with Maj. Chapman and a detachment of 500 men, had marched to the Little Meadows, in order to prepare the roads, establish a small post, and to lay a deposit of provisions there. The 2d of June Mr. Spendelow discovered a communication from Fort Cumberland to the old road, leading to the crossing of the Youghiogany, avoiding the enormous mountain which had proved so destructive to our waggon-horses. This communication was opened along a branch of Will’s Creek, and finished by the 7th, when Sr. Peter Halket, with the First Brigade of the Line, began its march, and encamped within a mile of the old road (which is about 5 miles from the Fort) the same day. This encampment was first called Grove Camp, but was afterwards altered to that of Spendelow’s Camp.

This day also, Captn. Gates’s Independent company, the remaining companies of the Provincial troops, and the whole park of artillery, were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march at an hour’s warning, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Burton: and they accordingly did so on the 9th following, but with great difficulty got up to Sir Peter Halket’s brigade at Grove, or Spendelow’s camp, the same day.

This march, from the number of waggons, occasioned a council of war to be held upon the arrival of the General (with Colo. Dunbar’s regiment) at this camp. In this council it was determined to retrench the number of waggons, and to increase the transportation by pack-horses. In order thereto, the officers were called together, and the Genl. represented to them the necessity there was to procure all the horses possible for His Majesty’s service, advised them to send back such of their baggage as they could do without and apply the horses (which by that means could be spared) to carry provisions for the army. This they accordingly did with great cheerfulness and zeal.

TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Camp atWill’s Creek, 7 June, 1755.

Honble. Sir,

I arrived with my charge safe in camp, the 30th of last month, after waiting a day and piece in Winchester, expecting the cavalry to escort me up; in which being disappointed, I was obliged to make use of a small guard of the militia of Frederick county.1

The General, by frequent breaches of contract, has lost all patience; and, for want of that temper and moderation, which should be used by a man of sense upon these occasions, will, I fear, represent us in a light we little deserve; for, instead of blaming the individuals, as he ought, he charges all his disappointments to publick supineness, and looks upon the country, I believe, as void of honour and honesty. We have frequent disputes on this head, which are maintained with warmth on both sides, especially on his, who is incapable of arguing without, or giving up any point he asserts, let it be ever so incompatible with reason or common sense.2

There is a line of communication to be opened from Pennsylvania to the French fort Duquesne, along which we are to receive, after a little time, all our convoys of provisions, &c., &c., and to give all manner of encouragement to a people, who ought rather to be chastised for their insensibility to danger, and disregard of their sovereign’s expectation. They, it seems, are to be the favoured people, because they have furnished what their absolute interest alone induced them to do, i. e., 150 wagons, and an equivalent number of horses.1

Major Chapman, with a detachment of 500 men, and the Quartermaster-General, marched two or three days before I arrived here, to open the roads, and lay a deposite of provisions in a small fort, which they are to erect at the Little Meadows.

To-morrow, Sir Peter Halket, (with the first brigade,) is to begin their march, and on Monday the General, with the second, will follow. One hospital is filled with sick, and the numbers increase daily, with the bloody flux, which has not yet proved mortal to many.

General Innes has accepted of a Commission to be Governour of Fort Cumberland, where he is to reside; and will shortly receive another to be hangman, or something of that kind, and for which he is equally qualified.

By a letter received from Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania, we have advice, that a party of three hundred men passed Oswego on their way to Fort Duquesne, and that another and larger detachment was expected to pass that place every moment. By the public accounts from Pennsylvania, we are assured, that nine hundred men have certainly passed Oswego to reinforce the French on Ohio; so that from these accounts we have reason to believe, that we shall have more to do than to go up the hills and come down.

We are impatient to hear what the powers at home are doing; whether peace, or war is like to be the issue of all these preparations.1

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Youghiogany, 28 June, 1755.1

Dear Brother,

Immediately upon our leaving the camp at George’s Creek, on the 14th instant, (from whence I wrote to you,) I was seized with violent fevers and pains in my head, which continued without intermission ’till the 23d following, when I was relieved, by the General’s absolutely ordering the physicians to give me Dr. James’s powders, (one of the most excellent medicines in the world,) for it gave me immediate ease, and removed my fevers and other complaints in four days’ time.2 My illness was too violent to suffer me to ride; therefore I was indebted to a covered wagon for some part of my transportation; but even in this, I could not continue far, for the jolting was so great, that I was left upon the road with a guard, and necessaries, to wait the arrival of Colonel Dunbar’s detachment, which was two days’ march behind us, the General giving me his word of honor, that I should be brought up, before he reached the French fort. This promise, and the doctor’s threats, that, if I persevered in my attempts to get on, in the condition I was, my life would be endangered, determined me to halt for the above detachment.

As the communication between this and Will’s Creek must soon be too dangerous for single persons to pass, it will render the intercourse of letters slow and precarious; therefore I shall attempt (and will go through if I have strength) to give you an account of our proceedings, of our situation, and of our prospects at present; which I desire you will communicate to Colonel Fairfax, and others, my correspondents, for I am too weak to write more than this letter. In the letter, which I wrote to you from George’s Creek, I acquainted you, that, unless the number of wagons was retrenched, and the carrying-horses increased, we never should be able to see Duquesne.1 This, in two days afterwards (which was about the time they got to the Little Meadows, with some of their foremost wagons, and strongest teams), they themselves were convinced of; for they found, that, besides the (almost) impossibility of getting the wagons along at all, they had often a rear of three or four miles in length; and that the soldiers guarding them were so dispersed, that, if we had been attacked either in front, center, or rear, the part so attacked must have been cut off, or totally routed, before they could be sustained by any other corps.

At the Little Meadows there was a second council1 called (for there had been one before), wherein it was again represented to the officers of the different corps, the urgency for horses, and how laudable a farther retrenchment of their baggage would be, that the spare ones might be turned over for public service. In order to encourage this, I gave up my best horse, (which I have never heard of since,) and took no more baggage than half my portmanteau would easily contain. It is said, however, that the numbers reduced by this second attempt were only from two hundred and ten or twelve, to two hundred, which had no perceivable effect.

The General, (before they met in council,) asked my private opinion concerning the expedition. I urged it, in the warmest terms I was able, to push forward, if we even did it with a small but chosen band, with such artillery and light stores as were absolutely necessary; leaving the heavy artillery, baggage, &c. with the rear division of the army, to follow by slow and easy marches, which they might do safely, while we were advanced in front. As one reason to support this opinion, I urged, that, if we could credit our intelligence, the French were weak at the Forks at present, but hourly expected reinforcements, which, to my certain knowledge, could not arrive with provisions, or any supplies, during the continuance of the drought which we were then experiencing as the Buffalo River (Rivière aux Bœufs), down which was their only communication to Venango, must be as dry as we now found the Great Crossing of the Youghiogany, which may be passed dry-shod.

This advice prevailed, and it was determined that the General, with one thousand two hundred chosen men and officers from all the different corps, under the following field officers, viz.; Sir Peter Halket, who acts as brigadier; Lieutenant-Colonel Gage, Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, and Major Sparke, with such a certain number of wagons as the train would absolutely require, should march as soon as things could be got in readiness for them, which was completed, and we on our march, by the 19th, leaving Colonel Dunbar and Major Chapman, with the residue of the two regiments, some Independent Companies, most of the women, and, in short, every thing not absolutely necessary behind, carrying our provisions and other necessaries upon horses.

We set out with less than thirty carriages (including those that transported the ammunition for the howitzers, twelve-pounders, and six-pounders, etc.), and all of them strongly horsed; which was a prospect that conveyed infinite delight to my mind, though I was excessively ill at the time. But this prospect was soon clouded, and my hopes brought very low indeed, when I found that instead of pushing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every molehill, and to erect bridges over every brook, by which means we were four days getting twelve miles.

At this camp I was left by the Doctor’s advice, and the General’s absolute orders, as I have already mentioned, without which I should not have been prevailed upon to remain behind; as I then imagined, and now believe, I shall find it no easy matter to join my own corps again, which is twenty-five miles advanced before us. Notwithstanding, I had the General’s word of honor, pledged in the most solemn manner, that I should be brought up before he arrived at Fort Duquesne. They have had frequent alarms, and several men have been scalped; but this is done with no other design than to retard the march, and to harass the men, who, if they are to be turned out every time a small party attacks the guards at night (for I am certain they have not sufficient force to make a serious assault), their ends will be accomplished by the gaining of time.

I have been now six days with Colonel Dunbar’s corps, who are in a miserable condition for want of horses, not having enough for their wagons; so that the only method he has of proceeding, is to march with as many wagons as those will draw, and then halt till the remainder are brought up with the same horses, which requires two days more; and shortly, I believe, he will not be able to stir at all. But there has been vile management in regard to horses, and while I am mentioning this, I must not forget to desire that you will acquaint Colonel George Fairfax, that I have made the most diligent enquiry after his man and horses, but can hear nothing of either, at least nothing that can be credited.

I was told that the fellow was taken ill upon the road, while he was with Sir John St. Clair’s detachment. The certainty of this I cannot answer for, but believe there is nothing more certain than that he is not with any part of the army; and unless the horses stray, and make home themselves, I believe there is a thousand to one, against his ever seeing them again: for I gave up a horse only one day, and never could see or hear of him afterwards.

My strength wont admit me to say more, though I have not said half what I intended concerning our affairs here. Business I shall not think of, but depend solely upon your management of all my affairs, not doubting but that they will be well conducted.

You may thank my friends for the letters I have received from them, which, tell them, has not been one from any mortal since I left Fairfax, except yourself and Mr. Dalton. It is a specimen of their regard and kindness which I should endeavor to acknowledge and thank them for, was I able and suffered to write. All your letters to me I would have sent to Mr. Cocks, of Winchester, or to Governor Innes, at Fort Cumberland, that I may have the better chance of their coming safe to hand. Make my compliments to all who think me worthy of their enquiries.

July 2d.—A serious inconvenience attended me in my sickness, and that was the losing the use of my servant; for poor John Alton was taken about the same time that I was, and with nearly the same disorder, and was confined as long; so that we did not see each other for several days. He is also tolerably well recovered.

We are advanced almost as far as the Great Meadows, and I shall set out to-morrow morning for my own corps, with an escort of one hundred men, which is to guard some provisions up, so that my fears and doubts on that head are now removed.

I had a letter yesterday from Orme, who writes me word, that they have passed the Youghiogany for the last time; that they have sent out parties to scour the country thereabouts, and have reason to believe the French are greatly alarmed at their approach.

TO ROBERT ORME.

Great Crossing, 30 June, 1755.

Dear Orme,

I came to this camp on Thursday last, with the rear of Colonel Dunbar’s detachment, and should have continued on with his front to-day, but was prevented by rain.

My fevers are very moderate, and, I hope, near terminating; when I shall have nothing to encounter but weakness, which is excessive, and the difficulty of getting to you, arising therefrom; but this I would not miss doing, before you reach Duquesne, for five hundred pounds. However, I have no doubt now of doing this, as I am moving on slowly, and the General has given me his word of honor, in the most solemn manner, that it shall be effected.

As the Doctor thinks it imprudent for me to use much exercise for two or three days, it will retard the rapidity of my movements. Therefore, I should be glad to be advised of your marches from Gist’s, and how you are likely to get on, for you may rest assured that Colonel Dunbar cannot move from his present encampment in less than two or three days; and I believe, really, it will be as much as he possibly can do to reach the Meadows at all, so that you will be greatly advanced before him.

I am too weak to add more than my compliments to the General, the family, &c. and again to desire, that you will oblige me in the above request, and devise the most effectual means for me to join you. I am, dear Orme, your most obedient servant.1

The 8th of July I rejoined (in a covered waggon) the advanced division of the army, under the immediate command of the General. On the 9th I attended him on horse-back, tho’ very weak and low. On this day he was attacked, and defeated, by a party of French and Indians, adjudged not to exceed 300. When all hope of rallying the dismayed troops and recovering the ground, was expired (our provisions and stores being given up) I was ordered to Dunbar’s camp.

TO GOVERNOR INNES, AT FORT CUMBERLAND.1

Little Meadows, 15 July, 1755.

Sir,

Captain Orme, being confined to his litter, and not well able to write, has desired me to acknowledge the receipt of yours. He begs the favor of you to have the room that the General lodged in prepared for Colonel Burton, himself, and Captain Morris, who are all wounded; also, that some small place may be had convenient for cooking; and, if any fresh provision, and other suitable necessaries for persons in their condition, may be had, that you will be kind enough to engage them. He also begs that you will order the present which was sent by Governor Morris to the General and his family, in the care of Mr. A. le Roy, the steward, who is sent on for that and other purposes.2

The horses, that carry the wounded gentlemen in litters, are so much fatigued, that we dread their performance; therefore, it is desired that you will be kind enough to send out eight or ten fresh horses for their relief, which will enable us to reach the fort this evening.

I doubt not but you have had an account of the poor General’s death by some of the affrighted wagoners, who ran off, without taking leave. I am, Sir, your most obedient servant.

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755.

Honbl. Sir,

As I am favored with an opportunity, I should think myself inexcusable was I to omit giving you some account of our late Engagement with the French on the Monongahela, the 9th instant.

We continued our march from Fort Cumberland to Frazier’s (which is within 7 miles of Duquesne) without meeting any extraordinary event, having only a straggler or two picked up by the French Indians. When we came to this place, we were attacked (very unexpectedly) by about three hundred French and Indians. Our numbers consisted of about thirteen hundred well armed men, chiefly Regulars, who were immediately struck with such an inconceivable panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. The officers, in general, behaved with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffered, there being near 60 killed and wounded—a large proportion, out of the number we had!

The Virginia companies behaved like men and died like soldiers; for I believe out of three companies that were on the ground that day scarce thirty were left alive. Capt. Peyroney and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed; Captn. Polson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. In short, the dastardly behaviour of the Regular troops (so-called)1 exposed those who were inclined to do their duty to almost certain death; and, at length, in despite of every effort to the contrary, broke and ran as sheep before hounds, leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, and, in short, everything a prey to the enemy. And when we endeavoured to rally them, in hopes of regaining the ground and what we had left upon it, it was with as little success as if we had attempted to have stopped the wild bears of the mountains, or rivulets with our feet; for they would break by, in despite of every effort that could be made to prevent it.

The General was wounded in the shoulder and breast, of which he died three days after; his two aids-de-camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of recovery; Colo. Burton and Sr. John St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other brave officers, were killed in the field. It is supposed that we had three hundred or more killed; about that number we brought off wounded, and it is conjectured (I believe with much truth) that two thirds of both received their shot from our own cowardly Regulars, who gathered themselves into a body, contrary to orders, ten or twelve deep, would then level, fire and shoot down the men before them.

I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon our back settlers, who, I suppose, will all leave their habitations unless there are proper measures taken for their security.

Colo. Dunbar, who commands at present, intends, as soon as his men are recruited at this place, to continue his march to Philadelphia for winter quarters:1 consequently there will be no men left here, unless it is the shattered remains of the Virginia troops, who are totally inadequate to the protection of the frontiers. * * *

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755.

Dear Brother,

As I have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and of assuring you, that I have not as yet composed the latter.2 But, by the all-powerful dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability and expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, altho’ death was levelling my companions on every side of me!

We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men, but fatigue and want of time will prevent me from giving you any of the details, until I have the happiness of seeing you at Mount Vernon, which I now most ardently wish for, since we are drove in thus far. A weak and feeble state of health obliges me to halt here for two or three days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease. You may expect to see me there on Saturday or Sunday se’night, which is as soon as I can well be down, as I shall take my Bullskin Plantations1 in my way. Pray give my compliments to all my friends. I am, dear Jack, your most affectionate brother.2

TO ROBERT JACKSON.

Mount Vernon, 2 August, 1755.

Dear Sir,

I must acknowledge you had great reason to be terrified with the first accounts, that were given of our unhappy defeat; and, I must own, I was not a little surprised to find, that Governor Innes was the means of alarming the country with a report so extraordinary, without having better confirmation of the truth, than the story of an affrighted wagoner!

It is true, we have been beaten, shamefully beaten, by a handful of men, who only intended to molest and disturb our march. Victory was their smallest expectation. But see the wondrous works of Providence, the uncertainty of human things! We, but a few moments before, believed our numbers almost equal to the Canadian force; they, only expected to annoy us. Yet, contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even to the common course of things, we were totally defeated, sustained the loss of every thing, which they have got, are enriched by it, and accommodated by them. This, as you observe, must be an affecting story to the colony, and will, no doubt, license the tongues of people to censure those, whom they think most blamable; which, by the by, often falls very wrongfully. I join very heartily with you in believing, that when this story comes to be related in future annals, it will meet with unbelief and indignation, for had I not been witness to the fact on that fatal day, I should scarce have given credit to it even now.

Whenever it suits you to come into Fairfax, I hope you will make your home at Mount Vernon. Please to give my compliments to all inquiring friends. I assure you, nothing could have added more to the satisfaction of my safe return, than hearing of the friendly concern that has been expressed on my supposed death. I am, &c.

TO AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.1

Mount Vernon, 2 August, 1755.

Dear Brother,

The pleasure of your company at Mount Vernon always did, and always will, afford me infinite satisfaction; but, at this time, I am too sensible how needful the country is of the assistance of all its members, to have a wish to hear that any are absent from the Assembly. I most sincerely wish that unanimity may prevail in all your councils, and that a happy issue may attend your deliberations at this important crisis.

I am not able, were I ever so willing, to meet you in town, for I assure you it is with some difficulty, and with much fatigue, that I visit my plantations in the Neck; so much has a sickness of five weeks’ continuance reduced me. But tho’ it is not in my power to meet you there, I can nevertheless assure you, and “others whom it may concern” (to borrow a phrase from Governor Innes), that I am so little dispirited at what has happened, that I am always ready and always willing, to render my country any services that I am capable of, but never upon the terms I have done; having suffered much in my private fortune, besides impairing one of the best constitutions.

I was employed to go a journey in the winter (when, I believe, few or none would have undertaken it), and what did I get by it? My expenses borne! I then was appointed, with trifling pay, to conduct a handful of men to the Ohio. What did I get by this? Why, after putting myself to a considerable expense, in equipping and providing necessaries for the campaign, I went out, was soundly beaten, lost them all!—came in and had my commission taken from me, or, in other words, my command reduced, under pretence of an order from home! I then went out a volunteer with General Braddock, and lost all my horses and many other things; but this being a voluntary act, I ought not to have mentioned this; nor should I have done it, was it not to show that I have been upon the losing order ever since I entered the service, which is now near two years. So that I think I cannot be blamed, should I, if I leave my family again, endeavour to do it upon such terms as to prevent my suffering; (to gain by it being the least of my expectation).

I doubt not but you have heard the particulars of our shameful defeat, which really was so scandalous, that I hate to mention it. You desire to know what artillery was taken in the late engagement. It is easily told. We lost all that we carried out, excepting two six-pounders, and a few cohorns, that were left with Colonel Dunbar; and the cohorns have since been destroyed to expedite his flight. You also ask, whether I think the forces can march out again this fall. I answer, I think it impossible, at least, for them to do the French any damage (unless it be by starving them), for want of a proper train of artillery; yet they may be very serviceable in erecting small fortresses at convenient places to deposit provisions in, by which means the country will be eased of an immense expense in the carriage, and it will also be a means of securing a retreat, if we should be put to the rout again. The success of this tho’ will depend greatly upon what Governor Shirley does at Niagara; for, if he succeeds, their communication with Canada will be entirely cut off.

It is impossible for me to guess at the number of recruits that may be wanting, as that must depend altogether upon the strength of the French on the Ohio, which, to my great astonishment, we were always strangers to.

I thank you, very heartily, for your kind offer of a chair, and for your goodness in sending my things; and, after begging you to excuse the imperfections of the above, (which, in part, are owing to my having much company that hurries me,) I shall conclude, dear Sir, your most affectionate brother.

TO MRS. MARY WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, 14 August, 1775.

Honored Madam,

If it is in my power to avoid going to the Ohio again, I shall; but if the command is pressed upon me, by the general voice of the country, and offered upon such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect dishonor upon me to refuse; and that, I am sure, must or ought to give you greater uneasiness, than my going in an honorable command, for upon no other terms I will accept of it. At present I have no proposals made to me, nor have I any advice of such an intention, except from private hands.

TO WARNER LEWIS.

Mount Vernon, 14 August, 1755.

Dear Sir,

After returning you my most sincere and grateful thanks, for your kind condolence on my late indisposition, and for the generous (and give me leave farther to say) partial opinion, you have entertained of my military abilities, I must express my concern for not having it in my power to meet you, and other friends, who have signified their desire of seeing me in Williamsburg.1

Your letter only came to hand at nine last night, and you inform me, that the Assembly will break up the latter end of the week, which allows a time too short in which to perform a journey of a hundred and sixty miles, especially by a person in my weak and feeble condition; for, altho I am happily recovered from the disorder, which brought me to so low an ebb, by a sickness of nearly five weeks’ continuance, yet my strength is not returned to me. Had I got timely notice, I would have attempted the ride, by slow and easy journeys, if it had been only for the satisfaction of seeing my friends, who, I flatter myself, from what you say, are kind enough to sympathize in my good and evil fortunes.

The chief reason (next to indisposition), that prevented me from coming down to this Assembly, was a determination not to offer my services; and that determination proceeded from the following reasons. First, a belief that I could not get a command upon such terms as I should incline to accept; for I must confess to you, that I never will quit my family, injure my fortune, and, (above all,) impair my health to run the risk of such changes and vicissitudes, as I have met with, but shall expect, if I am employed again, to have something certain. Again, was I to accept the command, I should insist upon some things, which ignorance and inexperience made me overlook before, particularly that of having the officers appointed, in some measure, with my advice and with my concurrence, for I must add I think a commanding officer, not having this liberty, appears to me to be a strange thing, when it is considered how much the conduct and bravery of an officer influence the men, how much a commanding officer is answerable for the behaviour of the inferior officers, and how much his good or ill success, in time of action, depends upon the conduct of each particular one, especially too, in this kind of fighting, where, being dispersed, each and every of them at that time has a greater liberty to misbehave, than if he were regularly and compactly drawn up under the eyes of his superior officer.

On the other hand, how little credit is given to a commander, who, after a defeat, in relating the cause of it, justly lays the blame on some individual, whose cowardly behaviour betrayed the whole to ruin! How little does the world consider the circumstances, and how apt are mankind to level their vindictive censures against the unfortunate chief, who perhaps merited least of the blame!

Does it not appear, then, that the appointing of officers is a thing of the utmost consequence; a thing that requires the greatest circumspection? Ought it to be left to blind chance, or, what is still worse, to partiality? Should it not be left to a man whose life, (and what is still dearer, whose honor,) depends upon their good behaviour?

There are necessary officers yet wanting, for whom no provision has been made. A small military chest is so absolutely necessary, that it is impossible to do without, nor can any man conduct an affair of this kind, who has it not.

These things I should expect, if the appointment fell upon me.

But, besides all these, I had other reasons, which withheld me from offering my services. I believe our circumstances are brought to that unhappy dilemma, that no man can gain any honor by conducting our forces at this time, but will rather lose in his reputation if he attempts it. For I am confident, the progress of military movements must be slow, for want of conveniences to transport our provisions, ammunition, and stores, over the mountain; occasioned, in a great measure, by the late ill treatment of the wagoners and horse-drivers, who have received little compensation for their labor, and nothing for their lost horses and wagons; which will be an infallible cause of preventing all from assisting that are not compelled. So that I am fully sensible, whoever undertakes this command will meet with such insurmountable obstacles, that he will soon be viewed in the light of an idle, indolent body, have his conduct criticised, and meet perhaps with opprobrious abuse, when it may be as much out of his power to avoid delays, as it would be to command the raging seas in a storm.

Viewing these things in the light I do has no small influence upon me, as I am very apprehensive I should lose, what at present constitutes the chief part of my happiness, i. e., the esteem and notice which the country has been pleased to honor me with.

It is possible you may infer from what I have said, that my intentions are to decline, at all events; but my meaning is not so, I am determined not to offer; because to solicit the command, and, at the same time, to make my proposals, would be a little incongruous, and carry with it the face of self-sufficiency. But if the command should be offered, the case is then altered, as I should be at liberty to make such objections, as reason and my small experience had pointed out.1 I hope you will make my compliments to all enquiring friends.

I am, dear Warner, your most affectionate friend, and obedient servant.

TO JOHN ROBINSON.

Alexandria, 11 September, 1755.

Sir,

After a small halt at Fredricksburg, to issue out orders to the recruiting officers appointed to that rendezvous, I proceeded to this place, in order to collect a return of the provisions, clothing, &c, that were lodged here, an exact copy of which I herewith send you. I find, after the soldiers have their short allowances, there will arise great inconveniences, if stores of clothing are not laid in to supply their wants; particularly shoes, stockings, and shirts, for these are the least durable and mostly needed.

The method I would recommend is, for the country to provide these things, and lodge them, or a convenient part thereof, in the hands of the quartermaster, who may be appointed to receive and deliver them to the soldiers, by particular orders from their captains, taking care to produce these orders and proper vouchers for the delivery, each pay-day, when it must be deducted out of that soldier’s pay, who receives it. And then this, I think, will be a means of keeping them always provided and fit for duty, preventing the officers from supplying the men, which is generally attended with misunderstandings; and will also be a means of discouraging followers of the army from demanding such exorbitant prices, as is usually practised on these occasions. However, I only offer this as the most efficacious method I can at present think of. If any other more eligible can be found, I should be glad to see it executed, as something of the kind must be done, otherwise the soldiers will be barefoot, &c, which always pleads for exemption from duty, and, indeed, in the approaching season will be a very just one. You will be a judge, when you see the returns, what had best be done with the provisions. The quantity is too great for the present consumption, and to wagon it up can never answer the expense.

Major Carlyle thinks the West India market best, as the returns will be in rum, which he can soon turn into flour at the camp.

I am afraid I shall not be able to push things with vigor this fall, for want of a commissary who will act with spirit. Mr. Dick seems determined not to enter into any further contracts, unless he is better supported, or ’till he meets the Committee in October, by which time the best season for engaging beef will be almost over. And the Governor, by the advice of Sir John St. Clair, expressed, just as I was coming away, his desire of having him continued; so that I am entirely ignorant how to act. The making of contracts myself is foreign to my duty; neither have I time; and to see the service suffer will give me infinite uneasiness, as I would gladly conduct every thing, as far as I am capable, with life and spirit, which never can be done without a fund of money is lodged in camp for defraying the contingent charges.1 As I believed it difficult to get all the clothing in any one part of the country, I engaged it where I could, and have got shoes, stockings, shirts, and hats enough upon tolerable good terms, as you may see by the enclosed.

Major Carlyle is also willing to engage one hundred complete suits, as good as those imported, for three pounds, or less; which I have acquainted the Governor of, and believe it to be as cheap as can be got below, as it is the making chiefly, that occasions the difference between the imported, and those provided here. I am, &c.2

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Fredericksburg, 8 October, 1755.

Sir,

I arrived at this place in less than three hours after I wrote you from Colonel Baylor’s; and some small time after, arrived also Colonel Stephen, who gives a worse account, than he related in his letter; but as he is the bearer of this, I shall be less prolix, referring to him for particulars.

I shall set out this evening for Winchester, where I expect to be joined by the recruits from Alexandria and this place, as soon as they can possibly march that distance; also, by one hundred men from Prince William and Frederick. And I have wrote to Fairfax county, desiring that a troop of horse may hold themselves in readiness to march at an hour’s warning. So that I doubt not, but with the assistance of these, I shall be able to repulse the enemy, if they are still committing their outrages upon the inhabitants. We are at a loss for want of almost every necessary. Tents, kettles, arms, ammunition, cartridge-paper, &c, &c, we are distressed for. Therefore, I hope, as your Honor did not send to Philadelphia for them, you will, if possible, endeavour to get them below, and send them by the first opportunity to this place, or Alexandria, with orders that they may be forwarded immediately to Winchester.

I must again take the liberty of mentioning to your Honor, the necessity there is of putting the militia, when they are drawn out into actual service, under better regulation than they are at present, as well as there is of putting us [under] a military law.1 Otherwise we shall only be a burthensome charge to the country, and the others will prove its ruin. That this may not appear an unmeaning expression, I shall refer your Honor, to Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen, who can give you some late proofs of their disobedience and inconsistent behaviour.

I find I cannot possibly be in Williamsburg, as these affairs will engage some time, till the sixth, seventh, or eighth of November, when I should be glad to meet a committee, in order to settle with them and your Honor some points, that are very necessary for the good of the expedition.

Colonel Stephen has orders to receive some money below (if he can), that we may be enabled to pay the troops, and to keep them in spirits, and to answer such immediate charges as cannot be dispensed with, until I come down. And I should be glad if your Honor would order him to repair therewith (as soon as he has done his business with the committee) to Winchester; and from thence, with a proper guard, to Fort Cumberland. I hope the treasury will have a sufficient sum of money prepared against I come down, that I meet with no great delay.

I should be glad your Honor would give Colonel Stephen all the assistance you can in getting the money. There are about seventy recruits at this place, and I left twenty-five at Alexandria, which I suppose are augmented before this by officers, who, I am sorry to say, have paid slight regard to orders, in not being in at the time appointed (1st of October). The most flagrant proof of this is Captain Harrison, who I have heard nothing of, tho’ he had positive orders to be here at the aforesaid time. I am, &c.

TO ANDREW MONTOUR.

Winchester, 10 October, 1755.

Dear Montour,

I wrote, some Time ago, a Letter of Invitation from Fort Cumberland, desiring yourself, your Family, and Friendly Indians, to come and reside among Us, but that Letter not coming to Hand, I am induced to send a second Express, with the Same Invitation, being pleased that I have it in my Power to do something for You on a better Footing than ever it has been done. I was greatly enraptur’d when I heard you were at the Head of 300 Indians on a March toward Venango, being satisfied that your hearty attachment to our glorious Cause, your Courage, of which I have had very great Proofs, and your Presence among the Indians, would animate their just Indignation to do something Noble, something worthy themselves, and honourable to you. I hope you will use your Interest (as I know you have much) in bringing our Brothers once more to our service; assure them, as you truly may, that nothing which I can do shall be wanting to make them happy; assure them, also, that as I have the chief Command, I am invested with Power to treat them as Brethren and Allies, which, I am sorry to say, they have not been of late. Recommend me kindly to our good Friend, Monocatoocha, and others; tell them how happy it would make Conotocaurius to have an opportunity of taking them by the hand at Fort Cumberland, and how glad he would be to treat them as Brothers of our great King beyond the waters. Flattering myself that you will come, I doubt not but you’l bring as many of them with you as possible, as that will afford Me what alone I want; that is, an opportunity of doing something equal to your Wishes.

I am, Dear Montour, your real friend and Assured H’ble Servt.

N. B. I doubt not but you have heard of the Ravages committed on our Frontiers by the French Indians, and I suppose [by the] French themselves. I am now on my March against them, and hope to give them Cause of repenting their Rashness.1

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Winchester, 11 October, 1755.

Honble. Sir,

As I think it my indispensable duty to inform you particularly of my proceedings, and to give the most plain and authentic account, from time to time, of our situation, I must acquaint your Honor that, immediately after giving the necessary orders at Fredericksburg, and despatching expresses to hurry the recruits from Alexandria, I rid post to this place, passing by Lord Fairfax’s, who was not at home, but here, where I arrived yesterday about noon, and found every thing in the greatest hurry and confusion, by the back inhabitants, flocking in, and those of the town removing out, which I have prevented as far as it was in my power. I was desirous of proceeding immediately, at the head of some militia, to put a stop to the ravages of the enemy, believing their numbers to be few; but was told by Colonel Martin, who had attempted to raise the militia for the same purpose, that it was impossible to get above twenty or twenty-five men, they having absolutely refused to stir, choosing, as they say, to die with their wives and families.

Finding this expedient likely to prove abortive, I sent off expresses to hurry the recruits from below, and the militia from Fairfax, Prince William, &c., which Lord Fairfax had ordered out, and I also hired spies to go out and see, to discover the numbers of the enemy, and to encourage the rangers, who, we were told, are blocked up by the Indians in small fortresses. But, if I may offer my opinion, I believe they are more encompassed by fear than by the enemy. I have also impressed wagons and sent them to Conococheague for flour, musket-shots, and flints, powder, and trifling quantity of paper, bought at extravgant prices, for cartridges. I expect from below six or eight smiths who are now at work, repairing the firearms that are here, which are all that we have to depend on. A man was hired, the 24th of last month, to do the whole, but neglected, and was just moving off in wagons, to Pennsylvania. I impressed his wagons, and compelled him by force to assist in this work. In all things I meet with the greatest opposition. No orders are obeyed, but what a party of soldiers, or my own drawn sword, enforces; without this a single horse, for the most, urgent occasion cannot be had, to such a pitch has the insolence of these people arrived, by having every point hitherto submitted to them. However, I have given up none, where his Majesty’s service requires the contrary, and where my proceedings are justified by my instructions; nor will [I do] it, unless they execute what they threaten, i. e. “to blow out my brains.”

I have invited the poor distressed people, (who were drove from their habitations,) to lodge their familys in some place of security, and to join our partys in scouring the woods, where the enemy lie, and believe some will cheerfully assist. I also have [taken], and shall continue to take, every previous step to forward the march of the recruits, &c, so soon as they arrive here, and your Honor may depend, that nothing that is in my power to do shall be wanting for the good of the service. I would again hint the necessity of putting the militia under a better regulation, had I not mentioned it twice before, and a third time may seem impertinent; but I must once more beg leave to declare, (for here I am more immediately concerned,) that, unless the Assembly will enact a law to enforce the military law in all its parts,1 that I must, with great regret, decline the honour that has been so generously intended me, and for this only reason I do it—the foreknowledge I have of failing in every point, that might justly be expected from a person invested with full power to exert this authority. I see the growing insolence of the soldiers, the indolence and inactivity of the officers, who are all sensible how confined their punishments are, in regard to what they ought to be. In fine, I can plainly see, that under our present establishment, we shall become a nuisance, an insupportable charge to our country, and never answer any one expectation of the Assembly. And here I must assume the freedom to express some surprise, that we alone should be so tenacious of our liberty, as not to invest a power, where interest and politicks so unanswerably demand it, and from whence so much good must consequently ensue. Do we not see, that every nation under the sun find their account therein, and without it, no order, no regularity can be observed? Why then should it be expected from us, (who are all young and inexperienced,) to govern and keep up a proper spirit of discipline without laws, when the best and most experienced can scarcely do it with [them]? Then if we consult our interest, I am sure it is loudly called for; for I can confidently assert, that money expended in recruiting, cloathing, arming, maintaining, and subsisting soldiers, who have deserted, has cost the country an immense sum, which might have been prevented, were we under restraints, that would terrify the soldiers from such practices. One thing more on this head I will recommend, and then quit the subject; i. e., to have the inhabitants liable to certain heavy fines, or corporal punishments, for entertaining of deserters, and a reward for taking them up. If this was done, it would be next to an impossibility for a soldier to escape; but, on the contrary as things now stand, they are not only seduced to run away, but are also harboured and assisted with every necessary means to do it.

Sunday noon.—Last night arrived an express, just spent with fatigue and fear, reporting that a party of Indians were seen about twelve miles off, at the plantation of one Isaac Julian, and that the inhabitants were flying in the most promiscuous manner from their dwellings. I immediately ordered the town guards to be strengthened; Perkins’s lieutenant to be in readiness with his companies; some recruits, who had only arrived about half an hour before, to be armed; and sent two men, well acquainted with the roads, to go up that road, and lay in wait, to see if they could discover the number and motion of the Indians, that we might have timely notice of their approach. This morning, before we could parade the men, to march upon the last alarm, arrived a second express, ten times more terrified than the former, with information, that the Indians had got within four miles of the town, and were killing and destroying all before them, for that he himself had heard constant firing, and shrieks of the unhappy murdered! Upon this, I immediately collected what force I could, which consisted of twenty-two men, recruited for the rangers, and nineteen of the militia, and marched directly to the place, where these horrid murders were said to be committed. When we came there, whom should we find occasioning all this disturbance, but three drunken soldiers of the light-horse, carousing, firing their pistols, and uttering the most unheard-of imprecations! These we took, and marched prisoners to town, where we met the men I sent out last night, and learned that the party of Indians, discovered by Isaac Julian, proved to be a mulatto and negro, seen hunting of cattle by his child, who alarmed the father, and the father the neighborhood. These circumstances are related only to show what a panic prevails among the people; how much they are alarmed at the most usual and customary cries; and yet how impossible it is to get them to act in any respect for their common safety. As an instance of this—Colonel Fairfax, who arrived in town when we were upon a scout, immediately sent to a noble captain, not far off, to repair with his company forthwith to Winchester. With coolness and moderation this great captain answered, that his wife, family, and corn were all at stake; so were his soldiers; therefore it was impossible for him to come. Such is the example of the officers; such the behaviour of the men; and upon such circumstances depends the safety of our country!

Monday morning, 12th.—The men I hired to bring intelligence from the Branch returned last night, with letters from Captain Ashby, and the other parties there; by which I learn, that the Indians are gone off; scouts having been dispersed upon those waters for several days, without discovering tracks or other signs of the enemy.

I am also informed, that it is believed their numbers amounted to about one hundred and fifty; that seventy of our men are killed and missing, and that several houses and plantations are destroyed, but not so great havoc made as was represented at first. The rangers, and a small company of militia, ordered there by Lord Fairfax, I am given to understand, intend to march down on Monday next, who will be immediately followed by all the inhabitants of those parts, that had gathered together under their protection. I have, therefore, sent peremptory orders to the contrary; but what obedience will be paid to them a little time will reveal. I have ordered those men, that were recruited for the rangers, to join their respective companies. And there is also a party of militia marched with them under the command of Captain Harden. Captain Waggener is this instant arrived with thirty recruits, which he marched from Bellhaven in less than three days,—a great march indeed! Major Lewis and his recruits from Fredericksburg I expect in to-morrow, when, with these and twenty-two of Captain Bell’s now here, I shall proceed by quick marches to Fort Cumberland, in order to strengthen that garrison. Besides these, I think it absolutely necessary, that there should be two or three companies (exclusively) of rangers, to guard the Potomac waters, until such time as our regiment is completed. And, indeed, these rangers and volunteer companies in Augusta, with some of their militia, should be properly disposed of on these frontiers, for fear of an attack from that quarter. This though, is submitted to your Honor’s judgment, and waits your orders for execution, if thought expedient. Captain Waggener informs me, that it was with difficulty he passed the Ridge for crowds of people, who were flying as if every moment was death. He endeavoured, but in vain, to stop them; they firmly believing that Winchester was in flames. I shall send expresses down the several roads in hopes of bringing back the inhabitants, who are really frightened out of their senses. I despatched an express immediately upon my arrival at this place, with a copy of the enclosed to Andrew Montour, who I heard was at a place called Long Island,1 with three hundred Indians, to see if he could engage him and them to join us. The letter savours a little of flattery, &c, &c, but this, I hope, is justifiable on such occasions. I also wrote to Gist, acquainting him with the favor you intended him, and desired he would repair home, in order to raise his companies of scouts.2

I shall defer writing to the Speaker and Committee upon any other head than that of commissary, still hoping to be down by the time mentioned in my last, (provided no new disturbances happen,) having some points to settle, that I am uneasy and urgent about. I have been obliged to do duty very foreign to my own; but that I shall never hesitate about, when the good of the service requires it.

In a journey from Fort Cumberland to Fort Dinwiddie, which I made purposely to see the situation of our frontiers, how the rangers were posted, and how troops might be disposed of for the defence of the country, I purchased six hundred and fifty beeves, to be delivered at Fort Cumberland by the 1st of November, at ten shillings per hundred weight, except a few that I was obliged to give eleven shillings for; and have my own bonds now out for the performance of covenants, this being the commissary’s business, who, I am sorry to say, has hitherto been of no use, but of disservice to me, in neglecting my orders, and leaving this place without flour, and Fredericksburg without any provisions for the recruits, although he had timely notice given. I must beg, that, if Mr. Dick will not act, some other person may be appointed that will; for, if things remain in this uncertain situation, the season will pass without having provision made for the winter, or summer’s campaign. Whoever acts as commissary should be sent up immediately about salting the provisions, &c. It will be difficult, I believe, to provide a quantity of pork. I enquired as I rode thro’ Hampshire, Augusta, &c, and could not hear of much for sale.

Most of the new appointed officers have been extremely deficient in their duties by not repairing to their rendezvouses, according to appointment. Captn. McKenzie, Lieut. King and Ensigns Miller and Dean, who were ordered to send their recruits to Alexandria by the first of October, were not arrived when Captn. Waggener left that place, nor have we heard any thing of Captn. Harrison, whose recruits should have been at Fredericksburg by the same time; and Captn. Bell only sent his here on Saturday last. If these practices are allowed of, we may as well quit altogether, for no duty can ever be carried on if there is not ye greatest punctuality observed, one thing always depending so immediately upon another.

I have appointed Captain George Mercer (whose seniority entitled him to it) my aid-de-camp; and Mr. Kirkpatrick of Alexandria, my secretary, a young man bred to business, of good character, well recommended, and a person of whose abilities I had not the least doubt.

I hope your Honor will be kind enough to despatch Colonel Stephen, with orders to repair hither immediately, and excuse the prolixity of this. I was willing to give a circumstantial account of our situation, that you may be the better enabled to judge what orders are necessary to give. I am, &c.

Winchester, October 13, 1755.

Major Lewis is just arrived, and on Thursday I shall begin my march to Fort Cumberland, allowing the recruits one day to refresh themselves.

ADVERTISEMENT.1

[13 or 14 October, 1755.]

Whereas divers timorous persons run through the country and alarm its inhabitants by false reports of the Indians having attacked and destroyed the country—even Winchester itself, and that they are still proceeding:

This is to give notice to all people, that I have great reason to believe that the Indians who committed the late cruelties (though no lower than the South Branch) are returned home, as I have certain accounts that they have not been seen nor heard of these ten days past. And I do advise all my countrymen, not to be alarmed on every false report they may hear, as they must now be satisfied, from the many false ones that have been made; but to keep to their homes and take care of their crops, as I can venture to assure them that in a short time the frontiers will be so well guarded, that no mischief can be done, either to them or their plantations, which must of course be destroyed, if they desert them in so shameful a manner.

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Winchester, 17 October, 1755.

Sir,

Last night by the return of the express, who went to Captain Montour, I received the enclosed from Mr. Harris at Susquehanna.2 I think no means should be neglected to preserve what few Indians still remain in our interest. For which reason I shall send Mr. Gist, as soon as he arrives (which I expect will be to-day), to Harris’s Ferry,1 in hopes of engaging and bringing with him the Belt of Wampum and other Indians that are at that place. I shall further desire him to send an Indian express to Andrew Montour, to try if he cannot be brought with them.2

In however trifling light the French attempting to alienate the affections of our southern Indians may at first appear. I must look upon it as a thing of the utmost consequence, that requires our greatest and most immediate attention. I have often wondered at not hearing this was attempted before, and had it noted among other memorandums to acquaint your Honor with, when I should come down.

The French policy in treating with the Indians is so prevalent, that I should not be in the least surprised, were they to engage the Cherokees, Catawbas, &c. unless timely and vigorous measures are taken to prevent it. A pusillanimous behaviour now will ill suit the times; and trusting to traders and common interpreters, who will sell their integrity to the highest bidder, may prove the destruction of these affairs. I therefore think, that if a person of distinction, acquainted with their language, is to be found, his price should be come to at any rate. If no such person can be had, a man of sense and character, to conduct the Indians to any council that may be held, or superintend any other matters, will be found extremely necessary. It is impertinent, I own, in me to offer my opinion in these affairs, when better judges may direct; but my steady and hearty zeal for the cause, and the great impositions I have known practised by the traders &c, upon these occasions, would not suffer me to be quite silent. I have heard, from undoubted authority, that some of the Cherokees, who have been introduced to us as sachems and princes by this interpreter, who shares the profits, have been no other than common hunters, and bloodthirsty villains.

We have no accounts yet of the militia from Fairfax, &c. This day I march with about one hundred men to Fort Cumberland. Yesterday an express informed me of eighty odd recruits at Fredericksburg, which I have ordered to proceed to this place; but, for want of that regularity being observed, by which I should know where every officer &c. is, my orders are only conditional, and always confused.1 The commissary is much wanted; therefore I hope your Honor will send him up immediately; if not, things will greatly suffer here. Whatever necessaries your Honor gets below, I should be glad to have sent to Alexandria; from whence they are much more handy than from Fredericksburg. Besides, as provision is lodged there, and none at any other place, it will be better for the men, to be all sent there, that can any ways conveniently. For we have met with insufferable difficulties at Fredericksburg, and in our march from thence, through neglect of the commissary, who is greatly wanted up here. Therefore, I hope your Honor will order him.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN.

Fredericksburg, 18 November, 1755.

Sir,

I came to this place on Sunday last, and intended to proceed immediately up;1 but receiving yours and other letters contradicting the reports lately transmitted, determined me to go to Alexandria, where I shall wait a few days, hoping to meet the express from General Shirley, to whom the Governor sent for commissions for the field-officers.2

I beg that you will be particularly careful in seeing strict order observed among the soldiers, as that is the life of military discipline. We now have it in our power to enforce obedience; and obedience will be expected from us, the men being subject to death, as in military law. The Assembly have also offered a reward to all who will apprehend deserters, and a severe punishment upon those, who shall entertain or suffer them to pass, also upon any constable, who refuses to convey them to the company or troop to which they belong, or shall suffer them to escape, after such deserters are committed to his custody.1

These things, with the articles of war and a proper exhortation, I would have you read immediately to the men, and see that it is frequently done hereafter. I must desire, that you will use all possible means to facilitate the salting our provisions, and give the commissary such assistance of men, &c, as he shall reasonably require. The Governor approves of the Committee’s resolve, in not allowing either the Maryland or Carolina companies to be supported out of our provisions. This you are to make them acquainted with, and, in case any of the companies should be discharged, to use your utmost endeavours to enlist as many of the men as you can. Lieutenant M^cManners has leave to go to Carolina, if he desires it. The Assembly would make no alteration in our militia law; nor would the Governor order them to be drafted to complete our regiment, so that the slow method of recruiting is likely to be our only means to raise the men. I think, could a brisk officer, and two or three sergeants, be sent among the militia stationed on the South Branch, they would have a probable chance of engaging many, as some were inclinable in Winchester to list. Doctor Craik is expected round to Alexandria in a vessel, with medicines and other stores for the regiment. So soon as he arrives, I shall take care to despatch him to you.

The Colonels Byrd and Randolph are appointed commissioners,1 and will set out very shortly with a present &c, to the country of the Cherokees, in order to engage them to our interest. I am, &c.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN.

Alexandria, 28 November, 1755.

Sir,

I received your two letters by Jenkins last night, and was greatly surprised to hear that Commissary Walker was not arrived at camp, when he came away. He set out from Williamsburg about the 12th instant, with orders to proceed immediately up; but such disobedience of commands, as I have generally met with, is insufferable, and shall not go unpunished. The account you enclosed of the method of receiving the beef, I suppose, is customary; but for want of judgment in those affairs, I can neither applaud nor condemn it. I am as much astonished as you were surprised, at the quantity of salt said to be wanted for the provision, but certain it is, that if it, or a greater quantity is absolutely necessary, it must be had. I have left a discretionary power in Commissary Walker to kill or winter the Carolina beeves as the interest of service requires. Pray assist him with your advice, and urge him on to make the necessary purchases of flour and pork in time.

The Governor did not seem inclinable to promote the removal of the fort; however, the Committee have lodged a discretionary power in my hands, and have resolved to pay for all extraordinary labor. I would, therefore, have as little labor lost at Fort Cumberland as possible; at least, until I come up, which will be very shortly, my stay here being only for a few days, in order to receive recruits, and hurry up the stores to Winchester.

I believe those, who say Governor Sharpe is to command, can only wish it. I do not know that General Shirley has a power to appoint a chief to our forces,—to regulars he may. As to that affair of turning the store-house into a dwelling-room, I do not know what better answer to give, than saying, that this is one among the many instances, that might be offered, of the inconvenience of having the fort in Maryland. As soon as I hear from Governor Shirley, which is hourly expected, I can then send a more determined answer.

There has been such total negligence among the recruiting officers in general, such disregard of the service they were employed in, and such idle proceedings, that I am determined to send out none until we all meet, when each officer shall have his own men, and have only this alternative, either to complete his number, or lose his commission. There are several officers who have been out six weeks, or two months, without getting a man, spending their time in all the gayety of pleasurable mirth, with their relations and friends; not attempting, nor having a possible chance of recruiting any but those who, out of their inclination to the service, will proffer themselves.

I should be glad to have ten or twelve wagons sent to this place, for salt enough may be had here to load that number, and it comes upon easier terms than at Fredericksburg, by sixpence or eight pence per bushel. Those stores at Watkins’s Ferry should be hurried up as fast as the water affords opportunities, if it were only to prevent disputes.

If the paymaster is at Winchester, and not on his way to Fort Dinwiddie, order him down here immediately. If he should be going with pay to Captain Hogg,1 he is to proceed with despatch; but if he is at Fort Cumberland, order him down to Winchester, to wait there until I arrive. I am, &c.

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Alexandria, 5 December, 1755.

Honble. Sir,

I have sent the bearer, Captain John Mercer (who has accounts to settle with the Committee), to the treasurer for the balance of that ten thousand pounds; and to acquaint your Honor, that, meeting with letters at Fredericksburg, as I returned from Williamsburg, informing me that all was peaceable above, and that nothing was so immediately wanting as salt, I got what I could at that place, and hastened on here to engage more, to receive the recruits expected in, and to wait the arrival of the vessel with arms, &c., from James River, in order to forward them up with the greater despatch. The vessel is not yet arrived.

I have impatiently expected to hear the result of your Honor’s letter to General Shirley, and wish that the delays may not prove ominous. In that case, I shall not know how to act; for I can never submit to the command of Captain Dagworthy, since you have honored me with the command of the Virginia regiment, &c.

The country has sustained inconceivable losses, by delaying the commissaries at Williamsburg. Many of the Carolina beeves are dead, through absolute poverty, and the chief part of them too poor to slaughter. We are at a loss how to act, for want of the mutiny bill; and should be obliged to your Honor, if you will have fifty or a hundred printed, and sent by the bearer.1 There is a clause in that bill, which, if you are not kind enough to obviate it, will prevent entirely the good intention of it, that is, delaying the execution of sentences, until your Honor shall be made acquainted with the proceedings of the court. This, at times when there is the greatest occasion for examples, will be morally impossible; (I mean, while we are on our march, perhaps near the Ohio,) when none but strong parties can pass with safety. At all times it must be attended with great expense, trouble, and inconveniency. This I represented to Colonel Corbin, and some other gentlemen of the Council, when I was down, who said that the objection would be removed, by your Honor’s giving blank warrants, to be filled up as occasion should require. This would effectually remedy all those evils, and put things in their proper channel.

We suffer greatly for want of kettles; those sent from below, being tin, are of short duration. We shall, also, in a little time, suffer as much for the want of clothing; none can be got in these parts; those which Major Carlyle and Dalton contracted to furnish we are disappointed of. Shoes and stockings we have, and can get more if wanted, but nothing else. I should be glad your Honor would direct what is to be done in these cases; and that you would be kind enough to desire the treasurer to send some part of the money in gold and silver. Were this done, we might often get necessaries for the regiment in Maryland, or Pennsylvania, when they cannot be had here. But with our money it is impossible; our paper not passing there.

The recruiting service goes on extremely slow.1 Yesterday being a day appointed for rendezvousing at this place, there came in ten officers with twenty men only. If I had any other than paper money, and you approved of it, I would send to Pennsylvania and the borders of Carolina. I am confident men might be had there. Your Honor never having given any particular directions about the provisions, I should be glad to know, whether you would have more laid in, than what will serve for twelve hundred men, that I may give orders accordingly.

As I cannot now conceive that any great danger can be apprehended at Fort Cumberland this winter, I am sensible that my constant attendance there cannot be so serviceable as riding from place to place, making the proper dispositions, and seeing that all our necessaries are forwarded up with despatch. I therefore think it advisable to inform your Honor of it, hoping it will correspond with your own opinion.

I forgot to mention when I was down, that Mr. Livingston, the Fort Major, was appointed adjutant to our regiment. I knew of none else whose long servitude in a military way, had qualified better for the office. He was appointed the 17th of September.

Captain Mercer’s pay as aid-de-camp seems yet doubtful. I should be glad if your Honor would fix it; as so is Captain Stewart’s. If Captain Stewart’s is increased, I suppose all the officers belonging to the light-horse will expect to have theirs augmented also. Colonel Stephen, in a late letter, discovered an inclination to go to the Creek and Cherokee Indians this winter. I told him where to apply, if he had any such thoughts. I believe, on so useful a business, he might be spared until the spring. If your Honor think proper to order the act of Assembly for apprehending deserters, and against harbouring them, to be published every Sunday in each parish church, until the people are made acquainted with the law, it would have a very good effect. The commonalty in general err more through ignorance than design. Few of them are acquainted that such a law exists, and there is no other certain way of bringing it to their knowledge. There are a great many of the men that did once belong to our companies, deserted from the regiments into which they were drafted, that would now gladly return, if they could be sure of indemnity. If your Honor would be kind enough to intimate this to General Shirley, or the colonels of those regiments, it would be of service to us. Without leave, we dare not receive them.1 I am, &c.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN.

Winchester, 28 December, 1755.

Sir,

Captain John Mercer only returned last night from Williamsburg, and brings no satisfactory answers to any thing I questioned the Governor upon.

The express, that was sent to General Shirley, is returned without seeing him; however, the Governor writes that he expects answers to his letters by Colonel Hunter, who is now at New York, and waits the arrival of the General at that place. The Governor is very strongly of the opinion, that Captain Dagworthy has no right to contend for the command; and in his letter he says, after mentioning the return of the express, and his expectancy of satisfactory letters, “But I am of opinion you might have obviated the inconsistent dispute with Captain Dagworthy, by asking him if he did not command a provincial company by virtue of Governor Sharpe’s commission; as that he had formerly from his Majesty now ceases, as he is not on the half-pay list; if so, the method you are to take is very obvious, as your commission from me is greater than what he has.” And in Williamsburg, when I was down there, both he and Colonel Fitzhugh told me, that Dagworthy could have no more pretensions to command me, or either of the field-officers of the Virginia regiment, than we have to command General Shirley; and farther gave it as their opinion, that as Dagworthy’s was only a botched-up commission at best, and as he commanded a provincial company, and by virtue of a governor’s commission, that he ought to be arrested for his presumption. They say, allowing his commission from the King to be valid, yet, as he is not there by order of his Majesty, he can have no better pretensions than a visiting half-pay officer, who transiently passes through the camp to assume the command.

I wish you would sound him on this head, and hear how he will answer these things, and let me know when you come down, which I desire may be immediately, as I want much to consult you upon several accounts. The paymaster, and commissary, (if he is not very much engaged,) must accompany you. Desire both to have their accounts settled, and brought with them, as that is necessary before I can give more money.

I have sent you one of the mutiny bills, which I received from below, but I think, indeed, I believe it is absolutely necessary, as we still want the power, to postpone trials until after your return. Also desire all the officers who have received money for recruiting, to make up their accounts immediately; and charge for no more men than have actually been received at the several rendezvous’s. Allowance will be made for no others. The arrears of pay for these officers and soldiers who have not received for the months of January and February, are immediately to be made out, and sent down by you with the recruiting accounts. Desire them to charge for no men but what are present, as I can pay for no others now.

Enclosed is a commission for Captain Waggener, which I have neglected giving before; so long as I have had it. Desire him, as the command upon your leaving the place will devolve upon him, to be very circumspect in his duty, and to see that the troops are duly drawn out and trained to their exercise, and practised to bush-fighting.

As I expect in a very few days to have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall only add, I am, &c.

[1 ]General Braddock landed in Virginia, as commander-in-chief of all the military forces in North America, on the 20th of February.

The following order of the King, dated at St. James’s, November 12th, 1754, respecting the rank of colonial officers, was brought out by General Braddock:

“All troops serving by commission signed by us, or by our general commanding in chief in North America, shall take rank before all troops, which may serve by commission from any of the governors, lieutenant or deputy governors, or president for the time being. And it is our further pleasure, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops shall have no rank with the general and field officers, who serve by commission from us; but that all captains and other inferior officers of our forces, who are or may be employed in North America, are, on all detachments, courts-martial, and other duty, wherein they may be joined with officers serving by commission from the governors, lieutenant or deputy governors, or president for the time being of the said provinces, to command and take post of the said provincial officers of the like rank, though the commissions of the said provincial officers of like rank should be of elder date.”

Since his resignation in October, Colonel Washington had remained inactive at Mount Vernon. General Braddock, knowing his value, and the importance of securing his services to the expedition, directed Mr. Orme, his aid-de-camp, to write to him the following letter, proposing an expedient by which the chief obstacles would be removed.

“Williamsburg, 2 March, 1755.

“Sir,

“The General, having been informed that you expressed some desire to make the campaign, but that you declined it upon some disagreeableness that you thought might arise from the regulation of command, has ordered me to acquaint you, that he will be very glad of your company in his family, by which all inconveniences of that kind will be obviated.

“I shall think myself very happy to form an acquaintance with a person so universally esteemed, and shall use every opportunity of assuring you how much I am, Sir, your most obedient servant.

“Robert Orme,Aid-de-camp.”

[1 ]Captain Orme was now with the army at Alexandria, nine miles from Mount Vernon.

[1 ]In reply Captain Orme wrote: “The General orders me to give his compliments, and to assure you his wishes are to make it agreeable to yourself and consistent with your affairs, and, therefore, desires you will so settle your business at home, as to join him at Will’s Creek if more convenient for you; and, whenever you find it necessary to return, he begs you will look upon yourself as entire master, and judge what is proper to be done.”

[1 ]Speaker of the House of Delegates and Treasurer of the colony.

[1 ]Chairman of the Military Committee.

[2 ]He instances among other things “a very valuable and uncommon theodolite, calculated not only for superficial measure, but for taking of altitudes, and other useful purposes” which he expected to find useful in laying out fortifications.

[1 ]Mount Vernon is in Fairfax County.

[1 ]Soon after General Braddock arrived in Virginia, he wrote (March 10) to the governors of Massachusetts, New York, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, requesting them to meet him at Annapolis in Maryland, to concert measures for future operations. The General, Commodore Keppel, and Governor Dinwiddie proceeded to Annapolis, but the place of meeting was afterwards changed to Alexandria, where they all assembled on the 14th of April, and concerted measures for the united action of the middle and northern colonies. The minutes of this council are printed in Documentary History of New York, II., 376.

[2 ]The last of Gen’l Braddock’s orders dated at Alexandria were those of April 14. On the 21st they were issued at Frederick. The march to Wills Creek that was outlined for Colo. Dunbar was 129 miles in length. He was to leave Alexandria on the 29th and reach Wills Creek on the 9th of May. The following was the movement of the advanced corps:—

April 28, Frederick; May 10, Fort Cumberland; June 10, Camp at the Grove; June 14, Martin’s; June 17, Little Meadows; June 21, Bear camp, near Gt. Meadows.—Pennsylvania Gazette, July 3, 1755.

On April 30th he wrote to Mrs. Fairfax: “If an old proverb will apply to my case, I shall close with success, for no man could have made a worse beginning than I have done. Out of 4 horses which I brought from home, one I have killed outright and the other three are rendered unfit for use; so that I have been detained here [Bullskin] for three days already, and how much longer I may continue to be so, time can only discover.”

[1 ]The selection of the route was due to St. Clair, who thought to gain despatch by dividing the army, sending one division with powder and ordnance by Winchester, and the other with military and hospital stores, by Frederick, in Maryland. On reaching Frederick, Colo. Dunbar found there was no road through Maryland to Fort Cumberland, and he was compelled to cross the Potomac and take the Winchester route. St. Clair expected Govr. Morris to build a road to Will’s Creek, and taking him to task sharply for his failure received a “set-down” from Morris—as Govr. Shirley called it.

[1 ]John Augustine Washington was a younger and favorite brother. He was the father of Bushrod Washington, who, after having been more than thirty years one of the associate justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, died at Philadelphia, on the 26th of November, 1829.

[2 ]To his brother he wrote: “I am treated with freedom not inconsistent with respect, by the General and his family; I have no doubt, therefore, but I shall spend my time more agreeably, than profitably, during the campaign, as I conceive a little experience will be my chief reward.” May 14, 1755.

[1 ]Arrived on the 10th.

[1 ]“This letter was never sent.” Note by Washington in Letter Book.

[1 ]This appointment was proclaimed to the army in general orders on the 10th of May.

[1 ]Mrs. Carlyle and Mrs. Fairfax.

[2 ]“The above letter was not sent.” Note by Washington in Letter Book.

[3 ]John Hunter.

[1 ]“I was escorted by 8 men of the militia of Winchester to this camp; which 8 men were two days assembling; but I believe they would not have been more than as many seconds dispersing, if I had been attacked.” To John A. Washington, 7 June, 1755.

[2 ]The governors of the different colonies had promised much, but performed little; and the large deposits of supplies supposed to exist were soon found wanting, or in places where they could be of no service, and no means at hand to transport them to the army. It was at one of these crises that Franklin rendered such efficient aid (Writings, ii., 419). For two hundred miles the troops marched with only salt provisions, and the General was forced to offer large rewards to such as would bring to the camp provisions, paying a higher price than was usual for whatever could be obtained. In one case some salted beef was condemned on its arrival in camp, as unfit for food. The horses were stolen almost as fast as they could be obtained. The contractors failed to supply what they had contracted for, and Cresap lost his position as commissary through his gross negligence.

On the other hand, Gen. Braddock did not hesitate to enlist and take away servants and impress wagons, horses, teamsters, and even carriages, and carriage horses.

[1 ]These remarks are applied to the Pennsylvanians, who were singularly backward in rendering any aids for the public service. The merit of procuring the wagons and horses, here mentioned, was wholly due to Franklin, and not to any agency or intention of the Assembly. Being at that time postmaster-general in the colonies, he visited General Braddock at Frederic Town, for the purpose of maturing a plan for transmitting despatches between the general and the governors. Becoming acquainted with the obstacles, which opposed the progress of the army, he stipulated with General Braddock to furnish within a given time one hundred and fifty wagons, and a proportionable number of horses, for which a specified sum was to be allowed. He immediately returned to York and Lancaster, sent out an advertisement among the farmers, and in two weeks all the wagons and horses were in readiness at Will’s Creek. He gave his personal security, that the compensation agreed on should be duly paid according to contract.

[1 ]To Mrs. Fairfax he wrote from Fort Cumberland, on June 7:—

“When I had the pleasure to see you last you expressed a wish to be informed of my safe arrival at camp, with the charge that was entrusted to my care; but at the same time requested that it might be communicated in a letter to some friend of yours. Am I to consider the proposed mode of communication as a polite intimation of your wishes to withdraw your correspondence? To a certain degree it has that appearance; for I have not been honoured with a line from you since I parted with you at Belvoir. If this was your object, in what manner shall I apologize for my present disobedience? But on the contrary, if it was the effect of your delicacy, how easy is it to remove my suspicions, enliven dull hours, and make me happier than I am able to express, by honouring me with the correspondence you had given me the hope of.”

[1 ]From the 17th of June to the 8th of July Washington was separated from the army.

[2 ]Robert James was a schoolfellow of Samuel Johnson and author of a Medicinal Dictionary in three folio volumes. “ ‘I never thought well of Dr. James’s compounded medicines,” was Johnson’s opinion. These “famous” fever powders were sold by Newbury, Goldsmith’s publisher.

[1 ]In the letter here referred to he says:—“The difficulties arising in our march, from having such a number of wagons, will, I fear, prove an insurmountable obstacle, unless some scheme can be fallen upon to retrench the wagons, and increase the number of bat-horses, which is what I recommended at first, and which I believe is now found to be the best means of transporting our provisions and stores to the Ohio.”

[1 ]On the 11th the army was at Spendelow Camp; on the 13th it marched to Martin’s plantation, five miles from Spendelow camp. On the 15th it passed the Allegany mountain, and encamped about three miles to the west of the Savage river; reaching Little Meadows on the 16th (the second brigade did not get there till the 18th). Orme places the first council of war at Spendelow. The anonymous journal printed by Sargent, places the determination to discard horses at Little Meadows on 15th.

[1 ]Colonel Dunbar had advanced seven miles beyond the Great Meadows, which was the position of his camp at the time of the action. Here he remained till he was met by General Braddock, and his flying troops, after the defeat at the Monongahela, when he speedily retreated with the whole army to Fort Cumberland.

[1 ]“It appearing to the General absolutely necessary to leave some proper person to superintend the commissaries, and to despatch the convoys, and also to command at the Fort, Colonel Innys was appointed governor of it.”—Orme’s Journal.

[2 ]The nature of this present is given in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vi., 414, 415.

[1 ]The regulars laid the responsibility of defeat on the provincials, alleging “that they were harassed by duties unequal to their numbers, and dispirited through want of provisions; that time was not allowed them to dress their food; that their water (the only liquor, too, they had) was both scarce and of a bad quality; in fine, that the provincials had disheartened them by repeated suggestions of their fears of a defeat should they be attacked by Indians, in which case the European method of fighting would be entirely unavailing.”—Review of the Military Operations in North America, from 1753 to 1756. The Gentleman’s Magazine asserted these same forces—Irish, Scotch and English—ran away “shamefully” at Preston-Pans. The news of Braddock’s defeat “struck a general damp on the spirits of the soldiers” in Shirley’s and Pepperell’s regiments, and many deserted.

“I must leave a proper number in each county to protect it from the combinations of the Negro slaves, who have been very audacious on the defeat on the Ohio. These poor creatures imagine the French will give them their freedom.”—Dinwiddie to Earl of Halifax, 23 July, 1755.

[1 ]“Fearful of an unpursuing foe, all the ammunition, and so much of the provisions were destroyed for accelerating their flight, that Dunbar was actually obliged to send for thirty horse loads of the latter before he reached Fort Cumberland, where he arrived a very few days after, with the shattered remains of the English troops.” Review of the Military Operations in North America. Dinwiddie wished Dunbar to remain and make a new attempt on Duquesne; but a council of officers unanimously decided the scheme was impracticable, and on the next day (August 2d) began his march towards Philadelphia.

[2 ]“It is impossible to relate the different accounts that were given of our late unhappy engagement; all of which tend greatly to the disadvantage of the poor deceased General, who is censured on all hands.”—To Orme, 28 July, 1755.

[1 ]An estate left to him by his brother Lawrence Washington.

[2 ]He arrived at Mount Vernon on the 26th of July. He still retained the office of adjutant of the northern division of militia, and immediately wrote to the county lieutenants, ordering the militia to be ready and properly equipped in each county on certain days, when he should be present to review and exercise them.

Such was the alarm created by the success of the French at Braddock’s defeat, that volunteer companies embodied themselves in different parts of Virginia to march to the frontiers. The Reverend Samuel Davies, at that time a clergyman in Hanover County, preached a sermon to one of these companies, on the 17th of August, which was printed in Philadelphia and London, and entitled, “Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier.” After applauding the patriotic spirit and military ardor, which had begun to manifest themselves, the preacher adds,—

“As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country.”

[1 ]Augustine Washington was an elder brother by the father’s first marriage, and was now at Williamsburg as a member of the Assembly.

[1 ]Mr. Ludwell, another of his friends in the Assembly, had written to him on the 8th of August.—“I most heartily congratulate you on your safe return from so many dangers and fatigues, and by this time I hope you are well enough recovered to give us the pleasure of seeing you here, which all your friends are extremely desirous of. The House has voted twelve hundred men, but it is very probable they will determine at least for four thousand. In conversation with the Governor I said, if this should be done I supposed his Honor would give the command of them to Colonel Washington, for I thought he deserved every thing his country could do for him. The Governor made reply much in your favor, though I understand there is another warm solicitation for it. If we could be so happy as to have you here at this time, and it were known that you are willing to take such a command, I believe it would greatly promote the success of our endeavours with the Assembly.”

[1 ]While Colonel Washington was writing this letter, he had already been appointed to the command. The Assembly voted forty thousand pounds for the public service, and the Governor and Council immediately resolved to increase the Virginia regiment to sixteen companies. In the same act, the Assembly also granted to George Washington the sum of three hundred pounds, to the captains seventy-five pounds each, to the lieutenants and surgeon thirty pounds, and to every soldier five pounds, as “a reward and compensation for their gallant behaviour and losses,” at the battle of the Monongahela. Washington’s grant was for his losses sustained.

The Governor’s commission and instructions to Colonel Washington, as commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces, are dated on the 14th of August. He was allowed all that is demanded in the above letter, and also to appoint an aid-de-camp and secretary. The next officers in rank under him were Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Stephen and Major Andrew Lewis.

“I have granted commissions to raise sixteen companies, to augment our forces to one thousand men, and have incorporated them into a regiment. The command thereof is given to Colonel George Washington, who was one of General Braddock’s aids-de-camp, and I think a man of great merit and resolution. Our officers are greatly dispirited for want of his Majesty’s commissions, that, when they join the regulars they may have some rank; and I am persuaded it would be of infinite service, if his Majesty would graciously please to honor them with his commissions, the same as General Shirley’s and Sir William Pepperell’s regiments; and I am convinced, if General Braddock had survived, he would have recommended Mr. Washington to the royal favor.”—Dinwiddie to Sir Thomas Robinson, Sept. 6, 1755.

As soon as Colonel Washington was informed of his appointment, he repaired to Williamsburg to consult with the governor respecting future operations. When he wrote this letter he was on his return to Winchester, which place was fixed upon as his head-quarters. The two other points of rendezvous for the recruits were Fredericksburg and Alexandria.

“I wish, my dear Charles, it was more in my power than it is, to answer the favorable opinion my friends have conceived of my military abilities. Let them not be deceived; I am unequal to the task, and do assure you, that it requires more experience than I am master of, to conduct an affair of the importance that this is now arisen to.”—Washington to Charles Lewis, 14 August, 1755.

[1 ]To the Governor he wrote: “I greatly fear we shall also proceed slowly in recruiting. It was attempted at the general muster in this county without success. And the officers, newly appointed, began to express their apprehensions so soon as they had their commissions; and to draft them will answer no end, unless they are put under better regulations. A proof of this is very flagrant in Fredericksburgh, where they were obliged to imprison the men, who were afterwards rescued by their companions.” September 11, 1755.

[2 ]According to Washington’s copy of his Military Orders and Instructions the following were his movements at this time:—

“After giving the necessary orders and collecting returns of the provisions, clothing, &c. at this place [Alexandria], and stores at Rock Creek, I continued to Winchester, where I arrived on the 14th [of September] . . . From thence I continued to Fort Cumberland, and took upon me the command of the troops there, issuing the daily orders, and giving such instructions and directions as appeared necessary. . . . From thence I proceeded to Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson’s river [He was there on the 24th] . . . After examining into the state of affairs here, and giving such directions as seemed convenient, I set out on my return to Alexandria, where I arrived the second of October. . . . October 5, arrived at Fredericksburgh, on my way to Williamsburgh. . . . From hence I set out on the 7th to Williamsburgh. . . . . From hence I continued my journey to Colonel Baylor’s, where I was overtaken by an express sent from Colonel Stephen, informing, that a body of Indians had fallen on the inhabitants, killed many of them, destroyed and burnt several of their houses. I hereupon wrote to the Governor, and returned immediately to Fredericksburgh, and wrote a second letter [that printed on this page] to the governor. . . . At this place [Fredksbg] I pressed horses, and rode immediately to Lord Fairfax’s and Winchester; and, finding everything in the utmost confusion, and no certain accounts of the enemy, I hired two scouts to go to the Branch and endeavour to procure intelligence.”

[1 ]Of this the Governor was convinced, for immediately after the defeat of Braddock he wrote to his superiors of his intention to press a military law, without which little dependence could be placed in the militia. In the August session a new regulation of militia was passed.—Hening, vi., 530.

[1 ]Washington instructed Gist to visit Montour and use his personal influence in inducing him to bring Indians into camp. “I will promise if he brings many to do something handsome for him. You had better be silent on this head, though, least where you are, measures may be taken by the Pennsylvanians to prevent him from bringing any Indians.”—To Gist, 11 Oct., 1755.

[1 ]In the October session a mutiny bill was framed. Hening, vi., 559.

[1 ]Also spoken of as Great Island. It lay in Holston River. Montour was there with Monacatoocha to meet the Delawares.

[2 ]The Governor had commissioned Gist as captain of a company of scouts.

[1 ]Issued to allay an “inconceivable panic” that then prevailed among the people of Augusta County.

[2 ]Shamokin, at the forks of the Susquehannah.

[1 ]John Harris, who had settled at the mouth of Paxton Creek, Pa., and kept a ferry there. He died about 1762.

[2 ]Did Montour bring 60 Indians (the number contained in a company) he was to receive a captain’s commission and ten shillings a day, payable “once a month regularly.” Further encouragement would be given, did he bring more men. The Shawnees and Delawares were in arms against the English, and rumors were rife of French machinations among the Southern tribes.

To Major Lewis he wrote: “When the Indians arrive with Captain Montour or Gist, you are to see them properly provided with all necessaries, and use your utmost endeavours to see them duly encouraged; and the officers are all desired to take notice of them and treat them kindly, as their assistance at this time is absolutely necessary.” Montour was taken into the service and paid £25 a year, Virginia money.

[1 ]To a captain he wrote;—“Your late disobedience of orders has greatly displeased me. It is impossible to carry on affairs as they ought to be, when you pay so little regard to a military order. You must be conscious, that your crime is sufficient to break the best officer, that ever bore a commission.”

[1 ]He was now returning from Williamsburg to head-quarters at Winchester, having previously made a journey to Fort Cumberland.

[2 ]The old difficulty about rank between the provincial officers, and those with King’s commissions, had been revived at Fort Cumberland.

Immediately after the affair of the Great Meadows, the Assembly of Maryland granted the small sum of six thousand pounds for the defence of the frontiers, and in the December following they passed an act authorizing the Governor to raise a military force. A few soldiers only were enlisted, and at this time a Maryland company of thirty men was stationed at Fort Cumberland. “I have given the command thereof to one Capt. Dagworthy, a gentleman born in the Jerseys who commanded a company raised in that province for the Canada expedition, since the miscarriage of which he has resided in this province upon an estate which he purchased in Worcester county.”—Gov. Sharpe to Charles Calvert, 2 Sept., 1754.

Governor Innes had gone home to North Carolina on his private affairs. Dagworthy assumed the command, and refused to obey any orders of a provincial officer, however high in rank. This created wranglings and insubordination among the inferior officers, who took sides. The Governor of Maryland was tardy in giving any decisive orders to Dagworthy, because the fort was in that province, and he seemed willing to consider it under his command. Governor Dinwiddie argued, that it was a King’s fort, built by an order sent to him from the King, chiefly by forces in the King’s pay, and that it could in no sense be regarded as subject to the authority of Maryland. And, moreover, as Captain Dagworthy had commuted his half-pay for a specific sum of money, his commission had thereby become obsolete, and there was no propriety in his pretending to act under it; and it was an absurdity for a captain with thirty men, who in reality had no other commission than that from the Governor of Maryland, to claim precedence of the commander-in-chief of all the Virginia forces.

Colonel Washington refused to interfere, but made a forcible remonstrance to the Governor and Council at Williamsburg, and insisted on a speedy arrangement, that should put an end to the difficulty. To effect this purpose, Governor Dinwiddie sent an express to General Shirley, commander of his Majesty’s forces in North America, stating the particulars of the case, and requesting from him brevet commissions for Colonel Washington, and the field-officers under him; proposing, at the same time, that these commissions should only imply rank, without giving any claim to pay from the King.—Dinwiddie’s Letter-Books.—Laws of Maryland, 1754. Shirley asked Sharpe to “accommodate the dispute.”

The Governor’s troubles seemed to thicken at this crisis. On the 15th of November he wrote to the Earl of Halifax:—

“Our Assembly met on the 29th ultimo, but not above one half of them gave their attendance. They fell into cabals, and wanted to emit two hundred thousand pounds in paper money for a loan-office, to be discharged in eight years, which I thought to be contrary to act of Parliament and my instructions. They further proposed a secret committee, which, in course, would have been the beginning of great dissensions. They likewise were very mutinous and unmannerly. For their not meeting in a body when summoned, and for the above conduct, I thought it for his Majesty’s service, and for the good of this Dominion, to dissolve them, and take my chance of a new election, which I think cannot be so bad as the last.”

The neutral French who had been expelled from Acadia, were beginning to arrive in Virginia, adding a new complication to the Governor’s troubles. They began to tamper with the negroes and were shipped to England.

[1 ]Hening’s Statutes, vi., p. 559: “Our Assembly have formed a military law similar to that of his Majesty’s regulars.”—Dinwiddie, 12 Nov., 1755.

The recruiting agents were often at fault. Men were enlisted when drunk, servants and apprentices were taken in spite of a law against it. Men enlisted by one recruiting officer were discharged to be enlisted by another. The officers impressed horses and wagons. In one case so great was the terror inspired by a recruiting agent by his “forcibly taking, confining, and torturing those who would not voluntarily enlist,” that no recruits could be had where he had been.

[1 ]Peter Randolph and Col. Byrd, commissioners appointed by the Governor to visit and conciliate the southern Indians. “To give weight to this negotiation two of the Council have promised to go.” They returned in May of the following year with a treaty.

[1 ]Captain Hogg’s men had mutinied because of the failure to pay them.

[1 ]“The printer has been so engaged in printing bills for money, he has not been able to print off the acts.”—Dinwiddie to Washington, 14 Dec., 1755.

[1 ]He sent officers to elections and other public meetings, that being a favorable opportunity for securing recruits.

[1 ]“Any soldier who shall desert, though he return again, shall be hanged without mercy.”—Orderly Book, 25 December, 1755.

On the 12th of December, 1755, a council of governors and military officers convened at New York to determine a plan for future operations. It was decided to fortify Crown Point and attack the French on Ontario, and to make an attempt against Duquesne, which it was thought “would answer very good purposes, especially in securing the fidelity of the western Indians.” Virginia was not represented.

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1755. - George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, vol. I (1748-1757) [1889]

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1755.

TO ROBERT ORME.

Sir,

TO ROBERT ORME.

Dear Sir,

TO JOHN ROBINSON.1

Dear Sir,

TO WILLIAM BYRD.

Dear Sir,

TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Dear Sir,

TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Dear Sir,

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.1

Dear Brother,

TO MAJOR JOHN CARLYLE.

Sir:—

TO MRS. FAIRFAX.

Dear Madam:

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Dear Brother,

I am, dear Jack, Your most affectionate brother.2

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Dear Brother,

TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX.

Honble. Sir,

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Dear Brother,

TO ROBERT ORME.

Dear Orme,

TO GOVERNOR INNES, AT FORT CUMBERLAND.1

Sir,

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Honbl. Sir,

TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON.

Dear Brother,

TO ROBERT JACKSON.

Dear Sir,

TO AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.1

Dear Brother,

TO MRS. MARY WASHINGTON.

Honored Madam,

TO WARNER LEWIS.

Dear Sir,

TO JOHN ROBINSON.

Sir,

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Sir,

TO ANDREW MONTOUR.

Dear Montour,

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Honble. Sir,

ADVERTISEMENT.1

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Sir,

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN.

Sir,

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN.

Sir,

TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE.

Honble. Sir,

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN.

Sir,

I am, dear Jack,
Your most affectionate brother.2