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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

1814. - John Jay, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, vol. 4 (1794-1826) [1893]

Edition used:

The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, ed. Henry P. Johnston, A.M. (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890-93). Vol. 4 (1794-1826).

Part of: The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, 4 vols.

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1814.

RUFUS KING TO JAY.

Jamaica, L. I., June 20, 1814.

Dear Sir:

It is the wish of our friends in the City, that you should join with them, in the proposed celebration of the overthrow and expulsion of Bonaparte: many considerations, which seem to me of no ordinary importance, induce me to hope that you will unite with us on this occasion. Mr. Morris will deliver an oration; notwithstanding our admiration of his rare talents, and extensive information, I should, I confess, like that you and I should see the discourse before it is pronounced. Cannot this be brought about? With the highest respect and regards,

I am, Dear Sir,
Your obedient and faithful servant,

Rufus King.

JAY TO RUFUS KING.

Bedford, 23d June, 1814.

Dear Sir:

I this moment received your obliging letter of the 20th inst. I sincerely rejoice in the events to which you allude, and should be happy to join our friends in the proposed celebration of them.

In the course of the last winter my disorder was unusually mild, but in the spring I was taken with an influenza, succeeded by a distressing cough, which has enfeebled me so much that I cannot as yet ride more than a mile or two at a time without fatigue. The oration will doubtless correspond with the acknowledged talents of the author. The subject certainly has bearings on and toward topics which prudential considerations render delicate, and which it is desirable should be treated accordingly. I presume it will be committed to your consideration, and that, under a joint revision, it will be freed from any ideas or expressions of doubtful expediency which in the haste of composition may have escaped uncorrected.

Circumstanced as I am, I can only thank my friends for thinking of me; and express my regret that I cannot be with them on so joyful an occasion. Unless I regain more health and strength than I at present enjoy, I cannot promise myself the satisfaction of seeing my friends anywhere but here; and here it will always give me pleasure to see them. It cannot be necessary to say that I remember you among them, or that I am, with the best wishes for your health and prosperity,

Dear sir,
Your obedient servant,

John Jay.

WILLIAM JAY TO JAY.

Bloomingdale, August 11, 1814.

My Dear Father:

We returned this week from Rockaway, and I believe our time there has not been misspent. Augusta’s health is certainly improved and her appetite and strength much increased.

. . . . . . .

Some alarm seems to prevail respecting the safety of the City, but I know not how well it is founded. The Citizens are now engaged in throwing up entrenchments at Brooklyn. There is a great scarcity of money, and stock of all kinds is very low. The stock of four of the Banks, viz.: the Union, the Manufacturing, the City, and the Bank of America, is even below par and some as low as 94. The Bank of America and the Manufacturing Bank have not declared any dividend and therefore instead of giving an interest of 9 per cent. for the last year, they have yielded only 4½. Notwithstanding this state of things and the consequent diminution in the income of great numbers of individuals, both in town and country, I can see no change in the manner of living, nor more attention than usual to economy. People seem to be now living on their capital and to calculate that before it is exhausted the return of peace will more than repair any inroads they may make on it in the interim. I yesterday saw Peter; he appeared very well but had scarcely time to speak to me. I heard no news.

Remember Augusta and myself most affectionately to our dear sisters, and believe me,

Dear Father,
Your very affectionate Son,

William Jay.

TIMOTHY PICKERING TO JAY.

City of Washington, Oct. 22d, 1814.

Dear Sir:

I have done myself the honour to make up three packets addressed to you, this day, containing the despatches from our ministers from Ghent, their instructions, and the statement of the new secretary of the treasury of his plan of taxes, and his project of a national bank.

While the proposition respecting an Indian boundary was declared to be a sine qua non, the boundary itself admitted of modification; and as within it, we are called upon to relinquish only our right of pre-emption to the Indians, who are proprietors of the soil, I see no objection to it. Without such demand, good policy would require such relinquishment to prevent encroachments on the Indians, and thereby the renewal of hostilities; and the dispersion of our citizens over immense regions, defensible only at insupportable expense, while we have so many millions of acres of good lands remaining without inhabitants.

I am disposed to believe that with less pride in rulers and ministers, and with less hatred to Great Britain in both, the British propositions might have been made the basis of a negotiation which, governed by wisdom and prudence, might have terminated in peace. With very great respect and esteem,

I am, dear sir, your obedient servant,

Timothy Pickering.

JAY TO TIMOTHY PICKERING.

Bedford, 1st November, 1814.

Dear Sir:

Accept my thanks for your letter of the 22d ult., and for the papers which you were so good as to send; they arrived by the last mail.

It is to be regretted that passions, unfavourable to mutual good-will, have for years been industriously and unwisely excited both in Great Britain and America. An inveterate delusion has long prevailed in our country. Providence has made it a scourge for our chastisement, and we well deserve it.

Every independent nation has, as such, a rightful and exclusive jurisdiction over the country within its acknowledged boundary lines. For either nation to propose to the other a system of measures for the security and comfort of the Indians dwelling within their contiguous and respective territories, or for other mutual good purposes, can neither be offensive nor improper; but to dictate such propositions, and to tell us that we must accede to them as the price of peace, is to assume a language rarely used unless by the victorious to the vanquished.

It is not clear to me that Britain did then expect or desire to conclude the war quite so soon. As to her present or future disposition to peace, or how far it has been or may be affected by a settled or by a still fluctuating state of things in Europe, or by calculations of our becoming more united or more divided, cannot now be known. If we should change our rulers, and fill their places with men free from blame, the restoration of peace might doubtless be more easily accomplished. Such a change will come, but not while the prevailing popular delusion continues to deceive and mislead so great a portion of our citizens.

Things being as they are, I think we cannot be too perfectly united in a determination to defend our country, nor be too vigilant in watching and resolutely examining the conduct of the administration in all its departments, candidly and openly giving decided approbation or decided censure, according as it may deserve the one or the other. Report says that in the public expenditures there has been great culpability; it is desirable therefore that they be thoroughly investigated, and that the results be authenticated and published in such a manner as to obviate doubt and disbelief.

I have just read Mr. King’s speech; they who complain that it exhibits too little of the suaviter in modo, cannot also complain that it exhibits too little of the fortiter in re.