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Subject Area: Political Theory
Topic: The American Revolution and Constitution

JAY TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. - John Jay, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, vol. 4 (1794-1826) [1893]

Edition used:

The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, ed. Henry P. Johnston, A.M. (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1890-93). Vol. 4 (1794-1826).

Part of: The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, 4 vols.

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JAY TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

Bedford, 21st September, 1812.

Dear Morris:

I received on the 19th your letter of the 11th instant.1 The diminution of my health since I left you leaves me very little reason to expect a return of such a degree of it as would enable me to attend to any business like that in question. To undertake a task without a prospect and probability of performing it properly, is to deviate from the path of prudence.

Your revolutionary services, the general confidence in your abilities and views, your standing in society and experience in affairs, your having much to preserve or to lose, are considerations which inspire trust and create influence.

In my opinion, the president of every county, State, or national convention should be a person fitted to receive and employ authority consistent with the laws and constitution. This idea, if placed in certain lights, may excite perplexing apprehensions, and therefore should be discreetly used. Let us have efficient leaders, and place them where they will appear to be so.

Although the place of president of the proposed convention might not be agreeable to you or to Mr. King, yet it is desirable that you or he consent to accept it. Important matters may be matured in a committee of the whole house.

The convention should extend their views to what may be, as well as what is. Prudence looks all around—before as well as behind. Measures to favour system and organization should be adopted. Moderation, but no timidity—wisdom, but no cunning, should mark their proceedings. When the business of the session is finished, they should adjourn, not dissolve, and let the president be authorized to convene them if in his judgment an occasion to render it expedient should occur. Provision should be made for a new convention after the expiration of the year, in case affairs should then require a convention.

It is possible that a convention of delegates from the friends of peace in all the States, or a certain portion of them, may become advisable. A regular correspondence between the presidents of the State conventions should be maintained, and the state of public opinion and feeling be seasonably ascertained and attended to.

The French will not relax their efforts to render our nation subservient to their designs; and their political and pecuniary means will be industriously employed to effect it.

Besides, there may perhaps be an occurrence of peculiar circumstances inviting the use of means more palpable. This may or may not be. Anything like civil war or oppression is to be deprecated; but it would be better to meet it as not unexpected, than be taken by surprise, or submit to be slaves or victims.

They who sail in hurricane seasons and latitudes should be prepared and vigilant.

Present my compliments and best wishes to Mrs. Morris.

Yours sincerely,

John Jay.

[1 ]Morris had written Jay as follows on a proposition to hold a public meeting in New York, disapproving of the war, and recommending a general convention of the States:

“You will have learned that on my nomination you was chosen one of the delegates of Westchester county. If you should attend the first day, you would, I doubt not, be chosen president; but I think this would not suit you; neither would it coincide with my project, which is that you should be one of the delegates to the general convention. Tell me frankly your view of the subject, and who is in your opinion most suitable for the president. You know that a man raised to that point will not willingly afterward fall into the ranks.

P. S. King is to go from Queens county.”